THE efforts of Great-Britain to reduce these United States being now almost brought to a period; it is proper that the citizens of America should look over the ground they have trodden. This becomes necessary in order that the present generation may fully comprehend those two points which posterity indeed will perceive at a single glance, but which it is of im­portance to the consciences of men to be well informed of now. For certainly it becomes us to know that the contest which hath emancipated our country, originated with our enemies, and hath been by them urged on for the purposes of domination: while on our part every step hath been taken consistent with possible safety to deprecate their vengeance and avert the calamities of war.

FOR the better understanding this important subject, we must take a cursory view of the British colonies before the revolution, previous to which it may be necessary to make some few remarks on the circumstance of coloni­zation. This tho' it introduced new incidents not to be met with in the antient histories of human affairs, neither did or could introduce any new reason or new maxims of justice.

THE great principle therefore is and ever will remain in force, that MEN ARE BY NATURE FREE. As ac­countable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine justice, we must associate that of human freedom. Whether men can [...] with their liberty is among the questions which have [Page 2] exercised the ablest writers: but it is conceded on all hands, that the right to be free can never be alienated. Still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another. The right of a state over its own members hath also been brought into question; and there are not wanting authorities to shew, that citizens who renounce allegiance and protection may fly from the territories of the state, and erect new independent go­vernments in new countries. Be this as it may, the point is clear that when the consent of government is obtained, the individuals are again in a state of nature; alike free either to submit to a society existing or to establish one, as their interest or their inclination may prompt. Here then is the situation of those who wearied with the con­tentions and oppressions of the old world, boldly threw themselves upon the protection of Providence to explore the new, and traversed the ocean to inhabit a wilderness amid nations of barbarous foes. These first adventurers, inspired by freedom, supported by industry, and protected by Heaven, became inured to toil, to hardship, and to war. In spite therefore of every obstacle they obtained a settlement; and then turned their attention to the security of those equal rights for which they had encountered so many perils and inconveniencies. For this purpose they framed independent constitutions; and these however dif­ferent in form, were all inspired by the same spirit, and all founded on that eternal maxim of free governments, that no man can be bound by laws to which he does not consent. These little republics soon began to flourish with a vigor and beauty adequate to the radical energy of their first principle. Of consequence they became a de­sirable object to that genius of enterprize which had animated the monarchies of Europe. On the other hand, their weakness required some antient trunk to support them for a while in the storm of ambition. Our ancestors therefore, stimulated by their necessities, and seduced by ancient habits, and the remembrance of former friendships and connections, were easily prevailed on to subject them­selves to the king of England, in consequence of his solemn promise to afford them protection in common with all his other subjects against foreign force and internal violence. The British colonies then, under that name, [Page 3] were in fact so many independent states, whose only po­litical connection with each other and with the several parts of the British empire, was by means of a common sovereign. It followed from their natural and political situation that this connection could not be permanent, and indeed the fabric must have crumbled to pieces at a much earlier period if it had not been cemented by the sameness of manners and language, a striking similarity of civil institutions, a continued intercourse for the pur­poses of commerce and other circumstances of the like kind. For the interests of Great-Britain and America were diametrically opposite, whether we consider them either in a political or commercial view. It was for in­stance the interest of Great-Britain, that needy dependents there should rebuild their shattered fortunes here, and the wealthy citizens of this country expend their property at the metropolis. That we should be obliged to take part in all their wars whether for defence or conquest. That our trade should be confined to their ports; and finally, that they should have a power by laws passed in their par­liament to bind us in all cases whatsoever; and not only did the difference of interests work to this end, but nature had so widely separated the two countries, that it was im­possible they could long have been joined together upon terms even of despotism.

FROM what hath already been said it must appear, that as a free people we could not be bound by arbitrary edicts of the prince, that by still stronger reasons we could not be bound by the more arbitrary edicts of our fellow subjects; and of consequence, that altho' the prince and our fellow subjects should join against us whatever force they might acquire, they could acquire no right by the union. But it will appear also, that we had on every principle a right to become independent, particularly if the crown should violate those contracts which formed the basis of an union. For let us suppose that when our ance­stors quitted Europe, they went on the general principle of disclaiming allegiance to and protection from the several states of which they were subjects, or that they came hither with the permission of those states, and even under a con­tract with the king of England. And when they arrived [Page 4] here, let us suppose either that they established independent governments which afterwards became subject by agree­ment, or that a conditional subjection was interwoven in their frame;—still the existence of the contract remains unimpeached; or even on a supposition that they had actu­ally bargained for unconditional submission, still that bar­gain would have been from its very nature void as to them; or if not to them, at least to their offspring; and of conse­quence from the principle of all free societies, the contract will still result. And it being evident that the two coun­tries not only had not, but really could not have (on free principles) any political connection but thro' the prince—so that right exercised in the revolution of England de­monstrated since, and generally admitted, must necessarily draw with it the right to independence, which is above stated.

PREVIOUS to the last war a few acts were passed in England infringing on the liberties of America; and but a few for the two following reasons, 1st. Because Ame­rica was at that time an object of very little national attention. 2dly. Because the possessions of the French enabled them to give such effectual aid in case of rupture, that it was imprudent to tempt us too far. These acts however were obeyed, because the restraints were of no great consequence; and because we were too sensible of our weakness to be fully sensible of our rights, or at least to vindicate them. But during the course of the war, the weight and magnitude of America became visible; and at the peace, this great object was (or at least seemed to be) inseparably annexed to the crown of Britain. On the other hand, we had felt our own force, and were relieved from a neighbour whose views at that time cramped our growth and repressed our efforts. The consequence of this change was instantly perceived. Great-Britain claimed revenue and dominion. We refused the one, and disputed the other.

THE history which Congress gave in their address to America of October 1774, will on this occasion deserve our serious attention. It is as follows: "Soon after the conclusion of the late war, there commenced a memorable [Page 5] change in the treatment of these colonies. By a statute made in the fourth year of the present reign, a time of profound peace, alleging "the expediency of new provi­sions and regulations for extending the commerce between Great-Britain and his majesty's dominions in America, and the necessity of raising a revenue in the said dominions for de­fraying the expences of defending, protecting, and securing the same," the commons of Great-Britain undertook to give and grant to his majesty many rates and duties, to be paid in these colonies. To enforce the observance of this act, it prescribes a great number of severe penalties and forfei­tures; and in two sections makes a remarkable distinction between the subjects in Great-Britain and those in America. By the one the penalties and forfeitures incurred there are to be recovered in any of the king's courts of record at Westminster, or in the court of exchequer in Scotland; and by the other, the penalties and forfeitures incurred here are to be recovered in any court of record, or in any court of admiralty, or vice admiralty, at the election of the informer or prosecutor.

THE inhabitants of these colonies, confiding in the justice of Great-Britain, were scarcely allowed sufficient time to receive and consider this act before another, well known by the name of the stamp act, and passed in the fifth year of this reign, engrossed their whole attention. By this statute the British parliament exercised in the most explicit manner a power of taxing us, and extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty in the colonies to matters arising within the body of a county, and directed the numerous penalties and forfeitures thereby inflicted to be recovered in the said courts.

IN the same year a tax was imposed upon us by an act establishing several new fees in the customs. In the next year the stamp act was repealed; not because it was founded in an erroneous principle, but as the repealing act recites, because the ‘continuance thereof would be attended with many inconveniencies, and might be productive of con­sequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interest of Great-Britain.’

[Page 6]IN the same year and by a subsequent act it was declared, ‘that his majesty in parliament of right had power to bind the people of these colonies by statutes in all cases what­soever.’

IN the same year another act was passed, for imposing rates and duties payable in these colonies. In this statute the commons avoiding the terms of giving and granting, ‘humbly besought his majesty that it might be enacted, &c.’ But from a declaration in the preamble, that the rates and duties were "in lieu of" several others granted by the statute first before mentioned for raising a revenue, and from some other expressions it appears that these duties were intended for that purpose.

IN the next year, [1767] an act was made ‘to enable his majesty to put the customs and other duties in Ame­rica under the management of commissioners, &c.’ And the king thereupon erected the present expensive board of commissioners, for the express purpose of car­rying into execution the several acts relating to the revenue and trade in America.

AFTER the repeal of the stamp act, having again re­signed ourselves to our ancient unsuspicious affections for the parent state, and anxious to avoid any controversy with her, in hopes of a favourable alteration in sentiments and measures towards us, we did not press our objections against the above mentioned statutes made subsequent to that repeal.

ADMINISTRATION, attributing to trifling causes a con­duct that really proceeded from generous motives, were encouraged in the same year [1767] to make a bolder experiment on the patience of America.

BY a statute commonly called the glass, paper and tea act, made fifteen months after the repeal of the stamp act, the commons of Great-Britain resumed their former language, and again undertook to ‘give and grant rates and duties to be paid in these colonies,’ for the express purpose of ‘raising a revenue to defray the charges of the admini­stration of justice, the support of civil government, and [Page 7] defending the king's dominions’ on this continent. The penalties and forfeitures incurred under this statute, are to be recovered in the same manner with those men­tioned in the foregoing acts.

TO this statute so naturally tending to disturb the tran­quillity then universal throughout the colonies, parliament in the same session added another no less extraordinary.

EVER since the making the present peace, a standing army has been kept in these colonies: from respect for the mother country the innovation was not only tolerated, but the provincial legislatures generally made provision for supplying the troops.

THE assembly of the province of New-York, having passed an act of this kind, but differing in some articles from the directions of the act of parliament made in the fifth year of this reign, the house of representatives in that colony was prohibited by a statute made in the last session mentioned, from making any bill, order, resolution, or vote, except for adjourning or chusing a speaker, until provision should be made by the said assembly for furnishing the troops within that province not only with all such ne­cessaries as were required by the statute which they were charged with disobeying, but also with those required by two other subsequent statutes, which were declared to be in force until the twenty-fourth day of March, 1769.

THESE statutes of the year 1767, revived the appre­hensions and discontents that had entirely subsided on the repeal of the stamp act; and amidst the just fears and jealousies thereby occasioned, a statute was made in the next year [1768] to establish courts of admiralty and vice admiralty on a new model, expressly for the end of more effectually recovering of the penalties and forfeitures in­flicted by acts of parliament, framed for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, &c.

THE immediate tendency of these statutes is, to sub­vert the right of having a share in legislation, by rendering assemblies useless; the right of property, by taking the money of the colonists without their consent; the right of [Page 8] trial by jury, by substituting in their place trials in ad­miralty and vice admiralty courts, where single judges preside, holding their commissions during pleasure; and unduly to influence the courts of common law, by ren­dering the judges thereof totally dependent on the crown for their salaries.

THESE statutes, not to mention many others exceed­ingly exceptionable, compared one with another, will be found not only to form a regular system, in which every part has great force, but also a pertinacious adherence to that system for subjugating these colonies, that are not, and from local circumstances cannot be represented in the house of commons, to the uncontroulable and unlimited power of parliament, in violation of their undoubted rights and liberties—in contempt of their humble and repeated supplications.

SEVERE as the acts of parliament before mentioned are, yet the conduct of administration hath been equally injurious, and irritating to this devoted country.

UNDER pretence of governing them, so many new in­stitutions uniformly rigid and dangerous have been intro­duced, as could only be expected from incensed masters, for collecting the tribute or rather the plunder of conquered provinces.

BY an order of the king, the authority of the com­mander in chief, and under him of the brigadier generals, in time of peace, is rendered supreme in all the civil go­vernments in America; and thus an uncontroulable mili­tary power is vested in officers not known to the consti­tution of these colonies.

A LARGE body of troops, and a considerable armament of ships of war, have been sent to assist in taking their money without their consent.

EXPENSIVE and oppressive offices have been multiplied, and the acts of corruption industriously practised to divide and destroy.

[Page 9]THE judges of the admiralty and vice admiralty courts are impowered to receive their salaries and fees from the effects to be condemned by themselves.

THE commissioners of the customs are impowered to break open and enter houses without the authority of any civil magistrate founded on legal information.

JUDGES of courts of common law have been made en­tirely dependent on the crown for their commissions and salaries.

A COURT has been established at Rhode-Island, for the purpose of taking colonists to England to be tried.

HUMBLE and reasonable petitions from the representa­tives of the people, have been frequently treated with contempt: and assemblies have been repeatedly and arbi­trarily dissolved.

FROM some few instances it will sufficiently appear, on what pretences of justice those dissolutions have been founded.

THE tranquillity of the colonies having been again disturbed, as has been mentioned, by the statutes of the year 1767, the earl of Hillsborough, secretary of state, in a letter to governor Bernard, dated April 22, 1768, censures the "presumption" of the house of representatives for ‘resolving upon a measure of so inflammatory a nature, as that of writing to the other colonies, on the subject of their intended representations against some late acts of parliament;’ then declares, that ‘his majesty con­siders this step as evidently tending to create unwar­rantable combinations, to excite an unjustifiable oppo­sition to the constitutional authority of parliament;’ and afterwards adds, ‘it is the king's pleasure, that as soon as the general court is again assembled, at the time prescribed by the charter, you should require of the house of representatives, in his majesty's name, to re­scind the resolution which gave birth to the circular [Page 10] letter from the speaker, and to declare their disappro­bation of and dissent to that rash and hasty proceeding.’

‘IF the new assembly should refuse to comply with his majesty's reasonable expectation, it is the king's plea­sure, that you should immediately dissolve them.’

THIS letter being laid before the house, and the reso­lution not being rescinded according to order, the assembly was dissolved. A letter of a similar nature was sent to other governors, to procure resolutions, approving the con­duct of the representatives of Massachusetts-Bay, to be rescinded also; and the houses of representatives in other colonies refusing to comply, their assemblies were dissolved.

THESE mandates spoke a language to which the ears of English subjects had for several generations been strangers. The nature of assemblies implies a power and right of deliberation; but these commands, proscribing the exercise of judgment on the propriety of the requisitions made, left to the assemblies only the election between dictated submission, and threatened punishment: a punishment too founded on no other act than such as is deemed innocent even in slaves—of agreeing in petitions for redress of grievances that equally affect all.

THE hostile and unjustifiable invasion of the town of Boston soon followed these events in the same year; though that town, the province in which it is situated, and all the colonies from abhorrence of a contest with their parent state, permitted the execution even of those statutes against which they so unanimously were complaining, re­monstrating and supplicating.

ADMINISTRATION, determined to subdue a spirit of freedom which English ministers should have rejoiced to cherish, entered into a monopolizing combination with the East-India company, to send to this continent vast quantities of tea, an article on which a duty was laid by a statute that in a particular manner attacked the liberties of America, and which therefore the inhabitants of these colonies had resolved not to import. The cargo sent to [Page 11] South-Carolina was stored, and not allowed to be sold. Those sent to Philadelphia and New-York were not per­mitted to be landed. That sent to Boston was destroyed, because governor Hutchinson would not suffer it to be re­turned.

ON the intelligence of these transactions arriving in Great-Britain, the public spirited town last mentioned was singled out for destruction, and it was determined the province it belongs to should partake of its fate. In the last session of parliament therefore were passed the acts for shutting up the ports of Boston, indemnifying the mur­derers of the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay, and chang­ing their chartered constitution of government. To en­force these acts, that province is again invaded by a fleet and army.

TO mention these outrageous proceedings, is sufficient to explain them. For though it is pretended that the province of Massachusetts-Bay has been particularly dis­respectful to Great-Britain, yet in truth the behaviour of the people in other colonies, has been an equal ‘oppo­sition to the power assumed by parliament.’ No step however has been taken against any of the rest. This artful conduct conceals several designs. It is expected that the province of Massachusetts Bay will be irritated into some violent action that may displease the rest of the continent, or that may induce the people of Great-Britain to approve the meditated vengeance of an imprudent and exasperated ministry. If the unexampled pacific temper of that province shall disappoint this part of the plan, it is hoped the other colonies will be so far intimidated as to desert their brethren, suffering in a common cause, and that thus disunited, all may be subdued.

TO promote these designs, another measure has been pursued. In the session of parliament last mentioned, an act was passed for changing the government of Quebec, by which act the Roman catholic religion, instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace, is established; and the people there are deprived of a right to an assembly, trials by jury, and the English laws in civil cases are [Page 12] abolished, and instead thereof the French laws are esta­blished, in direct violation of his majesty's promise by his royal proclamation, under the faith of which many English subjects settled in that province; and the limits of that province are extended so as to comprehend those vast re­gions that lie adjoining to the northerly and westerly boundaries of these colonies.

THE authors of this arbitrary arrangement flatter them­selves, that the inhabitants deprived of liberty, and art­fully provoked against those of another religion, will be proper instruments for assisting in the oppression of such as differ from them in the modes of government and faith.

FROM the detail of facts herein before recited, as well as from authentic intelligence received, it is clear beyond a doubt, that a resolution is formed and now carrying into execution, to extinguish the freedom of these colonies by subjecting them to a despotic government.

FOR the redress of these grievances, the Congress of America, instead of flying to arms, which, however justi­fiable, would not perhaps have been wise, and which cer­tainly ought as much as possible to be avoided, presented a petition to the king, which after taking notice of the several executive and legislative acts before mentioned, proceeds thus.—"To a sovereign who glories in the name of Briton, the bare recital of these acts must, we presume, justify the loyal subjects who fly to the foot of his throne, and implore his clemency for protection against them.

FROM this destructive system of colony administration, adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears and jealousies that over­whelm your majesty's dutiful colonists with affliction: and we defy our most subtle and inveterate enemies to trace the unhappy differences between Great-Britain and these colonies, from an earlier period, or from other causes, than we have assigned. Had they proceeded on our own part from a restless levity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful suggestions of seditious persons, we [Page 13] should merit the opprobrious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them; and can be charged with no offence unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them.

HAD our creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of free­dom, and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the Bri­tish throne to rescue and secure a pious and gallant nation from the despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty; and therefore, we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing they received from Divine Providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact which elevated the illustrious house of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses.

THE apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude from the pre-eminent rank of English freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our po­sterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful in­formation, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your go­vernment, and the welfare of your people.

DUTY to your majesty, and regard for the preservation of ourselves and our posterity, the primary obligations of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal at­tention; and as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of freemen cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous [Page 14] men who daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority, misrepre­senting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length compelled us by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your ma­jesty's repose by our complaints.

THESE sentiments are extorted from hearts that much more willingly would bleed in your majesty's service. Yet so greatly have we been misrepresented, that a ne­cessity has been alleged of taking our property from us without our consent, "to defray the charge of the ad­ministration of justice, the support of civil government, and the defence, protection, and security of the colonies." But we beg leave to assure your majesty, that such pro­vision has been and will be made for defraying the two first articles as has been and shall be judged by the legisla­tures of the several colonies just and suitable to their re­spective circumstances: and for the defence, protection, and security of the colonies, their militias if properly regulated, as they earnestly desire may immediately be done, would be fully sufficient at least in times of peace; and in case of war, your faithful colonists will be ready and willing, as they ever have been when constitutionally required, to demonstrate their loyalty to your majesty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raising forces.

YIELDING to no British subjects in affectionate at­tachment to your majesty's person, family, and govern­ment, we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing that attachment by those proofs that are honourable to the prince who receives them, and to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any body of men upon earth. Had we been permitted to enjoy in quiet the inheritance left us by our forefathers, we should at this time have been peaceably, cheerfully, and usefully employed in re­commending ourselves by every testimony of devotion to your majesty, and of veneration to the state from which [Page 15] we derive our origin. But though now exposed to un­expected and unnatural scenes of distress by a contention with that nation in whose parental guidance on all im­portant affairs we have hitherto, with filial reverence, constantly trusted, and therefore can derive no instruction in our present unhappy and perplexing circumstances from any former experience; yet, we doubt not, the purity of our intentions and the integrity of our conduct will justify us at that grand tribunal before which all mankind must submit to judgment.

WE ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favour. Your royal authority over us and our connexion with Great-Britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeavour to sup­port and maintain.

FILLED with sentiments of duty to your majesty and of affection to our parent state, deeply impressed by our education, and strongly confirmed by our reason, and anxious to evince the sincerity of these dispositions, we present this petition only to obtain redress of grievances, and relief from fears and jealousies occasioned by the system of statutes and regulations adopted since the close of the last war for raising a revenue in America—extending the powers of courts of admiralty and vice admiralty—trying persons in Great-Britain for offences alleged to be com­mitted in America—affecting the province of Massachu­setts-Bay—and altering the government and extending the limits of Quebec: by the abolition of which system, the harmony between Great-Britain and these colonies, so necessary to the happiness of both, and so ardently de­sired by the latter, and the usual intercourses will be im­mediately restored. In the magnanimity and justice of your majesty and parliament we confide for a redress of our other grievances, trusting, that when the causes of our apprehensions are removed, our future conduct will prove us not unworthy of the regard we have been accustomed, in our happier days, to enjoy. For appealing to that Being who searches thoroughly the hearts of his creatures, we solemnly prosess that our councils have been influenced [Page 16] by no other motive than a dread of impending de­struction.

PERMIT us then, most gracious sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility, to implore you for the honour of Almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are undermining; for your glory which can be advanced only by rendering your sub­jects happy and keeping them united; for the interests of your family depending on an adherence to the principles that enthroned it; for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and dominions threatened with almost una­voidable dangers and distresses, that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the tran­scendent relation formed by these ties to be farther violated in uncertain expectation of effects, which if attained, never can compensate for the calamities through which they must be gained.

WE therefore most earnestly beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and interposition may be used for our relief, and that a gracious answer may be given to this petition.

THAT your majesty may enjoy every felicity through a long and glorious reign over loyal and happy subjects, and that your descendents may inherit your prosperity and dominions till time shall be no more, is, and always will be our sincere and fervent prayer."

BUT as the king of England was not our only op­ponent, but as it were the ally of our fellow subjects who had taken upon themselves to claim dominion over us,—and as it is a melancholy truth that to make men reason, they must be made to feel,—so the Congress to induce the people of Great-Britain to recede from their extravagant demands, did, for themselves and their constituents, agree and associate as follows, to wit;

[Page 17]"FIRST, That from and after the first day of De­cember next, we will not import into British America, from Great-Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares or merchandize whatsoever, or from any other place, any such goods, wares, or merchandize, as shall have been exported from Great-Britain or Ireland; nor will we after that day im­port any East-India tea from any part of the world; nor any molasses, syrups, paneles, coffee, or pimento, from the British plantations or from Dominica; nor wines from Madeira, or the western islands; nor foreign indigo.

"SECONDLY, We will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it.

"THIRDLY, As a non-consumption agreement strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we, as above, solemnly agree and associate, that from this day we will not purchase or use any tea imported on account of the East-India company, or any on which a duty hath been or shall be paid; and from and after the first day of March next, we will not pur­chase or use any East-India tea whatever; nor will we, nor shall any person for or under us, purchase or use any of those goods, wares or merchandize, we have agreed not to import, which we shall know or have cause to suspect were imported after the first day of December, except such as come under the rules and directions of the tenth article hereafter mentioned.

"FOURTHLY, The earnest desire we have not to injure our fellow subjects in Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation, until the tenth day of September, 1775; at which time, if the said acts and parts of acts of the British parliament herein after mentioned are not repealed, we will not, directly or indirectly, export any merchandize or commodity what­soever to Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, except rice to Europe."

[Page 18]AND to inforce and explain the reasons of this mea­sure, they published an address to the people of Great-Britain. Whoever shall read the history of these trans­actions in a future age, will perhaps be astonished that after the design of our enemies was thus clearly manifested, no other measures were taken to counteract them. To suppose that they would give up the plan so regularly formed and so deliberately undertaken, without the most cogent necessity, was certainly absurd. War therefore should have been considered as inevitable, and every pro­vision made for it by large importations of cloathing and military stores, as well as by negotiations with the rivals of Great-Britain.

THESE things however were not only neglected, but the direct contrary road was pursued; so that the war really found us in a situation far more naked and unpro­vided than was natural to us. In answer to this however it is to be observed again, that mankind reason from their feelings. That we were really attached to Great-Britain, and sought only to be united to her, if it were possible to be so, without the total prostration of all our rights. This attachment in fact blinded us to our interests so effectually, that a preparation for war, or a threat of in­dependence, would have created the most violent ferment. Congress (whatever may have been their private senti­ments) were then, as at present, under a necessity of con­forming to the popular opinion. Great reliance was placed upon the clemency of the prince, the justice of the people, and the commercial interests of the empire. Be­sides all this, war with Great-Britain was a most serious object. It would have been such to any power on earth. Success was at least highly doubtful. The consequence of victory on their part must have been on ours a total subjection. However clear might be the right of re­sistance in cases of absolute necessity, it seemed to be highly proper, that this necessity should clearly appear before the previous steps to resistance were taken. On the whole, it was perhaps hardly justifiable to appeal to arms while the remotest probability remained of obtaining without them the great object of peace, liberty and safety.

[Page 19]IT was in conformity to these sentiments, that on the 11th of October, 1774, the Congress wrote a letter to general Gage, intreating him to forbear measures tending to irritate the people of Massachusetts-Bay, and at the same time, "resolved unanimously, that they be advised still to conduct themselves peaceably towards his excel­lency general Gage, and his majesty's troops now stationed in the town of Boston, as far as can possibly be consistent with their immediate safety, and the security of the town; avoiding and discountenancing every violation of his ma­jesty's property, or any insult to his troops; and that they peaceably and firmly persevere in the line they are now conducting themselves on the defensive."

THIS Congress having given it as their opinion, that another should meet on the tenth of May then next, dis­solved itself on the 26th of October.

IT appears that while they were thus solicitous for peace, our enemies had taken their determinations unalterably; for though the letter of lord Dartmouth to general Gage does not appear, the answer of the general of the 15th December, 1774, contains the fullest conviction. He says,—"Your lordship's idea of disarming certain pro­vinces would doubtless be consistent with prudence and safety; but it neither is, nor has been practicable, without having recourse to force, and being masters of the country."

THEIR consequent conduct appears fully consonant with this general plan; for the petition to the king received no other notice than to be thrown on the table of parliament among the mass of American papers, by which his intention to take part with our fellow subjects against us was fully declared. His ministers avowed the determination to compel us to obey the acts they had passed; and a very considerable force was sent out for that purpose. In the month of February, a resolution was agreed to on a mo­tion of one of the ministers, which was at that time called a conciliatory motion; and which (allowing us to possess common sense and common spirit) was directly the reverse. This will appear from the motion itself, and from the sense of the second Congress upon it.—"The house in a com­mittee [Page 20] on the American papers, motion made, and que­stion proposed,

"THAT it is the opinion of this committee, that when the general council and assembly, or general court of any of his majesty's provinces or colonies in America, shall propose to make provision according to the condition, circumstance, or situation of such province or colony, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the authority of the general court, or general assembly of such province or colony, and disposable by parliament) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his majesty and the two houses of parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear in respect of such province or colony, to lay any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expe­dient to continue to levy or impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province or colony respectively."

THE Congress took the said resolution into consi­deration, and are thereupon of opinion,

THAT the colonies of America are entitled to the sole and exclusive privilege of giving and granting their own money: that this involves a right of deliberating whether they will make any gift, for what purposes it shall be made, and what shall be its amount; and that it is a high breach of this privilege for any body of men, extraneous to their constitutions, to prescribe the purposes for which money shall be levied on them, to take to themselves the authority of judging of their conditions, circumstances and situations, and of determining the amount of the contribution to be levied.

THAT as the colonies possess a right of appropriating their gifts, so are they intitled at all times to enquire into their application, to see that they be not wasted among [Page 21] the venal and corrupt, for the purpose of undermining the civil rights of the givers, nor yet be diverted to the support of standing armies, inconsistent with their freedom and subversive of their quiet. To propose therefore, as this resolution does, that the monies given by the colonies shall be subject to the disposal of parliament alone, is to propose that they shall relinquish this right of enquiry, and put it in the power of others to render their gifts ruinous, in proportion as they are liberal.

THAT this privilege of giving or of with-holding our monies, is an important barrier against the undue exertion of prerogative, which if left altogether without controul, may be exercised to our great oppression; and all history shews how efficacious is its intercession for redress of griev­ances and re-establishment of rights, and how improvident it would be to part with so powerful a mediator.

WE are of opinion that the proposition contained in this resolution is unreasonable and insidious; unreasonable, because if we declare we accede to it, we declare without reservation we will purchase the favour of parliament, not knowing at the same time at what price they will please to estimate their favour; it is insidious, because individual colonies having bid and bidden again, till they find the avidity of the seller too great for all their powers to satisfy, are then to return into opposition, divided from their sister colonies, whom the minister will have previously detached by a grant of easier terms, or by an artful procrastination of a definitive answer.

THAT the suspension of the exercise of their pretended power of taxation being expressly made commensurate with the continuance of our gifts, these must be perpetual to make that so. Whereas no experience has shewn that a gift of perpetual revenue secures a perpetual return of duty or of kind disposition. On the contrary, the par­liament itself wisely attentive to this observation, are in the established practice of granting their supplies from year to year only.

[Page 22]DESIROUS and determined as we are to consider in the most dispassionate view, every seeming advance towards a reconciliation made by the British parliament, let our bre­thren of Britain reflect what would have been the sacrifice to men of free spirits, had even fair terms been profered, as these insiduous proposals were with circumstances of insult and defiance. A proposition to give our money, accompanied with large fleets and armies, seems addressed to our fears rather than to our freedom. With what pa­tience would Britons have received articles of treaty from any power on earth, when borne on the point of a bayonet by military plenipotentaries?

WE think the attempt unnecessary to raise upon us by force or by threats our proportional contributions to the common defence, when all know, and themselves acknow­lege, we have fully contributed whenever called upon to do so in the character of freemen.

WE are of opinion it is not just that the colonies should be required to oblige themselves to other contributions, while Great-Britain possesses a monopoly of their trade. This of itself lays them under heavy contribution. To demand therefore additional aids in the form of a tax, is to demand the double of their equal proportion; if we are to contribute equally with the other parts of the em­pire, let us equally with them enjoy free commerce with the whole world. But while the restrictions on our trade shut to us the resources of wealth, is it just we should bear all other burthens equally with those to whom every resource is open?

WE conceive that the British parliament has no right to intermeddle with our provisions for the support of civil government, or administration of justice. The provisions we have made are such as please ourselves, and are agreeable to our own circumstances: they answer the substantial pur­poses of government and of justice, and other purposes than these should not be answered. We do not mean that our people shall be burthened with oppressive taxes, to provide fine cures for the idle or the wicked, under colour of providing for a civil list. While parliament pursue [Page 23] their plan of civil government within their own juris­diction, we also hope to pursue ours without molestation.

WE are of opinion, the proposition is altogether unsa­tisfactory, because it imports only a suspension of the mode, not a renunciation of the pretended right to tax us; because too it does not propose to repeal the several acts of parliament passed for the purposes of restraining the trade, and altering the form of government of one of our colonies; extending the boundaries and changing the government of Quebec; enlarging the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty and vice admiralty; taking from us the rights of trial by a jury of the vicinage, in cases affecting both life and property; transporting us into other countries to be tried for criminal offences; exempting by mock-trial the murderers of colonists from punishment; and quartering soldiers on us in times of profound peace. Nor do they renounce the power of suspending our own legislatures, and legislating for us themselves in all cases whatsoever. On the contrary, to shew they mean no dis­continuance of injury, they pass acts at the very time of holding out this proposition, for restraining the commerce and fisheries of the provinces of New-England, and for interdicting the trade of other colonies with all foreign nations, and with each other. This proves unequivo­cally they mean not to relinquish the exercise of indis­criminate legislation over us.

UPON the whole, this proposition seems to have been held up to the world, to deceive it into a belief that there was nothing in dispute between us but the mode of levying taxes; and that the parliament having now been so good as to give up this, the colonies are unreasonable if not perfectly satisfied: whereas in truth, our adversaries still claim a right of demanding ad libitum, and of taxing us themselves to the full amount of their demand, if we do not comply with it. This leaves us without any thing we can call property. But what is of more importance, and what in this proposal they keep out of sight, as if no such point was now in contest between us, they claim a right to alter our charters and established laws, and leave us without any security for our lives or liberties. The pro­position [Page 24] seems also to have been calculated more particu­larly to lull into fatal security our well-affected fellow subjects on the other side the water, till time should be given for the operation of those arms, which a British minister pronounced would instantaneously reduce the "cowardly" sons of America to unreserved submission."

WHAT must always appear astonishing is, that the Bri­tish ministry could ever have supposed that the proposi­tion could be satisfactory, or rather that they could har­bour a doubt, that it would be rejected with contempt; yet lest this should not be the case, no opportunity was ever given to try the efficacy of it: for on the nineteenth of April, the fatal blow was struck at Lexington, which severed the empire. The reasons are apparent. Their force and our weakness gave them unbounded confidence. They supposed themselves certain of victory. They sup­posed us equally certain of defeat. Palpable therefore as was the artifice of the conciliatory motion, it was not impossible Congress at their meeting in May, might lay hold of it as a ground of treaty. If they should, the good sense and the justice of our fellow subjects might have interposed to prevent our destruction. No time therefore was to be lost in putting that to the issue of arms, which would not bear the test of argument. It was hoped that the justice of our cause would be hidden by our inability to support it; and their usurpations disguised and adorned by the splendors of success. Here then commences a new aera.

THE unprovoked hostilities at Lexington gave fire as might have been expected to the inflamable dispositions excited throughout America. The call to arms was general, and the popular rage amounted almost to frenzy. But the emotion so suddenly and forcibly excited, daily became more moderate. The joys of victory by degrees silenced the mourning dirge. Wise and good men in­terested themselves to assuage a tempest, the bounds and effects of whose violence neither wisdom could foresee nor virtue confine. The partizans of Great-Britain (for strange as it may seem, such there were) mingled with their fellow citizens and industriously gave a favourable turn to [Page 25] this atrocious act. It was not perhaps impossible even then to have stayed the destroying sword. But as the neighbouring people had collected themselves to prevent a repetition of the like injuries, upon the arrival of the generals Howe and Burgoyne, it was determined not to suffer that spirit to evaporate which was deemed necessary for the purposes of domination. At Bunker's Hill a second and more bloody sacrifice was made to the god of war. Lest the intended acts of violence should be attri­buted to accident, or to any other of the many causes which might be, and which by the friends of our enemies actually were assigned, and in order to intimidate the great council of America into a mean and abject submission, a person was sent from the ministry to assure them of the truth of the following paper:

"THAT it is earnestly hoped by all the real friends of the Americans, that the terms expressed in the resolution of the 20th of February last, will be accepted by all the colonies, who have the least affection for their king and country, or a just sense of their own interest.

"THAT these terms are honourable for Great-Britain and safe for the colonies.

"THAT if the colonies are not blinded by faction, these terms will remove every grievance relative to taxation, and be the basis of a compact between the colonies and the mother country.

"THAT the people in America ought, on every consi­deration, to be satisfied with them.

"THAT no further relaxation can be admitted.

"THE temper and spirit of the nation are so much against concessions, that if it were the intention of admi­nistration, they could not carry the question.

"BUT administration have no such intention, as they are fully and firmly persuaded, that further concessions would be injurious to the colonies as well as to Great-Britain.

"THAT there is not the least probability of a change of administration.

"THAT they are perfectly united in opinion, and de­termined to pursue the most effectual measures, and to use [Page 26] the whole force of the kingdom, if it be found necessary, to reduce the rebellious and refractory provinces and co­lonies.

"THERE is so great a spirit in the nation against the Congress, that the people will bear the temporary distresses of a stoppage of the American trade.

"THEY may depend on this to be true."

THE conduct of the Congress at this time wore very much the appearance of pusillanimity, for after the Lex­ington battle, while it was expected that the troops from England would arrive at New-York, the city and county of New-York, applied through their delegates for advice how to conduct themselves;—upon which it was

"RESOLVED, That it be recommended, for the pre­sent, to the inhabitants of New-York, that if the troops which are expected should arrive, the said colony act on the defensive, so long as may be consistent with their safety and security: that the troops be permitted to remain in the barracks, so long as they behave peaceably and quietly; but that they be not suffered to erect fortifications, or take any steps for cutting off the communication between the town and country; and that if they commit hostilities, or invade private property, the inhabitants should defend themselves and their property, and repel force by force: that the warlike stores be removed from the town: that places of retreat, in case of necessity, be provided for the women and children of New-York; and that a sufficient number of men be embodied, and kept in constant readiness for protecting the inhabitants from insult and injury."

BUT it must be remembered, that affairs were then in a very critical situation. Hudson's river, which hath been considered as the key of America, was in the power of the enemy, if they chose to take it. The people of that colony were much divided in sentiment; the ministry had many partizans among them, excited by the hope of ho­nours and rewards; many from a fear of impending danger; all were apprehensive of the consequences of a war which reason and former experience served to shew must rage in the bowels of that country. On the whole, [Page 27] therefore, it was probable that the efforts of the enemy would be turned that way, and that violent counsels might produce a serious defection. The conduct of the Con­gress may then be considered as wise and firm, for im­mediately after, they

"RESOLVED unanimously, That his majesty's most faithful subjects in these colonies are reduced to a danger­ous and critical situation, by the attempts of the British ministry to carry into execution, by force of arms, several unconstitutional and oppressive acts of the British parlia­ment for laying taxes in America; to enforce the col­lection of those taxes, and for altering and changing the constitution and internal police of some of these colonies, in violation of the natural and civil rights of the colonists.

"HOSTILITIES being actually commenced in the Massa­chusetts-Bay, by the British troops under the command of general Gage, and the lives of a number of the inhabitants of that colony destroyed, the town of Boston having not only been long occupied as a garrisoned town in an ene­my's country, but the inhabitants thereof treated with a severity and cruelty not to be justified even towards declared enemies; large re-inforcements too being ordered and soon expected, for the declared purpose of compelling these co­lonies to submit to the operation of the said acts; that therefore, for the express purpose of securing and defending these colonies, and preserving them in safety against all at­tempts to carry the said acts into execution by force of arms, these colonies be immediately put into a state of defence.

"BUT, as we most ardently wish for a restoration of the harmony formerly subsisting between our mother country and these colonies, the interruption of which must, at all events, be exceedingly injurious to both countries, that with a sincere design of contributing by all the means in our power, not incompatible with a just regard for the un­doubted rights and true interests of these colonies, to the promotion of this most desireable reconciliation, an humble and dutiful petition be presented to his majesty.

"RESOLVED, That measures be entered into for opening a negociation, in order to accommodate the unhappy dis­putes [Page 28] subsisting between Great-Britain and these colonies, and that this be made a part of the petition to the king.

"RESOLVED unanimously, That the militia of New-York be armed and trained, and in constant readiness to act at a moment's warning; and that a number of men be immediately embodied and kept in that city, and so disposed of as to give protection to the inhabitants, in case any in­sult should be offered by the troops that may land there, and to prevent any attempts that may be made to gain possession of the city, and interrupt its intercourse with the country.

"RESOLVED unanimously, That it be recommended to the provincial convention at New-York, to persevere the more vigorously in preparing for their defence, as it is very uncertain whether the earnest endeavours of the Congress, to accommodate the unhappy differences between Great-Britain and the colonies, by conciliatory measures, will be successful."

NO country perhaps in the world was ever in a more delicate situation than America at this period. Informed and discerning minds saw the most miserable servitude on the one hand; and on the other, that they must be strip­ped of property, and suffer an ignominious death, without such a coincidence of circumstances as nothing but Pro­vidence could accomplish. They saw one of the most powerful nations upon earth, whose fleets covered the ocean—whose flag had waved in triumph thro' the four quarters of the globe, ready to dart all her thunders against them; at the same time, America was without ships, without arms, without clothes, without money, without officers, without discipline, without a single fortification, a very considerable faction ready to join her enemies, exposed thro' an immense frontier to the irruptions of savage tribes, whose lust of blood was daily stimulated by all the arts which an unfeeling inhuman policy could dictate; while a herd of slaves were urged by the insidious offer of freedom, to plunge an assassin's dagger in the bo­som of domestic security. In this crisis, however, it was determined to risk every thing, rather than tamely submit to the yoke; but, at the same time, it was ne­cessary to avoid as much as possible giving an alarm to the [Page 29] people, by the mortifying display of their comparative weakness. On the 6th of July, 1775, the Congress pu­blished the following declaration:

"IF it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe, that the Divine Author of our existence in­tended a part of the human race to hold an absolute pro­perty in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of com­mon sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be pecu­liarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to slight justice and the opi­nion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obliga­tions of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.

"OUR forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expence of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and inhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or governments, vested with per­fect [Page 30] legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established be­tween the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these co­lonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. From that fatal mo­ment, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glo­rious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length dis­tracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends.

"THESE devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable plunder. The uninter­rupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zea­lous, and useful services during the war, though so re­cently and amply acknowleged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parlia­ment, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money with­out our consent, though we have ever exercised an ex­clusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; [Page 31] for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable pri­vilege of trial by jury in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the co­lonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of go­vernment established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown; for ex­empting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.

"BUT why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our controul or influence; but on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such des­potism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language.

"ADMINISTRATION, sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the in­dignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United Colonies was as­sembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and also addressed our fellow subjects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as [Page 32] the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to li­berty. This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.

"SEVERAL threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually ex­isted within the province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that those concerned in it, had been countenanced and encou­raged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other co­lonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obe­dience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." Soon after the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their suste­nance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.

"FRUITLESS were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexam­pled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns, in our favour. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom should redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial ra­pacity, [Page 33] with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In our circum­stances to accept them, would be to deserve them.

"SOON after the intelligence of these proceedings ar­rived on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusett's-Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prose­cuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to pro­cure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated, that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be pre­served for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind.

"BY this perfidy wives are separated from their hus­bands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.

[Page 34]"THE general, further emulating his ministerial mas­ters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to ‘declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the com­mon law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial.’ His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charles-town, besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.

"WE have received certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province, and the Indians, to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and hu­manity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.

"OUR cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully ac­knowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour to­wards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of de­fending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these ani­mating [Page 35] reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world, DECLARE, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graci­ously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.

"LEST this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to man­kind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet profer no milder conditions than servitude or death.

"IN our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth-right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it—for the protection of our property, ac­quired solely by the honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.

"WITH an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial judge and ruler of the universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adver­saries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war."

WHERE the affections of mankind are deeply interested, they are not easily prevailed on to relinquish the object. Reason in vain oppose her feeble barrier to the torrent of passion. [...] will be heard: she speaks to the heart in [Page 36] the tenderest, most persuasive language, and she cannot speak in vain. Tho' it was evident as the sun, that the king and parliament of Great-Britain had determined never to sheathe the sword, but upon the unconditional submission of America to the most humiliating bondage; yet, in a delirium of their former attachment, the Con­gress prepared another petition to the king, and another address to the people of England. Strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that notwithstanding all our in­terests were clearly opposed to the measure, still a con­nection with the people, and subjection to the sovereign of Great-Britain, were considered as the most desirable of human events: for it may truly be affirmed, that next to the love of liberty, loyalty to his prince, and love of his fellow subjects, were the ruling passions of an American's bosom. The prophetic language contained in this peti­tion and address is remarkable; and altho' it was treated by our enemies with the same contempt as our solemn pro­fessions not to submit to their tyranny, yet now that, the heat of the chase being abated, a cool moment of re­flection presses itself upon them, it is probable they will, when too late, give to both their share of credit.

ON the 8th of July, 1775, the petition was agreed on in the following words:

THE address to the people of Great-Britain was agreed to the same day, as follows:

THE conduct of Great-Britain was still the same com­pound of violence and fraud. While the stores of poli­tical artifice were exhausted, to prevent us from obtaining foreign aid, nothing, which money or promises could ef­fect was left undone, to collect the mercenaries of Ger­many for our subjugation. Foiled in their former efforts, they called forth all their strength; and to lull us into security at the same time, endeavoured to cover their de­signs with the thin veil of reconciliation. For this pur­pose they passed an act of parliament, and in consequence of it appointed commissioners, with power to grant par­dons to those Americans, who would be so guilty as to solicit them. At length, fully convinced of what reason had long dictated, that no rational security for our li­berties could be obtained during a connection with Great-Britain, and that every idea of dependence tended to enfeeble our efforts, in a cause on which every thing was at stake, the fine spun thread, which held the two countries to­gether, was cut on the memorable 4th of July, 1776, by the following

ON the 21st day of April, 1778, the Congress, then sitting at York-Town, received a letter from the general, inclosing printed paper from Philadelphia, to the follow­ing effect:

THIS was referred to a committee, who, on the 22d of April, made the following report;

"THE Committee to whom was referred the general's letter of the 18th, containing a certain printed paper sent from Philadelphia, purporting to be the draught of a Bill for declaring the intentions of the Parliament of Great-Britain, as to the exercise of what they are pleased to term their right of imposing taxes within these United States; and also the draught of a Bill to enable the King of Great-Britain to appoint Commissioners, with powers to treat, consult and agree upon the means of quieting certain disorders within the said States, beg leave to observe,

"THAT the said paper being industriously circulated by emissaries of the enemy, in a partial and secret man­ner, the same ought to be forthwith printed for the pu­blic information.

[Page 67]"THE Committee cannot ascertain whether the con­tents of the said paper have been framed in Philadelphia, or in Great-Britain, much less whether the same are re­ally and truly intended to be brought into the Parliament of that kingdom, or whether the said Parliament will con­fer thereon the usual solemnities of their laws. But are inclined to believe this will happen, for the following reasons:

"1st. BECAUSE their General hath made divers feeble efforts to set on foot some kind of treaty during the last winter, though, either from a mistaken idea of his own dignity and importance, the want of information, or some other cause, he hath not made application to those who are invested with a proper authority.

"2dly. BECAUSE they suppose that the fallacious idea of a cessation of hostilities will render these States remiss in their preparations for war.

"3dly. BECAUSE believing the Americans wearied with war, they suppose we will accede to their terms for the sake of peace.

"4thly. BECAUSE they suppose that our negociations may be subject to a like corrupt influence with their debates.

"5thly. BECAUSE they expect from this step the same effects they did from what one of their ministers thought proper to call his conciliatory motion, viz. that it will pre­vent foreign powers from giving aid to these States; that it will lead their own subjects to continue a little longer the present war; and that it will detach some weak men in America from the cause of freedom and virtue.

"6thly. BECAUSE their King, from his own shewing, hath reason to apprehend that his fleets and armies, instead of being employed against the territories of these States, will be necessary for the defence of his own dominions. And

[Page 68]"7thly. BECAUSE the impracticability of subjugating this country being every day more and more manifest, it is their interest to extricate themselves from the war upon any terms.

"THE Committee beg leave further to observe, That, upon a supposition the matters contained in the said paper will really go into the British Statute Book, they serve to shew, in a clear point of view, the weakness and wicked­ness of the enemy.

"THEIR WEAKNESS,

"1st. BECAUSE they formerly declared, not only that they had a right to bind the inhabitants of these States in all cases whatsoever, but also that the said inhabitants should absolutely and unconditionally submit to the exercise of that right. And this submission they have endeavoured to exact by the sword. Receding from this claim, there­fore, under the present circumstances, shews their inability to enforce it.

"2dly. BECAUSE their Prince hath heretofore rejected the humblest petitions of the Representatives of America, praying to be considered as subjects, and protected in the enjoyment of peace, liberty and safety; and hath waged a most cruel war against them, and employed the savages to butcher innocent women and children. But now the same Prince pretends to treat with those very Representatives, and grant to the arms of America what he refused to her prayers.

"3dly. BECAUSE they have uniformly labored to conquer this continent, rejecting every idea of accommo­dation proposed to them, from a confidence in their own strength. Wherefore it is evident, from the change in their mode of attack, that they have lost this confidence. And

"4thly. BECAUSE the constant language, spoken not only by their Ministers, but by the most public and au­thentic acts of the nation, hath been, that it is incom­patible with their dignity to treat with the Americans while [Page 69] they have arms in their hands. Notwithstanding which, an offer is now about to be made for treaty.

"THE WICKEDNESS and INSINCERITY of the enemy appear from the following considerations:

"1st. EITHER the Bills now to be passed contain a di­rect or indirect cession of a part of their former claims, or they do not. If they do, then it is acknowledged that they have sacrificed many brave men in an unjust quarrel. If they no not, then they are calculated to deceive America into terms, to which neither argument before the war, nor force since, could procure her assent.

"2dly. THE first of these Bills appears, from the title, to be a declaration of the intentions of the British Parlia­ment concerning the exercise of the right of imposing taxes within these States. Wherefore, should these States treat under the said Bill, they would indirectly acknowledge that right, to obtain which acknowledgment the present war hath been avowedly undertaken and prosecuted on the part of Great-Britain.

"3dly. SHOULD such pretended right be so acquiesced in, then, of consequence, the same might be exercised whenever the British Parliament should find themselves in a different temper and disposition; since it must depend up­on those, and such like contingencies, how far men will act according to their former intentions.

"4thly. THE said first Bill, in the body thereof, con­taineth no new matter, but is precisely the same with the motion before-mentioned, and liable to all the objections which lay against the said motion, excepting the follow­ing particular, viz. that by the motion actual taxation was to be suspended, so long as America should give as much as the said Parliament might think proper: Whereas, by the proposed Bill, it is to be suspended, as long as future Parliaments continue of the same mind with the present.

"5thly. FROM the second Bill it appears, that the Bri­tish King may, if he pleases, appoint Commissioners to [Page 70] treat and agree with those, whom they please, about a va­riety of things therein mentioned. But such treaties and agreements are to be of no validity without the concur­rence of the said Parliament, except so far as they relate to the suspension of hostilities, and of certain of their Acts, the granting of pardons, and the appointing of Governors to these sovereign, free and independent States. Where­fore, the said Parliament have reserved to themselves, in express words, the power of setting aside any such treaty, and taking the advantage of any circumstances which may arise to subject this continent to their usurpations.

"6thly. THE said Bill, by holding forth a tender of pardon, implies a criminality in our justifiable resistance, and consequently, to treat under it would be an implied ac­knowledgment that the inhabitants of these States were, what Britain hath declared them to be, Rebels.

"7thly. THE inhabitants of these States being claimed by them as Subjects, they may infer, from the nature of the negociation now pretended to be set on foot, that the said inhabitants would of right be afterwards bound by such laws as they should make. Wherefore any agreement entered into on such negociation might at any future time be repealed. And

"8thly. BECAUSE the said Bill purports, that the Commissioners therein mentioned may treat with private individuals; a measure highly derogatory to the dignity of national character.

"FROM all which it appears evident to your Com­mittee, that the said Bills are intended to operate upon the hopes and fears of the good people of these States, so as to create divisions among them, and a defection from the com­mon cause, now by the blessing of Divine Providence draw­ing near to a favourable issue. That they are the sequel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of the Stamp-act down to the present time, hath involved this country in contention and bloodshed. And that, as in other cases so in this, although circumstances may force them at times to recede from their unjustifiable claims, there can be no [Page 71] doubt but they will as heretofore, upon the first favor­able occasion, again display that lust of domination, which hath rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain.

"UPON the whole matter, the Committee beg leave to report it as their opinion, that as the Americans united in this arduous contest upon principles of common interest, for the defence of common rights and privileges, which union hath been cemented by common calamities and by mutual good offices and affection, so the great cause for which they contend, and in which all mankind are inter­ested, must derive its success from the continuance of that union. Wherefore any man or body of men, who should presume to make any separate or partial convention or agree­ment with Commissioners under the crown of Great-Britain, or any of them, ought to be considered and treated as open and avowed enemies of these United States.

"AND further your Committee beg leave to report it as their opinion, That these United States cannot, with propriety, hold any conference or treaty with any Com­missioners on the part of Great-Britain, unless they shall, as a preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and armies, or else, in positive and express terms, acknow­ledge the Independence of the said States.

"AND inasmuch as it appears to be the design of the enemies of these States to lull them into a fatal security— to the end that they may act with a becoming weight and importance, it is the opinion of your Committee, That the several States be called upon to use the most strenuous exertions to have their respective quotas of continental troops in the field as soon as possible, and that all the mi­litia of the said States be held in readiness, to act as oc­casion may require."

THIS report being read, and debated by paragraphs, was agreed to unanimously, and published.

ON the next day Congress came to the following reso­lution:

[Page 72]"WHEREAS persuasion and influence, the example of the deluded or wicked, the fear of danger, or the calamities of war, may have induced some of the subjects of these states to join, aid, or abet the British forces in America; and tho' now desirous of returning to their duty, and anxiously wishing to be received and reunited to their coun­try, they may be deterred by the fear of punishment; and whereas the people of these states are ever more ready to reclaim than to abandon, to mitigate than to increase the horrors of war, to pardon than to punish offenders:

"RESOLVED, That it be recommended to the legisla­tures of the several states to pass laws, or to the executive authority of each state, if invested with sufficient power, to issue proclamations offering pardon, with such excep­tions and under such limitations and restrictions as the several states shall think expedient, to such of their inhabi­tants or subjects who have levied war against any of these states, or who have adhered to, aided or abetted the enemy, and who shall surrender themselves to any civil or military officer of any of these states, and shall return to the state to which they may belong before the 10th day of June next: and it is recommended to the good and faithful ci­tizens of these states to receive such returning penitents with compassion and mercy, and to forgive and bury in oblivion their past failings and transgressions."

ON the 2d of May Mr. Simeon Deane arrived at York-Town with copies of the treaties with France, which were ratified on the 4th, and on the 8th the following address was made to the people of America:

ON the 6th of June the Congress received a letter of the 27th of May from lord Howe, and one of the 3d of June from general Clinton, accompanied with three acts of par­liament: they were as follows,

To which the following answers were returned:

[Page 86]ON the 13th of June a letter of the 9th was received from Lord Carlisle, William Eden, and George John­stone, esquires, with copies of the three acts above men­tioned, and of a commission from the King of Great-Britain to the Earl of Carlisle, Lord Viscount Howe, Sir William Howe, or in his absence Sir Henry Clinton, William Eden, and George Johnstone; the letter was as follows:

To this letter the following answer was unanimously given upon the 17th of June:

ON this occasion it is to be observed, that a circum­stance had intervened between the resolutions of the 22d of April and the receipt of the letter from the Commis­sioners. This was the arrival of the copies of treaties en­tered into with his Most Christian Majesty, which was the first intelligence which had been received from Europe in the space of a year. The resolutions of the House there­fore on the 22d of April were founded simply on the firm determination under no change of fortune whatever to re­cede from the declaration of independence in July 1776, and for this reason, as a preliminary to any treaty, it was required that Great-Britain should either acknowledge our independence or withdraw her fleets and armies, because upon no other principle could America be said to possess that degree of equality and freedom which is essential to the validity of national compacts. The treaty with France being out of the question, had these preliminaries been complied with, we should have been bound in honor, as [Page 98] we certainly were by inclination and the principles of humanity, to enter upon a conference for the purpose of sheathing the sword [...] But since by that treaty the United States could not upon a certain contingency make either peace or truce without the consent of her ally, it became necessary to provide that any treaties to be made should not be inconsistent with treaties already sub­sisting.

AS to the conditions or terms offered by the Commis­sioners it must be observed, that the first is ‘to extend every freedom to trade that our respective interests can require.’ A proposition which, from the very nature of things, is impracticable, or if practicable, is on their part a reason why reconciliation is unnecessary; for certainly if these interests are compatible, they may be regulated by treaty, nay they would regulate themselves. Individuals would con­sult their private interests, and national interest is nothing more than the aggregate of the particular advantages result­ing to the subjects of a state from their private industry and discernment. But the interest of America requires that she should trade freely to every part of the earth, while on the other hand it is the interest of Great-Britain to confine our commerce to the ports of her own island. Nothing then could be more insidious than this offer; for the independence of America being given up, the British parliament must ne­cessarily have become supreme, at least in matters which were heretofore considered as external to America. Of con­sequence they alone would have been judges of our re­spective interests, and in cases where these were opposed, we may easily determine their judgment.

THE next offer is, that ‘no military force should be kept up in America without the consent of Congress or the particular Assemblies.’ To which every objection lies: For, 1st. supposing them to abide literally by such agreement, we lay open to all the arts of seduction, which long and successful practice could teach them to make use of against both the one and the other. 2dly. On any oc­casion, which either the existence or apprehension of a foreign war might give rise to, this consent would na­turally flow from a regard to immediate safety, and be af­terwards [Page 99] used for our certain destruction. But, 3dly. on this, as well as every other proposition they either did or could make, it is to be observed that in the first instance the parliament might dissent immediately and take an op­portunity to crush all opposition, while we were at once disarmed at home and disgraced for our perfidy abroad. And, 4thly. Should the moment be so unfavorable, or they so honest as not to make the attempt, any future parlia­ment would be in legal capacity to disannul an agreement whose validity was derived from the former sanction of the same legislature; so that during all the possible events, which time might give birth to, we should have been ex­posed to their attempts, whilst laboring under a weight of debt, and sore from the wounds of our obstinate contest.

THE third offer is, ‘to concur in measures calculated to discharge the debts of America and to raise the cre­dit and value of the paper circulation.’ On which it is to be observed, that as our debt consisted of this paper cir­culation, so any measures to discharge it, that is to sink a part, must raise the value of the remainder. Now for this purpose taxation was alone necessary, and indeed the only step which either they or we could take for that purpose: Their generous offer therefore was nothing more than to concur in taxing us to pay our own debts. In return for this, however, we were to be united with them, and con­sequently become security for payment of their debts, which are enormous. The following short calculation is worthy of attention: 120,000,000 of dollars, at seven shillings and six-pence per dollar, is £45,000,000, and exchange being at 1000 per cent, which is the present rate, this sum is worth £4,500,000 sterling only. But at all events the present debt of America ought not to be estimated at above £10,000,000 sterling.

THEIR offer then stands thus, if you will stand security for and eventually pay your part of £150,000,000 sterling which we owe, we will consent to your taxing yourselves to pay £10,000,000 sterling, which you owe. To com­ment on an offer of this kind would be absurd.

THE fourth offer is, ‘to perpetuate our union by a re­ciprocal [Page 100] deputation of an agent or agents from the dif­ferent states, who shall have the privilege of a seat and voice in the parliament of Great-Britain, or if sent from Britain, in that case to have a seat and voice in the assemblies of the different states, to which they may be deputed respectively, in order to attend to the several interests of those by whom they are deputed.’ Or, in other words, to perpetuate our slavery, by taking from us, on the one hand, the objection against their tyrannous acts, that we were not represented in the legislature which passed them, though in fact such representation would be merely illusory and ineffectual. And on the other, by sending mi­nisterial agents, artful, plausible and wicked, to influence the debates of our legislatures, and give a voice among the immediate representatives of the people on matters even of the most internal nature. No greater insult was ever of­fered to the common sense of mankind. Had the proposal, particularly the latter part of it, been made before the commencement of the contest, it was sufficient in itself to have roused us to arms. If accepted and executed, in all the states it must have been pernicious, but in those called royal governments, would have stood thus: A legislature consisting of three branches, 1st. A governor appointed by the king during pleasure. 2dly. A council appointed by the king during pleasure. 3dly. An assembly partly ap­pointed by the king and partly by the people, but all hold­ing their seats during the king's pleasure—The laws passed by this legislature to be of no validity without the king's consent—A representative to be appointed by this legisla­ture, to sit in a house of commons, consisting of more than five hundred members, and thereby to validate any law, which they might pass to bind the people of that state. If this be compared with "the freedom they profer to extend to trade," some faint idea may be formed of the meditated system.

THE last offer is, ‘to establish the power of the re­spective legislatures in each particular state, to settle its revenue, its civil and military establishment, and to exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal go­vernment, so that the British states throughout North-America, acting with us in peace and war under one [Page 101] common sovereign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege that is short of a total separation of in­terests, or consistent with that union of force on which the safety of our common religion and liberty depends.’ The first part of this is ridiculous, since all the states have taken some forms of government, the legislatures of which are obeyed, and consequently their power established already; the object therefore, taking it in comparison with what goes before, is to overturn the free legislatures already esta­blished, and in their stead to institute the base and slavish mixture contained in the third offer. The second part serves to shew more clearly (if possible) the insidious na­ture of their commission; for from this it appears, that the object of revenue is by no means given up, nor the design of keeping a military force in America relinquished. The third part is nugatory, for having before marked out the kind of legislature to be established, even the unre­strained acts of it would not prove the freedom of the people, but rather their slavery, and yet it is clear that however free they might be to pass laws, there would have been a superior power in legal capacity to repeal them. From all this however they deduce, as a consequence, that should we accede to their propositions, we should have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privilege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consistent with that union of force, &c. But this conclusion by no means follows from the pre­mises; on the contrary it is evident, that we should enjoy no one privilege, and have the irrevocable enjoyment of no one thing, unless it be supposed that to repent is to enjoy. For the sake of this sophistical system however we were to covenant, that we would act with them in peace and in war. The consequence of which would have been, that we must have contracted new debts, to promote their interested views, before we had paid the sums expended for our own defence, and have lavished the best blood of America, to gratify the pride, pique, avarice, ambition, or revenge of a haughty despot, deaf to the prayers of sup­plicative millions, and dead to the feelings of justice or hu­manity. One fact however they indirectly admit, that their safety depends upon an union of force with us. The neces­sary consequence is, that, notwithstanding their pretended superiority, they must not only make peace with us, but [Page 102] it must be on our own terms, provided the people of Ame­rica are sensible of their true interests, and the representa­tives of America have patience, firmness and discernment to take proper advantage of their own situation and cir­cumstances.

THE concise answer which Congress had given to the British Commissioners, placed them in a very disagreeable situation, and therefore it became necessary for them to make some efforts to get out of it. For this purpose they sent a letter, dated at New-York, the 11th of July, 1778, which was received and read in Congress the 18th, in the following words:

UPON which the Congress came to the following re­solution:

"WHEREAS Congress in a letter to the British Commissioners of the 17th of June last, did declare that they would be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with trea­ties already subsisting, when the King of Great-Britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose; and that the only solid proof of this disposition, would be an explicit acknowledgement of the Independence of these States, or withdrawing his fleets and armies: And whereas, neither of these alternatives have been complied with, therefore.

"RESOLVED, That no answer be given to the letter of the 11th instant from the British Commissioners."

[Page 105]THE proposal contained in the letter, to enlarge inde­pendence, is at the first blush absurd:—Any state, the de­pendence of which could be lessened, is of consequence not independent. The offer therefore is a mere jargon of words, and calculated, as indeed the whole letter appears, for the people, and particularly for those whom they have thought proper to call our fellow-citizens of this conti­nent, or, in other words, the traitors who have joined the common enemy. But one of their great objects was, if pos­sible, to draw the Congress into some kind of treaty or correspondence, in order that they might have where­withal to give weight to the calumnies they have pro­pagated, by declaring to the French court that the Con­gress were faithless, and indeed had actually bargained for the subjection of America, the price of which was to be paid by these Commissioners.

IN consistence with this plan, and, if possible, to obtain an indirect acknowledgment of their authority, they, on the 26th of August, 1778, made a requisition of the troops of the convention of Saratoga, in the following terms:

AS these gentlemen did not appear with the proper let­ters of credence to an independent state, Congress could not discuss such propositions without acknowledging in­directly the authority of the commission by which they were appointed; and in doing that they must have ac­knowledged the authority of those acts of parliament on which that commission was founded. But as an inde­pendent state they could not take notice of persons acting either under a commission or an act of parliament, these being of a domestic nature, and relative to internal polity, but without authenticity as to foreign powers.

THE Commissioners then, on the one hand, had no right to make the demand, as it was not contained in their commission, and could not possibly have been in con­templation at the time of granting it: Besides that, being in its nature purely military, it was the proper business of the British commander in chief. And, on the other hand, the Congress could not make a direct answer to it without receding from their right as representatives of a sovereign and independent people.

BUT further: It being evident from the face of the re­quisition, when compared with their commission, that they offered what they had no power to perform, it follows that they designed to obtain the troops without giving the solid security which had been rightfully demanded for their performance of the convention. And from thence it is a [Page 108] clear inference, that they designed totally to disregard the convention whenever the troops should be in their pos­session.

THESE reasons taken together, ought certainly to have prevented the Congress from taking any notice of their re­quisition. But one object of the commissioners was, to find some ground for a charge against the Congress of a want of national faith and honor; and on that and every other occasion it was of importance that the people of America should have materials to form a judgment of the conduct of their representatives. On the 4th of September, therefore, a few days after the receipt of that, with some other papers, they came to the following resolution:

"WHEREAS Congress did, on the 8th day of January, 1778, resolve, That the embarkation of lieutenant-general Burgoyne, and the troops under his command, be suspended till a distinct and explicit ratifica­tion of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great-Britain to Congress:

"RESOLVED, That no ratification of the convention of Saratoga, which may be tendered in consequence of powers which may reach that case by construction and implica­tion, or which may subject whatever is transacted relative to it, to the future approbation or disapprobation of the parliament of Great-Britain, can be accepted by Congress."

ON the 19th of September, 1778, the following letter was received by Congress:

IT is worthy of remark, that this extract is dated at Whitehall, so early as the 12th of June, from whence to the 26th of August is 75 days; wherefore it is more than probable that it was received previous, and not subsequent, [Page 110] to the requisition made by the Commissioners. This cir­cumstance heightens the fraudulent complexion of the pro­cedure; and in any case the extract shews the decided opinion of the British court, that their Commissioners had not the power by them pretended.

BUT further: The Congress had resolved on the 8th of January, 1778, on the most conclusive reasons, ‘That the embarkation of lieutenant-general Burgoyne and the troops under his command be suspended till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the court of Great-Britain to Con­gress.’ But instead of this, there is simply a direction of a secretary of state to their general ‘to give the fullest as­surances, &c.’ which assurances, and the general who gave them, or the very secretary himself, might be disavowed. The person who certifies the extract also might easily be disavowed; nay, it is very possible that no such letter was ever written: Nor can we argue against such deceit from the baseness of it; for those who would do the many treacherous acts which they had committed during the war, who had borrowed from felons of the most pitiful kind the little vil­lainy of counterfeiting money, and with whom it was a fa­vorite maxim that no faith was to be kept with rebels, could hardly boggle at the sending as an extract from a secretary of state's letter what really was not such an extract. But it is unnecessary to dwell on these objections; for the last paragraph of Sir Henry Clinton's letter was so highly in­decent, that it would have been treason against the dignity of the people of America to have attended to it. The Congress, therefore, with great propriety, ‘ordered that the secretary return the following answer: Sir, I am directed to inform you, that the Congress of the United States of America make no answer to insolent letters.’

BEING thus foiled in their several attempts to deceive, nothing remained but to terrify. For this purpose they on the 3d of October, 1778, published the following mani­festo and proclamation:

[Page 118]BY some accidents in the conveyance of this proclama­tion, it was a long time before it came officially to Con­gress, though it had been re-published from the New-York papers in those of the United States. As soon, however, as it arrived, it produced the following solemn appeal:

THUS all negotiation for dependence being at an end, Great-Britain and America are now to contend on the following points: 1st. On the part of Great-Britain it is declared, that as we will not submit, and she cannot subdue, she will attempt to ruin and destroy. 2dly. On the part of America it is declared, that if the war is prosecuted in a manner not conformable to the laws of nations, the con­duct of her enemies shall be retaliated.

IF our enemies were under the guidance of reason, they would desist from those efforts with which they threaten us; 1st. Because, although they may burn many defence­less towns, and ravage much of the open country, the at­tempt to ruin us must be unsuccessful, and the expence of it enormous; not to mention that their whole force is necessary for their own defence, which necessity will daily increase. 2dly. Because their barbarity, by exasperating more the minds of the Americans, will more effectually wean them from all attachment to, and connection with, Great-Britain, as well political as commercial. 3dly. Be­cause they must expect that our allies will afford every aid in their power to vindicate the violated rights of nations; which indeed they are bound to do, not only in common with all other sovereigns, but by the powerful principles of faith and affection. And 4thly. Because such conduct on their part would justify on ours not only the breach of any compacts which might be entered into, but even the most sanguinary measures at the most distant period; nay more, would demand a remembrance of the injury, until such ample vengeance would be taken as would in future pre­vent similar insults from others.

BUT the unreasonableness of these measures is very far [Page 121] from being a conclusive argument why they will not adopt them; 1st. Because their whole conduct, with re­lation to this country, bears such strong marks of folly, that to suppose they will not obstinately persist in it, would argue a degree of weakness and infidelity. 2dly. Because it is perhaps necessary that they should make a visitation to every state, in order to purge it of the most turbulent part of the disaffected, and punish the remainder by the destruction of their property, thereby bringing home to their feelings that conviction which was not to be effected in the common way of reasoning. 3dly. Be­cause something must be allowed to the anguish of dis­appointed avarice and ambition; for, since no hope re­mains of acquiring that dominion which was the object of their fervent desires, it is perfectly natural that men, free from the influence of justice o [...] humanity, should take any and every method to satiate the vengeance of defeated despotism. And 4thly. Because, as they suppose, they have offended us beyond forgiveness; so they con­clude that we shall be stimulated by passions like their own, to prosecute their ruin: In which case, being too haughty to ask our friendship, they have no alternative but to endeavor to render our enmity as little dangerous as possible.

ON the other hand, the determination of America to retaliate, is dictated by every motive of policy and justice, and must terminate to the great prejudice of Britain, and the ruin of her adherents on this side of the Atlantic: Nor can the means be wanting; the towns on her coast are at least as defenceless as ours; and their citizens, un­used to arms, are utterly incapable of repelling an assault. A small sum of money would wrap their metropolis in flames. Their subjects and adherents may easily be found in any part of the earth; and the dreaded scalping-knife itself may, in the hands of our riflemen, spread horror through their island. These and many other methods may readily be devised; and certainly some critical mo­ment will offer itself in the flow of time to proclaim to them the injuries of America in the rough sounds of merited barbarity.

[Page 122]CONSIDERING our present situation and connections, we cannot but be sensible that the independence of Ame­rica is fully secured, and nothing left to guard against but the ravages of a cruel foe, and the derangement of our finances. To effect the former, we must hold ourselves ready to repel force by force wherever assailed, and firmly retort every infringement of the law of nations with un­feeling perseverance. To remedy the latter, oeconomy in the expenditure of money, and taxation, are the natural means, and, in addition to these, private oeconomy, founded on a conviction that the monies wantonly expended in the present moment of depreciation, will soon be deeply regretted when it hath recovered its full value. By such steps we shall frustrate the designs of our enemies, and hasten that moment when the United States of North-America, rising from distress to glory, shall dispense to their citizens the blessings of that peace, liberty and safety for which we have virtuously and vigorously contended.

THE portals of the temple we have raised to freedom, shall then be thrown wide, as an asylum to mankind. America shall receive to her bosom and comfort and cheer the oppressed, the miserable and the poor of every nation and of every clime. The enterprise of extending com­merce shall wave her friendly flag over the billows of the remotest regions. Industry shall collect and bear to her shores all the various productions of the earth, and all by which human life and human manners are polished and adorned. In becoming acquainted with the religions, the customs and the laws, the wisdom, virtues and follies and prejudices of different countries, we shall be taught to cherish the principles of general benevolence. We shall learn to consider all men as our brethren, being equally children of the Universal Parent—that God of the heavens and of the earth, whose infinite majesty, for pro­vidential favor during the late revolution, almighty power in our preservation from impending ruin, and gracious mercy in our redemption from the iron shackles of de­spotism, we cannot cease with gratitude and with deep humility to praise, to reverence and adore.