"THAT man was born to delude and be deluded; to believe whatever is taught, and bear whatsoever is imposed;" are political dogmas which have long af­forded matter for exultation and security to dignified villains, from the powergrasping monarch, to the lowest minion of office. But however justified they may have been, and now are, by the passive conduct of the greatest part of mankind, you, my fellow-citizens, thank God, you are an exception to their truth. The numerous, the respectable assembly which now croud this hallowed temple, prove you an exalted exception to maxims as dis­graceful as they are general. Ever vigilantly attentive to the sacred, unalienable rights of man; equally studious in the glorious princi­ples [Page 6]of liberty as intrepidly determined to preserve inviolate the inestimable privileges she bestows; you are now convened, not more to commemorate this anniversary, than solemnly to renew the resolves, which freedom, wisdom, virtue, honour inspire: And not barely to resolve, but I trust, steadily to pursue the execution of resolutions which have resulted from deliberate investigation and full conviction.

To so intelligent, so well informed an auditory, it must be unnes­sary to deduce the origin of civil society, which, founded in reci­procal advantage, and begun in social virtue, on the mutual necessities and mutual assistance of individuals built the combined happiness of the community—a happiness thus instituted, nothing but public spirit and a union of force and of council can preserve: I must therefore request your indulgence whilst I rather point out those evils which the concurrent experience of ages and nations prove to be subversive of every good proposed from civil compact. Little solicitous of rhetorical applause, I shall offer you my sentiments as they arise warm from a heart devoted to the interests of this my parent country, in language that becomes a freeman to use when addressing a free assembly. ^*

SIMILAR causes will forever operate like effects in the political and moral, as well as in the physical world: Those vices which ruined the illustrious republics of Greece, and the mighty common [Page 7]wealth of Rome; which are now with rapid progression ruining Great-Britain, so late the first Kingdom of Europe, must eventually ruin every State, where their deleterious influence is suffered to pre­vail. Need I add that luxury, corruption, and standing armies are those destructive efficients?

LUXURY, that syren luxury, whose treacherous song ever charms her deluded votaries to destruction, or to infamy, no sooner finds admittance into a State than she becomes the parent of innumerable evils, public and domestic; her contagious influence is soon felt in society, her baneful effects discovered by a general dissipation of manners and a declension of private virtue, which begets effeminate habits, and by a natural gradation a base pliability of spirit.

LUXURY is ever the foe of independance, for at the same time that it creates ^* artificial wants it precludes the means of satisfying them. It first makes men necessitous, and then dependant. It first unsits men for patriotic energies, and soon teaches them to consider public virtue as a public jest.

AT such a period, corruption finds an easy access to men's hearts. To the promotion of interested pursuits, and the gratification of voluptuous wishes, a ready sacrifice is made of the general good at the shrine of power. Then slumbers that virtuous jealousy of public men and public measures, which was wont to scrutinize not [Page 8]only actions but motives: Then nods that active zeal, which, with eagle-eye watched, and with nervous arm defended the constitution. Every day new inroads are made upon public liberty, while in­croachments like temptations, grow more frequent and more dange­rous in proportion as the power of resistance decreases. Thus before a nation is completely deprived of freedom, she must be fitted for slavery by her vices.

GENERALLY, but not always, for we have known a people ruled by a despot, who from a private station rose to uncontroled dominion, at a time when they were sternly virtuous. And this mode of introducing bondage is ever to be apprehended at the close of a successful struggle for liberty, when a triumphant army, elated with victories, and headed by a popular General, may become more formidable than the tyrant that has been expelled. Witness the last century in the English history. Witness the aspiring CROMWELL!

THIS audacious citizen intrusted by his country with the com­mand of her armies to chastize the man whom previous folly ^* had dub'd a King, and as such had presumed to treat his subjects, as all [Page 9]Kings ever will do when they can, with contempt and injury, had no sooner dispatched the foolish imperious Monarch, than he at­tempted to succeed him: With a little management, he soon found his army as disposed to regify him as they had been to depose Charles. With these mercenary associates at his heels, he appeared in the Synod of the State, and dared with force, displace the most glorious band of patriots that ever led a tyrant from his throne to a scaffold. Not content with this enormous outrage upon the con­stitution, this annihilating stroke upon the tottering liberties of his country, for a time to keep up the form of a popular goverment, he convened an House of Commons, constituted entirely of his own creatures. They met, and in a few months discovered that they were utterly unequal to the posts they were raised to, they therefore petitioned their master to dissolve them. Cromwell granted their request—and became sole tyrant of three kingdoms.—Tyrant—for of what consequence is it by what style or under what modification despotism operates to the public misery—Dictator, King, Protec­tor,—it is not the appellation we reprobate, though even that we should guard against—but the thing. Who but must own that Cromwell under the name of Protector, was as absolute a despot as he could have been with any other title?

THE first CAESAR affords us another instance among the thou­sands which history holds up to our view, to teach us what bold and unprincipled spirits have effected by the aid of armies. This ambitious subject having been for several years engaged in the humane, the soldierly employment of slaughtering his fellow men [Page 10]and in extending his conquests over countries which he had not even a pretence to invade; this Caesar who boasted that he had slain a million of men ^‡ was at length ordered home by the senate to answer to some charges against his conduct. He knew that at such an interview his sword would be his ablest advocate. He therefore led his veteran legions, "nothing loth," against his country; passed the rubicon; fought his way to Rome; plunged a dagger in her vitals; impiously trampled on her dearest rights; and seized on empire crimsoned, execrable paricide! crimsoned with the richest blood of Rome's best citizens!

Too late the patriot poniard reach'd the traytor's heart▪ Caesar fell—alass! the republic had fallen before—one tyrant dead, like the Hydra-head cut off, up started more. Rome chan­ged her tyrants, but the tyranny remained. The same army that had enabled Julius to triumph over the liberties of his coun­try, led the cars of OCTAVIUS, ANTHONY and LEPIDUS through seas of Roman blood, and bad the cursed triumvirate divide an enslaved world.

IF Rome could have been saved, BRUTUS and his virtuous as­sociates would have saved her; but a standing army, and a perpe­tual dictator, were, and ever will prove too hard for the patriotic few. Learn hence, my countrymen, that a State may sink so [Page 11]low in slavery that even virtue itself cannot retrieve her. From these examples, prudence dictates—resist beginnings. A free and wise people will never suffer any citizen to become too popu­lar—much less too powerful. A man may be formidable to the constitution even by his virtues. ^§

BUT why do I keep your attention fixed on remote transac­tions? Our own times furnish additional and convincing proofs of the destructive consequences of political corruption and mer­cenary armies.

SWEEDEN, the bravest, hardiest, freest nation of the north— in one day—in one hour—may every freeman execrate the ty­rant—SWEEDEN in one hour was plunged from the distinguished heights of liberty into abject vassalage. What ties can bind a King? Scarce had GUSTAVUS the THIRD ascended the throne of limited monarchy; scarce had the roofs of the senate house ceased to reverberate the insidious accents of his inauguration speech ^* [Page 12]whilst yet the venerable representatives of their country were fondly anticipating the blessings that would arise from the reign [Page 13]of so wise, so good a King—the unblushing paricide surrounded with an armed host the temple in which the senate was assembled, planted his cannon against the gates, and with the swords of his guards at the throats of the senators, demanded immediate abso­lution from his coronation oath, by which he had most sacredly bound himself to preserve inviolate the laws and liberties of the Sweedes! who could have thought a strippling, whose language breathed the glowing sentiments of enthusiastic generosity so na­tural to youth, could with such facility set at defiance all that is held sacred, honorable and obligatory among men! but the lust of domination, so natural to human nature, will ever prove too hard for the checks of conscience and the dictates of righteous­ness, when a favourable opportunity presents to gratify it. Gus­tavus knowing that the army were ready to assist his iniquitous [Page 14]designs (as all standing armies are to promote despotism, because under such a system of rule, soldiers must be necessary and con­sequently favored.) the barriers raised by justice and his plight­ed faith to Sweeden, became slight indeed. Force backed in­clination, and Gustavus changed circumscribed authority, for unconfined sovereignty ^†

LET us now turn our eyes to that nation whom we once did love, and with whom we had yet been friends had not an un­parallelled series of folly and cruelty compelled us to renounce the pleasing relation-ship. A short retrospect of whose public conduct subsequent to the last War will afford many and impor­tant instructions.

IN 1763 peace was restored after a war of seven years suc­cessfully waged in every quarter of the globe. At that period what an unrivalled figure did Great-Britain stand amongst the nations! Great beyond all former example, in arms, in com­merce and in wealth. Not a corner of the earth but had witness­ed her atchievements. Wheresoever she directed her armies, victory and conquest attended; whilst her irresistable navy, thundering over every ocean, not only subdued, but annihilated the fleets of her enemies.

TRIUMPHANT in war, nor less distinguished in peace. In most of the polite, in all the useful arts and sciences, superior to her [Page 15]neighbours. In commerce unequalled; not a sea but bore, not a wind but wafted her countless ships, laden with the riches of the earth, and made her crouded ports the marts of she world. Late glorious nation, How are thou fallen, how lost! from so en­vied, so stupendous an height, by the perverted will of thy infatuated monarch, and the pernicious counsels of his nefarious ministers. Driven to the fearful edge of ruin, we now behold Thee tottering o'er the gulph of annihilation, whilst France and her allies urge Thee over the irremeable steep!

WHEN we consider the capital defects in the English consti­tution—the character of her present weak and ambitious mo­narch—the luxury, dissipation and venality of her influential men, we shall cease to wonder at her declension and present circumstances.

IN a limited monarchy, where the prince as supreme execu­tive magistrate, and first branch of the legislature, is invested with the important prerogative of making peace and war; is constituted the sole fountain of honor, and becomes the exclusive disposer of every lucrative and honorable appointment, civil, ec­clesiastic and military; his influence becomes too enormous to be compatible with the public liberty: But if to such extravagant powers (by a fatal error in the Constitution, placed in the hands of the Prince) he should superadd a detestable system of corrupti­on to bribe the Representatives of the people (a system which during the reign of his present Britannic Majesty hath been urged [Page 16]to its utmost possible extent) the worst species of vassalage must ensue. That equipoise between the respective branches of the Legislature (in which the seeming, the theoretic excellence of the English Constitution consists) will be totally destroyed; the Executive will involve the powers of the Legislative, and whilst the letter and formalities of the Constitution are retained, its spi­rit and intendment will be totally lost. An absolutely arbitrary, with the forms of a free Government (that worst and surest of all tyrannies) will gradually succeed and be finally established, unless a total revolution is happily effected by the timely exerti­ons of the people, before the Despot has strengthened himself with a mercenary army, and forever closed their chains.

BUT this tyranny is already established in Great-Britain: for what hopes can Britons entertain of effecting a revolution, whilst the Crown by the multiplicity of gifts in its power, can main­tain an infamous majority in each House of Parliament to lega­lize, and a standing army to enforce its projects, however impe­rious, inhuman or unjust. In vain, a few wise and virtuous men see and lament their dishonorable situation—An army of forty thousand soldiers in time of peace, and a still more numerous band of placemen and pensioners properly disposed throughout the kingdom, effectually stifle in their birth every effort of patri­otism to restore the constitution to its primaeval principles.

SUCH is the boasted Constitution, such the Prince, and such the present condition of the people of Britain. Unhappy nation, [Page 17]thus constitutionally enslaved—thus legally undone! Unworthy descendants of illustrious ancestors—thus to suffer your most es­sential rights to be bartered away, your Government not only corrupted, but perverted to purposes diametrically opposite to its original intention. A Parliament at first constituted to watch over and preserve your rights and immunities from the encroach­ing steps of ambitious Princes, you have permitted to become an engine in the hands of royalty, the more effectually to abridge or nullify those rights. A Parliament constituted the stewards of your property, who instead of guarding it from the insatiable grasp of royal avidity, you patiently see lavishingly indulging the utmost extravagance of regal profusion; granting enormous sums for effecting the most pernicious purposes; traiterously leaguing with the servants of the Crown in loading you with intolerable taxes, and, sharers in the spoil, prodigally complying with the most unbounded demands of ministerial rapacity, while they at the same time treacherously unite to screen the most in­famous defaulters of the public money. Instead of bravely drawing your swords in defence of your freedom and national honor, you first tamely acquiesced in an insidious and ignomini­ous ^† law by which you were basely disarmed like slaves, and then from necessity submitted to keeping on foot, in time of peace, a standing army, that in time of war had been raised pro­fessedly for the defence of the national territories from foreign attacks—an army which you now behold, without shame and [Page 18]without regret, spreading devastation and horror over a late peaceful and happy country; and having at length dismember­ed the empire, are now attempting to reduce us to the most infa­mous and most miserable of all conditions, that of being the con­quered vassals of your weak, vindictive, despotic Monarch.

DEGENERATE sons of great forefathers! Is it possible that you can console yourselves for the loss of essential rights, because you still retain the empty privilege of lampooning your King and mobbing his Ministers, whilst you are destitute of that pub­lic spirit and solid virtue which should purge your corrupted Go­vernment and reform your wretched Constitution!

FROM subjection to a government thus defective and corrupt, and thus vilely administered, what freeman would not struggle for an emancipation? But if there is an American present who can yet secretly wish for a re-union with this nation and a share in her ideal privileges, let him for a moment consider the innu­merable indignities, which for fifteen years back have been of­fered us by this haughty power, added to the savage barbarities which they have exercised in every part of America where their army have made any progress, and he must blush at the spiritless, the ignoble sentiment.

IN 1764 the plan for raising a revenue from this country was resolved on by the British Ministry, and THEIR obsequious Par­liament were instructed to pass an act for that purpose. No [Page 19]content with having for a century directed the entire commerce of America and centered its profits in their own island; thereby deriving from the Colonies every substantial advantage which the situation and transmarine distance of the country could af­ford them: not content with appointing the principal officers in the different Governments, while the King had a negative up­on every law that was enacted: not content with our support­ing the whole charge of our municipal establishments, although their own creatures held the chief posts therein: not content with laying external duties upon our mutilated and shackled com­merce, they, by this statute, attempted to rob us of even the cur­tailed property, the hard-earned peculium which still remained to us—to create a revenue for the support of a fleet and army, in reality to overawe and and secure our subjection, not (as they insidiously pretended) to protect our trade or defend our fron­tiers; the first of which they annoyed, and the latter deserted.

AFTER repealing this imperious edict, not because it was unjust in principle, but inexpedient in exercise, they proceeded to de­clare, by a public act of the whole Legislature, that we had no property but what was at their disposal, and that Americans in future were to hold their privileges and lives solely on the tenure of the good will and pleasure of a British Parliament. Acts soon followed correspondent to this righteous determination, which, not quadrating with American ideas of right, justice and reason, a fleet and army were sent to give them that force, which laws receive when promulgated from the mouths of cannon, or at the points of bayonets.

[Page 20] WE then first saw our harbour crowded with hostile ships, our streets with soldiers—soldiers accustomed to consider military prowess as the standard of excellence, and vain of the splended pomp attendant on regular armies, they contemptuously looked down on our peaceful orders of citizens. Conceiving themselves more powerful they assumed a superiority which they did not feel; and whom they could not but envy they effected to des­pise. Perhaps knowing they were sent, and believing they were able to subdue us, they thought it was not longer necessary to observe any measures with slaves—hence that fastidious arro­gance in the carriage of the officers—hence that licentioness and brutality in the common soldiers, which at length broke out with insufferable violence, and proceeding to personal insults and out­ragious assaults on the inhabitants, soon roused them to resent­ment, and produced the catastrophe which we now commemo­rate. The immediate horrors of that distressful night ^* have been so often and so strikingly painted, that I shall not again wring your feeling bosoms with the affecting recital: to the faithful pen of history I leave them to be represented as the horrid prelude to those more extensive tragedies, which under the direction of a most obdurate and sanguinary Prince have since been acted in every corner of America where his armies have been able to pe­netrate.

[Page 23] OUR Citizens who fell on that memorable night, falling be­queathed us this salutary lesson written indeliably with their blood. Confusion, murders, and misery must ever be the consequence of mer­cenary standing armies cantoned in free cities. ^§

MY Countrymen, suffer not the slaughtered brethren we now lament to have bled in vain; let us forever retain the important les­son, and they will not have ineffectually fallen. Security shall spring from their tombs, and their deaths preserve the lives of citizens yet unborn. Succeeding generations shall celebrate the aera of this anniversary as the epoch of American triumph, not as a day of sadness; and future patriots nobly envy the death of those, who dying taught their countrymen experimental wisdom.