IT is common for the inspired wri­ters to speak of the gospel dispensa­tion in terms applicable to the pre­sent world, especially when they view it in comparison with the law of Moses. In this light, they consider the church of God, and good men upon earth, as members of the church and family of God above, and liken the liberty of chri­stians, to that of the citizens of the hea­venly Zion.

[Page 6]WE doubt not, but the Jerusalem above, the heavenly society, possesses the noblest liberty to a degree of perfection, of which, the human mind can have no adequate conception, in the present state. The want of that knowledge and rectitude they are endowed with above, renders liberty and government so imperfect here below.

NEXT to the liberty of Heaven, is that which the sons of God, the heirs of glory possess in this life, in which they are freed from the bondage of corruption, the ty­ranny of evil lusts and passions, described by the apostle, by being made free from sin, and becoming the servants of God. These kinds of liberty are so nearly related, that the latter is considered as a sure pledge of the former, and therefore, all good men, all true believers, in a special sense are children of the free woman, heirs of the promise. This religious or spiritual liber­ty must be accounted the greatest happi­ness of man, considered in a private capa­city.

BUT considering ourselves here, as con­nected in civil society, and members one of another, we must in this view, esteem civil liberty as the greatest of all human bles­sings. [Page 7]This admits of different degrees, nearly proportioned to the morals, capaci­ty, and principles of a people, and the mode of government they adopt. For like the enjoyment of other blessings, it supposes an aptitude, or taste in the pos­sessor. Hence, a people formed upon the morals and principles of the gospel are ca­pacitated to enjoy the highest degree of ci­vil liberty, and will really enjoy it, unless prevented by force or fraud.

MUCH depends upon the mode and ad­ministration of civil government, to com­plete the blessing of liberty; for altho' the best possible plan of government, ne­ver can give an ignorant and vicious people, the true enjoyment of liberty, yet a State may be enslaved, tho' its inhabitants in ge­neral, may be knowing, virtuous and heroic.

THE voice of reason, and the voice of God, both teach us, that the great object, or end of government, is, the public good. Nor is there less certainty in determining, that a free and righteous government ori­ginates from the people and is under their direction and controul, and therefore a free popular model of government, of the repub­lican kind, may be judged the most friendly [Page 8] to the rights and liberties of the people, and the [...] conducive to the public welfare.

ON account of the infinite diversity of opinions, and interests, as well as for other weighty reasons, a government altogether popular, so as to have the decision of cases by assemblies of the body of the people, cannot be thought so eligible; nor yet, that a people should delegate their power and authority to one single man, or to one body of men, or indeed to any hands what­ever, excepting for a short term of time.

A FORM of government may be so constituted, as to have useful checks in the legislature, and yet capable of acting with union, vigour and dispatch, with a repre­sentation equally proportioned, preserving the legislative and executive branches dis­tinct, and the great essentials of liberty be preserved and secured. To adjust such a model,^* is acknowledged to be a nice and [Page 9] difficult matter: and when adjusted, to render it respectable, permanent and quiet, the circumstances of the State, and the ca­pacities and morals both of rulers and peo­ple, are not only of high importance but of absolute necessity.

IT by no means becomes me to assume the airs of a dictator, by deliniating a mo­del of government; but shall ask the can­did attention of this Assembly, to some things respecting a State, its rulers and in­habitants, of high importance and necessi­ty to the being and continuance of such a free and righteous government as we wish for ourselves and posterity, and hope by the blessing of God to have e'er long established.

IN this view, it is obvious to observe, that a spirit of liberty should in general prevail among a people: Their minds should be possessed with a sense of its worth and nature.

FACTS and observation abundantly teach us, that the minds of a community, as well as of individuals, are subject to dif­ferent and various casts and impressions. The inhabitants of large and opulent em­pires [Page 10]and kingdoms, are often intirely lost to a sense of liberty; in which case they become an easy prey to usurpers and ty­rants.

WHERE the spirit of liberty is found in its genuine vigour, it produces its ge­nuine effects, urging to the greatest vigi­lance and exertions, it will surmount great difficulties; that it is no easy matter to deceive or conquer a people determined to be free. The exertions and effects of this great spirit in our land, have already been such as may well astonish the world. And so long as it generally prevails, it will be quiet with no species of govern­ment, but what befriends and protects it. Its jealousy for its safety, may sometimes appear as if verging to faction; but it means well, and can never endanger a state, unless its root and source is corrupted.

FREE republican governments have been objected to, as if exposed to factions from an excess of liberty: The Grecian states are mentioned for a proof, and is is allowed that the history of some of these commonwealths, is little else but a narration of factions. But it is justly denied, that the true spirit of liberty pro­duced these effects.

[Page 11]VIOLENT and opposing parties shaking the pillars of the state, may arise under the best forms of government. A govern­ment from various causes may be thrown into convulsions, like the Roman state in its latter periods, and like that, may die of the malady. But the evils which hap­pen in a State, are not always to be char­ged upon its government, much less upon one of the noblest principles that can dwell in the human breast. There are diseases in government, like sfome in the human body, that lay undiscovered 'till they be­come wholly incurable.

THE baneful effects of exorbitant wealth, the lust of power, and other evil passions, are so inimical to a free, righte­ous government, and find such an casy ac­cess to the human mind, that it is difficult, if possible, to keep up the spirit of good government, unless the spirit of liberty pre­vails in the State. This spirit like other generous growths of nature, flourishes best in its native soil. It has been ingrasted at one time and another in various countries; in America, it shoots up and grows as in its natural soil. Recollecting our pious ancestors, the first settlers of the country, nor shall we look for ancestry beyond that [Page 12] period, and we may say in the most literal sense, we are children, not of the bond woman, but of the free. It may hence well be expected, that the exertions and effects of American liberty should be more vigorous and compleat. It has the most to fear from ignorance and avarice; for it is no uncommon thing for a people to loose sight of their liberty, in the eager pursuit of wealth, as the States of Holland have done. And it will always be as easy to rob an ignorant people of their liberty, as to pick the pockets of a blind man.

THE slavery of a people is generally founded in ignorance, of some kind or another; and there are not wanting such facts as abundantly prove, the human mind may be so sunk and debased thro' igno­rance and its natural effects, as even to adore its enslaver, and kiss its chains.

HENCE, knowledge and learning may well be considered, as most essentially re­quisite to a free, righteous government. A republican government and science, mu­tually promote and support each other.

GREAT literary acquirements are in­deed the lot of but few, because but few [Page 13] in a community have ability and opportu­nity to pursue the paths of science. But a certain degree of knowledge is absolutely necessary to be diffused through a state, for the preservation of its liberties and the quiet of government.

EVERY kind of useful knowledge will be carefully encouraged and promoted by the rulers of a free State, unless they should happen to be men of ignorance them­selves; in which case they and the commu­nity will be in danger of sharing the fate of blind guides, and their followers. The education of youth by instructors pro­perly qualified,^* the establishment of so­cieties for useful arts and sciences, the [Page 14] encouragement of persons of superior abi­lities will always command the attention of wise rulers.

The late times of our glorious struggle have not indeed been favorable to the cause of education in general; though much useful knowledge of the geography of our country, of the science of arms, of our abilities and strength, and of our na­tural rights and liberties, has been ac­quired; great improvements and discove­ries have also been made in several kinds of manufactory. But our security and the public welfare requires yet greater ex­ertions, to promote education and useful knowledge. Most of the internal diffi­culties of a State, commonly arise from ignorance, that general source of error. The growls of avarice and curses of clowns, will generally be heard, when the public liberty and safety call for more generous and costly exertions. Indeed, we may ne­ver expect to find the marks of public vir­tue, the efforts of heroism, or any kind of nobleness, in a man who has no idea of glory and excellency, but what he hoard [...] up in his barn, or ties up in his purse.

[Page 15]IT is readily allowed there has not been wanting statesmen and heroes, of the ge­nerous growth of nature; though instan­ces of this sort are not so common. But if these had been favored with the im­provements of arts, they would have appeared to much greater advantage, and with brighter lustre.

Nothing within the compass of human ability, is of that real weight and impor­tance as the education of youth, the pro­pagation of knowledge. Despotism and tyranny want nothing but wealth and force; but liberty and order are supported by knowledge and virtue.

I SHALL also mention the love of our country, or public virtue, as another essen­tial support of good government and the public liberties. No model of govern­ment whatever can equal the importance of this principle, nor afford proper safety and security to the State without it. Its object being the approbation of con­science, and its motive to exertion being the public welfare; hence it can only dwell in superior minds, elevated above private interest and selfish views. It does that for the public which domestic affec­tion [Page 16] does among real friends; but like other excellencies is more frequently pre­tended to than possessed.

IN the antient Roman republic, it was the life and soul of the State which raised it to all its glory, being always awake to the public defence and good: And in every State it must under providence, be the support of government, the guardian of liberty, or no human wisdom or policy can support and preserve them. Civil so­ciety cannot be maintained without jus­tice, benevolence, and the social virtues. Even the government of the Jerusalem above, could not render a vicious and abandoned people quiet and happy. The children of the bond woman, slaves to vice, never can be free. If the reason of the mind, man's immediate rule of con­duct, is in bondage to corruption, he is verily the worst of slaves.

PUBLIC spirit, through human imper­fection, is in danger of degenerating to selfish passion, which has a malignant in­fluence on public measures. This danger is the greater, because the corruption is not commonly owned, nor soon discerned. Such as are the most diseased with it, are apt to be the most insensible to their er­ror.

[Page 17]THE exorbitant wealth of individuals, has a most baneful influence on public vir­tue; and therefore should be carefully guarded against. It is, however, acknow­ledged to be a difficult mattter, to secure a State from evils and mischiefs from this quarter; because as the world goes, and is like to go, wealth and riches will have their commanding influence. The public interest being a remoter object than that of self, hence persons in power, are so ge­nerally disposed to turn it to their own advantage. A wicked rich man, we see soon corrupts a whole neighbourhood, and a few of them will poison the morals of a whole community.

THIS sovereign power of interest, seems to have been much the source of modern politicks abroad, and has given birth to such maxims of policy as these, viz. "that the wealth of a people is their truest ho­nor,"— "that every man has his price"— "that the longest purse, and not the long­est sword, will finally be victorious". But we trust and hope that American virtue, will be sufficient to convince the world, that such maxims are base, are ill-founded, and altogether unfit and improper, to influ­ence and lead in government.

[Page 18]IN the infancy of States, there is not commonly so much danger of these mis­chiefs, because the love of liberty and public virtue, are then more general and vigorous. But the danger is apt to increase, with the wealth of individuals.

THESE observations are founded upon such well-known facts, that the rulers of a free state have sufficient warning to guard against the evils. The general diffusion of knowledge is the best preservative against them, and the likeliest method to beget and increase that public virtue, which, under God, will prove like the promises of the gos­pel, an impregnable bulwark to the State.

I MUST not forget to mention religion both in rulers and people as of the highest importance to the public. This is the most sacred principle that can dwell in the human breast. It is of the highest im­portance to men; the most perfective of the human soul. The truths of the gos­pel are the most pure; its motives the most noble and animating, and its com­forts the most supporting to the mind.

THE importance of religion to civil so­ciety and government, is great indeed, as [Page 19]it keeps alive the best sense of moral ob­ligation, a matter of such extensive utility, especially in respect to an oath, which is one of the principal instruments of govern­ment. The fear and reverence of God, and the terrors of eternity, are the most powerful restraints upon the minds of men. And hence it is of special impor­tance in a free government, the spirit of which being always friendly to the sacred rights of conscience, it will hold up the gospel as the great rule of faith and practice.

ESTABLISHED modes and usages in religion, more especially the stated public worship of God, so generally form the principles, and manners of a people, that changes, or alterations in these, especially, when nearly conformed to the spirit and simplicity of the gospel, may well be esteemed very dangerous experiments in government. For this, and other reasons, the thoughtful and wise among us, trust that our civil fathers, from a regard to gospel worship, and the constitution of these churches, will carefully preserve them; and at all times, guard against every innovation, that might tend to over­set the public worship of God, though such innovations may be urged from the most foaming zeal. Persons of a gloomy, [Page 20] ghostly and mystic cast, absorbed in visio­nary scenes, deserve but little notice in matters, either of religion or government. Let the restraints of religion, once be bro­ken down, as they infallibly would be, by leaving the subject of public worship, to the humors of the multitude, and we might well defy all human wisdom and power, to support & preserve order and government in the State. Human conduct and characters, can never be better formed, than upon the principles of our holy religion; they give the justest sence, the most adequate views of the duties between rulers and people, and are the best principles in the world to carry the ruler through the duties of his station. And in case a series of faithful services, should be followed with popular censure, as may be the case, yet the religious ruler will find the approbation of his conscience, a noble reward.

MANY other things might be mention­ed, as circumstances much in favor of a free government and public liberty, as, where the inhabitants of a State, can in general give their suffrages in person; and men of abilities are dispersed in the several parts of a State, capable of public office and station; especially, if there is a gene­ral [Page 21] distribution of property, and the land­ed interest not engrossed by a few, but possessed by the inhabitants in general thro the State; things of this nature wear a kind aspect. But for the preservation and permanence of the State, it is of still higher importance that its internal strength be supported upon the great pillars of capacity, defence and union. The full liberty of the press, that eminent instrument of pro­moting knowledge, and great palladium of the public liberty, being enjoyed; the learned professions directed to the public good; the great principles of legislation and government; the great examples and truths of history: the maxims of gene­rous and upright policy, and the severer truths of philosophy, investigated and ap­prehended by a general application to books, and by observation and experiment, are means by which the capacity of a state will be strong and respectable, and the number of superior minds will be daily encreasing.

STRENGTH, courage and military dis­cipline, being, under God, the great de­fence of a state, as these are cultivated and improved, the public defence will increase: And, if there is added to these, a general [Page 22]union, a spirit of harmony, the internal strength and beauty of the state will be great indeed.

THE variety and freedom of opinion is apt to check the union of a free state; and in case the union be interrupted merely from the freedom of opinion, con­testing for real rights and priviledges, the state and its government may still be strong and secure, as was in fact the case in an­cient Rome, in the more disinterested peri­ods of that republic. But if parties and factions arising from false ambition, avarice or revenge, run high, they endanger the state, which was the case in the latter peri­ods of the republic of Rome. Hence, the parties in a free state, if aimed at the pub­lic liberty and welfare, are salutary; but if selfish interest and views are their source, they are both dangerous and destructive.

THE language of just complaint, the voice of real grievance, in most cases, may easily be distinguished from the meer cla­mor of selfish, turbulent and disappointed men. The ear of a righteous government will always be open to the former, its hand with wisdom and prudence will sup­press the latter: And since passion is as [Page 23]natural to men as reason, much discretion should be used to calm and quiet disaffected minds. Coercives in government, should al­ways be held as very dangerous political phy­sic; such as have gone into the practice have commonly either killed or lost their patients.

A spirit of union is certainly a most happy omen in a state, and upon righteous principles should be cultivated and impro­ved with diligence. It greatly strengthens public measures, and gives them vigor and dispatch; so that but small states when united, have done wonders in defending their liberties against powerful monarchs. Of this we have a memorable example in the little state of Athens, whicn destroyed the fleet of Xerxes, consisting of a thou­sand ships, and drove Darius with his ar­my of three hundred thousand men out of Greece.

IT must not be forgotten, that much, very much depends upon rulers, to render a free government, quiet, permanent and res­pectful; they ought therefore in an eminent degree to possess those virtues and abilities which are the source and support of such a government.

[Page 24]THE modern maxims of policy abroad, the base arts of bribery and corruption, of intrigue and dissimulation, will soon be productive of evils and mischiefs in the state. And since a corruption of man­ners almost necessarily follows a corrup­tion of policy, the rulers of a free state ought to be influenced by the most gene­rous and righteous principles and views. Ignorant and designing men should be kept from public offices in the state, as the former will be dupes to the ambitious, and the latter will be likely to prove the instruments of discord.

MEN upon their first promotion, com­monly act and speak with an air of meek­ness and diffidence, which however, may consist with firmness and resolution. The practice of power is apt to dissipate these humble airs; for this and other reasons, it may generally be best not to continue persons a long time in places of honor and emolument.

THE qualities of a good ruler, may be estimated from the nature of a free govern­ment. Power being a delegation, and all delegated power being in its nature subor­dinate and limited, hence rulers are but [Page 25] trustees, and government a trust; there­fore fidelity is a prime qualification in a ruler; this joined with good natural and acquired abilities, goes far to compleat the character.

NATURAL disposition that is benevo­lent and kind, embellished with the grace­ful modes of address, agreeably strike the mind, and hence in preference to greater real abilities will commonly carry the votes of a people. It is however a truth in fact, that persons of this cast are subject to a degree of indolence, from which arises an aversion to those studies which form the great and active patriot. It is also a temper liable to that flexibility which may prove prejudicial to the state.

A GOOD acquaintance with mankind, a knowledge of the leading passions and principles of the human mind, is of high importance in the character before us. For common and well known truths and real facts, ought to determine us in hu­man matters. We should take mankind as they are, and not as they ought to be, or would be, if they were perfect in wis­dom and virtue. So, in our searches for truth and knowledge, and in our labors for [Page 26] improvement, we should keep within the ken or compass of the human mind. The welfare of the public, being the great ob­ject of the rulers views they ought of consequence, to be discerning in the times, always awake and watchful, to the public danger and defence.

AND in order that government may support a proper air of dignity, and com­mand respect, the ruler should engage in public matters, and perform the duties of his office, with gravity and solemnity of spirit; with wisdom he will deliberate upon pub­lic measures, and tenacious of a well form­ed purpose and design, he will pursue it with an inflexible stability.

POLITICAL knowledge, a sense of honor, an open and generous mind, it is confessed, will direct and urge a ruler to actions and exertions, beneficial to the State. And, if added to these, he has a principle of religion, and the fear of God, it will, in the best manner, fit him for the whole course or allotted duty. The great­est restraints, the noblest motives, and the best supports arise from our holy religion. The pious ruler, is by far, the most likely to promote the public good. His [Page 27] example will have the most happy influ­ence; his public devotions will not only be acts of worship and homage to God, but also of charity to men. Superior to base passions, and little resentments, undis­mayed by danger, not awed by threat­nings, he guides the helm in storm and tempest, and is ready if called in provi­dence, to sacrifice his life for his country's good. Most of all concerned, to approve himself to his God, he avoids the subtle arts of chicanery, which are productive of so much mischief in a State; exercising a conscience void of offence, he has food to eat which the world knows not of, and in the hour of his death, that solemn period, has a hope and confidence in God, which is better than a thousand worlds.

A STATE, and its inhabitants thus cir­cumstanced, in respect to government, principle, morals, capacity, union and ru­lers, make up the most striking portrait, the liveliest emblem of the Jerusalem that is above, that this world can afford.

THAT this may be the condition of these free independent, and sovereign States of America, we have the wishes and pray­ers of all good men. Indulgent heaven [Page 28]seems to invite and urge us to accept the blessing. A kind and wonderful provi­dence has conducted us, by astonishing steps, as it were, within sight of the pro­mised land. We stand this day upon Pisgah's top, the children of the free wo­man, the descendents of a pious race▪ who from the love of liberty, and the fear of God, spent their treasure, and spilt their blood. Animated by the same great spirit of liberty, and determine under God to be free, these states have made one of the noblest stands against despotism and tyran­ny, that can be met with, in the annals of history, either antient or modern. One common cause, one common danger, and one common interest has united and urged us to the most vigorous exertions. From small beginnings, from great weakness, impelled from necessity, and the tyrant's rod, but following the guidance of heaven, we have gone thro' a course of noble and heroic actions, with minds superior to the most virulent menaces, and to all the hor­rors of war, for we trusted in the God of our fore-fathers. We have been all along the scorn and derision of our enemies, but the care of heaven, the charge of God. And hence, our cause and union, like the rising sun, have shone brigther and brighter. [Page 29]Thanks be to God, we this day behold in the fulness of our spirit, the great object of our wishes, of our toils, and wars, brightening in our view.

THE battles we have already fought, the victories ^* we have won, the pride of tyranny that must needs have been hum­bled, mark the characters of the freemen of America with distinguished honour, and will be read with astonishment by gene­rations yet unborn.

THE lust of dominion is a base and detested principle, the desire of revenge, is an infernal one, and the former if oppo­sed, commonly produces the latter. From these our enemies seem to have taken their measures, and hence have treated us with the greatest indignities, reproaches, insults and cruelties, that were ever heaped upon a people, when struggling for their all. The remembrance of these things [Page 30] can never be lost. And altho' under God, American wisdom and valor, have hither­to opposed and bassled both their force and fraud, and we trust ever will; yet, justice to our cause, to ourselves, and to our poste­rity, as well as a most righteous resent­ment, absolutely forbid, that any thing should pacify our minds, short of a full and perfect independence. This, suppor­ted by the wisdom, virtue and strength of the continent, must be our great charter of liberty: nature has given us the claim, and the God of nature, appears to be helping of us to assert and maintain it. I am led to speak upon this point, with the greatest confidence, from the late measures and re­solves, of that august Assembly, the Ame­rican Congress, which were so circumstan­ced, and timed, as must with their general conduct, raise a monument to their same, that will bid defiance, even to the devour­ing hand of time itself.

WE must be insidels, the worst of infi­dels, to disown, or disregard the hand that has raised us up such benevolent and pow­erful assistants, in times of great distress. How wonderful, that God, who in antient times "girded Cyrus with his might," should dispose his most Christian Majesty, [Page 31] the King of France, to enter into the most open, and generous alliance, with these in­dependent states; an event in providence, which like the beams of the morning, cheer and enliven this great continent. We must cherish the feelings of gratitude, to such friends in our distress; we must hold our treaties sacred and binding.

Is it possible for us to behold the ashes the ruins of large and opulent towns, that have been burnt in the most wanton man­ner; to view the graves of our dear coun­trymen, whose blood has been most cru­elly spilt; to hear the cries and screaches of our ravished matrons and virgins, that had the misfortune to fall into the enemies hands, and think of returning to that cruel and bloody power which has done all these things? no! we are not to suppose such a thought can dwell in the mind of a free sensible American. The same feelings in nature that led a peruvian prince to choose the other place, must also teach us, to prefer connections with any people on the globe, rather than with those from whom we have experienced such unrighteous severities, and unparrelled cruelties.

[Page 32]IT seems as if a little more labour and exertion will bring us to reap the harvest of all our toils; and certainly we must esteem the freedom and independency of these states, a most ample reward for all our sufferings. In preference to all human affairs, our cause still merits, and ever has done, the most firm and manly support. In this, the greatest of all human causes, numbers of the virtuous Americans have lost their all—I recall my words, they have not lost it; no, but from the purest prin­ciples have offered it up in sacrifice upon the golden altar of liberty; the sweet per­sumes have ascended to heaven, and shall be had in everlasting remembrance.

IN this stage of our struggle, we are by no means to indulge to a supine and dila­tory spirit, which might yet be fatal; nor have we to take our resolutions from des­pair; far from this, we have the noblest. motives, the highest encouragements. I know the ardor of the human mind is apt in time to abate, tho' the subject be ever so important; but surely the blood of our friends and countrymen still crying in our cars, like the souls of the martyrs under the altar, must arouze and sire every nobler passion of the mind. Moreover,

[Page 33]To anticipate the future glory of Ame­rica, from our present hopes and prospects, is ravishing and transporting to the mind. In this light we behold our country be­yond the reach of all oppressors; under the great charter of independence, enjoy­ing the purest liberty; beautiful and strong in its union; the envy of tyrants and devils, but the delight of God, and all good men; a refuge to the oppressed; the joy of the earth: each state happy in a wise model of government and abounding with wise men, patriots and heroes; the strength and abilities of the whole conti­nent, collected in a grave and venerable council, at the head of all, seeking and promoting the good of the present and future generations. Hail my happy coun­try saved of the Lord! Happy land, emer­ged from the deluges of the old world, drowned in luxury and lewd excess! Hail happy posterity, that shall reap the peace­ful fruits of our sufferings, fateagues and wars! With such prospects, such transport­ing views, it is difficult to keep the passions or the tongue within the bounds of chri­stian moderation. But far be it from us, to indulge vain glory, or return railing for railing, or to insult our foes; we cultivate better principles of humanity and bravery, and would much rather cherish the feelings [Page 34] of pity, especially to those of our enemies of better minds, whose names with the baser may appear in the pages of impartial history with indelible blemish. We wish from the infatuation and wickedness, and fate of our enemies, the world would learn lessons in wisdom and virtue; that princes would learn never to oppress their subjects; That the vaughting Generals of Britain would learn never more to despise and contemn their enemy, nor prove blas­phemers of God and religion: We wish the whole world may learn the worth of liberty; and may the inhabitants of these states, when their independence and free­dom shall be compleated, bless God for ever and ever, for thine O Lord is the power and the glory, and the victory.

BUT under our raised expectations of seeing the good of God's chosen, let us think soberly, let us act wisely. The pub­lic still calls aloud for the united efforts, both of rulers and people; nor have we as yet put of the harness. We have many things amiss among ourselves, that need to be reformed; many internal diseases to cure, and secret internal enemies to watch against, who may aim a fatal blow, while making the highest pretensions to our cause; for plausible pretences are common [Page 35] covers to the blackest designs. We wish we had more public virtue, and that peo­ple would not be so greedy of cheating themselves and their neighbours. We wish for much greater exertions to promote education and knowledge, and virtue and piety. But in all states there will be such, as want no learning, no government, no religion at all.

FOR the cure of our internal political diseases and to promote the health and vigour, the defence and safety of the state, our eyes under God are directed to our rulers; and from that wisdom and prudence with which they have conducted our pub­lic affairs, in the most trying times, we have the highest encouragement to look to them.

As a token of unseigned respect, the Honorable gentlemen of both houses of Assembly present, will permit me by way of address, to observe; that the freemen of this state, by deligating their powers to you, my civil fathers, have reposed the greatest trust and confidence in you, from whence we doubt not, but you are sensible arises the most sacred obligation to fidelity. Preserving a constant sense of this, and keeping the public welfare as your great object in view; we trust you'll never be [Page 36] wanting in your best endeavours, and most vigorous exertions, to defend and deliver your country. The matters of the war, will undoubtedly at present, claim your first and principle attention, always esteem­ing its great object, the liberty of your country of more inestimable value than all the treasure of the world; and there­fore, to obtain and secure it, no neces­sary charges or costs are to be spared. The internal matters of the state, that claim your attention, tho' they may pass a severe scrutiny, will be noticed with all justice and impartiality. And in the choice of a council, that important branch of our legislature, from which we have expe­rienced such eminent services, of which branch, or one nearly similar, we hope this state will never be destitute; in this choice, persons of known ability, of pub­lic virtue and religion, and possessed of the spirit of liberty, will have the preference.

THE burdens of your station are always great, and in these times are much increas­ed, but you have the best of motives for exertion; you have the consolation, which arises from the fullest assurance of the justice of our cause; you have the unceas­ing prayers of good men, More than all [Page 37] these, you have the countenance and smiles of Heaven, with unceasing ardor there­fore, you will strive to be laborers together with God.

As nothing will be omitted, that the good of the state calls for, we expect to see greater exertions in promoting the means of education and knowledge, ^* than ever have yet been made among us; you will especially allow me, my fathers, to recommend our college, so much the glory of our land, to your special attention, and most generous encouragements. For every thing that is excellent and good, that we hope and wish for in future, in a most important and essential sense, is connected with, and depends upon exertions and endeavours of this kind. I need not observe

[Page 38]THE leaders and rulers in our glorious cause, have a fair opportunity of transmit­ing their names to posterity, with characters of immortal honour. With my whole soul, I wish you the blessing of God and the presence and guidance of his holy spirit.

My hearers:

LET us all hearken to the calls of our country, to the calls of God; and learn those lessons in wisdom, which are so forceably inculcated upon us in these times, and by such wonderful measures in Provi­dence. From a sacred regard, both to the goodness and severity of God, let us fol­low the guidance of his providence, and in the way of duty, leave ourselves, and all events with God.

REMEMBERING, that Jerusalem which is above, is the mother of us all, that we are children, ‘no [...] of the bond woman, but of the free.’ Let us stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Imitating the virtue, the piety, the love of liberty, so conspicu­ous in our pious ancestors, like them let us exert ourselves for the good of posterity. With diligence, let us cultivate the spirit of liberty, of public virtue, of union and religion; and thus strengthen the hands of government, and the great pillars of [Page 39]the state. Our own consciences will re­proach us, and the world condemn us, if we do not properly respect, and obey, and reverence the government of our own choosing. The eyes of the whole world are upon us in these critical times, and what is yet more, the eyes of Almighty God; let us act worthy of our prosessed principles, of our glorious cause, that in some good measure, we may answer the expectations of God and of men.

LET us cultivate the heavenly temper, and sacredly regard the great motive of the world to come. And God of his mercy grant, the blessings of peace may soon succeed, to the horrors of war; and that from the enjoyment of the sweets of li­berty here, we may in our turn and order, go to the full enjoyment of the nobler liberties above, in that new Jerusalem; that city of the living God, that is enlight­ened by the glory of God and of the Lamb.

AMEN.