THE Independence of the North-American Colonies, is a matter of great importance, and has been the subject of much dispute and speculation in times past. The debate is now closed, respect­ing this grand point; for, after mature deliberation, the American Congress, ne­cessitated thereto by the wanton, cruel, and unprovoked conduct of the king and parliament of Great-Britain, have declared these Colonies totally Independent on, and unconnected with that State, and now mean to consider and treat them like other [Page 6] nations and states, as "enemies in war, in peace; friends,"

THE words of my text are peculiarly suitable for the subject of discourse upon such an event. The story of which, what I have read, is but a part, we have at large in the preceeding part of this chapter. The sum of it is this; Rehoboam reigned in the stead of Solomon, his Father, king over all Israel. Upon his accession to the throne, the people by the representatives of their several tribes, petition the king for redress of their grievances, they complain of the last reign; they address Rehoboam for relief, and upon condition of its being granted, they will continue their allegiance to the house of David. Rehoboam consulted with them about him; the grave experienced men of his council advised him▪ by all means, to give the petitioners a kind answer, and this would secure them in his interest, "They will be thy servants for ever," say these wise counsellors. But this counsel of the old man he regards not, he forsakes, and takes advice of the "young men who were grown up with him, and who [Page 9] stood before him," to them he adhered, who urged harsh and rigorous measures, and advised to the imposition of far hea­vier taxes. He answered the people agree­able to such weak and foolish counsels. He threatned not only to squeze them by heavy taxes, but to chastise them with cruel laws, and severe executions thereof. Thus was Rehoboam infatuated in his counsels and measures, and hereby the righteous designs of the Supreme Ruler of the world were fulfilled. "It was from the Lord." He left Rehoboam to his own fol­ly, and hid from his eyes the things which belonged to his peace, that the kingdom might be rent from him, agreeable to God's threatning, related in the preceed­ing chapter. God often serves his own wise and righteous purposes, by the im­prudence and wickedness of men, and snares sinners in the works of their own hands. When the ten tribes of Israel were thus roughly answered, and threat­ned, they all as one declare a revolt from Rehoboam, and the two tribes who ad­hered to him, and set up a separate king­dom, and independent state, as the text teaches us. They highly resented the [Page 10] provocation which Rehoboam gave them, were incensed at his menaces, concluded that that government, in its progress, would be intolerably grievous, which, in the beginning, was so very imperious and haughty, and therefore resolve no longer to yield allegiance and submission to such a Tyrant. By the way, we need not won­der that the ten tribes of Israel fall off from the house of David, if the house of David fall away from the great end of their advancement to rule and authority which was "to be ministers of God, for good to the people."

My view, in further discoursing upon this scrap of sacred story, is to apply the revolt of the ten tribes of Israel from Re­hoboam, (as far as it will apply) to the Thirteen Colonies of North-America, re­nouncing "all allegiance to the British crown, and totally dissolving all political connection between them and the state of Great-Britain, and declaring themselves Free and Independent States, vested with the full powers, privileges and preroga­tives belonging to seperate states, and en­deavour to justify this measure to the world. It is not to be supposed that [Page 11] these two cases are exactly parallel; it is sufficient if they are so in the main points.

Let it then be observed, in the first place, that this foolish and wicked Rhehoboam was the third king of that house and fa­mily. When the people of Israel foolish­ly and impiously asked God to give them a king, hereby rejecting the kingly govern­ment of the most high, God condescend­ed to gratify their desire, after previous­ly warning them of what would be the certain consequences of their unhappy choice; they would be such as, if they had any reason left, and would consult their own interest, they would withdraw their petition, and desire rather to conti­nue as they were. They notwithstand­ing, persisted in their demand, and God gave them a king, but in his anger, and as a great scourge and curse to them. The first king of Israel was Saul, the son of Kish, a Benjamite. He was a silly prince, infatuated in his councils, invad­ed by his neghbours, deserted by his sol­diers, disordered in his own spirit, sacri­ficeing in confusion, and rejected of God from being king. After this, God directs Samuel to anoint David king, the young­est [Page 12] son of Jesse, of another family. David was in the main a good king, though he had his faults.

SOLOMON, his son by Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, reigned over Israel, after the death of David. He was a wise and good king, and in general ruled well. Indeed he was led away, by his wives, from God, for which he threatned to rend ten tribes from him, and give to his servant Jeroboam, though not in his day, And further, it seems probable, there were some things in his reign greivous and op­pressive to the people; for when Rehoboam son of Solomon, came to the throne of Israel upon his father's death, the people petition him to relax somewhat the griev­ous service of the former reign. "Thy father made our yoke grievous; now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke which he put upon us lighter, and we will serve thee." But Rehoboam hearkned not unto the people, but threatned them with in­tolerable burdens and impositions.

Let us apply this:

THE present king of Great-Britain is the third prince of the house of Hanover. [Page 13] George Lewis, Elector of Hanover, suc­ceeded Queen Ann. He was succeeded, in the throne, by his son George the second. The reigns of these two Georges were to­lerably good. Passing by the cruel and oppressive measures adopted with respect to these Colonies, in the reigns of the inglo­rious Stuart family, from whence, under God, the Revolution delivered us; It must be observed that acts were made in [...] reigns of Georges, first and second, called [...]ts of trade, whereby our commerce suffered useless and oppressive restrictions: yet still we submitted without complaint or petition, for when the present king came to the throne, succeeding his grand-father, we did not request him to make "the grievous service, and heavy yoke, lighter," which his predecessors had put upon us: and had not "his little singer been thicker than their loins," we should never have disturbed the royal car with petitions and complaints, nor would George the third, have lost the bigger and better half of his kingdom. Had no measures been pursued with regard to these states, more grievous than were adopted before the year 1763. we had still owned George [Page 14] for our rightful sovereign. For, as the people, at first emigrated chiefly from Great-Britain and Ireland, they ever (un­til now) held under the crown thereof, and acknowledged the same king, with the other tribes beyond the atlantic. But soon after he came to the throne of his ancestors, he discovered an haughty and despotic spirit and behaviour. He, like Rehoboam, forsook the counsel of the old men, and followed the impolitic advice of his young mates, and his pre­ceptor. In the reign of George the se­cond, the British empire was carried to its height and perfection in glory, re­nown, wealth, grandeur, and extent of dominion, through the wise counsels, and prudent management of that able states­man and counsellor, Mr. PITT, now Earl of Chatham, of immortal memory. He had the whole conducting of the last war, and by his sound judgment and skill, and uncorruptible patriotism, under God, enabled Great-Britain to conquer the united powers of France and Spain, to spread terror through the world, and add to her dominions an immense extent of territory in the East and West-Indies, and [Page 15] in North-America. He put it into the power of Britain to make the most ho­norable and gainful peace, at the close of the last war; but Lord Bute, the king's preceptor, sent plenipotentiary to the treaty at Paris, consents to the most in­glorious terms.

THE kingdom was a long time in com­ing to that pitch of grandeur and prospe­rity, to which, in divine providence, it was exalted at the accession of the present king: but it soon began to decline. The old men, the able counsellors who stood before his grandfather, and to whom the nation was greatly indebted, were dis­carded, neglected. Though they have ever given their best advice to the king, urging such mild, conciliatory measures as would have secured to him the allegiance and affection of all his subjects, yet their counsels were reprobated, while the young, inexperienced men, who grew up with him, he has ever consulted, and their ad­vice he has steadily followed through the whole of his reign. The people of England and America have had constant cause for complaints and petitions; for his reign has been one continued series of oppres­sions, [Page 16] and usurpations. Bute, Hillsbo­rough and North, with their detestable Junto, have advised to oppressive measures of taxation, in America, and when we have petitioned for redress, they have urged fur­ther harsh and vigorous methods, and when we have attempted to defeat the operation of their acts they have advised to the most wanton and cruel punishments: So that we have had just cause of complaint; to show which we need only mention what he and his parliament have done, leaving an impartial world to judge whether we have not sufficient reasons to reject him, as our king, and to set up as free and in­dependent states, saying, "What portion have we in George? neither have we in­heritance in the house of Hanover; to your tents O Americans, and now see to thine own house George." "He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing impor­tance, unless suspended in their Operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglect­ed to attend to them.

[Page 17]He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large [...] of people, unless those people would relin­quish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firm­ness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapa­ble of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from with­out, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the po­pulation of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to en­courage their migrations hither, and rais­ing the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

[Page 18]He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of new of­fices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our consti­tution, and unacknowledged by our laws; given his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States:

[Page 19]For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing taxes on us without our consent:

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring province, esta­blishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit in­strument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolish­ing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our govern­ments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

[Page 20]He has at this time transported large armies of foreign mercenaries to com­pleat the works of death, desolution and tyranny, already begun with circum­stances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civi­lized nation.

He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and bre­thren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes and con­ditions.—A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may de­fine a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people."

These are some of the acts and doings of George the third, and the British par­liament: but these are not all, neither can the baleful influence, and cruel ope­ration of these be painted in full and [Page 21] proper color. These are all facts, not to be denied by any, neither do any pre­tend to deny, that he and his venal mini­stry, and corrupt parliament have done, or, at least, attempted to do all these things.

BUT some pretend to justify the admi­nistration in Great-Britain, with saying, we have, by our abusive treatment of the king's servants, provoked government to treat us with such unexampled severity: Our troubles, say they, we have brought upon ourselves, and the various acts of king and parliament arose from our op­position to government. To this objec­tion, let me answer, That, notwithstand­ing certain acts of trade which were griev­ous and oppressive, the people preserved due decorum, and were peaceable and submissive until 1764. The British ad­ministration began its attacks on our li­berties with a stamp-act, but meeting with strong opposition, they thought fit to re­peal it. This act threw the colonies into strong convulsions, and we rejoiced ex­ceedingly on its repeal, fondly hoping we should enjoy future tranquility. But we were mistaken. They never intended to relinquish their design, but only to [Page 22] change their ground, that, which they first pitched upon, not seeming tenable. An American revenue granted by a Bri­tish parliament was the object, and they never lost sight of it: for soon renewed their attacks, upon principles which they thought more favourable to their inten­tions: but they met with as little success in this as in their former attempt. If the Americans, in some instances, carried their resentment too far against some among us, whom they, not without reason, thought to be instrumental of such oppressive acts, they should remember the provocation given, pity and overlook any indecencies and lawless measures some few run into, know­ing that, "Oppression maketh a wise man mad." Admitting that some wrong steps were taken by some in certain places, in opposing revenue laws, this can never justify their punishing the innocent with the guilty, and attempting to deprive a whole province of its chartered rights, for the follies and freaks of individuals. But further, if those revenue laws were unjust, cruel and oppressive, and inconsistent with liberty, and the enjoyment of our property, it was the duty of this people to oppose them: and if this opposition [Page 23] could not be made in what some call, a regular way, we must take such measures as we could, and it was certainly wrong in them to punish us for opposing their acts, big with such fatal consequences to America. There was no oppugnation of government here until it became grievous, oppressive and intollerable, and then it was, and ought to be, opposed. Our op­position was misrepresented by our go­vernors, and other crown officers, as pro­ceeding from an impatience of any go­vernment, or restraint: every little riot or disturbance was magnified beyond all the possibilities of truth, and represented as the doing of vast multitudes. Thus, Ame­rica was first oppressed, and for struggling and groaning under her oppressions, she was calumniated and loaded with more intollerable burdens.

But, say some, if these acts of parlia­ment, measures of administration were grievous and oppressive, we did not take the right course for redress: we should have petitioned therefor in a regular way, by the three branches of the legislatures. This, I would answer, was always attempt­ed, but never could be obtained; for [Page 24] when governors found the two houses of assembly ripening petitions to the king, they were immediately adjourned, pro­rogued, or dissolved. Whenever the se­veral houses of assembly, in their separate capacity, sent petitions and remonstran­ces, then they were rejected, because they were not proper acts of the court. At this time the assemblies found they had not suitable agents at the court of Great-Britain; the governors would not con­sent to the choice of such as the two houses could confide in as friendly to their in­terest and rights; from that time they had separate agents. Our agents could not be heard, because they were not the agent of the whole court, and governors were instructed not to consent to any grants for their services. Thus there be no petitioning in what some affect to call, the regular way. When the repre­sentatives of this state wrote circular let­ters to the other states, soliciting a union in remonstrating and petitioning against some late acts of parliament, this and se­veral other assemblies were dissolved. Thus things went on until 1774, when the colonies chose delegates to represent [Page 25] them in one grand Congress, who, being met, drew up a most humble and respect­ful petition to the king, wherein they say, "From this destructive system of colony administration adopted since the conclusion of the late war have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears and jealou­sies, that overwhelm your majesties duti­ful colonists with affliction; and we defy our most subtil and inveterate adversaries to trace the unhappy differences between Great-Britain and these colonies, from an earlier period, or from other causes, than we have assigned, had they proceeded, on our part, from restless levity of temper unjust impulsers of ambition or artful sug­gestions of seditious persons, we should merit the approbrious terms frequently bestowed on us by those we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them, and can be charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be sensible of them. —We ask but for peace, liberty and safe­ty. We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favor. Your royal authority over us, and our connection [Page 26] with Great-Britain, we shall always care­fully and zealously endeavor to support and maintain.—We present this petition only to obtain redress of grievances.— We therefore beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and interposition may be used for our relief, and that a graci­ous answer may be given to this petition." In the second address of the Congress to the king, the last year, they say, "Attach­ed to your majesty's person, family and government, with all the devotion that principle, and affection can inspire; con­nected with Great-Britain by the strong­est ties that can unite societies, and de­ploring every event that tends in any de­gree to weaken them, we solemnly assure your majesty, that we not only desire the former harmony between her, and these colonies may be restored, but that a con­cord may be established between them upon so firm a basis, as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissentions, to succeeding generations in both countries." After mentioning the new system of statutes and regulations adopted with respect to the colonies, they add, "We therefore beseech your ma­jesty [Page 27] that your royal authority and influ­ence may be graciously interposed to pro­cure us relief from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system before mentioned, and to settle peace through every part of your dominions, with all humility submitting to your ma­jesty's wise consideration, whether it may not be expedient for facilitating those important purposes, that your majesty be pleased to direct some mode by which the united applications of your faithful colo­nists to the throne, in presence of their common councils, may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation: and that, in the mean time, measures may be taken for preventing the further de­struction of the lives of your majesty's sub­jects, and that such statutes as more im­mediately distress any of your majesty's colonies may be repealed." Thus these colonies have, by their representatives in Congress, unitedly and in the most hum­ble, respectful manner, repeatedly peti­tioned the king, for redress of grievances. They have asked only for relief from cruel and oppressive acts made since 1763. But the king's ear has been deaf to our re­quests, and humble suits.

[Page 28]I know it is said by some among us, that those petitions could not be heard, because they came not from a con­stitutional body. But I would reply, that every way of remonstrating, and petitioning was tried, before this, but was ineffectual, or was attempted, but was frustrated; necessity therefore, if nothing else, would justify this mea­sure of petitioning by a general Congress. But besides, what method could have been taken to obtain the sense of all the colonies, and collect the whole force and strength thereof united in humble, earnest petitions for relief, but this, of choosing men in all the colonies, by their respective assemblies, to sit in one grand Council, to consult, and deliberate upon matters respecting their common safety and happiness. To me, it appears, no assembly could be more constitutional, or absolutely necessary, and no petitions could come with greater weight, or have, (all things considered) a more likely ten­dency to gain audience, than when com­ing from all the colonies united therein. But these have been trampled under foot: all our humble petitions every way, and [Page 29] from every quarter, have been answered only by a repetition of injurious abuses and insults. The king and ministry have been obstinately bent upon carrying their design into effect, for taxing these colo­nies, overturning our free constitutions and establing an absolute tyranny over us, otherwise he would have heard us, when we have so often called for relief, for mer­cy, for justice. The real truth appears to be this. They were determined not to hear us, if we called; accordingly they cut off all possibility of petitioning in what they pretend is the only regular, consti­tutional way, and then refuse to hear us, because we do not present our petitions in that way. The necessity therefore, we have been under, of throwing off our con­nection with Great-Britain, renouncing king George, and his evil counsellors, and setting up as independent states, plainly appears. We could get no relief: if we had submitted to their usurped jurisdic­tion, we must have been in a state of the most abject slavery and wretchedness; and because we could not submit, we are threatned to be devoured with the sword. We have not been rash and hasty in de­claring [Page 30] ourselves independent; as the ten tribes were in their revolt from Rehobo­am; but we have waited even unto long suffering. These thirteen years have we been suffering from the cruel hands of tyrants, and merciless oppressors; "in every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned," entreated, cried for relief, but they have made their hearts as an ada­mant stone, that they might not hear us. When such a long train of abuses, and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce us un­der absolute despotism, it is our right, it is our duty to throw off such government, and provide new guards for our future security. The king, ministry, and par­liament of Great-Britain have by their foolish, mad, and infatuated measures, lost by far the greatest part of the British dominions, and that which was a con­stant source of wealth and strength to them. He surely must be either a very weak or a very wicked prince, who could persevereingly conduct in this manner. If he has been led by his ministers and counsellors, contrary to his own inclina­tion, he must be very foolish and weak. [Page 31] And we may here apply the saying of a much wiser king,^* "Wo to thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy prin­ces eat in the morning." Also that other proverb I speech.^† "Better is a poor and wise child, than an old and foolish king, who will no more be admonished. For out of prison he cometh to reign, whereas also he that is born in his king­dom, becometh poor: on the other hand, if these measures were agreeable to his will and inclination, and approved of by him, if he has all a long chosen, and kept in office, such men as he knew would favor and support his measures, he has been very wicked. Either of these characters is not very honorable. They must both, in some degree, belong to George the third: we therefore chearfully renounce him, as totally unfit and unworthy to be our king and head: let them who like him, take him, and make the best of him. It is pity, that some way could not be disco­vered, whereby the few in these states, who appear peculiarly fond of such a king, might be transplanted to Great-Britain, there to participate in the fruits [Page 32] of his tyranical reign. Such as have an ap-like disposition as Issachar, who would willingly couch down between two bur­dens; who think, a quiet life, in a good land, though accompanied with slavery and bondage preferable to large sacrifi­ces and great struggles for the sake of enjoying freedom and liberty, ought, if possible, to be gratified. It is a natural remark we may here make, that it had been easy for George to have retained these states in allegiance to his crown, and hearty affection to his person. Let a prince consider what it is that moves a peo­ple principally to affection, and dearness towards their sovereign. He shall see that there needs no other artifice in it, than to let them enjoy unmolested, what belong to them of right: if that has been invaded, and violated in any kind or degree, where­by their affections are alienated, the next consideration for a wise prince, who would be happy, is how to regain them: to which three things are equally neces­sary: to reinstate them in their former liberties: to revenge them of the authors of those violations, and to secure them from the apprehensions of the like again.

[Page 33]But to return.

What has been said above, shows that we have adopted independency of neces­sity, not of choice; to which some object, and pretend to charge us with aiming all along at independency, with being sedi­tious, and impatient of any government. To this I reply in the words of the Con­gress, in their first address to the inhabi­tants of Great-Britain. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Per­mit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness: we shall ever be ready to contribute, all in our power, to the welfare of the empire: we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own." In the last address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain they say. "It has been said that we refuse to submit to the re­strictions on our commerce. From whence is this inference drawn? not from our words; we having repeatedly declared the contrary, and we again profess our submission to the several acts of trade and navigation passed before the year 1763, trusting, nevertheless, in the equity and [Page 34] justice of parliament, that such of them as, upon cool and impartial considera­tion, shall appear to have imposed un­necessary, or grievous restrictions, will at some happier period, be repealed or al­tered. And we chearfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament as shall be restrained to our external commerce for the purpose of se­curing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members, excluding every idea of taxa­tion internal or external, for raising a re­venue on the subjects in America, with­out their consent." "We ask not (say they in their address to the people of Ire­land) for pentions, for wealth, or for ho­nors, but for the humble boon of being permitted to possess the fruits of honest industry, and to enjoy that degree of liber­ty, to which God, and the constitution have given us an undoubted right▪" Go­vernor Johnstone in his speech in parlia­ment vindicates the colonies from this as­persion, of aiming at independence. He says from his knowledge, and from con­versation with Americans, friends to ad­ministration, [Page 35] "That America is unani­mous in resisting the power of taxing them by the British parliament where they have no representatives: that they will never yield this point: that in case they were made easy on this point, and secure as to their charter, on which their property de­pends, they would immediately return to their duty and obedience. This, I aver to be the universal report and opinion of men, with whom I have conversed, from America. If any one disputes the truth of my assertions, I now defy him to bring any evidence to contradict me, and I now undertake to bring men of the best cha­racter in support of what I aver.—I main­tain that the sense of the best and wisest men, in this country, is on the side of the Americans: three to one, in Ireland, are on their side: the greatest characters in this country consider them as contending in the glorious cause of preserving those institutions which are necessary to the happiness, security, and elevation of the human mind." I add, if certain indivi­duals were zealous advocates for American independency, it was by no means the voice of the Congress, nor of the body of [Page 36] the people, in any of the colonies, until all hope of a reconciliation with Great-Britain was entirely cut off, but upon the terms of asking pardon for crimes we had never committed, and absolute unconditional submission.

It has been said, we have dared Eng­land to fight us, have bid them a challenge, and now complain of their cruelty and inhumanity because they accept it. Now this, if from any thing, must be collected from the public petitions and addresses of the Congress. I have attentively and impartially reviewed them all, and I find nothing bearing such an aspect. They have mentioned our grievances, and petitioned for redress. They have stated our rights, and declare their firm resolution to de­fend them to the last, and if Britain means, by force, to attempt to compel us to sub­mission to her unrighteous edicts we shall endeavor to repel force by force. This is the most we have said, and does this look like a challenge? surely no. The Congress in their declaration setting forth the causes and necessity of taking up arms, say. "We are reduced to the alterna­tive of choosing an unconditional submis­sion [Page 37] to the tyranny of imitated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, hu­manity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gal­lant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bon­dage upon them. Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them, that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long, and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent States. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spec­tacle [Page 38] of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation, or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges, and civiligation, and yet prof­fer no milder conditions than servitude or death. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth­right, and which we ever enjoyed, till the late violation of it, for the protection of our property acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers, and ourselves, against violence, actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their be­ing renewed, shall be removed and not before." Thus we have bid no challenge; we have only declared we will maintain our rights; we only fight in our own defence: some among us indeed indeavor to persuade themselves, and others, that the oath of allegiance which many have taken, bind them to submit to those acts of administration we complain of, or by no means to resist them:—That if they resist they are guilty of perjury, and the most awful violation of their oath. To this, as they imagine, waighty and plausi­ble [Page 39] objection, I beg leave to reply; that allegiance and protection are reciprocal duties, is due to rulers from their subjects while they are protected and secured in the enjoyment of their just rights, liber­ties, property and lives (which was the only design of the institution of civil go­vernment) but if rulers, instead of thus protecting and defending their subjects, use their power, influence and authority, to enslave, ruin and destroy their fellow-subjects; allegiance is no longer due, whither men have expressly, or only im­plicitly taken the oath of allegiance and submission to the government. Between rulers and their subjects, there is always a covenant expressed or supposed, and rulers are under oath to govern according to the constitution, and fundamental laws of this State; and the people even where they have taken express oaths of allegiance to their rulers, are thereby bound to obey them, no further than they govern and rule agreeable to the settled constitution. But when rulers, by leaping the bounds of constitution, violate the covenant or com­pact, between them, and the people; the people are discharged from their oath of alle­giance, [Page 40] and it then is their right, their duty to oppose and resist them. In all covenants, contracts or compacts, where one party violates them, the other party is no longer held thereto, or bound thereby. For this reason is it, that although the government is under obligation to secure to every sub­ject, the enjoyment of property, liberty and life; yet when subjects rebel against lawful authority, are guilty of treasonable practices against good rulers, or the state, they are no longer entitled to protection, they have forfeited property, liberty or life, and the government may lawfully take either away, according to the nature and degree of their offences. Besides, this objection, if it has any weight in it, would at once support those justly exploded doc­trines of passive obedience, and non-resist­ance; doctrines directly contrary to the practice of the apostles, who yet preached up all due submission to civil government. For, if the oath of allegiance, which many actually take, and all are supposed to be under to their rulers (bind as they pretend) there must be ready submission yielded to all their commands, there must be no re­sistance offered to them in any cases, even [Page 41] where they enjoin and require things con­trary to the constitution, to the nature and reason of things, inconsistent with the design of government, the well-being of the State, or repugnant to the express will of God. Whereas, "we are bound to God rather than men." I further add, this objection, if it proves any thing in the present case, proves too much; it proves that GEORGE the third, has no right to the British crown, but that that is the right, the inheritance of the immediate heir of JAMES the second, or somebody else, no mortal can tell who.—But after all it is impossible to satisfy some people.

There are among us, men who professed to be friends to their country, and who say, they look upon the acts of the British parliament, we complain of, as cruel, un­constitutional and oppressive, and yet find fault with every step we take, with every measure we pursue, and endeavor to dis­courage people from attempting deliver­ance therefrom. But how can such men reconcile their profession and their conduct? They point out no other way wherein to look for, or expect relief. If they must find fault let them suggest some steps and mea­sures [Page 42] for public consideration, which they think adviseable to take. But it is not a little vain and arrogant for men, totally unacquainted with public affairs, the af­fairs of the State, and with the world, and who seldom go beyond the smoak of their own chimnies, to pretend to arraign the wisdom of the Congress, the wisdom of the Continent. We are remarkably united in the measures taken: We have petitioned, we have remonstrated: We have tried every way for relief: We have been dri­ven to arms: We have been forced to an independency. Still the men cry out; nothing is conducted as it ought to be: We are all undone! "Doubtless they are the men, and wisdom will die with them." I grant all men have a right to canvass public measures, and to speak their minds. But then there is a deference due to the public judgment. Individuals, who dissent, should do it with modesty and self-diffi­dence, as not being certain but others may know as well, if not much better than they. If they protest, let them give their reasons, otherwise they had better be totally silent.

But not to enlarge. From what has been said above, from plain undeniable [Page 43] facts, it is evident these colonies will and must be justified, by the whole candid and impartial world in declaring themselves free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and to­tally disconnected with the British empire.

I shall now make a few reflections upon, and inference from what has been offered.

It is a natural inference from sacred story, and from what has been said above, that kingly government is not agreeable to the divine will, and is often a very great evil. The will of God as made known by Gideon; and the prophet Sa­muel expressly disapproves of government by kings. "Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, before the Jews under a na­tional delusion, asked a king,—'Till then their form of government (except in ex­traordinary cases where the Almighty in­terposed) was a kind of republic adminis­tred by a judge, and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of hosts. And when a man seriously reflects on the [Page 44] idolatrous homage paid to the persons of kings, we need not wonder that the Al­mighty, ever jealous of his honor, should disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven." No form of government but kingly or monarchial, is an invasion of God's prerogative; this is. It will be vain to alledge, in proofs of the divine approbation of kingly government, that we are commanded to pray for kings, and to submit unto kings. For, when in their folly, and "strong delusion," a people fix upon kingly, monarchial government, they must make the best of it, pray that their king may reign in righteousness and rule with judgment, and must submit to his rule and authority, so long as it can be done consistent with their duty to them­selves, to posterity, to mankind and to God. The most high over all the earth, gave kings at first, to the Jews (as he sends war) in anger, and as a judgment, and it may be affirmed, that upon the whole, they have been a scourge to the inhabi­tants of the earth ever since. We in these States, are now evidently under the frowns of heaven for our many and great [Page 45] transgressions: it is to be hoped we shall not "add to our sins, this evil to ask us a king."^*

Again, we may infer that however faulty the king may be, and although he has forfeited the allegiance, and affection of this people, yet they who have advised him to such acts, and to such harsh and rigorous measures, as have divided the kingdom, and brought us into this condi­tion, are veryly guilty in the sight of God, and must, with the king, answer another day before God, for all the evil conse­quences of their wicked advice, and rash conduct, and especially for that torrent of human blood with which our land is deluging. The acts of the British parlia­ment, and the measures taken against us, have been mostly suggested, contrived, and urged by the notoriously infamous [Page 46] Hutchinson (late governor of this province) and his minions of this country, and fur­thered by men in place and power in Great-Britain. Leaving our other ene­mies; the crimes of such as are of this land, who have been plotting their coun­try's ruin, seem to pursue these bloody men, they are fallen into the pit they were digging for others, they are the most and greatest of them banished their native land, and fair inheritances; many of them destitute, afflicted, tormented, and the voice of their brethren's blood, shed greatly by their means, crieth unto God from the ground. Nor are they entire­ly guiltless, let me here say, who, among ourselves, seem to think the war in which we are engaged, not just, or the attempt impracticable, and therefore will not asist in our defence when our all is at stake, but stand aloof from our troubles, and wish well to the cause of our adversaries. They who decline the service, and will not lend an helping hand, while we are struggling for life, must expect to meet with some heavy judgment^* "Curse ye Meroz (said the angel of the Lord) curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because [Page 47] they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty." If our cause be good and just (and who can deny this) if heaven has conducted us to an independency, if this "cause is from God," as the revolt of the ten tribes was, if when the salvation of our country calls for our aid, we refuse it, thro' opposition, cowardice, or any other cause, the curse of God will pursue us. "Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully, and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood."^†

Once more, As we have been necessi­tated to separate from Great-Britain, we must make the best of a state of Indepen­dency. Notwithstanding we give up that state with reluctance; yet I am fully convinced that Independency is, in every view, the interest of America. If any among us are desirous of being satisfied that this is our interest, and that we are able to support ourselves therein, under the patronage of that infinitely wise Being who has brought us hitherto, let them divest themselves of prejudice and prepo­sition, and read that incomparable pamphlet called "Common Sense," with its ad­ditions, [Page 48] and they will have all the satis­faction they can reasonably demand. Some among us think we do but dream, when we talk of supporting ourselves as a separate people:—They have thought so in other instances, and lived to see, what they called our dreams, come to pass.

Let me here subjoin, that since this mighty revolution has taken place in A­merica, there must of necessity be a change in our modes of civil government; and this is a matter of the greatest consequence, as to this life, and ought to engage our closest attention. It will be unpardona­ble in us to submit to tyranny and op­pression within, when we are hazarding every thing dear to us, to defend our­selves against it from without. A plan of government will soon be laid before the people of this State, for their consi­deration. Let us not hastily adopt any one form; and while we reject the defects, let us preserve the virtues and excellen­cies of our ancient mode. Let us cooly examine, and thoroughly weigh the plans already adopted by any sister States, and improve upon them. And whatever form we fix upon, let us be peculiarly careful [Page 49] that every part of the State is fully and freely represented in our legislative As­sembly. A large and full representation of a people, is of the greatest importance to the State. The people ought to re­tain in their own hands a check upon the legislative powers, by having their elec­tions very frequent, at least, once in a year. This is a right we should be pecu­liarly tenacious of, nor ever upon any con­sideration, give it up. Power is too in­toxicating, to be committed for any great length of time, to the hands of any man, or any body of men, Long parliaments are fountains of corruption and venality, are totally inconsistent with liberty in the people, and in time, fail not to work the ruin of a State. Further, if the form of government we shall adopt, consist of more than one branch, each ought to be entirely independent of, that it may not in the least be influenced by the other. Hereditary succession in legislatures, this people must be greatly deluded ever to admit of. In a word, the plan of govern­ment ought to be noble and generous, securing equal liberty and happiness, both civil and religious, to every individual; [Page 50] that foreigners may find among us an asylum from tyranny, slavery and perse­cution. ^*

Finally, Since we are become indepen­dent on an earthly power, we eminently need the divine favor, smiles, protection and blessing, and should be concerned, therefore to conduct in such a manner as to secure the same. As our revolt is, undoubtedly, of God, he is saying to us this day, as he said to Jeroboam and the ten tribes of Israel, "It shall be if you will hearken unto all that I command you, and will walk in my ways, and do what is right in my sight, to keep my statutes and com­mandments, that I will be with you, and build you up." To establish ourselves in our Independency let us not take ways and measures which are sinful, as Jeroboam and the ten tribes of Israel did. Let us be care­ful to profess, maintain, encourage, and promote the Protestant religion, as far as [Page 51] in us lieth, in opposition to Heathenism, all Idolatry. That we may be supported, let us not too much countenance, and encourage such neighbours and states, as are enemies to the Protestant cause and interest; lest, if we should, we be tempt­ed to depart from the living God. God has ever been the friend and patron of the American Israel, and he will continue so, if we act up to our character and obli­gation. "The Lord is with you, while you be with him, and if you seek him, he will be found of you: But if you forsake him, he will forsake you."^* As said Aza­riah unto Asa, and all Judah and Benja­min. It is of more importance for us to keep in covenant with God, and to be upon good terms with heaven, than to be in league and friendship with the most potent States. Let us be careful to keep up among us, the religion of Jesus Christ pure and uncorrupted by human additi­ons or mixtures, and the worship of God unadulterated, and then the God, "In whom our fathers trusted, and were deli­vered," will delight to build us up, and to plant us; he will give us success in the present war, he will rebuke the king and [Page 52] people of Great-Britain, with their allies, and say to them, as he did to Rehoboam and the two tribes who adhered to him, when they were about to levy war upon the ten tribes; "Ye shall not go up, nor fight against your brethren, the children of Israel; return every man to his house, for this thing is of me." He will disap­point the devices of our enemies, and make them to be at peace with us." "If God be thus for us, who can be against us." We shall be safe and happy. ^* "There is none like unto the God of Jeshurun, who rideth upon the heaven in thy help, and in his excellency on the sky. The eter­nal God is thy refuge, and underneath are the everlasting arms: and he shall thrust out the enemy from before thee, and shall say, Destroy them. Israel shall then dwell in safety alone: the fountain of Jacob shall be upon a land of corn and wine, also his heaven shall drop down dew. Happy art thou, O Israel: who is like unto thee, O people saved by the LORD, the shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thy excellency! and thine enemies shall be found liars unto thee, and thou shalt tread upon their high [Page 53] places." We are ready to anticipate those happy times, when these days of tribulation shall be at an end; when our brethren shall return from the high places of the field, when we with them, shall set under our own vines and fig-trees quietly enjoying the inheritance our Ancestors have left us, and the fruits of our own hard labor, and honest industry, and have none to make us afraid. "Safe from the enemy of the wilderness; safe from the griping hand of arbitrary sway, and cruel superstition; here shall be the late founded seat of peace and freedom. Here shall arts and sciences, the companions of tranquility and liberty, florish. Here shall dwell uncorrupted faith, the pure wor­ship of God unawed, uninterrupted; here shall it extend itself, and its benign in­fluences among them, who have hitherto "Sat in darkness, in the region, and un­der the shadow of death." "Truth shall spring out of the earth, and righteousness shall look down from Heaven: Yea, the Lord shall give that which is good; righ­teousness shall go before him, and shall set us in the way of his steps." New sources of wealth shall continually open [Page 54] upon us, our trade shall florish and in­crease, this land shall be the Mart of all nations; here shall we become great a­mong the powers of the earth, by grow­ing numbers; for this vine, which the Lord hath planted, shall extend her bran­ches from sea to sea, and from the rivers unto the end of the earth. Here shall we enjoy the most perfect freedom and liberty, while we live, and transmit the same, as a good inheritance, to our chil­dren, and they to theirs, 'till time shall be no more; for "The mercy of the Lord is from everlasting to everlasting, upon them that fear him, and his righ­teousness unto children's children, to such as keep his covenant, and to them who remember his commandments to do them." Let us rejoice that the Lord reigneth, and let us patiently trust in him, and wait his time for compleat deliverence. And may God fulfill to us his ancient promises, delivered in the noblest strains, by the enlightned prophet, with which I close. ^* "O thou afflicted, tossed with tempest, and not comforted: Behold, I will lay thy stones with fair colors, and lay thy foundation with saphires, and I will make [Page 55] thy windows of agates, and thy gates of carbuncles, and all thy borders of pleasant stones. And all thy children shall be taught of the Lord, and great shall be the peace of thy children. In righteousness shalt thou be established: Thou shalt be far from oppression, for thou shalt not fear, and from terror, for it shall not come near thee. Behold they shall surely gather together, but not by me: Whosoever shall gather together against thee shall fall for thy sake. No weapon that is formed against thee shall prosper," ^* "For brass I will bring gold, and for iron I will bring silver, and for wood brass, and for stones iron. I will also make thy officers peace, and thine exactors righteousness. Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, waisting nor destruction within thy borders; but thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise. Thy people also shall be all righ­teous: They shall inherit the land for­ever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands that I may be glori­fied. A little one shall become a thou­sand, and a small one a strong nation: I the Lord will hasten it in his time."

AMEN.