Remarkable providences to be gratefully recollected, religiously improved, and carefully transmitted to posterity. A sermon preached at Brookfield on the last day of the year 1775. : Together with some marginal notes, &c. giving an account of the first settling of the town in the year 1660; its desolation by the Indians in Philip's War, in 1675; its distresses in Queen Anne's War; and its increase and improvements to the present time. / By Nathan Fiske, A.M. Pastor of the Third Church in Brookfield. ; [Five lines of Scripture texts]

Remarkable providences to be gratefully recollected, religiously improved, and carefully transmitted to posterity. A sermon preached at Brookfield on the last day of the year 1775. : Together with some marginal notes, &c. giving an account of the first settling of the town in the year 1660; its desolation by the Indians in Philip's War, in 1675; its distresses in Queen Anne's War; and its increase and improvements to the present time. / By Nathan Fiske, A.M. Pastor of the Third Church in Brookfield. ; [Five lines of Scripture texts]

Table of contents

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Title page

An Historical DISCOURSE.

APPENDIX.

[Page]

An Historical DISCOURSE.

PSALM LXXVIII. Part of the 2d, and the whole of the 3d, 4th, 6th, and 7th Verses.

I will utter dark sayings of old; which we have heard and known, and our fathers have told us. We will not hide them from their children, shewing to the generation to come, the praises of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderful works that he hath done.— That the generation to come might know them, even the children which should be born; who should arise and declare them to their children: That they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God; but keep his commandments.

INASMUCH as this Town is of ancient date, and, compared with most of the Towns in this County, even with the Shire-Town itself, is like an elder Matron amidst a group of youngerly Females; and inasmuch as it has been famous for Indian inhabitants, Indian wars, and Indian barbarities, I have for a considerable time felt a strong inclination and desire [Page] to search into it's history—to find out it's origin— the difficulties and hardships of it's first English inhabitants—it's gradual increase and progressive improvements. In short, I wished to be acquainted with whatever was curious, entertaining or instructive in the circumstances of the town, and the transactions or sufferings of it's early settlers. With this view I have searched all the histories of the country I could meet with—enquired for manuscripts that might have preserved a circumstantial account of some occurrences which the printed histories are wholly silent about, or give but a general sketch of. I have consulted many of the descendants of the first settlers, and those that have been most acquainted with the affairs of the town. I have perused records, &c. But the result of my enquiries does not wholly satisfy my curiosity or answer my wish. No intelligence is to be obtained concerning some things that have happened; and many circumstances relative to divers events that might have been entertaining at this day, have not been handed down by tradition. Our ancestors were under great disadvantages as to making extensive observations, or keeping exact records, or preserving them for the perusal of posterity. However, I have gleaned a few things relative to the settling and subsequent improvements of this town, which may serve as a clue to trace the conduct of divine providence—to point out many instances of the divine goodness—to lead our minds to some religious reflections—to excite gratitude in our hearts for the wonderful works which God hath done for us and our fathers—to encourage our hope and trust in the same power and goodness to protect and bless us and our posterity—and to engage us to keep his commandments.

[Page]It was the practice of God's people of old not only to be glad for the great things which He did for them and their country—to praise the Lord for his goodness, and to talk of his doings, but to preserve memorials, or written accounts of the interesting events that took place with respect to their nation— the most remarkable interpositions of Providence in their favor, and to transmit them to their children and future generations, for their notice, instruction and excitation to gratitude and a becoming conduct. This is apparent from the words of the Psalmist in my text, as well as from many other passages in the sacred writings. I will utter dark sayings of old—Things wonderful and mysterious, performed in ancient times, and in danger of being forgotten, but which ought to be had in everlasting remembrance. Which we have heard and known, and our fathers have told us. We will not hide them from their children—we will make known those remarkable providences both to their posterity and our's; to the generation now on the stage, and to that which is to arise; shewing to the generation to come the praises of the Lord and his strength, and his wonderful works that he hath done— those mighty and merciful works which deserve perpetual praise and thanksgiving. That the generation to come might know them, even the children which should be born; who should arise and declare them to their children; that they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God, but keep his commandments—that by reviewing past transactions, and considering what God had heretofore done for his people, they might be led to place their trust and dependence upon the same wise and gracious Providence, and might conduct in a manner answerable to [Page] such benefits.—And it has not been unusual in this country (which was planted, and has since been preserved, protected and prospered in a manner almost as astonishing, and by a power almost as visibly divine, as was that of the children of Israel) it has not been unusual in this country, at some remarkable periods, to look back upon past events, to rehearse the past dealings of God, and to republish some pages of history out of the book of Providence, to refresh the minds and entertain and gladden the hearts of those that were then on the stage, and also for the instruction and benefit of those that were to come; that they might not forget the works of God; but might set their hope in God, and keep his commandments.—And since the providence of God has not only been concerned, but his goodness in a variety of instances has been visible, in the growth and increase of this Town. amidst the difficulties which the first christianized planters had to encounter, I thought a Sermon to bring to remembrance might be seasonable, entertaining and profitable. Such a Sermon I had proposed with myself to have delivered the 2d day of last August, being the day that just compleated a century from the time that Brookfield was laid in ashes by the cruel savages of the wilderness. But the public distresses and confusions, that burst in such a storm upon this Country last spring and summer, prevented my executing my design. But not willing it should prove wholly abortive, I thought it might be acceptable to deliver such a discourse on the last day of the year—a day proper for reviewing past time, and strengthning our faith, hope and trust in God, and quickening our obedience, by recollecting the past dealings of God with our ancestors and ourselves—and a day rendered remarkable by its [Page] being the anniversary of that sabbath which our pious ancestors, the first settlers of Plimouth, first observed in social worship in the place of their intended habitation: which being December 31, 1620, is just 155 years from this day.

I cannot find exactly at how early a period the first English settlements began in this town, nor who the persons were that began them. A tribe of Indians were the original inhabitants; nor did they move off before, or at the coming of the white people; but both English and Indians lived together in friendship for some time.* It is certain there were English inhabitants here many years before there were any between this place and Marlborough on the East, Connecticut River on the West, and Canada on the North.

In the year 1660, i. e. 40 years after the first settlement of Plimouth, and upwards of 115 years ago▪ several of the inhabitants of Ipswich petitioned the Great and General Court for a grant of land in these [Page] parts. The Court granted them 6 miles square, or so much land as should be contained in such a compass, near Quaboag Pond, upon certain conditions This was the legal origin of the town. These men, [Page] that they might have a just and equitable, as well as a legal right to the land▪ purchased it of the Natives, who claimed and possessed it, and it was conveyed to them by deed.‡ It is somewhat probable there were some small beginnings made here by the English before this grant. But this is not material. It is certain that from small and early beginnings, the settlement increased, even under the disadvantages and discouragements of that day, so that upon application made to the General Court in the year 1673, the inhabitants were incorporated into a Township by the name of Brookfield. And in the year 1675, when the town was burnt, they had at least 20 families, a meeting-house, and preaching, though no settled minister.— The circumstances of it's desolation I shall relate chiefly in the words of the late Governor Hutchinson, in his History of the Massachusetts Bay. "The Nipnet, or Nipmuck Indians, had killed 4 or 5 people at Mendon in the Massachusetts Colony the 14th of July 1675. The Governor and Council, in hopes of reclaiming the Nipnets, sent Captain Hutchinson with 20 horsemen to Quaboag (Brookfield) near which place there was to be a great rendezvous of those Indians. The Inhabitants of Brookfield had been deluded with the promise of a treaty at a place agreed upon the 2d of August. Some of the principal of them accompanied Captain Hutchinson thither.‖ Not finding the Indians [Page] there, they rode forward about 4 or 5 miles towards the Nipnets chief town. When they came to a place called Meminimisset, a narrow passage between a steep hill and a thick swamp, they were ambushed by 2 or 300 Indians, who shot down 8 of the company, and mortally wounded 3 more, Captain Hutchinson being one of the number. The rest escaped through a by path to Quaboag. The Indians flocked into the town; but the inhabitants being alarmed, had all gathered together in the principal house. They had the mortification to see all their dwelling-houses, about 20, with all their barns and out-houses burnt. The house where they had assembled was then surrounded, and a variety of attempts were made to set fire to it. At length the Indians filled a cart with hemp and other combustible matter, which they kindled; and whilst they were thrusting it towards the house, a violent shower of rain fell suddenly and extinguished the fire. [This is according to Mr. Hubbard. Mr. Mather takes no notice of the rain, but says Willard came upon the Indians and prevented the execution." This latter account is nearest the truth.] "August 4th Major Willard, who had been sent after some other Indians westward, heard of the distress of Brookfield when he was about 4 or 5 miles from Lancaster, which caused him to alter his course; and the same night he reached Brookfield, after 30 miles march. And though the Indian scouts discovered him and fired their alarm guns, yet the main body, from their high joy, always accompanied with a horrid noise, heard them not. Willard joined the besieged, and the Indians immediately poured in all the shot they could, but without execution, and then quitted the siege, and destroyed all the horses and cattle they [Page] could find, and then withdrew to their dens. They were not pursued, being much superior in number."

[Page]Several years did the town lie desolate and in ruins; —the buildings in ashes—the farms uncultivated— and the inhabitants scattered abroad. But peace being settled with the Indians, some of the dispersed, after a while, returned to the place of their former habitation, and, in conjunction with others, gradually resettled the town.† But it being still in the midst of a wilderness [Page] and always exposed to the blood-thirsty Savages, whenever they should take it into their heads to molest the English, it's increase and improvements were slow.*

In the war which is commonly denominated Queen Anne's war, which broke out not long after the second settlement of the town, and continued several [Page] years, Brookfield, as well as many other towns; was greatly harrassed and annoyed; the Indians frequently making sudden inroads, killing and scalping, or captivating one and another of the inhabitants—women and children fleeing like frighted birds to the fortified houses; nor had they always time to escape. During this war 12 or 13 men were killed, 6 at one time. Two women also, and 4 or 5 children, fell a sacrifice to Indian barbarity: Several men and one woman were taken prisoners, and 3 men were wounded.‖

[Page]Though there were several Indian wars afterwards, in which other towns were visited by the enemy, and distressed more or less, and Brookfield often alarmed [Page] and put in fear, yet not invaded, nor any person in it either killed, wounded or captivated. The inhabitants were interrupted and retarded in their business, especially in their husbandry, but never attacked. In the [Page] year 1723, Rutland was invaded by the Savages, who killed, among others, the Rev. Mr. Willard: But still Brookfield escaped.— Amidst such difficulties and discouragements, no wonder the increase and improvements of this town were so slow and gradual. It was in the year 1716, i. e. 40 years after the burning of the Town before the Inhabitants erected another meeting-house, and 1718, before they were invested with the powers and privileges of a town, having then scarce 50 families.* They hired preachers at different times, but did not proceed to settle a [Page] minister till several years after the troubles, on account of the Indian wars, had subsided. They invited Mr. Thomas Cheney, who had been preaching to them a considerable time, to take the charge of their souls; and he was ordained the third Wednesday in October 1717. He lived in harmony with his people, and ministred both to their acceptance and spiritual advantage more than 30 years. He obtained the character of a good man and a faithful pastor, and died December 11, 1747, aged 57 years, leaving no issue. The people remained destitute of a settled minister almost two years, and on the 13th of September 1749 (having previously observed a day of fasting and prayer, as they had done before previous to the ordination of Mr. Cheney, to ask direction of Heaven) Mr. Elisha Harding was solemnly seperated to the work of the ministry in this town. In his day was the town divided. For so fast did it fill with inhabitants, that soon after the settlement of Mr. Harding a considerable number of families incorporated and formed the [Page] second precinct.* They gathered a church, observed a day of prayer, and gave an invitation to Mr. Eli Forbes, who took the oversight of them by solemn ordination, June 3, 1752. The Rev. Mr. Harding continued the minister of the other part of the town till the people fell into unhappy disputes and difficulties about erecting a new meeting-house. The contention was so sharp, and the opposite parties so uncomplying, that they parted asunder, erected two meeting-houses and incorporated into two distinct parishes.† These things proved such a discouragement to Mr. Harding that he requested a dismission, which was granted by the church and confirmed by an ecclesiastical council mutually chosen, May 8, 1755. He was a gentleman of great benevolence; and his public administrations were serious, and calculated to edify and benefit his hearers.—That part which still retained the denomination of the first church and precinct obtained the consent of Mr. Joseph Parsons to administer the word and ordinances statedly among them, which he was regularly authorised to do by an ordaining council, November 23, 1757. He continued in the ministry upwards of 13 years, though bodily infirmities increased upon him to that degree as to disable him from carrying on the work for about 3 years before his death. He was released from his pains and received to his reward, January 17, 1771, in the 14th year of his ministry and 38th of [Page] his age. He was a gentleman of sprightly powers, an accurate reasoner, and a sensible preacher—In his life a promoter of peace and order, and an example of the christian virtues—In his sickness, a pattern of patience and resignation—and in his death, strong in faith and full of hope. The bereaved flock did not long continue destitute of the stated administration of the ordinances; but, studying the things which make for peace, and the things wherewith one might edify another, they soon united in the choice of Mr. Ephraim Ward for their minister; and he was instated in the pastoral office the 23d of October 1771, where we hope he will continue for a long time an ornament to the ministry, and a peculiar blessing to his flock.— The Rev. Mr. Forbes continued in the faithful discharge of the ministerial work amongst the people of the second precinct almost 23 years; and on the first of March 1775 the pastoral relation was dissolved by mutual consent, under the conduct of an ecclesiastical council, each party in charity with, and heartily recommending the other.—A church was embodied in this third precinct, April 15, 1756, when 25 males and 14 females subscribed a church covenant. And on the 24th of May 1758, I was honored by being put into the ministry in this place.

And now having run through the various stages of the town since it's first settlement, let us turn about and review the steps we have taken, that we may leisurely observe the kind hand of Providence directing, supporting, defending and prospering our ancestors and their successors down to the present day. When we consider the many Indian wars, and some of them of long continuance, which have harrassed and distressed [Page] New-England, and often driven in and broken up the out-settlements for many miles, we can't but wonder that the whole country, as well as the frontiers, and this town in particular, was not crampt and kept from flourishing much more than it was. In how many instances, and at how many times, might our forefathers set up an Ebenezer, and say, hitherto hath the Lord helped us? When the inhabitants both of this town and of this country were few in number, yea very few, and strangers in it, how easily might the Savages, which were very numerous have swallowed them up quick, when their wrath was kindled against them? But the Lord was on our side; he restrained the wrath of the Heathen, and gave their lands into the hands of our fathers for a possession. With what amazing rapidity has this country increased under the patronage of Jehovah, whose kingdom ruleth over all, who forsaketh not his saints, and hath engaged that the righteous shall inherit the land and dwell therein forever.

But my business at this time is not so much with the country in general, having in the forenoon considered it's growth and increase through formidable difficulties and discouragements. Let us confine our view to our own town: And we need not go back 60 years to find the beginning of it's church-state. Sixty years ago there was no meeting-house, nor settled minister in the town. And when the inhabitants had built a house for the worship of God, they had no occasion for galleries for the people to [Page] fit in, though the house was not large. But now, not to reckon a great part of Western, which was then Brookfield, but was set off about 35 years ago, nor a considerable number of families which joined with others to form the district of New-Braintree, about 25 years ago, there are within this town three distinct parishes, the least of which contains upwards of 100 families—three commodious well-finished meeting-houses—three regular congregational churches—and in the whole town at least 3000 souls.—It would have been pleasing to a curious mind to have known the exact number of births, deaths, baptisms and admissions to full communion, since the commencement of the town: But this I find impossible to ascertain; because records of these things have not been preserved. The birth of earliest date that I find upon record is in the year 1701. As to deaths, even since a book was kept, many people have been, and are still, negligent in transmitting an account of them to the town-clerk. And as to church records, I cannot find that any were kept in Mr. Cheney's or Mr. Harding's day. During the Rev. Mr. Parsons's ministry 203 were baptized in the first church; and since the Rev. Mr. Ward's ordination 87, in all 290. In the second church since it's incorporation I find the record of 426 baptisms. Since my settlement 366 have been baptized in this church; 98 admitted to full communion which added to the 39 which were first embodied, make 137: 19 of which are dead, and 15 dismissed to other churches. So that there are now 103 members of this third church.—Of this town therefore, as well as of the country in general, [Page] we may say, though thy beginning is small, yet thy latter end is greatly increased. And we may adopt the pious wish of the Psalmist, the Lord increase you more and more, you and your children, and that from generation to generation. Especially have we reason to wish and pray, and endeavor, that the children which shall be born, shall be a seed to serve the Lord, that shall be accounted unto him for a generation: and that they shall come and declare his righteousness unto a people that shall be born, that he hath done this. For as to the present generation, is there not reason to fear, that it is, in many respects, degenerated from that regularity of behavior, that family-decorum and religion, and that love to divine ordinances, for which our fore-fathers were remarkable? At the least, every one must allow, that there is great room, and great occasion for amendment. To increase in numbers, in wealth, in elegance and refinements, and at the same time to increase in luxury, profaneness, impiety, and a disesteem of things sacred, is to go backward and not forward. 'Tis worse than mortgaging one's estate to buy gewgaws.

'Tis with pleasing wonder that we look back both upon this country in general, and this town in particular, and compare the present condition and appearance with what they were a century, yea but little more than half a century ago. Instead of a desolate uncultivated wilderness—instead of mountains and plains covered with thick untraversed woods—and swamps hideous and impassable, the face of the earth is trimmed, and adorned with a beautiful variety of fields, meadows, orchards and pastures. The desart blossoms as the rose: the little hills rejoice on every side; the pastures are clothed with flocks, the valleys also are [Page]covered over with corn; they shout for joy, they also sing. Instead of the dreary haunts of savage beasts, and more savage men, wounding the ear, and terrifying the heart with their dismal yells, we find now only harmless retreats, where the fowls of heaven have their habitation which sing among the branches. Instead of the smoaky huts and wigwams of naked, swarthy barbarians, we now behold thick settlements of a civilized people, and convenient and elegant buildings. In fine, our hearts are now gladdened at the sight of noble edifices reared in honor, and to promote the worship and service of the true God, near to the unhallowed grounds where Satan's seat once was. This affords a noble pleasure in the contemplation. But how much greater would be our pleasure, if our improvements in benevolence and piety, in all the moral and christian virtues, had kept pace with our improvements in arts, agriculture, and all the elegances of life?—If, as we multiplied temples made with hands, we had taken care that our bodies and souls had become living temples for the residence of the blessed Spirit?

That we have increased and multiplied and turned a wilderness into a fruitful field, must be ascribed with gratitude to that God who increaseth the nations and destroyeth them; who enlargeth the nations and straitneth them again. O bless our God ye people, and make the voice of his praise to be heard: who holdeth our soul in life and suffereth not our feet to be moved. Ascribe ye strength unto God: his excellency is over Israel, and his strength is in the clouds. The God of Israel is he that giveth strength and power unto his people: blessed be God. Every time we discover any [Page] vestiges of the aboriginals—any of the points of their arrows, or fragments of their more harmless utensils —any hillocks where their bones are deposited—or any remains of their haunts or fortresses, we should not only remember the dangers and sufferings which those underwent, who first began a settlement here, and laid a foundation for the fair inheritances and peaceful habitations we now possess, but we should cherish a grateful sense of these favors as coming from God; and give thanks to him who has been our habitation in all generations. When we now walk abroad upon business or pleasure, we are not afraid of the terror by night, nor for the arrow which flyeth by day. We are not anxious lest the frightful Savage should spring from his thicket with his murderous tomahawk, or drive the leaden death through our bodies before we are aware; nor lest, when we return home, we should find our dwellings in ashes, our little ones dashed against the stones and our wives carried captive through a perilous, dreadful wilderness, by those whose tender mercies are cruelty. We can now walk in safety over those very grounds which once were stained with the blood, and rendered horrid to the sight by the mangled carcasses, of some of our ancestors. Surely his salvation is nigh them that fear him, that glory may dwell in our land, The Lord is the portion of our inheritance and of our cup: thou maintainest our lot. The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places, yea we have a goodly heritage.— But is there not something that imbitters the relish and lessens the value of these possessions and enjoyments? are not the dangers and distresses, the cruelties and sufferings, which our fore-fathers underwent, renewed in part in our day, and practised upon some of [Page] their posterity? But what do I say? Are the deceased tribes of Indians risen out of their graves with their hatchets and bows, that our properties wear such a face of uncertainty, and we tremble at what may be the destiny of ourselves, of our children, and dear connexions? Or has any other nation of a fierce countenance, a hard language and harder hearts, invaded our territories? Who are they that with cruel hands, have, the summer past, wantonly made such havock in our land—plundered and destroyed so many of our villages, and cast fire into so many of our cities?— that have reduced our metropolis to such distress— have profaned the sanctuaries of God, and treated his worshippers with so much perfidy, barbarity and insult? What answer shall I give to these questions?—When our fore-fathers took sanctuary in these then inhospitable shores, it was to secure to themselves and their progeny "peace, liberty and safety." When they purchased lands of the natives, they thought them their own: and when they cultivated them for their children whom they hoped to leave free and happy, they little thought their posterity would be disturbed in their possessions by Britons, more than themselves were by savage Indians. And at the conclusion of the last war, which seemed to put an end to our fears of any molestation from the Savages for time to come, who could have thought that the same nation that then assisted us in conquering them, would ever have laid such a plan, and taken so much pains to instigate those Savages to renew their cruelties, to ravage our western borders, to murder women and children, and if possible to desolate the country? Who could have thought that Britons would practise what the uncultivated tribes of Indians have refused to do: and that [Page] they themselves would distress and destroy our most populous towns on the sea coast, when the Savages could not be prevailed on by flatteries or gifts to molest our back settlements? What have we done to merit such treatment? What high-handed crimes have we been guilty of to awaken such vengeance? Many crimes have we been guilty of against heaven; but none, adequate to such punishment, against the nation that executes such vengeance upon us. We think we have refused submission in no instance, but where submission would have been unworthy of Englishmen, and a crime in the descendants of such ancestors as ours. We think we have resisted no authority but such as natural and constitutional right warrants us to resist. We have never lifted up a hand but in our own desence, to ward off the blow that was aimed at our heads, or to return the blow after it had bee▪ first given.—But I forbear.—We have appealed to Heaven for the justice of our cause; and GOD, the God of justice, sitteth on the throne judging right. And it would be great ingratitude in us not to acknowledge the signal hand of providence in uniting, directing and succeeding us in so remarkable a manner the summer past—in disappointing and restraining our enemies, and in some parts, viz. Ticonderoga, St. Johns, Chamblee, and Montreal, entirely subduing them. But let not him that putteth on the harness boast as he that putteth it off. Let us not trust in our own bow, nor rely upon our own sword to save us; but let us have our dependance on the right hand and on the arm of God, that he may have a favor unto us. He hath given the inhabitants of New England abundant reason to confide in his power and goodness; for many a time hath he made bare his arm for our [Page] deliverance. Many a time have they afflicted me from my youth up, may Israel now say; many a time have they afflicted me from my youth up; yet have they not prevailed against me. The Lord is righteous, he hath cut asunder the cords of the wicked. And we know that he who hath hitherto protected and blessed, is still able to protect and bless; in him therefore let us trust, and not in an arm of flesh.—We have been carried through one year of distress and difficulty; and methinks the prospect is rather brighter than darker. I own there are some things which still look formidable and discouraging: the most formidable and discouraging is the little good effect which the providences of God, both merciful and corrective, have had upon us. The great ruler hath tried us with a variety of dispensations. He hath permitted a most unnatural, unbrotherly and distressing civil war to break out amongst us, though he hath not suffered our enemies to triumph over us—he hath testified his anger against us in the unfavorable weather the last summer, when unusual frosts, and a scorching drought, greatly diminished the fruits of the earth in this and many neighboring towns: and almost all parts of the country have been visited by sickness and mortality, whereby multitudes of all ages, particularly children, were swept into the grave. Yet may not God address us as he did his incorrigable people of old? I have withholden the rain from you—and given you cleanness of teeth—and want of bread—yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord. I have sent among you the pestilence after the manner of Egypt; yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the Lord. I have overthrown some of you— and ye were as a brand plucked out of the burning—yet have ye not returned unto me, saith the [Page]Lord. Amos iv. 6—11. We in this Town have been corrected by the sword of the destroying angel, but with a gentler hand than many others. Sixteen in this parish have, in the course of the year past gone down to the congregation of the dead; all of which excepting two were infants and young children. But we have had almost two births to one death: so that God is still increasing us more and more. Let us all be concerned to improve wisely every dispensation of divine providence whether joyous or grievous, whether personal, domestic or public. Through the distinguishing goodness of God we have been brought to the close of another year. Let us look back upon the sins of it, and repent—upon the mercies of it, and be unfeignedly thankful. And let us begin a new year with newness of heart and new obedience. And O that our land may still be a land which the Lord our God careth for, and that the eyes of the Lord our God would always be upon it from the beginning of the year even unto the end of the year. O that the present generation would know the God of their fathers, and serve him with a perfect heart and a willing mind; remembering that if they seek him he will be found of them; but if they forsake him he will cast them off forever! And O that the generation to come might know and consider the wonderful dispensations of divine providence towards the church and people of God, that they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God, but keep his commandments!

And now, the Lord our God be with us, as he was with our fathers: let him not leave us, nor forsake us. AMEN and AMEN.

Notes

*

These Indians were commonly called Quaboag Indians. Governor Hutchinson in his History says, the Nipnet or Nipmuck Indians ambush'd the party that went to treat with them at Meminimisset. I suppose it was in conjunction with the Indians of Quaboag. For these, partaking in the uneasiness and commotion that Philip was endeavoring to excite among all the tribes through the country, and growing somewhat shy of their English neighbors, and taking offence at some damages they had sustained from their cattle, they quitted their lands here just before the war broke out, and went up to Meminimisset, and assisted in the above mentioned ambuscade and in burning Brookfield. After which they returned no more, unless for mischief; but scattered among other Indians till they were no more distinguished or known.

†

The answer to the petition is as follows: "At a great and general court of election held at Boston the 20th of May 1660. In answer to a petition of several inhabitants of Ipswich; this court judgeth it meet to grant the petitioners 6 miles square, or so much land as shall be contained in such a compass, in a place near Quaboag pond, provided they have 20 families there resident within 3 years, and that they have an able minister settled there within the said term, such as this court shall approve; and that they make due provision in some way or other for the future, either by setting apart of lands, or what else shall be thought meet for the continuance of the ministry among them." I insert this, principally as a specimen of the pious principles that actuated our ancestors, and the care which the legislative body took that new settlements should have the gospel and the administration of the ordinances among them as early, as statedly and as regularly as possible. And no doubt it is owing to this care, under providence, that the country flourished so greatly both in spirituals and temporals: For it hath been often observed that no people was ever the poorer, but on the contrary flourished the faster for maintaining the gospel ministry among them. And it is undoubtedly owing to the wise and pious provision of our laws and civil establishment obliging parishes to settle and support evangelical and learned ministers, that the inhabitants of Massachusetts-Bay, Connecticut and New-Hampshire, are so much better instructed in the things of religion, and are so much more remarkable for the strict observation of the sabbath, and for good morals, than those of most of the other colonies. How preposterous then is it for any to complain of this as a hardship and burden! And if any would wish to alter the civil constitution and laws respecting this matter, must they not be considered as either ignorantly or wilfully unfriendly both to the civil and religious interests of their country?

‡

See the Appendix for the deed at large.

*

The Act of incorporation bears date October 15, 1673.

‖

The place was at the head of Wickaboug pond. Some of the company, when they found the Indians were not come according to agreement, suspected treachery and advised immediately to return. Others putting too much confidence in their fidelity, urged to proceed, which they accordingly did till they fell into the ambushment.

*

It may not be amiss to add to the above account the following particulars, viz. That three of the men who were killed in the ambushment belonged to Brookfield, viz. Captain John Ayres, John Coye and Joseph Pritchard:— That when the Indians pursued the party into the town, they set fire to all the buildings except a few in the neighborhood of the house in which the inhabitants had taken shelter:—That they endeavored to intercept 5 or 6 men that had gone to a neighboring house to secure some things there; but they all got safe to the place of refuge, except a young man, Samuel Pritchard who was stopped short by a fatal bullet:—That the house in which they were besieged was unfortified, except by a few logs hastily tumbled up on the outside after the alarm, and by a few feather beds hung up on the inside. And though the siege continued several days, in which time innumerable balls entered the house, only one man, Henry Young, who was in the chamber, was killed.—The Indians shot many firearrows to burn the house; but without effect. And on one night the besieged were surprized by a sudden light without doors, and soon perceived that the Indians had placed a quantity of combustibles by the side of the house and set them on fire. And tho' the people were obliged to go out and draw water to extinguish the flames, and were all the while exposed as marks to the enemy's bullets, yet they saved the house without any one's being hurt.— During the siege one man was wounded as he was drawing water. A board fence hid him from the Indians: but one of them seeing the well-pole drawing down, took aim at the place where he thought the man must stand, and struck him just under the chin. The man affrighted, bawl'd out that he was kill'd. The Indian, knowing his voice, shouted and said, "Me kill Major Wilson."—When the troop which relieved Brookfield got into the town, which was late at night, they were joined by great numbers of cattle, that had collected together in their fright at the conflagration of the buildings, and the firing and war-whoops of the Indians; and for protection these poor animals followed the troop till they arrived at the besieged house. The Indians deceived hereby, and thinking there was a much larger number of horsemen than there really was, immediately set fire to the barn belonging to the besieged house, and to Joseph Pritchard's house and barn and the meeting-house, which were the only buildings left unburnt, and went off. A garrison was maintained at this house till winter, when the court ordered the people away, soon after which the Indians came and burnt this house also.

Long as this note is, I cannot conclude without saying something concerning Major Willard, the celebrated deliverer of the people here. His conduct in altering his course and coming to the relief of Brookfield, being dictated by humanity and executed with bravery and success, has gained him the applause of people in general. But as it was beside his orders, he was censured by the Court and cashiered, which disgusted his friends and broke his heart. And though the punishment may seem too rigorous, yet it ought to be remembered, that if commanders of parties, sent upon particular expeditions, may take liberty to vary from their express orders, nothing effectual could be accomplished, and only confusion, disappointment, loss, and in many cases ruin would be likely to ensue.

†

I cannot find out the exact time when the town began to be peopled a second time. So long ago as the year 1692 there were inhabitants enough to think it necessary to petition the General Court for a committee to assist in laying out the lands and settling the township. The following is the answer.

§

"At a Great and General Court or Assembly convened, held and kept at Boston, on Wednesday the 8th of June 1692. Upon reading a petition from the inhabitants of Brookfield, alias Quaboag, praying that a committee may be appointed as formerly, to direct and regulate the settlement of said plantation and the affairs thereof, ordered, that a committee be appointed," &c.

Signed WILLIAM PHIPS.

For the information of those who may wish to know, I would say something concerning the constitution of this Town. Though the inhabitants were incorporated and the town named by the court as early as the year 1673, yet they were not allowed the powers and authorities of a town till the year 1718: But the court appointed and continued a committee consisting of gentlemen belonging to other places, to direct, regulate and ratify all affairs relative to settling and building up the town. So that without said committee the inhabitants could not take up for themselves, or grant to others, any lands. And it was by the direction and assistance of said committee, that monies were granted, a meeting-house built, a minister chosen, &c.—To encourage the settling of the town, especially in the time of the Indian wars, lands were granted to divers persons upon condition they would possess and improve them for a certain number of years. The first grant of any lands I find on record is to Joseph Woolcot, and bears date February 24th 1687.

*

Another thing which contributed to retard the improvement of their lands and the advancement of their estates, for some years afterwards, was the peculiar habit of living which the inhabitants had contracted in the Indian wars. And in time of peace, as the woods abounded with deer, game, &c. the inhabitants, like their predecessors the Indians, depended much on what they caught in hunting, and spent considerable of their time in that employment.

‖

I cannot obtain information enough to enable me to point out the exact order of time, or the day, month or year in which some of the skirmishes and slaughters happened in this town. The first mischief was in the latter end of July or beginning of August 169 [...]. A party of Indians came into the town and broke up two or three families. Joseph Woolcot being at work a little distance from his house, his wife being fearful took her children and went out to him. When they returned to the house at noon they found the Indians had been there, for his gun and several other things were missing. And looking out at a window he saw an Indian at some distance coming towards the house. He immediately sent out his wife and his two little daughters to hide themselves in the bushes; and he taking his little son under his arm and his broad ax in his hand, went out with his dog in sight of the Indian. The dog being large and fierce, attacked the Indian so furiously, that he was obliged to discharge his gun at the dog to rid himself of him: immediately upon which Woolcot sat down the child and pursued the Indian till he heard the bullet roll down his gun (the Indian charging as he ran) he then turn'd back, snatch'd up his child and made his escape through the swamps to a fort. His wife being greatly terrified, discovered by her shricks where she was; and the Indian soon found and dispatched both her and her children. Others of the party about the same time came into the house of one Masen, while the family were at dinner. They killed Mason and one or two children, and took his wife and an infant which they had wounded, and carried them off. They also took two brothers, Thomas and Daniel Lawrence: they soon dispatched Thomas, pretending he had misinformed them about the number of men that were in the town. John Lawrence, their brother, rode with all haste to Springfield for assistance. A company under the command of Captain Coulton came with the greatest speed and pursued the Indians. They found Mrs. Mason's child, which the Savages had knock'd on the head and thrown away in the bushes; and continuing their pursuit, they came upon the Indians encampment, which was a sort of brush hedge, which they deridingly called "Englishmen's fort." The party waited till break of day, and then came so near as to put their guns through this brush and fire upon the Indians, 14 or 15 of whom were killed, the rest fled with such precipitation as to leave several of their arms, blankets, powder-horns, &c. and their prisoners, Daniel Lawrence and Mrs. Mason, whom our men conducted back.—This same John Lawrence, who rode express and procured the company that rescued the above mentioned prisoners, was afterwards going in company with one Samuel Owen in search of a man that was missing: the Indians came upon them, killed Lawrence, but Owen escaped.—Mary McIntosh was sired upon and killed as she was milking her cows.—Robert Grainger and John Clary were passing along the road on a certain day and being fired upon by the Savages, Grainger was killed on the spot; Clary attempted to escape, but had not fled far before he also was shot down.—At another time Thomas Battis of Brookfield riding express to Hadley, was killed in the wilderness, in a place now called Belcher-Town.— Early one morning John Woolcot, a lad about 12 or 14 years old, was riding in search of the cows, when the Indians fired at him, killed his horse under him and took him prisoner. The people at [...]'s garrison hearing the firing, and concluding the people at another garrison were beset, six men set out for their assistance, but were way-laid by the Indians. The English saw not their danger till they saw there was no escaping it. And therefore, knowing that an Indian could not look an Englishman in the face and take a right aim, they stood their ground, presenting their pieces wherever they saw an Indian without discharging them, excepting Abijah Bartlet, who turned to flee and was shot dead. The Indians kept firing at the rest, and wounded three of them, Joseph Jennings in two places; one ball grazed the top of his head, by which he was struck blind for a moment; another ball passed thro' his shoulder, wounding his collar bone; yet by neither did he fall, nor was mortally wounded. Benjamin Jennings was wounded in the leg, and John Green in the wrist. They were preserved at last by the following stratagem. A large dog hearing the firing came to our men; one of whom, to encourage his brethren and intimidate the Indians, called out "Captain Williams is come to our assistance, for here is his dog." The Indians seeing the dog, and knowing Williams to be a famous warrior immediately fled, and our men escaped. John Woolcot, the lad above-mentioned, was carried to Canada, where he remained six or seven years, during which time, by conversing wholly with Indians, he not only entirely lost his native language, but became so naturalized to the savages, as to be unwilling for a while to return to his native country. Some years afterwards, viz. in March 172 [...], in a time of peace, he and another man having been hunting, and coming down Connecticut river with a freight of skins and furr, they were hail'd by some Indians; but not being willing to go to them, they steered for another shore. The Indians landed at a little distance from them; several shots were exchanged, at length Woolcot was killed.

The last mischief which was done by the Savages in Brookfield was about the 20th of July 1710. Six men, viz. Ebenezer Hayward, John White, Stephen and Benjamin Jennings, John Grosvenor, and Joseph Kellog were making hay in the meadows, when the Indians, who had been watching an opportunity to surprize them, sprung suddenly upon them, dispatched five of them, and took the other (John White) prisoner. White spying a small company of our people at some distance, jump'd from the Indian that held him and ran to join his friends; but the Indian fired after him, and wounded him in the thigh, by which he fell; but soon recovering and running again, he was again fired at and received his death wound.

*

§

"To his Excellency Samuel Shute, Esq Captain General and Governor in chief in and over his Majesty's province of the Massachusetts-Bay in New-England; the honourable Council and House of Representatives, convened in General Court the 28th of May 1718.—We undernamed the committee for Brookfield, after many disappointments by war and otherwise, which for a long time the people have labored under, by the good providence of God are now so increased that they are now near 50 families in the place, have near finished a very convenient meeting-house. have settled a church and ordained an orthodox and learned minister; we humbly propose that they be made a Town-ship, to order all the affairs of a Township according to the directions of the law, by themselves, and said committee be released, which we submit to the court's determination; and for your Excellency and Honors shall ever pray.

Samuel Partridge,

Samuel Porter,

Luke Hitchcock,

Committee for Brookfield.

The prayer of this petition was granted and Brookfield invested with all the powers, privileges and authorities of a Town, Nov. 12, 1718. The year following the inhabitants, not satisfied with their limits, which contained only six miles square, presented another petition, which was granted, and the Township containing eight miles square was invested with all the powers, privileges and authorities of a Town, December 3, 1719.

*

The incorporating act is dated March 29, 1750.

†

The bill for dividing the town of Brookfield, and incorporating the first and third precincts, was signed by Governor Shirley, Nov. 8, 1754. The meeting house in the third precinct was erected April 1754; that in the first precinct not till the year following.

†

Should the inhabitants of the American Colonies increase in the same proportion they have done, or according to the common estimate of doubling once in 25 years, they would in about 50 years from this time, be almost double in number to the present inhabitants of England.

*

Mary Bartlet, daughter to Benjamin and Mary Bartlet, born May 6, 1701.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

AN Historical Discourse Concerning the Settlement OF BROOKFIELD, And its Distresses during the Indian Wars.

§

§

[Page]

Remarkable Providences to be gratefully recollected, religiously improved, and carefully transmitted to Posterity. A SERMON PREACHED AT BROOKFIELD On the last Day of the Year 1775. TOGETHER With some Marginal Notes, &c. Giving an Account of the first Settling of the Town in the Year 1660; its Desolation by the INDIANS in PHILIP's War, in 1675; its Distresses in Queen ANNE's War; and its Increase and Improvements to the present Time.

By NATHAN FISKE, A. M. PASTOR OF THE THIRD CHURCH IN BROOKFIELD.

Remember the Days of old, consider the Years of many Generations: ask thy Father and he will shew thee, thy Elders and they will tell thee.

DEUT. xxxii.7.

Thou shalt know also that thy Seed shall be great, and thine Offspring as the Grass of the Earth.

JOB v.25.

BOSTON, NEW-ENGLAND: Printed by THOMAS and JOHN FLEET, 1776.

APPENDIX.

[Page]

"HERE followeth the copy of the deed for the purchase of the lands at Quabaug (now called Brookfield) from the Indian called Shattoockquis, together with Lieut. Thomas Cooper his resignation of the said deed to the inhabitants of Quabaug now called Brookfield. For the said deed was framed in name to the said Lieut. Cooper, but indeed for the only use and behoof of the inhabitants of the said plantation called Brookfield. Also the copy of the said Lieut. Cooper's acknowledgment of his said resignation before the worshipfull Major John Pynchon."

§

"THESE presents testify, that Shattoockquis, alias Shadookis, the sole and proper owner of certain lands at Quabauge hereafter named, hath for good and valuable considerations, him the said Shattoockquis, thereunto moving, given, granted, bargained and sold, and by these presents doth fully, clearly, and absolutely give, grant, bargain and sell unto Ensign Thomas Cooper of Springfield, for the use and behoof of the present English planters at Quaboag and their associates and their successors and to them and their heirs forever, certain parcels of land at, towards or about the north end of Quaboag pond, that is to say, beginning at a little meadow at the north end of the pond Quaboag, which meadow is called Podunk, with the land about it, and so to a little hill Wullamannuck, and from thence northward or north and by east about three miles, and so westward [Page] off to the north end of Wickobaug pond, taking in all the plains, meadows and upland from Podunk by Quaboag pond to Wickobaug pond, all the land betwixt, as that called Nacommuck (viz a brook where meadow is) and so to Massaquockummis, viz. another brook where meadows is, and so through the plain to Wickobaug pond, and then down to Lashaway, viz. the river which comes from Quaboag pond, all the land as aforesaid on the east or the north east side of that river and about three miles north or north and by east from the river, together with the said river, and the lands on the west side or south or southwest side of the said river, and particularly from Lashaway down the river to a brook or stream called Naltaug, and so up that brook to the head of it southward, and then from the head of that brook to the verge of a hill called Asquoach, and so down southward or south east to that pond Quaboag, taking in all the wet meadow and meadows called Masquabanisk and Nanantomqua, it being about four miles from the river to the verge or foot of the hill aforesaid called Asquoach, and about six miles or near thereabouts from the river at the mouth of the brook called Naltaug, to Quaboag pond, all the aforesaid tract of land from Wickobaug to Podunk, at the north end of Quaboag, and from Naltaug to Quaboag, called Naltaug, Lashaway, Massequockcummis, Nacommuck, Wullamannuck, Podunk, Nanantomqua, Masquabamisk, and so to the hill called Asquoach; all which land afore described, together with the trees, waters, stones, profits, commodities and advantages thereof and thereunto belonging, the said Ensign Thomas Cooper, for himself, and for the present planters of Quaboag, and their associates and successors, is to have, hold and enjoy, and that [Page] forever. And the said Shattookquis, as well for other considerations, as also for and in consideration of the sum of three hundred fathom of wampumpeage in hand received, doth grant, bargain and sell all and singular the aforenamed tract of land to Ensign Thomas Cooper, his successors and assigns as aforesaid, and to their heirs forever. And the said Shattookquis doth hereby covenant and promise to and with the said Ensign Thomas Cooper, that he will save the said Thomas Cooper harmless from all manner of claims of any person or persons lawfully claiming any right or interest in the said lands hereby sold, or in any part thereof, and will defend the same from all, or any molestation and incumbrance by any Indians lawfully laying claim or title thereunto. In witness whereof the said Shattookquis hath hereunto set his hand this tenth day of November 1665.

Subscribed and delivered in the presence of

Elizur Holyoke

Samuel Chapin

Japhet Chapin.

The mark of [...] Shattoockquis.

The mark of Mattawamppe, an Indian [...] witness, who challenging some interest in the land above sold, received part of the pay, and consented to the sale of it all.

Shattoockquis an Indian above mentioned did own and acknowledge this to be his act and deed, resigning up all his right, title and interest in the lands abovementioned, unto Thomas Cooper, his associates and assigns as abovesaid, this tenth day of November 1665.

Before me, John Pynchon, Assistant.

§

[Page]

I Thomas Cooper above-mentioned, do heredy relinquish and resign up all my right and title in the lands within mentioned to be bought of Shattoockquis, hereby declaring that my acting in the premises was only in the behalf of and for the use and behoof of the inhabitants of Quaboag (now called Brookfield) and their successors, the purchase of the abovementioned land being at their proper cost and charge, who had obtained a grant thereof from the honorable General Court and are now allowed a Town. I do therefore hereby deliver up this instrument or deed of sale to John Warner, Richard Coye and William Pritchard of Quaboag, alias Brookfield, for the use and as the proper right of the inhabitants of Brookfield, the said persons being betrusted by the town or present inhabitants of Brookfield for taking in and receiving this present deed. Wherefore I do hereby deliver it up to them, hereby declaring it and the land therein mentioned to be sold, to be, and belong to the present inhabitants of Brookfield as they are a township, and to particular persons only, according as they have, or shall have grants of land confirmed to them. The whole tract of land above-mentioned I do fully and absolutely resign up to the inhabitants of Brookfield aforesaid, and to their successors and their heirs forever, as witness my hand this 19th day of December 1673.

Thomas Cooper.

December 19th 1673. Lieut. Thomas Cooper above-mentioned, subscribed hereunto and acknowledged the resigning up this Deed and all his interest in the premisses to the inhabitants of Brookfield.

Before me, John Pynchon, Assistant.

This deed was recorded March 1673, by me, Elizur Holyoke, Recorder.

Hampshire, sc.

A true copy from record, examined per Edward Pynchon, Regr."

[Page]The enemies of New-England have often cast reproaches upon our fore-fathers as having cheated the natives out of their lands. The above deed is therefore inserted not only as a curiosity in itself, and as a gratification to the inhabitants of Brookfield, but [...] evidence that the first settlers of this town were so for from seizing upon the possessions of the Aboriginals and crouding out the lawful owners that they purchased the lands for a valuable consideration. This also is to be attended to, that the Indians had the whole country before them, and that they wanted lands only to raise a little Indian corn and for hunting, and therefore were for from setting so high a value on lands as we do now; and that wampumpeag was in high estimation among them, as gold and silver among the Europeans. And however some individuals among the Natives may have been imposed on and cheated by particular mercenary traders, yet sufficient evidence may be produced that our forefathers got not this land in possession by fraud and injustice, but by fair purchase or lawful conquest.

Information about this book

Title statement

Remarkable providences to be gratefully recollected, religiously improved, and carefully transmitted to posterity. A sermon preached at Brookfield on the last day of the year 1775. : Together with some marginal notes, &c. giving an account of the first settling of the town in the year 1660; its desolation by the Indians in Philip's War, in 1675; its distresses in Queen Anne's War; and its increase and improvements to the present time. / By Nathan Fiske, A.M. Pastor of the Third Church in Brookfield. ; [Five lines of Scripture texts]

Fiske, Nathan, 1733-1799.

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Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

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Ann Arbor, MI :

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2008-09.

ID [DLPS]

N11671

ID [TCP]

N11671

ID [STC]

Evans 14754

ID [NOTIS]

APX4986

ID [IMAGE-SET]

14754

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99021766

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 14754.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N11671)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 14754)

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Source

— Remarkable providences to be gratefully recollected, religiously improved, and carefully transmitted to posterity. A sermon preached at Brookfield on the last day of the year 1775. : Together with some marginal notes, &c. giving an account of the first settling of the town in the year 1660; its desolation by the Indians in Philip's War, in 1675; its distresses in Queen Anne's War; and its increase and improvements to the present time. / By Nathan Fiske, A.M. Pastor of the Third Church in Brookfield. ; [Five lines of Scripture texts], Fiske, Nathan, 1733-1799..

Extent

31, v p. ; 20 cm. (4to)

Printed by Thomas and John Fleet,,. Boston, New-England: :: 1776.. (Half-title: An historical discourse concerning the settlement of Brookfield, and its distresses during the Indian Wars.) ("Appendix. Here followeth the copy of the deed for the purchase of the lands at Quabaug (now called Brookfield) from the Indian called Shattoockquis, together with Lieut. Thomas Cooper his resignation of the said deed to the inhabitants of Quabaug ..."--v. p. at end.)

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