TO speak with propriety upon a sub­ject so important as is the alarming and affecting state of political affairs in America, at the present day, is too arduous for me to attempt. To do it justice, requires the force of the most sublime genius, and of art.—Conscious therefore of my being in a great measure destitute of these accomplishments; I have nothing to rely on but the divine assistance, and the known can­dour of this respectable assembly.

Not can I urge your attention by any other motive, than my hearty affection to this my na­tive country, and the warmest wishes for her po­litical salvation.

[Page 10] It is, my friends, our unhappy lot to live in the day of the American Israel's trouble—our ene­mies are those of our own house.

We were derived from the great family of Bri­tain, and therefore had some rational foundation to expect of her friendly treatment, her kind care and affection. But to our great disappointment, and even consternation, she has like an unnatural mother (entirely void of natural affection) turned against us, and is now sheathing her sword in our bowels; and thereby has plunged us in dire cala­mities, in the last distress of nations, the horrors of A CIVIL WAR! so that we have reason to cry out in the language of the prophet Jeremiah, My bowels, my bowels, I am pained at my very heart: My heart maketh a noise in me, I cannot hold my peace, because thou has heard. O my soul, the sound of the trumpet, the alarm of war.—We find by dire experience, that "every battle of the warrior is with confused noise, and garments rolled in blood."

And these calamities, as before observed, were brought upon us by those who are allied to us by kindred blood; who, not content with their own possessions and territories in their own proper coun­try, (together with some of our own children) have sent an army, to cast us out of our possession which God gave to our forefathers and to us to inherit! and though we have, of ourselves, no sufficient might against this great company, yet we hope that God will judge them

Our text, my friends, is part of the prayer of Jehoshaphat, when he was in the like distress, and proclaimed a fast.—A part of the army, which [Page 11] came against him, were the kindred of his own peo­ple—they were the Edomites, the posterity of Esau, who was the brother of Jacob, the progeni­tor of the people of Israel.

This appears from the verse next preceeding our text. Now behold the children of Ammon, and Moab, and Mount Seir, whom thou would'st not let Israel invade, &c.—This Mount Seir was the country which the Edomites inhabited.—The children of Israel had it in their power, when they passed thro' the territories of the several people above mentioned, when coming out of the land of Egypt, to have destroyed them, and have laid waste their country—but they did not—they acted to­ward them the part of a kind, generous, and hu­mane people, and dealt with them as they might reasonably expect to be treated.—Notwithstand­ing this, the Edomites and others no sooner found themselves in the possession of power, than they raised an army, and came to root out and extermi­nate the rightful proprietors of the land of Canaan.—Jehoshaphat in this case, did not lean to his own understanding, did not put entire confidence in his own strength; but proclaimed a fast, and suppli­cated assistance from the God of armies: O our God wilt thou not judge them; wilt thou not give success to our arms? Wilt thou not defeat them, and punish them for their iniquitous and ungene­rous attempts to deprive us of our lives and pro­perty.

As our case, at the present time, is in a consi­derable degree analogous to his, I shall apply the words of the text to ourselves, and take occasions from them to shew,

[Page 12] I. That this our land is God's possession, which He has given us to inherit.

II. That no other man, or body of men, have a right to this possession, or any part of it, unless we see cause to give it to him, or them, for some good or valuable consideration; and therefore,

III. Great-Britain in sending an army to turn us out of our possession, merely because we will not resign up ourselves and property, to be dispo­sed of at her will and discretion, is unjust and bar­barous; and therefore,

IV. As this army is come against us, and as we cannot trust in an arm of flesh or upon our coun­sels alone, we ought to have our eyes upon God, for him to espouse our cause, and put an end to the quarrel.—

First then, I am to shew that this our land is God's possession, which he has given us to inherit.

In province this, I must first give you a short history of the way and manner in which we be­came seized of God's possession, which is said to be given to us.—Those advent'rous worthies, our forefathers, the first settlers of this country, were eye witnesses of the infringements that were made upon the civil and religious rights and immunities of their brethren the people of England, during the unpringely administration of James, and the tyrannic reign of Charles the first; which last, it is not impossible might be an honest man, but cer­tainly was a most misguided and impolitic king.

They (our ancestors) saw the seeds of civil war were sprouting, which were likely to produce a dire harvest of guns, bayonets, swords and spears: and so, rather than be employ'd in shedding and [Page 13] trampling in their brethren's gore, they chose to forsake their native shores, the land of their fore­father's sepulchres, to procure a peaceful seat in some foreign region, where they should not hear the voice of the oppressor—where they might be free from the shackles, forged by popish priests for their bodies and consciences too!—where they might, without molestation, worship the God of their fathers in spirit and in truth.

They embarked—trusting in Jehovah, com­mitted themselves to the merciless inclemency of the Atlantic—the everlasting God was their re­fuge—they disembarked and for the first, set their feet upon this western main.—The rocks and rough shore were their bed—the hideous forests and canopy of Heaven their covering—their gra [...]s, wild bears and wolves, and other beasts of prey, with that tawny race, whose tender mercies are cruelty.

That part of these lands by them first settled, they purchased by fair bargain of the natives.

The rest was obtained by conquest, in a war entered into by them for their own just defence—and they defended their acquisitions by themselves alone for a long time with inconcei­vable expence of blood and treasure! So that if purchase and conquest give any people a right to any land, territories or hereditaments whatsoever, then we have an exclusive right to this land, and all the profits of it.—

It is God's possession, as being a part of his crea­tion, the whole world is his, and the fulness; con­sequently he had an indefeasible title to America.—It is his possession, for that his churches are here [Page 14] erected, and his worship is not carried on in greater purity and beauty, in any other part of the world.—

Here the doctrines of the christian faith are known and understood in their greatest purity—here are the tabernacles of God—his sanctuaries where he delights to dwell, and where he com­mands the blessing, even life for evermore—This, I think, makes our land God's possession, by way of eminence.—

And it appears that he gave it to us to inherit, in that Americans from our ancestors downward, 'till very lately, have had the peculiar smiles of Heaven. Where?—in what country, was it ever known that a people arose from paucity to popu­lousness so fast? When in any other part of the world, did three millions of people exist in one col­lective body, in a country discovered for them but little more than a century and an half?

This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes!—

And most of us (if not all) have had these lands confirmed to us by charters, which have had the sanction of royal faith! Not that I suppose that the royal grantors had any legal right to grant these lands, for they were not seized of them, and consequently had no property in them—for tho' we should admit (as we may with safe­ty) that the discovery of an uninhabited country, may give the discoverers a right to such lands, yet this rule could not operate in this case, because this country was actually inhabited by the aboriginal Indians, of whom our forefathers purchased.—

So that, as I conceive of it, the operation of the charters, relative to this country, was not a grant [Page 15] of these lands to those who before had no right to them; but was only a royal promise and assu­rance, that we should occupy and enjoy, and not be disturbed in the enjoyment of all those lands, tenements, and hereditaments, of which the Eng­lish settlers of America, before the date of said charters, were seized and in actual possession.^* And as these lands are thus clearly ours, I am naturally led to say accordingly—that no other man, or body of men, have a right to this possession, or any part of it, unless we see cause to give it to him or them, for some good or valuable consideration.

This is a doctrine, which has been so often as­serted, and proved over and over again, and is so well understood by people in general, that it seems almost unnecessary to insist upon it—But to stir up your minds by way of remembrance, I will now suggest some of the arguments which support the assertion.—What any man acquires by his own labour and toil, he had an exclusive right to. To whatever is given to a man he has the same right—Whatever a man obtains by legal purchase, no man has a right to take from him.—These are the principal ways in which men acquire property,^†— [Page 16] Now as the natural rights of mankind are immu­tably the same, and as one man has naturally no pre-eminence above another, hence it undeniably follows (and it respects communities and their com­ponent parts as well as individuals) that no reason can be given why one man should take away, have and enjoy that which is another's, without his con­sent.—The word property signifies that estate of substance which a man has and possesses, exclusive of the right and power of all the world besides.

Now, unless a man can dispose of what he has, as he pleases, and keep it as long as he pleases, he cannot be said to have any property at all.

This does not extend so far, as to put a man at liberty to withold the payment of his just debts, or his proportional part of the necessary charges of good and wholesome government.

For when a man contracts a debt, he is suppo­sed in the judgment of the law, and of reason, at that time to promise to pay that debt. By this pro­mise, the property in that matter, or substance which is to pay the same debt (whether money or any thing else)passes out of the promissor, into the pro­missee, or him to whom the promise is made.—So in regard to paying the charges of civil govern­ment; every man in the community is supposed either explicitly or implicitly, to consent and en­gage to be a member of that community; unless he expressly declares the contrary; and in this case, he is out lowed, and has no title or claim to any protection or support.

When men thus enter into society they are sup­posed to consent and promise, each and every one of them, that they will bear their proportional part [Page 17] of the charges resulting from the support of good regulation and government.

And this is but the reasonable and legal con­struction of every man's conduct, who enters into society. So that, even in the cases of debt, and the charges of government, the consent of every man is had, previous to the disposal of his property.

Here I would just observe, that the members of the community, in a free state, are to be consulted, and are to determine from time to time, the quan­tity of their property, which is to go to the support of civil government, and to defray other contin­gent charges. And in case any society, or (rather) community; neglect thus to do, their government falls to the ground, and they of course revert to the state of nature.

But let us suppose just for the present, that there are a clan of distinguished, high-privileged mortals in the world, perhaps in Great-Britain, who have a legal right to levy taxes, and dispose of the pro­perty of their fellow-mortals at their own pleasure and discretion!—Let us see where it will carry us.

If they have a right in this way to take six pence, by the same rule they may take a shilling. And when their purses, after a frolick, are grown a little lank, and their inclination prompts them, they may take a pound—and so on, till they have got the whole. Whence it follows, that there are some of our fellow-mortals, who, however honest and well deserving they may be, and let them la­bor ever so hard, and procure ever so much gain, yet LEGALLY they have no property at all. This doctrine of the disposal of property, without the consent of the proprietor, is so ridiculous and [Page 18] absurd, that it seems to me it is not irrational to suppose that it had its origination in Bedlam, or—a worse place!

I will conclude this head with producing only one authority from a writer who understood the nature of civil government, as well (at least) as any writer, ancient or modern—the famous ALGER­NON SYDNEY—Says he, "NO MAN CAN GIVE THAT WHICH IS ANOTHER's." Which leads me to the consideration of the third thing asserted, viz.

That Great-Britain in sending an army to turn us out of our possessions, meerly because we will not tamely resign ourselves and property to be dis­posed of at her will and discretion, is unjust and barbarous.

What is said under the last head, is full de­monstration of this, viz. that it is in opposition to that plain dictate of reason & common sense, that no man is to have his property taken from him with­out his own consent, or that of his representative.

If it be said that her design is not to eject us from our possessions, but only to make us swear allegi­ance, and submit to the authority of Great-Bri­tain—I answer, this does not alter the merits of the cause, nor invalidate my assertion. Let me examine it.

The British troops were sent here expresly and professedly, to FORCE the Americans to own and acknowledge that the British parliament have a right to make laws binding upon them in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER. And now should we Americans acknowledge this as their right, what would be the consequence? The following!—

[Page 19] First, If they by law bind us in all cases what­soever, then it is as evident as that two and two make four, that no possible case is excepted If so, then secondly, we are compleatly tenants at will, and have no permanent property.

Now you all, no doubt, know that in law, a tenant at will, is he who holds an estate of another, determinable at the will and pleasure of either of the parties.—Now if this exhorbitant claim of Parliament is acknowledged, viz a right, &c. then they may, consistently with themselves, enact and ordain that all the lands and tenements in New-England (and more if they please) shall be deemed and be the King's property alone in Fee­Simple; and that we the present proprietors and possessors shall hold them only during his plea­sure.

Now the King may determine his will, when­ever he pleases, as well as any other man: And when his will is determined, we must, let come on us what will, leave the ground!

And there is but one instance, in which we can have an opportunity to determine our will, and that is to be beforehand with the King, and evacu­ate our habitations, and relinquish our estates, in the same manner, as our suffering fellow-country­men of Roxbury and Charleston have done.^*

It is a never failing maxim of law, that that is certain, which may be rendered certain ^† Now though there may not be a legal, yet there is a [Page 20] moral certainty, that if they have this right, now they are so loaded and distressed with debt, they, if they are not born fools, will exercise it.

If it be said that the humanity of Britons will not admit of it, I answer—we have had a striking specimen of the humanity of Britons, on the 19th of April—in the ever memorable battle of Lex­ington!!—On the other hand—If we do not submit, nor acknowledge the said claims, then we are to be DRAGOONED into a submission!

Then conquest will be their mode of acquisi­tion.—If they gain the victory, then we are to be treated as Traitors, which (by the laws of Eng­land) is as follows; we are to be drawn on hurdles, i. e. carriages made of bundles of brush, and drawn by horses on the ground, to the place of execu­tion—then hanged a while by the neck—then taken down, and our bowels taken out and burnt before our eyes—then beheaded and quartered, and our heads and quarters disposed of at the King's pleasure! [God Almighty be merciful to our souls!]—then ensue a confiscation of estates and corruption of blood, so that our posterity never can inherit, to the latest generation;^* (then she is sure of them)—and all this because we are desi­rous of keeping what little substance we have earned by the sweat of our brow—by hard labor and toil, for the support of ourselves and families—and of that government under which we may lead lives in all godliness and honesty.

O our God, wilt thou not judge them?

[Page 21] If it be said, that we ought to pay something in return for the protection we have received from Great-Britain, in our trade and commerce—I would ask (admitting it for argument's sake) What in the name of goodness, is the reason why it may not be paid by our VOLUNTARY GRANT, and in the same manner as the commons of Eng­land raise their subsidies, to defray the charges of their fleets and armies?—But, by the way, I don't conceive that we owe her very much, on this score—for she has all along had the monopoly of our trade, that is the exclusive enjoyment of it, by which means MILLIONS of money have yearly accrued to her, which otherwise she never would have had, the loss of which by our non-importa­tion it is likely she will soon terribly feel!

Had we enjoyed a free trade with other nations, we should have been much richer than we now are, and perhaps, have been able to make a better defence in a time of war.

However, upon the whole, let the friends of government (so called) say what they will, it is certain, that the intent and design of Great-Bri­tain in sending her fleets and troops here, is by one mean or another to take from us what we call our PROPERTY, and to change the nature of our freehold.^*—This is what we complain of as un­just [Page 22] just and cruel—to say nothing about the destruc­tion of our forms of government and charters—the regulation bill—the Quebec-Bill, and the murder-bill—these are things of course!—Woe be unto the pastors that destroy and scatter the sheep of my pasture, saith the Lord.

When we consider the torrent of troubles—calamities—distresses—miseries and deaths, which overwhelmed our pious progenitors, the first set­tlers of this then uncultivated wilderness, how affectingly barbarous is it, thus to disturb us their peaceable posterity!—For some time after their arrival in New-England, they were hungry and hardly bestead.—In 1630 there was a very cold winter. "From the 24th of December till the 10th of February, the most they could do, was to keep themselves warm, and from starving with their scanty provision. The poorer sort were much exposed—lying in tents and hovels, and many died of the scurvy and other distempers. They were so short of provisions, that many were [Page 23] obliged to live upon clams, mussels and other shell fish, with ground nuts and acorns instead of bread. One that came to the governor's house to com­plain of his sufferings was prevented, being in­formed that even the last batch was in the oven—and yet in all this distress, they discovered great calmness, and resignation—A good man, who asked his neighbour to a dish of clams, after dinner re­turned thanks to God, who had given them to sack of the abundance of the seas, and of treasure hid in the sand."^*

This is only a specimen, and yet, without an abject submission, we are to be deprived of our inheritance.—Behold how they reward us!—When we most wanted their assistance, we had it not—In our primeval wars with the Indians, they never lent us a finger (much less a hand!) for our help—we always, till the last wars, defended ourselves—and the great Thos. Hutchinson, Esq once Captain General of the Massachusetts Bay confesses it—and what he says you know, MUST BE TRUE.^†—Speaking of one of the most bloody Indian wars, he says—"This is certain, that as this colony was at first settled, so it has been preserved from ruin, without any charge to the mother country"—This is THE CONFES­SION OF THE PARTY!

In the last general war, we raised much more than our proportion of men and money. I think I have it from very good authority, that anno 1758, [Page 24] this colony, then small comparatively, raised near 7000 men: and so considerable was what we paid over and above our proportional part of the charge, that the then parliament soon after tho't sit to make a reimbursement.—And always ready have we been to join in the common defence of the empire—And yet, behold!—to reward us, fleets and armies are sent here, to overawe and in­timidate us into a mean submission, or else to cast us out of our possession! O our God, wilt thou not judge them!!

I come now to speak of the last thing proposed—which is—That since this army is come against us; and as we cannot trust in an arm of flesh or on our own counsels alone, we ought to have our eyes upon God, for him to espouse our cause, and put an end to the quarrel—as in the text—we have no might against this great company that com­eth against us; neither know we what to do, but our eyes are upon Thee.—Before I proceed, I must observe some things, to ascertain the meaning of this latter part of the text—When Jehoshaphat says, we have no might, he does not mean that he was destitute of troops—for in the 17th chap. v. 14th and onward, we find that he musters 1,160,000 men ready prepared for the war.

Nor does he mean, that they were small, weak, and cowardly fellows: for it is there said, that they were all men of valour—But his meaning was, and is evidently this, viz. that without the smiles of heaven, the greatest army can effect no­thing; that the race is not to the swift, not the battle to the strong.— He had, no doubt, the same sentiments as Asa his father had, when he encoun­trade [Page 25] the huge host of the Ethiopians and Ara­bians, who cried in the face of his army, and said, Lord, it is nothing with thee to help, whether with many or with them that have no power: Help us, O Lord our God, for we rest on thee; and in thy name we go against this multitude. O Lord, thou art our God, let not man prevail against thee. And when he (Jehosh.) says, we know not what to do, he intends no more than this, that without the guidance and direction of him who rules in the armies of heaven above, and of this earth, they must of necessity go forth to war as it were blindfold; for that God is "peculiarly concerned in deciding the fate of battles," and victory goes to the side, which, in all human pro­bability, had the least foundation to expect suc­cess.—To go on then with the proposition—we ought to have our eyes upon God, for him to espouse our cause,—It is the duty of a people, in times of distress, to acknowledge God in all their ways, that so he may be pleased to direct their paths. We are not to put our confidence in an arm of flesh, but in the Lord of Hosts and God of armies.

It is very dangerous, to trust solely in the strength of men. We are not only liable to the most confounding disappointments, but also there is a terrible curse pronounced against those who neglect the Lord of hosts, and trust in their own strength. Cursed be the man that trusteth in man and that maketh flesh his arm, and whose heart de­parteth from the Lord—But as it follows, Blessed is the man that trusteth in the Lord, and whose hope the Lord is.—And the godly in all ages have made it their constant practice, to put their confi­dence [Page 26] in the Lord of hosts, the rock of ages, in whom is everlasting strength—Hence we find Da­vid, the man of war from his youth, who fought so many successful battles, expressing himself thus, Through THEE will we push down our enemies;—through THY NAME will we tread them un­der that rise up against us; for I will not trust in my bow, neither shall my sword save me, but THY RIGHT HAND, AND THINE ARM, AND THE LIGHT OF THY COUNTE­NANCE.—He also confesses that God taught his hand to war and his fingers to fight.

And such passages as the following are frequent­ly found in the sacred oracles—They that trust in the Lord shall be like Mount Zion, which cannot be moved—There is no king (nor people) saved by the multitude of an host—A mighty man is not deli­vered by much strength.—A horse is a vain thing for safety, neither shall be deliver any by his great strength—But whose trusteth in the Lord, shall be safe.— These passages abundantly prove that the Lord Jehovah is the Being in whom we are to put our trust and confidence of success.

But, further, they by no means prove that we are to set still; but we are, relying on HIS assist­ance, to make preparation for engaging in battle, and to exert ourselves to our utmost:—for we may rely upon it, that God will not assist us, unless we use our own endeavours.—We ought to do every thing in our power to promote union and harmony among the people—to see that no root of bitterness springs up to divide us, for "BY UNITING WE STAND, BY DIVIDING WE FALL."

We ought also to consider well the nature of our cause, and realize the justice of it—realize that [Page 27] if we now relinquish our rights and privileges—if we desert our cause, and, like the Issachar, la­zily couch down under the burden, "we shall be guilty of sacriledge to God, and treachery to future generations."—"Therefore we are not to neglect the natural means of safety." Let our troops consist of a respectable number of able-bo­died men—let them be well equiped with the habi­liments of war, and to their arms let them stand, and play the man for our people, and for the cities of our God; and the Lord do what seemeth him good.

I shall now, by way of conclusion, make some reflections on what has been said.

And from hence we learn, that human nature is so depraved, that many among mankind are so void of generosity, equity, and humanity, as, not content with what of right belongs to them, they audaciously venture to strip and pillage their in­nocent, honest, and industrious friends and neigh­bours—and all under the specious name of RIGHT. Behold how they reward us, to come to cast us out of thy possession which thou has giv­en us to inherit.

It is melancholy to reflect upon that sordid ambition and avarice which possess the minds of men, which prompt them with rapacious hands to rob others of their property, their dear brought substance, earned by hard labor and toil, on which alone they can subsist. How humiliating, to think that any should attempt to enslave the free-born mind—to compel us meanly to cringe to usurpation and arbitary power—should ravage our country—first pillage, then burn our dwellings over our heads, and butcher our friends before our eyes!

[Page 28] 2dly. It has been suggested in the foregoing discourse, that a great company is come and coming to make an invasion upon us, against whom we have no might—with whom we cannot cope with any hopes of success, without the guidance, di­rection and assistance of the God of the armies of Israel. Then surely it becomes us to humble our­selves before God, for those sins, which have caus­ed him to bring so heavy a judgment upon us,—and to bring ourselves into such a submissive frame, as that we may be in a capacity to receive so great a favor as the removal of this great company from us,—or else their defeat, so that they may have no advantage against us, and that we may still lead quiet and peaceable lives, and have none to make us afraid.

But can there be any disadvantage accruing to us from our inferiority to this company of men, which, it is surmised, is coming against us? Surely it seems there cannot:—For this great company spoken of, consists of British troops, who are bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh—Surely THEY cannot do us any hurt! In settling this great matter, let us have recourse to facts.

According to the best of my remembrance, some time in the fall of the year 1768, the scheme of posting an armed force in Boston, for certain pur­poses. was carried into execution. Then, for the first time, did the inhabitants of this Province be­hold Britons, in military hue and equipage, quar­tered in their Capital,—to assist, as was said, the civil magistrate, in carrying his edicts into executi­on: Though, as dire experience has made appear, to overawe and fright the inhabitants into a mean, abject submission to arbitrary power. Old-Eng­land's [Page 29] military-band despised and contemned New-England's virtuous sons—they treated them with insult and abuse. The armed soldier, with cow­ardly soul, attacks the honest countryman naked of defence—accosts him with such language as must shock the most indelicate ear—with reproachful names he's stigmatized, and loaded with obloquy, too much for innocence to bear. Our sabbaths and other holidays profaned. The worship of the GREAT SUPREME interrupted by harsh sounds of drums and fifes & military parade—The soldiery patrolling the streets before the doors of temples rear'd to God, while prayers were offered to the Almighty Lord!—The ears of the virtuous fair, before used only to delicacy and politeness, now grated with ribaldry; resulting from the ut­most efforts of minds vicious and obscene.—Thus striving with Midianitish policy and guiles, to des­troy our morals, and debauch the BEAUTEOUS THRONG of daughters in our land.—

Thus did two years roll heavy and gloomy on—Till on THE FATAL FIFTH OF MARCH, 1770; when Beelzebub broke loose, and with in­fernal train, joined with the scarlet throng, with George's livery, by name the XXIXth.—

Then were there seen citizens of our now dis­tress'd metropolis fallen by one leaden shower, and weltering in their gore!—

Thus were the soul's of undesigning and poli­tically innocent Americans stript of their bodies, and sent to Heaven's dread tribunal, there to set­tle their accounts, before they'd time to say, Lord have mercy on us!

Now view bereaved relatives—their bosoms heaving—wringing their hands with grief,—bro't [Page 30] into the list of mourners, they make a melancholly train—we pitied them, and sympathized.—

Thus, in our view, did Britons turn ruffians and horribly disgrac'd their native country by the change!—May their consciences harrow up their souls,—and like Angel's trumpet-tongued proclaim "THE DEEP DAMNATION OF THE DEED!"

Five years more have now revolved—In this interval, the same unhallowed courses, as at first, have been pursued.—

'Till on THE EVER MEMORABLE NINETEENTH OF APRIL, 1775; new bloody scenes were opened to our view!

As for that day, let its gloominess and the sha­dow of death forever terrify those murd'rous souls who wantonly then spilt OUR BRETHREN's BLOOD!—Who could have conceived, that men of CHRISTIAN NAME were capable of thus putting to the blush wild savages of the desart?

But, however startling to our mind, and troops of Britain's king, set out upon a plundering expe­dition, in dead of night, being skill'd in works of darkness.—At morning light, they arriv'd at LEX­INGTON, THE PORCH OF CIVIL WAR—There accosted our innocent countrymen with the infernal, shocking name, damn'd rebels—there wantonly let loose the dogs of war, and with ma­lignant tongues cry'd HAVOC!!!—and by ONE fire dismantled eight dear souls, and sent them murmuring to the skies!—are these Britons?—O our God! wilt thou not JUDGE them!

I must forbear—to go thro' the history of their conduct at CONCORD, their ravages and mur­ders in retreat, is too painful to the human mind. [Page 31] —And what is now our duty? Must we now sit still and maintain peace with the butchers of our friends? Shall we maintain it "at the ex­pence of property, liberty and life, and all that dear"? God forbid! If ever there was a call in providence to take the sword, there now is—Therefore to arms!—to arms!—lest that curse fall upon us, which fell upon the dastardly inha­bitants of Meroz (Jud. 5. 23.) "Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of the Lord; curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof: because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty."

We trust that all, whose circumstances will ad­mit of it, will go—that none such will refuse to inlist in defence of his country. When God, in his providence, calls to take the sword; if any refuse to obey, Heaven's dread artillery is levelled against him, as you may see, Jer. 48. 10. CURSED BE HE THAT KEEPETH BACK HIS SWORD FROM BLOOD; cursed is that sneaking coward who neglects the sinking state when called to its defence—O then, flee this dire curse—let Ame­rica's valorous sons put on the harness, nor take it off till peace shall be to Israel.

When they have engaged by enlistment, let them act with fidelity, nor e'er desert or leave the ground, till the campaign is ended, till fair, tho' banished PEACE is full restor'd to MASSACHU­SETTS-BAY, and the whole western world.—If any do desert, the thunder bolt divine is direc­ted to their hearts, in the prophet Jeremiah, Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully"

He that by enlistment plights his faith, then leaves the ground a coward, merits this dire curse. [Page 32] —But there is another sort of coward, who (to use the words of a late rousing preacher) are sly hypo­critical cowards, who undertake the work of the Lord, that is, take up arms; but they do it deceit­fully—they do not faithfully use their arms for the purposes for which they were taken—they com­mence soldiers, not that they may serve their coun­try, and do their duty to God—but that they may live in ease, idleness and pleasure, and enrich them­selves at the public expence.—Cursed be he that doth the work of the lord deceitfully, and serves himself under pretence of serving his country.—Thus he.—

Let none merit this flagitious character—but let them act their parts with fidelity, that so, at last, they may receive the rewards of good&faithful ser­vants—that they may be found such good soldiers in the temporal militia, as that, at last, they may be raised to, and mingled with the CHURCH TRI­UMPHANT in heaven.—

To conclude—Let us all realize, that we are candidates for eternity—"We must save our souls, as well as our country." We have no might against the great company of principalities and powers of darkness, which are come against our souls to destroy them with an everlasting destruc­tion.—O our God, wilt thou not judge and prevent them—these are more terrible than all the troops of Britain, France. or Spain, with guns and swords, and all the dreadful artillery of death.—May we now put on the whole armour of God, and quit ourselves like men and be strong, and having done all, make a vigorous stand—May we all enlist in this spiritual welfare,—

[Page 33] May we now commence eternal hostilities with SIN, and be enabled by our God to carry on a successful war against it, may be we fight the good fight of faith and overcome all our spiritual ene­mies, the world, the flesh and the devil thro' him that loved us—that so fighting as good soldiers of Je­sus Christ, we may be thought worthy to enter into the kingdom of the prince of peace: Even into that kingdom which cannot be shaken; where are no wars, nor rumours of wars, but an everlasting rest for the people of God.

AMEN.