Some seasonable observations and remarks upon the state of our controversy with Great Britain; and on the proceedings of the Continental Congress: : whereby many interesting facts are related, and methods proposed for our safety and an accomodation. / By a moderate Whig.

Some seasonable observations and remarks upon the state of our controversy with Great Britain; and on the proceedings of the Continental Congress: : whereby many interesting facts are related, and methods proposed for our safety and an accomodation. / By a moderate Whig.

Table of contents

Title page

PART I.

PART II.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

SOME SEASONABLE OBSERVATIONS and REMARKS UPON THE STATE OF OUR CONTROVERSY WITH GREAT BRITAIN; AND ON THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS: Whereby many interesting Facts are related, and Methods proposed for our Safety and an Accommodation.

BY A MODERATE WHIG.

AMERICA: Printed and sold in the Year MDCCLXXV.

PART I.

[Page]

MY regard for the good of my country is such, that I cannot be silent at this alarming crisis, when party prejudices are carried to an extreme: And as when our political debates have ensnared and confounded the populace, rather than informed and enlightened them; and have engaged them in a dangerous political enthusiasm; when by fraud or otherwise, many particulars of the utmost concern were omitted. I therefore ask your calm and dispasionate enquiry and attention to some interesting considerations and special remarks; which if read and examined with candor, may serve to calm unruly passions, and lead you to form some just sentiments on the controversy. I hope for your approbation, and that I shall ever be esteemed as a sincere friend to our liberties, and the good of my country; and as one who has ever been against all unjust incroachments on our rights and privileges, or a tame submission to acts of parliament that might subject us to an unlimited power of taxation; and as one who would gladly see a just determination [Page] of what is due to the king as our sovereign, and to us as his loyal and free subjects. It is to be lamented that the populace have been so ready to engage in the most fatal and daring enterprizes; and that a good cause had suffered so much by the imprudence of our advocates. There are some who indiscriminately condemn all the whigs, for the fault of some popular zealo's, who, from the beginning have deceived and misled the populace; and with the specious shew of patriotism have retained the lead in our public affairs, (which was the source and origin of our present distresses) and have in our late times of general discontent and confusion, increased their influence by shewing contempt to government, and by invectives against those who were for moderate measures; representing them as enemies to their country. But such proceedings can never be of any real benefit to us. We have indeed good reason to dispise them, who, for their own private emolument, would give up the rights and liberties of their country; and to respect and revere those, who, from a regard for the safety of it, and just sentiments of government, have endeavored to convince us of our danger, and submitted to become unpopular and lose their influence in society by it: And have not the most sensible and judicious of our sons of liberty, disallowed all such proceedings, and hoped to see some just and moderate proposals originate in our assemblies or congress, for an accommodation? But what may we now expect from a view of our affairs? We find that his majesty, who has been our kind protector, considers us as guilty of acts of violence of a criminal nature. And can we suppose that the proceedings of the continental congress, will afford us relief, or that they duly considered what was recommended to them by the grand committee, met at Philadelphia [Page] in July last, "which was for the Colonies to propose the payment of a certain annual revenue to his majesty; and damages for the tea destroyed, in order to procure his majesty's favor." And now pray consider whether their association and resolves will have such influence in our favor as to excite in the house of commons, such spirited exertions, as may procure a repeal of their late acts; or whether our late violent proceedings will not rather unite them more firmly against us, and cause the ministerial controversy, to terminate in a national one? And have we not reason to fear that the late address of our continental congress and their spirited measures and resolves, will induce the king and parliament to consider them as founded on republican principles; and that their designs were to become independent or something more, as they have assmed to be arbiters for Quebec? And has what our delegates called an humble petition from faithful subjects, proposed any one conciliating measure, or addressed his majesty with those tender and dutiful regards which might be expected from dependent and loyal subjects; or offered to palliate for our public offences, or for the destroying of private property, that occasioned the king and parliament to go into some spirited measures; or have they proposed a submission to parliament in any one instance? And does not the same spirit appear in their address, that prevailed in their approving the precipitate resolves of the county of Suffolk? Therefore I think that you cannot be at a loss, but may justly conclude, that their designs were, (as one of their delegates said) to excite fear rather than other regards. And did they not in faithfulness to his majesty lay many grievous things to his charge, exculpating the Colonies from all offences, except it was one to be sensible of injuries? And such was the [Page] absurd credulity of the people in the Colonies that they generally approved their proceedings before they knew what they were. And can you suppose that their address, with formal professions of duty, loyalty, humility and affection to his majesty, and the most solemn appeal in respect to their purity of intention, integrity of conduct and dread of destruction; with their proposals for harmony and free intercourse (only); and their alarm of danger to his majesty's kingdoms (by their association) will so awaken his fears, or excite his compassion, as to procure the abolition of these acts, and his royal favor? Or, that our daring resistance to law, and violence of a criminal nature, with our unlawful combinations, will be passed over with impunity?

Our affairs begin to wear a dangerous aspect; the weapons of destruction are prepared for action: And what horrors and distress must attend a civil war; where friends and relations are opposed to each other. And it may not be amiss for you to look back and consider how little regard has been paid to what our best advocates have said, viz. the Farmer, Mr. Dulancy, Lord Chatham, and others, with respect to our subordination to the parliament. "That the greater must rule the latter, that we are but parts of the whole; and that the power of parliament may be justly exercised to preserve a subordination, and to restrain our trade and manufactures; and that the king, lords and commons, have power to pass a bill of attainder and take away our charter; and that their power is absolute and unaccountable. And that it is just that every part of an empire, defended by its power, should bear a proportion of the charges according to their ability." Have we not disregarded them, and all advice for moderate measures, and acted in opposition to the laws of our province, destroyed [Page] private property, assaulted and abused his majesty's liege subjects, suppressed his courts of justice, and new formed his militia? And all on account of taxes laid upon us by the king and parliament, (for our proportion of the charges for national defence) and to keep up an opposition to other acts of parliament, for shutting up Boston harbour, &c.

It is said that there can be no taxation without representation, and that the demands for it were unprecedented, and [...] since 1763; which occasioned many polemical debates; not so much with respect to the justice of the demand, as about the legality of it. For Mr. Dulany said, that at the planting of the Colonies, protection and obedience were considered as reciprocal duties. I shall further observe, that the colony charters, granted under different kings, were of various forms. And that one large colony is exempt only from taxes, other than what are raised by their own legislators, or by the parliament, but the times are such, that they also zealously oppose all taxes by parliament. And of another colony it is said, that they are by charter exempt from all taxes, other than by their own legislators, and that by our province charter we have no exemption from taxes though specially apply'd for by our agents before it was granted; and that sensible of the omission, it was the earliest care of the province, to form and pass a bill of rights or protest against all taxes, other than what should be raised by our legislators, which was not so fortunate as to meet with their majesties approbation, and left room for after debates. And there are those who say, that as the king cannot tax his subjects but by consent of parliament, so neither can he emancipate them at his pleasure from their proportion of the general charges of the nation. Whence you may observe that the claim or right of [Page] taxation, is not novel or of so late a date as some have suggested. But the scene is now so far changed, that the legality or justice of the demand, are not the only points under consideration; but whether, we shall be subordinate to the parliament or not? I presume that it is not yet too late for us who are to be actors in the contest, to seriously consider and determine with respect to a change of measures; and the several duties of obedience, protection and gratitude for past favors; and of benevolence toward fellow-subjects. And I hope the time will soon come when our Revd. patriots will as assiduously use the drum ecclesiastic, to enforce those duties, as it has been for opposition to government. And in order for your forming just ideas of the state of the controversy, I desire that you will from the following state of facts, duly consider, how far they lay us under an obligation to the performance of these duties.

PART II.

[Page]

THE Colonies long groaned under wars occasioned by the French in Canada, which have been very expensive and distressing. It has been computed that in New-England only, more than ten thousand of our best youths died in these wars; by the enemy, sickness, &c. And it also hinder'd our population, which at a common rate, might have doubled every twenty five years. For it is said that in 1762, our numbers had not doubled in forty years; and that in 1722, they had not in fifty years. And let us also look back and consider our fears and dangers about twenty one years ago, when we humbly pray'd for his Majesty's assistance, as appears by repeated resolves and addresses, some of which are as follows, viz. one formed by the congress at Albany, July 9th 1754, when the commissioners said, "That it was the evident design of the French to surround the British Colonies; and with a strong naval force to make a general attack; and that there was the utmost danger that the whole continent would be subjected to the crown of France." And of the addresses of our general assembly, and of our council, to Gov. Shirley, in 1754, when they with other complaints to the like effect, said, "The French have made such incroachments and taken such measures as threaten great danger, and perhaps in time, even the destruction of this province. And we apprehend it is impossible in the present distressed circumstances of the province, to maintain a force necessary for our defence; and therefore we humbly rely on his Majesty's paternal goodness, through the interposition of you excellency's good offices for assistance." And what Virginia in the address of their assembly to his [Page] Majesty said, "The designs of the French upon our frontiers, if not timely opposed, must be attended with the most fatal consequences; we have granted 10,000l for our defence, which though not sufficient, is the utmost that out people are able to bear. We therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty to extend your royal beneficence to us your loyal subjects." Which shews the language of poor distressed Colonies, (though not of high and mighty states) and that we were then dependent on his Majesty's favor for protection. And since we are by his Majesty's gracious interposition, made free from those, or the like dangers or distresses, let us under a grateful sense of his favors and protection, and of our exemption from the slavish yoke of Canada, but duly requite him for them; and further, consider that since Canada wars are ended, we may enjoy peace and quiet; and that our labourers may be better supported by three days labour in a week, than the like labourers in England, by six days labour. And that we have already paid off our public debts; and that England has not been able to pay one tenth part of their's in the like term; and that their army and navy, do cost annually, more than twice so much as the land tax of England, at three shilling on the pound; and that besides the vast charges for the navy and army, and for embassadors, consuls, &c. (general charges) and of pensioners, &c. England pays interest for seventy millions that was due before the last war, and for more than sixty millions expended by it: And that the last war was begun and the charges greatly increased for our protection, and to settle the dispute between our Colonies and Canada: Which may further lead us to consider, whether we have not been misled even to the brink of ruin; and whether we shall yet suffer those who have sought [Page] popularity more than the good of their country (whose cause is desperate) to engage us, by delusive dreams and idle suggestions to follow them down the precipice: And whether what our delegates in the continental congress called humble and reasonable petitions from the Colonies, were not conceived in such terms as were affrontive to the King and parliament, by a denial of their power, rather than such as were likely to promote an accommodation. War and bloodshed seems now to be the unavoidable consequence of what are called violent proceedings▪ and will not conscious guilt stare us in the face, if we shall engage in opposition to government before satisfaction is made for the tea destroyed, and for our protection. And let us use our influence every one in his station, to suppress all violent measures, and for promoting peace and good order, and a reconciliation with our mother state of which we ought not to despair; for Mr. Burke, in his late address to the city of Bristol, said, "That to reconcile British constitutional superiority with American liberty should be his endeavor to the utmost of his power in parliament, which in his opinion might be preserved even yet: And that it was necessary for both.

And let us consider, whether our honor in competition with that of Great-Britain, ought to take place; and whether it would have been an indignity to the Colonies, to have offered terms for adjusting the dispute.—I am not able to determine, how far we can support an opposition to the King and parliament; but thus much I may assert, that if violent measures shall take place, our mighty states will soon be ruined, by their power: Or can it be supposed, that people in general will be so infatuated as to depend on the extraordinary interpositions of divine providence in our favor. Let us rely on his Majesty's [Page] favor; sensible of his benign dispositions on all occasions; and especially in the requisition, 1764. As appears by our agents letters,* when the stampact was suspended 'till the next year; to see if we would past it ourselves, or some equivalent, which may encourage us to hope, that his designs were not formed in order to enslave us, by a wanton exercise of power; but to lay upon us what was considered, as a just proportion of charges for our national defence.—I have often heard those who are zealous advocates for the Colonies, say, that it was just, that we should pay for our protection; and that they would readily consent to it, if raised in our own way; and trade might become free as heretofore: But cannot learn that any one of the Colonies did ever profess it, in their addresses.—I desire that we may no longer continue to act under the influence of such mean and ungenerous principles; and willingly submit to pay our just proportion. The Colonies have lately given a pompous account of their numbers, but are they able to pay one thirtieth part of the general charges of the nation? if they are, it is more then what was expected by the requisition.

I fear that it is now too late, for us to form proposals to his Majesty and the parliament, soon enough to prevent the spirited exertions of their power over us: And from the violent temper and ungoverned passions of our people, we may justly fear the most dangerous consequences.—However, I think it adviseable, as our all is at stake; for those who are of true patriotic principles, to stand forth for the salvation of their country; and freely declare their sentiments, before it is too late; without any regard to the deluded populate. Our present dangers ought to obliterate all party prejudices and distinctions, and [Page] unite in measures that are most for our common: safety; which may be, by an application to his Excellency General Gage, our commander in chief, for his favour, by moderate measures; and for his kind interposition, with the King and parliament, in our behalf. And as by the last accounts from Great-Britain, we are informed that the affairs of the Colonies, were to come before the King and parliament soon; whereby they may as is supposed, form a constitutional plan for the Colonies; which may require our utmost moderation and prudence; therefore let us exert our several powers and faculties, in order to form favorable and just sentiments of government, and for promoting a decent acquiescence with any tolerable requisitions; hoping in his Majesty's favor for a redress of all grievances afterward, when we can act in a constitutional way, by proper addresses: And as our sea-port towns are exposed to the King's naval forces, and in danger of destruction by fire and sword; and that it is expected, that a neutrality will be demanded of them: They may therefore consider, whether it would not (if required) be best for them to submit to it, for their preservation.

And is it not to be expected, that there are great numbers in other parts of the province, who have conformed to popular measures, that will not be active in an opposition to government, who will readily embrace the first favorable opportunity to secure themselves by a neutrality or submission, and leave the contest to those, who will not submit; and I desire that it may be further considered, whether the controversy, and duties for ten years past, has not been more expensive to us, then it would have been, if we had attended to the requisition, and offered to grant a certain annual revenue to his Majesty, when they were inclined to stipulate, and [Page] accept a moderate allowance. We have imprudently rejected the proposals, and relied on the influence and exertions of the manufacturing party in England for safety; but can we now depend upon them to secure or preserve us from ruin; I hope you will consider the importance of the subject, and excuse my officious endeavors, that were excited by a view of such interesting concerns: I have engaged in it, not from private views, or with personal prejudice to any one; but with a sincere desire to promote the good of the public. It is the undue practices only, of a party, that I mean to expose—I have endeavored to promote a just regard for some necessary duties of social life; and should have given it sooner with my state of facts and remarks, had I not feared that it would appear unpopular, and be treated with sneers and ridicule. But sensible of our extreme danger, I have under a conscious regard to my duty, overcome such fears, and do consider tar and feathers, and the favors of the populace, to be of little avail, if compared to the preservation of my country, and the lives of my dear countrymen; of which there are many thousands (as I doubt not) who are just and honest in their intentions, that would have acted a different part, if they had known the true state of the case.—And I fear that my relation of facts and plain-dealing may occasion some scrupulous persons, to misapprehend my designs, and conclude that I am a tory. But I hereby declare, that I am in no wise sensible, that I have offered any thing inconsistent, with true and genuine whig principles: And I shall therefore take the liberty to subscribe myself.

A MODERATE WHIG.

Notes

*

[...] of April 4th.

Information about this book

Title statement

Some seasonable observations and remarks upon the state of our controversy with Great Britain; and on the proceedings of the Continental Congress: : whereby many interesting facts are related, and methods proposed for our safety and an accomodation. / By a moderate Whig.

Moderate Whig.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2007-10.

ID [DLPS]

N11436

ID [TCP]

N11436

ID [STC]

Evans 14462

ID [NOTIS]

APX5530

ID [IMAGE-SET]

14462

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99022320

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 14462.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N11436)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 14462)

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Source

— Some seasonable observations and remarks upon the state of our controversy with Great Britain; and on the proceedings of the Continental Congress: : whereby many interesting facts are related, and methods proposed for our safety and an accomodation. / By a moderate Whig., Moderate Whig..

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14, [2] p. ; 21 cm. (8vo)

Printed and sold [by Margaret Draper?],. America [i.e., Boston]: :: in the year MDCCLXXV. [1775]. (Place of publication and printer's name suggested by Evans.)

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