An Earnest address to such of the people called Quakers as are sincerely desirous of supporting and maintaining the Christian testimony of their ancestors. Occasioned by a piece, intituled, "The testimony of the people called Quakers, given forth by a meeting of the representatives of said people, in Pennsylvania and New-Jersy [sic], held at Philadelphia the twenty-fourth day of the first month, 1775." : [Eleven lines of Scripture texts]

An Earnest address to such of the people called Quakers as are sincerely desirous of supporting and maintaining the Christian testimony of their ancestors. Occasioned by a piece, intituled, "The testimony of the people called Quakers, given forth by a meeting of the representatives of said people, in Pennsylvania and New-Jersy [sic], held at Philadelphia the twenty-fourth day of the first month, 1775." : [Eleven lines of Scripture texts]

Table of contents

Title page

AN Earnest Address, &c.

AN APPENDIX: Containing such Extracts from the Proceedings of the Government at Home, and the Assemblies of the Colonies, as tend to prove the Truth of the Facts asserted in the foregoing Address.

An humble petition to the King's most excellent Majesty.

Circular LETTER.

VIRGINIA, May 9, 1768.

Colony of New-Jersey, May 9, 1768.

To the Hon. THOMAS CUSHING, Esq Speaker of the late House of Representatives of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

Colony of Connecticut June 11th, 1768.

To the Honourable THOMAS CUSHING, Esq Speaker of the Hon. House of representatives of the province of Massachusetts-Bay.

Province of Georgia, 16th June, 1768.

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Circular. No. 6.

Extract of a Letter from the Earl of HILLSBOROUGH, dated Whitehall, April 22d, 1768.

No. XI. Circular. Duplicate.

Extract of a Letter from DENNYS DE BERDT, Esq to THOMAS CUSHING, Esq received by the last packet, London, April 5, 1769.

The Resolves of the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament, assembled, &c. referred to in the foregoing Narrative, viz.

The Humble ADDRESS of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled.

A genuine copy of a letter from a committee of merchants in Philadelphia, to the committee of merchants in London.

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AN EARNEST ADDRESS TO SUCH OF The People called Quakers As are Sincerely Desirous of SUPPORTING and MAINTAINING THE CHRISTIAN TESTIMONY OF THEIR ANCESTORS.

Occasioned by a Piece, intituled, ‘The Testimony of the People called Quakers, given forth by a Meeting of the Representatives of said People, in Pennsylvania and New-Jersy, held at Philadelphia the Twenty-fourth Day of the First Month, 1775.’

EZEK. viii. 15, 16.

Then said he unto me, Hast thou seen this, O son of man? turn thee yet again, and thou shalt see greater abominations than these. And he brought me into the inner court of the Lord's house, and behold, at the door of the temple of the Lord, between the porch and the altar, were about five and twenty men, with their backs toward the temple of the Lord, and their faces toward the east, and they worshipped the sun toward the east.

ISAIAH ix. 16.

For the leaders of this people cause them to err, and they that are led of them are destroyed.

PHILADELPHIA, Printed for JOHN DOUGLAS M'DOUGAL, 1775.

AN Earnest Address, &c.

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Esteemed FRIENDS,

OUR worthy Ancestors, whose names are held in religious Remembrance amongst us, for their labours of love and the hardships which they endured in their endeavours to establish the pure and genuine doctrines of Jesus Christ, set out with this one fundamental doctrine, That the Light in every man's breast was the true Light of Christ; and if duly attended to would lead us out of the errors, mistakes and prejudices which had corrupted the religious principles of mankind in general, so that we should no longer walk in darkness, nor follow the lying and deceitful Vanities of this World; but that we should be enabled by the divine principle of Grace and Truth to resist the Temptations of the Devil, and to overcome those fleshly and worldly lusts which hold the people of this World in captivity to Sin.

[Page]THEY taught in the demonstration of the Spirit and with power, that nothing was so great an obstacle to the growth of this divine Principle as insincerity and a disregard to Truth, and they therefore exhorted all men in singleness and sincerity of heart, to attend to the internal Teacher, and carefully to avoid every deviation from Truth or appearance of deceit—They saw in the light of Divine Wisdom the inconsistency of a Christian Profession with every degree of cunning and guile, either in words or actions. And their honest and upright testimony in this respect exposed them frequently to the insults and mockery of wicked men. Indeed so earnest were these Mockers to catch them in some deviation from Truth, that they often asked them the most silly questions, trying if they could thereby ensnare them in their words; but they witness, that the Good Hand was with them, and preserved them from speaking any thing contrary to Truth in their answers.—And,

THEY have left to all men a most certain and standing evidence of their carefulness to avoid even the least appearance of Untruth in many "forms of sound words" now used among us, whereby they avoided the possibility of being found guilty of any falshood in their conversations, engagements or promises; and were enabled to preserve the Testimony of Truth clear and unspotted—

THUS by a scrupulous and conscientious adherence to the leadings of Truth in the minutest things, our forefathers attained to a strength and stability in religion which enabled them to bear up against the many trials and severe persecutions, which were suffered to come upon them for the trial [Page] of their faith, and the exaltation of the Truth which they professed—And by the openness, sincerity and steadfastness of their conduct, they at last obtained this testimony, even from their enemies, that they were an innocent, inoffensive and well meaning people. And tho' they were exposed to much in human and cruel treatment on account of their religious profession, and in derision were called Quakers, yet the Virtuous integrity of their lives, and their strict and simple adherence to Truth, by the blessing of that God who dwells with the single-hearted, and hates all hypocrisy and lies, enabled them to persevere and to support their Testimony, and at last procured them relief from almost every thing which the Pure Light in their minds could not suffer them to submit to, or partake of.

I therefore felt a strong inclination to lay this part of their conduct before you, that you might be enabled to see the steps whereby our antient Friends attained a stedfastness in the Truth, and that having their example before our eyes, and seeing the blessing nd success which attended them, we might be excited to follow their footsteps; especially at this time of trial, which the Lord hath permitted to try our Faith, and to shew who are his and who are not. —Suffer me then to stir up the pure Mind in each of us by way of remembrance, to excite all such who are truly engaged in the work of an inward and spiritual reformation, to take care to preserve themselves unspotted, to be cautious not to suffer their minds to be led astray on the one side or the other, and by all means to avoid the artifices and cunning of those▪ who, forsaking the divine leadings, study to turn every dispensation of Providence to the worldly advantage [Page] of the society, by bowing to the wicked while in authority, and thereby wounding their own consciences, and in the end bringing dishonour on our testimony and the principles which we profess.

THERE is nothing more certain both from the declarations of Scripture and the experience of Friends, especially such as adhered steadily to the Light of Grace in their own hearts, than that the duty of a truly spiritual man consists in declining to take part on either side in any political contention or quarrel, in constantly renouncing all worldly policy, and in patiently waiting for deliverance from the Lord—And so far have the spiritually minded men of former ages been from appearing anxious to preserve the favour of those in power, by any seeming compliance with their arbitrary proceedings, that they have found it their duty to remonstrate against their oppressions, and to denounce the Vengeance of him who hates all injustice and cruelty against them, unless they repented—And the boldness and Christian plainness with which our worthy Ancestors reproved the oppressors of their day, is surely the strongest proof of their integrity of heart.

THIS part of their behaviour, if duly attended to, will enable us to perceive the difference between them and some amongst us, who at present are high in profession; but whose conduct and the little regard which they shew to the most essential principles of our Religion will, if approved by the society, not only subject us to the just censure of the World, but render us entirely unworthy of that favour with which the divine Goodness hath hitherto blessed us.

[Page]THAT I may not be wanting in my duty, or appear willing to condemn our leading Friends without advancing proofs of their guilt, I would not only request you to remember, that what the colonies contend for, is their right, and by Friends acknowledged to be so, and then tell me, whether our last Yearly Meeting Epistle is not a most striking and shameful deviation from that honest boldness and plainness of speech which distinguished our ancestors, and whether the scriptures of Truth, or the history of Friends can shew such another testimony against rulers who seemed determined to carry their unjust and oppressive measures into execution by fire and sword—Ask the Prophets of old in what language they spoke to the men in power when they acted unjustly. Consult the first founders of our society, men who spent their lives in establishing the principles which we profess, and then declare whether they spoke such language to those in power.— If they did not, if they acted with a boldness at that time unknown, and, in the utmost plainness of speech, denounced the Judgments of God against oppression in their Rulers, and if their language was not such as the leading members of our society speak at this time, let us calmly consider which has the best title to that Divine Guidance and Inspiration which makes the most distinguished principle of our profession.

MY appeal is to the honest hearted, who are willing to examine their own conduct and the conduct of our leading men in the Light of divine Truth— To such alone I address myself, and from them alone I expect a true and genuine reply—Whether did those ancient Friends, amongst whom the worthy [Page] founder of this province stood foremost, who called upon the People to assert their rights and assured them that then was the time; or our Meeting for Sufferings, who lately called upon our Elders to deal with every one of the society who joined with the people to defend their rights, act under the influence of the divine Spirit?—I firmly persuade myself, that every ingenuous mind which regards the Testimony of Truth, and attends to the Witness in his own heart, will readily determine to whom the preference is due—And an honest attention and obedience to that witness will always enable him to oppose that spirit which is not of God—For if the Gospel directs us to yield up a part of our right rather than to enter into contention about it, much more does it command us not to strike hands with the oppressor. A righteous and just man may defend his property; but he is a villain who either attempts unjustly to deprive him of it, or abets the man who does.—

THIS Epistle when considered as a religious publication, given forth by a people heretofore remarkable for their steady opposition to, and bearing testimony against oppression in their rulers, is highly blamable, but when compared to the piece, intituled, "The Testimony, &c." it becomes innocent and laudable. For what think ye my friends will the world say when they behold this Testimony? with what indignation must that Holy Spirit whose leadings we profess to follow, view a publication, given forth as it were under the sanction of all the Friends in both provinces with a manifest design to justify the oppressive measures of government, and to brand with the worst of epithets, those whose greatest fault [Page] is, that they contend for their right in a pacific manner?

THESE things have pained my heart, and filled my mind with sorrow and affliction, and I could not rest until I had in some measure pointed out their inconsistency with our profession, lest you, whose earnest and continual waiting for the divine manifestations may have prevented from attending to public affairs, should, thro' a confidence in the sincerity of those who have given forth this testimony, be induced to give your approbation thereto, and thereby bring a reproach upon Truth and the principles we profess to the world.

FOR there are some things asserted therein, which I fear will be a reproach to our society as long as they remain upon record; because they have so slight a foundation in truth, that the whole conduct of Government and of the people is a proof of the contrary. I cannot therefore help looking forward with anxious distress, and viewing with anguish of spirit the Gulf into which they are about to plunge the society by a hasty forsaking of the true path, and forgetting to wait upon the Guidance of that Spirit which alone can perserve us from the snares of the world and support us in the hour of Temptation.

WHILE men, who seemed to be employed to sow divisions amongst the people, and who openly appeared to pay no regard to truth, have for some months past continued to condemn the public proceedings as subversive of all Government, and calculated to throw off all allegiance to the [Page] King, and to assert that all our grievances might have been redressed had we applied in a legal and constitutional manner, I did not suffer my mind to be troubled on account of their falshoods—I thought Truth could suffer but little from men who paid no regard to a good Conscience—And I knew the just cause of the people would not be injured by their representations; for Administration knowing them to be employed by themselves, could not consider their declarations and assertions as truths to be depended on; but only as means employed to serve their cause.

BUT when I beheld a People, whose religious standard is truth and sincerity, incautiously drawn in by those, who call themselves their representatives, to assert that, ‘From their past experience of the clemency of the King and his royal ancestors they have grounds to hope and believe, that decent and respectful addresses, from those who are vested with legal authority, representing the prevailing dissatisfactions and the cause of them, would avail towards obtaining relief, ascertaining and establishing the just rights of the people, and restoring the public tranquility; and deeply lamenting that contrary modes of proceeding have been pursued; which have involved the Colonies in Confusion, and appear likely to produce Violence and Bloodshed, and threaten the subversion of the constitutional government, and of that liberty of conscience, for the enjoyment of which, our ancestors were induced to encounter the manifold dangers and difficulties of crossing the seas, and settling in the Wilderness,’—I [Page] felt an involuntary sigh arise within me, and I could not repress the emotions of my spirit—

FOR would not any one, who did not know the true state of the proceedings of the colonies, upon reading such a paragraph, extracted from the public Testimony of the people called Quakers, imagine, that no attempt had ever been made by our assemblies to obtain a redress of our grievances; but that immediately upon our first notice of their existence we had broken out into the utmost violence and most daring opposition to Government—But let the following detail of facts shew the injustice, not to say falshood, of such a representation.

As soon as the acts of parliament of which we complain were known in America, the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay sent a decent respectful address to the King, complaining of the infringement of their rights, and praying for a redress; and to add the greater weight to their petition, they wrote circular Letters to all the other Assemblies on the continent, requesting them to join them in addresses to his Majesty.

THIS the Assemblies of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Lower Counties, and Virginia all joined them in—The other Assemblies highly approved the Measure as well as those who petitioned, and only declined petitioning for the present until they knew the fate of the applications they had made by their agents before the arrival of the Circular Letter:—However, every Assembly from Nova-Scotia to the Florida's petitioned [Page] some time after, as any one may satisfy himself by consulting their proceedings for the Year 1768.

Now, here was a fair experiment made of that mode of application for redress, which our representatives (as they call themselves) so strongly hint had never been tried, and of the success of which, they appear so confident, and wherein every Assembly from Nova-Scotia to the Florida's united.—But what was the consequence? Did the King pay any regard to their applications and addresses, tho' conceived in the most decent and manly terms? No. The Minister, (Hillsborough) as soon as he heard of the measures which the Massachusetts-Bay Assembly had taken, sent a circular Letter to all the Governors of the other colonies, desiring them to use their utmost endeavours to prevent their Assemblies from joining with that of the Massachusetts-Bay, and condemning their circular Letter as a measure of a most dangerous and factious tendency, calculated to inflame the minds of his Majesty's good subjects in the colonies, to promote unwarrantable combinations, and to excite and encourage open opposition to, and denial of the authority of Parliament, and to subvert the true principles of the constitution; and therefore he exhorted the several Governors to exert their utmost influence to defeat this flagicious attempt to disturb the public peace—And to add the greater weight and solemnity to these proceedings of the Ministry, and the more effectually to frighten the colonies into a tame submission, and make them sick of attempting to join in petitioning for redress of grievances, the House of Lords was employed to [Page] resolve in the most violent manner against their proceedings.—

SUCH a representation of their conduct, and the measures persued at home in consequence thereof, alarmed our Assemblies; and they, in justification of their measures, passed a few resolves expressive of the innocency, prudence and constitutionallity of their measures, and asserting their right to join in petitioning his Majesty, denying the factious tendency of the Circular Letter and the Right of parliament to tax the colonies, and declaring, That the Right of taxing the colonies remained in themselves alone—This was all they did in opposition to all the disrespect and contempt thrown upon their just and modest applications to the Throne; yet this so enraged the court of Great-Britain, that the ministry sent express orders to the Governors of the respective Colonies to dissolve every Assembly which refused to rescind the resolves they entered into on the occasion.—Dissolutions highly injurious to the colonies accordingly took place—and because the minister had committed some blunders, which shewed his ignorance of the constitution of some of the colonies, and exposed his political abilities, there soon followed another letter from his Majesty, ordering the Governors to lay no more of the Ministers letters before our Assemblies; but only such parts as they should have his Majesty's express commands for.—Thus are our Assemblies for the future to be excluded from the knowledge of the true source of their calamities and the spirit of the ministry, except only such part of it as they may guess at from the [Page] conduct of their Governors—Nay the Minister was so dissatisfied with the conduct and petitions of our assemblies, as well as with the behaviour of their agents, that he told one of the agents, the business of the colonies would never be well done until it came to be transacted by the Governor and Minister only; and that he saw no advantage in the Assemblies having agents.— This I think needs no comment—for if that could take place, the complaints of the people would be for ever shut out from the ear of the King.—In this situation of our affairs, had not our Assemblies prudently dropped the matter, and left the people to take it up in the manner they should judge best, it is highly probable we must, long 'ere now, either have submitted to slavery, or come to an open rupture.—

THIS treatment of our assemblies, and the spirit of dissolving them which then took place, and has continued ever since, as is evident from the dissolution of the Virginia assembly last May, &c. effectually put it out of their power to do any thing in their legislative capacity, and left us without any resource except in the spirit of the People—And so sensible were friends, as well as all ranks of people at that time, of the absolute necessity of either submitting to slavery or exerting themselves in some other way for our relief, that our Merchants, amongst whom are some of the most respectable Friends, who but a few Months before refused to enter into a Non-importation agreement, now came into it with the greatest cheerfulness, and adhered to it with the utmost fidelity, as is evident from their conduct and proceedings [Page] at that time.—From the several Papers published in the Appendix you will be able to judge for yourselves of the truth of the facts I have here related.

WHAT I have already related, I doubt not, has fully satisfied you of the King's disposition to hearken to American Petitions; but when I add to this, that the town of Boston, at a legal meeting, most earnestly and humbly petitioned the King to grant them an opportunity of clearing themselves from the unjust representations which they conceived their Governor (Bernard) had made of their conduct, by laying before them those letters of his wherein they stood accused of riots and tumultuous meetings, and that this their just and equitable request met with a Fate which adds little honour to Government, or the Clemency of the King, That their Governor was encouraged to dissolve their assemblies as often as they attempted to enter on the subject of their Grievances, by assurance from the ministry, that he need not fear their withdrawing his support, for that he should be provided for—That this provision has been actually made accordingly— When I call to your Minds, that their petition to have their late governor removed, for his having not only followed the steps of his wicked predecessor, but even exceeded him, was treated with every indignity possible to be shewn upon the occasion, except being burned by the hand of the common Hang-man—and that every speech from the throne, since the year 1768, which mentions America, breaths the same spirit which prompted the Minister at that time to dissolve our assemblies for daring to petition the King, I [Page] think it will put it beyond all doubt, that there was not, nor is to this day, the least relief to be expected by America from the petitions of our representatives.—

BUT that the King's disposition to hear the petitions of his people may be more fully known to, and understood by you, I will lay a few facts before you which are not connected with our present dispute.—The Assembly of Virginia petitioned to have a stop put to the importation of Slaves from Africa, a matter which Friends as a society, (and to their honour) have much at heart—their petition was rejected—and a number of respectable inhabitants in this City the next year applied to our House of Assembly, praying them to back the Virginia petition by one from our House; but our Assembly declined it, giving for reason, that they knew it would not be regarded, and they did not think it prudent to bring the practice of petitioning into further contempt, by using it when there was not the least hope of success:—Yet, that they might testify their approbation of the measure, they passed an act laying an additional duty of Ten Pounds on every Negroe brought into the province for sale—but this act met with the fate of the Virginia Petition—it was rejected by the Crown! The city of London petitioned, remonstrated, and petitioned again on the affair of the Middlesex election; but without success—Fifteen Counties (in England) joined them; but they met with no better fate—The city of London petitioned against the passing of the Quebec bill; but to no purpose.—Whence then have those, [Page] who call themselves our representatives, their "past experience" of the clemency of the King, and his readiness to hear the petitions of his people? I must confess, that no part of his public conduct affords any thing but the strongest proof of his determination to hear none of the complaints of his people—but to treat them with contempt as often as they dared to offer them. I will not deny his Clemency to the two Kennedies, and to Balf and M'Quirk, the two Chairmen concerned in the riots at Brentford, who were tried for being present at and aiding in the murder of George Clarke—The evidence against whom by all accounts was short, clear and possitive; they were therefore convicted and received sentence of Death— but his most gracious Majesty respited them during his pleasure, which I believe yet remains, and for no other reason that has ever been assigned, as far as I know, but because they were then in the service of the Ministry—and assisted them in what they did to carry the election in that place.—

THESE being the facts from which his Majesty's clemency towards the colonies is to be eestimated, and this the only experience they could have had—I ask, whether the paragraph which I have extracted from "the Testimony" is true or false? My dear friends, we are to answer to God and to the witness within us for every part of our conduct—let us then seriously bring this "Testimony" to the Touchstone, and try if we can approve it and be guiltless:—And if we cannot, let us not shrink back with fear, but [Page] trust in God, follow the Light in our hearts, and renounce all hypocrisy and lies.

IT may be observed, that I have said, the testimony published by those who "call themselves our representatives;" and it may be asked if they were not really the representatives of our society, and appointed for this particular purpose? It seems to be insinuated that they were. All I can say to it is, that I never heard of their being appointed for this purpose, or of their being the representatives of our society—but that they were only a standing committee of intelligence and advice for ordinary occasions—Our society in these provinces being represented by our General Yearly Meeting, and by no other body of men.—I know of no law by which these meetings are established—yet I think them legal meetings, and should think it a high insult upon us, were they branded with such Names as these, Combinations, Insurrections, Conspiracies, and Illegal Assemblies:—For as Francis Howgil, a man who was one of the greatest Ornaments of our society both for the Purity of his Life and Doctrine, whose sermons will be admired as long as our christian Profession shall remain, and whose Title to divine Inspiration few amongst us will question, well observes in his advice to the army, &c. "It is not names, Titles, Denominations and Words, that can alter the Nature of Things. A Tyrant will call every Opposition to his Will by the name of Treason and Rebellion; but," as the good man justly remarks, "the Lord is so far from accounting it such, that he is the very Means of raising up that Opposition and supporting it [Page] while it continues to withstand arbitrary Power, and to aim at nothing but the Welfare and Freedom of the People."

I WELL remember the solemnity with which a worthy elder, late of the city of Burlington, at the time when this meeting for sufferings was first appointed and established, expressed his fear of the dangerous use which that meeting might make of their appointment, and most seriously and weightily pressed the Yearly Meeting to limit and restrict their proceedings, expressly, to Matters of discipline and cases of sufferings; and am well assured it was never designed to meddle with politics—Happy had it been for the society, had this meeting for sufferings given due attention to the simple, manly and forcible Christian Counsel of a worthy member of it, who, during the debates on the present testimony, advised and entreated that meeting "not to mix politics with religion," asserting, that they were "distinct and separate things."

HAD this testimony been designed simply for the purpose of clearing the society of the odium which may be thrown upon us by the world, where was the Necessity of branding the conduct of others with such opprobrious terms? Why has it been translated into German, and handed thro' Lancaster County with so much care? Does not this look as if we rather meant to blacken the proceedings of other people than to justify our own conduct?

UPON what principles can the conduct of some [Page] of the members of the meeting be accounted for? What obligation could there be upon any member of it to engage, to a servant of the Crown, that something of the kind of this testimony should be published, and even allow him to assure General Gage that he might depend on its being done—And, immediately after the publication of it, to hand a large number of them to that servant of the Crown to forward to the General? How must these men feel who have been forward in this shameless transaction, if, from an apprehension in the Ministry of a division among us, they should proceed to the shedding of blood? Let the blood which may be shed in the contest be upon their heads! but let the society be held guiltless—Let us, my friends, enquire who were the supporters of this dangerous measure, and guard against them—The mark of Cain be upon them!

AN APPENDIX: Containing such Extracts from the Proceedings of the Government at Home, and the Assemblies of the Colonies, as tend to prove the Truth of the Facts asserted in the foregoing Address.

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The honourable House of Representatives, of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, in the Year 1768, preferred an humble, dutiful and loyal petition to the King; of which the following is a copy.

An humble petition to the King's most excellent Majesty.

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,

YOUR Majesty's faithful subjects, the representatives of your province of the Massachusetts-Bay, with the warmest sentiments of loyalty, duty and affection, beg leave to approach the throne; and to lay at your Majesty's feet [Page] their humble supplications in behalf of your distressed subjects the people of the province.

Our ancestors, the first settlers of this country, having with the royal consent, which we humbly apprehend involves the consent of the nation, and at their own great expence, migrated from the mother kingdom, took possession of this land, at that time a wilderness, the right whereof they had purchased for a valuable consideration, of the council established at Plymouth, to whom it had been granted by your Majesty's royal predecessor King James the first.

From the principles of loyalty to their Sovereign, which will ever warm the breast of a true subject though remote, they acknowledge their allegiance to the English crown: and your Majesty will allow us with all humility to say, that they and their posterity, even to this time, have afforded frequent and signal proofs of their zeal for the honour and service of their Prince, and their firm attachment to the parent country.

With toil and fatigue, perhaps not to be conceived by their brethren and fellow-subjects at home, and with the constant peril of their lives, from a numerous, savage and warlike race of men, they began their settlement, and GOD prospered them.

They obtained a charter from King Charles the first; wherein his Majesty was pleased to grant to them and their heirs and assigns forever, all the lands therein described, to hold of him and his royal successors in free and common socage; which we humbly conceive is as absolute an estate as the subject can hold under the crown. And in the same charter, were granted to them and their posterity, [Page] all the rights, liberties, privileges and immunities of natural subjects, born within the realm.

This charter they enjoyed, having as we most humbly conceive punctually complied with all the conditions of it, till in an unhappy time it was vacated. But after the revolution, when King William and Queen Mary, of glorious and blessed memory, were established on the throne; in that happy reign, when to the joy of the nation and its dependencies, the crown was settled in your Majesty's illustrious family, the inhabitants of this province shared in the common blessing: Then they were indulged with another charter; in which their Majesties were pleased for themselves, their heirs and successors, to grant and confirm to them as ample estate in the lands or territories as was granted by the former charter, together with other the most essential rights and liberties contained therein; the principal of which, is that which your Majesty's subjects within the realm have ever held a most sacred right, of being taxed only by representatives of their own free election.

Thus blessed with the rights of Englishmen, through the indulgent smiles of heaven, and under the auspicious government of your Majesty and your royal predecessors, your people of this province have been happy and your Majesty has acquired a numerous increase of loyal subjects, a large extent of dominion, a new and inexhaustible source of commerce, wealth and glory.

With great sincerity, permit us to assure your Majesty that your subjects of this province, ever have and still continue to acknowledge your Majesty's [Page] high court of parliament the supreme legislative power of the whole empire. The superintending authority of which is clearly admitted in all cases, that can consist with the fundamental rights of nature and the constitution; to which your Majesty's happy subjects in all parts of your empire conceive they have a just and equitable claim.

It is with the deepest concern that your humble suppliants would represent to your Majesty, that your parliament, the rectitude of whose intentions is never to be questioned, has thought proper to pass divers acts imposing taxes on your Majesty's subjects in America, with the sole and express purpose of raising a revenue. If your Majesty's subjects here shall be deprived of the honour and privilege of voluntarily contributing their aid to your Majesty, in supporting your government and authority in the province, and defending and securing your rights and territories in America, which they have always hitherto done with the utmost chearfulness; if these acts of parliament shall remain in force; and your Majesty's commons in Great-Britain shall continue to exercise the power of granting the property of their fellow-subjects in this province, your people must then regret their unhappy fate in having only the name left of free subjects.

With all humility we conceive, that a representation of your Majesty's subjects in this province in the parliament, considering their local circumstances, is utterly impracticable. Your Majesty has heretofore been graciously pleased, to order your requisitions to be laid before the representatives of your people in the general assembly, [Page] who have never failed to afford the necessary aid to the extent of their ability, and sometimes beyond it; and it would be ever grievous to your Majesty's faithful subjects to be called upon in any way that should appear to them to imply a distrust of their most ready and willing compliance.

Under the most sensible impressions of your Majesty's wise and paternal care for the remotest of your faithful subjects, and in full dependance on the royal declarations in the charter of this province, we most humbly beseech your Majesty to take our present unhappy circumstances under your royal consideration, and afford us relief in such a manner as in your Majesty's great wisdom and clemency shall seem meet.

Circular LETTER.

Province of Massachusetts-Bay, Feb. 11, 1768.

To the Honourable the Speaker of the Honourable House of Representatives of the province of—

SIR,

THE House of Representatives of this province have taken into their serious consideration, the great difficulties that must accrue to themselves and their constituents, by the operation of the several acts of parliament imposing duties and taxes on the American colonies.

As it is a subject in which every colony is deeply interested, they have no reason to doubt but your house is duly impressed with its importance; and that such constitutional measures will [Page] be come into as are proper. It seems to be necessary, that all possible care should be taken that the representations of the several assemblies, upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with each other: The House therefore hope that this letter will be candidly considered in no other light than as expressing a disposition freely to communicate their mind to a sister colony, upon a common concern, in the same manner as they would be glad to receive the sentiments of your or any other House of Assembly on the continent.

The house have humbly represented to the ministry, their own sentiments: That his Majesty's high court of parliament is the supreme legislative power over the whole empire: That in all free states the constitution is fixed; and as the supreme legislative derives its power and authority from the constitution, it cannot over-leap the bounds of it, without destroying its own foundation: That the constitution ascertains and limits both sovereignty and allegiance; and therefore his Majesty's American subjects, who acknowledge themselves bound by the ties of allegiance, have an equitable claim to the full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the British constitution: That it is an essential unalterable right in nature, ingrafted into the British constitution, as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man hath honestly acquired, is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but cannot be taken from him without his consent: That the American subjects may therefore, exclusive of any consideration of charter rights, with a decent firmness [Page] adapted to the character of freemen and subjects, assert this natural constitutional right.

IT is moreover their humble opinion, which they express with the greatest deference to the wisdom of the parliament; that the acts made there, imposing duties on the people of this province, with the sole and express purpose of raising a revenue, are infringements of their natural and constitutional rights; because, as they are not represented in the British parliament, his Majesty's commons in Britain, by those acts, grant their property without their consent.

This House further are of opinion, that their constituents, considering their local circumstances, cannot, by any possibility, be represented in the parliament; and that it will forever be impracticable that they should be equally represented there, and consequently not at all; being seperated by an ocean of a thousand leagues: That his Majesty's royal predecessors, for this reason, were graciously pleased to form a subordinate legislative here, that their subjects might enjoy the unalienable right of a representation. Also that considering the utter impracticability of their ever being fully and equally represented in parliament, and the great expence that must unavoidably attend even a partial representation there, this House think, that a taxation of their constituents, even without their consent, grievous as it is, would be preferable to any representation that could be admitted for them there.

Upon these principles, and also considering that were the right in the parliament ever so clear, yet for obvious reasons, it would be beyond the rule of equity, that their constituents should be taxed [Page] on the manufactures of Great-Britain here, in addition to the duties they pay for them in England, and other advantages arising to Great-Britain from the acts of trade; this House have preferred a humble, dutiful and loyal petition to our most gracious Sovereign, and made such representation to his Majesty's ministers, as they apprehended would tend to obtain redress.

They have also submitted to consideration, whether any people can be said to enjoy any degree of freedom, if the crown, in addition to its undoubted authority, in constituting a governor, should appoint him such a stipend as it shall judge proper, without the consent of the people, and at their expence; and whether, while the judges of the land, and other civil officers, hold not their commissions during good behaviour, their having salaries appointed for them by the crown, independent of the people, hath not a tendency to subvert the principles of equity, and endanger the happiness and security of the subjects.

In addition to these measures, the house have wrote a letter to their agent Mr. DeBert, the sentiments of which he is directed to lay before the ministry; wherein they take notice of the hardship of the act for preventing mutiny and desertion, which requires the governor and council to provide enumerated articles for the King's marching troops, and the people to pay the expence: And also the commission of the gentlemen appointed commissioners of the customs to reside in America, which authorises them to make as many appointments as they think fit, and to pay the appointees what sums they please, for whose malconduct they are not accountable—From [Page] whence it may happen that officers of the crown may be multiplied to such a degree as to become dangerous to the liberty of the people, by virtue of a commission which doth not appear to this House to derive any such advantages to trade, as many have been led to expect.

These are the sentiments and proceedings of this House; and as they have too much reason to believe that the enemies of the colonies have represented them to his Majesty's ministers and the parliament, as factious, disloyal, and having a disposition to make themselves independent of the mother country, they have taken occasion, in the most humble terms, to assure his Majesty, and his ministers, that with regard to the people of this province, and as they doubt not of all the colonies, that the charge is unjust.

The House is fully satisfied that your assembly is too generous and enlarged in sentiment, to believe, that this letter proceeds from an ambition of taking the lead, or dictating to the other assemblies: They freely submit their opinion to the judgment of others, and shall take it kind in your House, to point out to them any thing further which may be thought necessary.

This House cannot conclude, without expressing their firm confidence in the King, our common head and father, that the united and dutiful supplications of his distressed American subjects, will meet with his royal and favourable acceptance.

Signed by the Speaker.

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VIRGINIA, May 9, 1768.

SIR,

THE House of Burgesses of this colony proceeded, very soon after they met, to the consideration of your important letter, of the 11th of February 1768, written in the name and by order of the House of representatives of your Province; and I have received their particular directions to desire you to inform that honourable House, that they applaud them for their attention to American Liberty, and that the steps they have taken thereon, will convince them of their opinion of the fatal tendency of the acts of parliament complained of, and of their fixed resolution to concur with the other colonies in their application for redress.

After the most deliberate consultation, they thought it their duty to represent to the parliament of Great-Britain, That they are truly sensible of the happiness and security they derive from the connexions with, and dependance on Great-Britain, and are under the greatest concern that any unlucky incident should interrupt that salutary harmony, which they wish ever to subsist. They lament that the remoteness of their situation often exposes them to such misrepresentations, as are apt to involve them in censures of disloyalty to their Sovereign, and the want of a proper respect to the British parliament: whereas they have indulged themselves in the agreeable persuasion, that they ought to be considered as inferior to none of their fellow subjects in loyalty and affection.

That they do not affect an independency of their parent kingdom, the prosperity of which [Page] they are bound to the utmost of their abilities to promote, but cheerfully acquiesce in the authority of parliament to make laws for preserving a necessary dependance, and for regulating the trade of the colonies. Yet they cannot conceive, and humbly insist, it is not essential to support a proper relation between a mother country and colonies transplanted from her, that she should have a right to raise money from them without their consent, and presume they do not aspire to more than the natural rights of British subjects, when they assert, that no power on earth has a right to impose taxes on the people, or take the smallest portion of their property, without their consent, given by their Representatives in Parliament. This has ever been considered as the chief pillar of the constitution; without this support no man can be said to have the least shadow of liberty, since they can have no property in that, which another can by right take from them when he pleases, without their consent.

That their ancestors brought over with them intire, and transmitted to their descendants, the natural and constitutional rights they had enjoyed in their native country; and the first principles of the British constitution were early engrafted into the constitution of the colonies. Hence a legislative authority, ever essential in all free states, was derived, and assimilated as nearly as might be to that in England; the executive power and the right of assenting or dissenting to all laws reserved to the crown, and the privilege of choosing their own representatives continued to the people, and confirmed to them by repeated and express stipulations. The government thus established, [Page] they enjoyed the fruits of their own labour with a serenity which liberty only can impart. Upon pressing occasions they applied to his Majesty for relief, and gratefully acknowledged they have frequently received it from their mother country: Whenever their assistance was necessary, requisitions have constantly been made from the crown to the representatives of the people, who have complied with them to the utmost extent of their abilities. The ample provision made for the support of the civil government, in the reign of King Charles the second, and at his request, and the large supplies voted during the last war, upon requisitions from his Majesty and his royal grandfather, afford early and late instances of the dispositions of the assemblies of this colony, and are sufficient proofs that the parliament of Great-Britain did not, till lately, assume a power of imposing taxes on the people for the purposes of raising a revenue.

To say that the Commons of Great-Britain have a right to impose internal taxes on the inhabitants of this continent, who are not and cannot be represented, is in effect to bid them prepare for a state of slavery. What must be their situation should such a right be established? The colonies have no constitutional check on their liberality in giving away their money, cannot have an opportunity of explaining their grievances, or of pointing out the easiest method of taxation, for their doom will generally be determined before they are acquainted that the subject has been agitated in parliament, and the commons bear no proportion of the taxes they lay upon them. The notion of a virtual representation, which would [Page] render all our rights merely ideal, has been so often and so clearly refuted, that nothing need be said on that head.

The oppressive stamp-act confessedly imposed internal taxes, and the late acts of parliament, giving and granting certain duties in the British colonies, plainly tend to the same point. Duties have been imposed to restrain the commerce of one part of the Empire that was likely to prove injurious to another, and by this means the welfare of the whole promoted; but duties imposed on such of the British exports as are necessaries of life, to be paid by the colonists on importation, without any view to the interests of commerce, but merely to raise a revenue, or in other words to compel the colonists to part with their money against their inclinations, they conceive to be a tax internal to all intents and purposes. And can it be thought just or reasonable, restricted as they are in their trade, confined as they are in their exports, obliged to purchase these very necessaries at the British market, that they should now be told they shall not have them without paying a duty for them?

The act suspending the legislative power of New-York, they consider as still more alarming to the colonies, tho' it has that single province in view. If the parliament can compel them to furnish a single article to the troops sent over, they may, by the same rule, oblige them to furnish cloaths, arms, and every other necessary, even the pay of the officers and soldiers, a doctrine replete with every mischief, and utterly subversive of all that's dear and valuable: For what advantage can the people of the colonies derive from their [Page] right of choosing their own representatives, if those representatives when chosen, not permitted to exercise their own judgments, were under a necessity (on pain of being deprived of their legislative authority) of enforcing the mandates of a British parliament.

This, Sir, is a sketch of their sentiments, as they are expressed in a petition to his Majesty, a memorial to the Right Honourable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and in a remonstrance to the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of Great-Britain in parliament assembled. In all these proceedings the council of this colony have concurred, and have directed their agent, James Abercromby, Esq to join Edward Montague, Esq the agent for this colony, in applying for redress of the grievances they so justly complain of. Copies were delivered to the president of the council, now commander in chief, who is desired to transmit them to the secretary of state appointed by his Majesty to manage the affairs of North-America, and Mr. Montague is enjoined to consult the agents of the other colonies, and to co-operate with them in every measure that shall be thought necessary to be taken on this critical point.

They trust they have expressed themselves with a firmness that becomes freemen pleading for essential rights, and with a decency that will take off every imputation of faction or disloyalty. They repose entire confidence in his Majesty, who is ever attentive to the complaints of his subjects, and is ever ready to relieve their distress; and they are not without hopes that the colonies united in a decent and regular opposition, may prevail on a new House of Commons to put a stop [Page] to measures so diriectly repugnant to the interests both of the mother country and her colonies.

In the name and by order of the House of Burgesses,

I am with the greatest respect, Your most obedient humble servant, PEYTON RANDOLPH, Speaker.

To the Honourable the Speaker of the House of Representatives in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

Colony of New-Jersey, May 9, 1768.

SIR,

AS soon as the House of Representatives of this colony met, which was on the 12th of April, I laid your letter of the 11th of February before them.

Sensible that the law you complain of, is a subject in which every colony is interested, the House of Representatives readily perceived the necessity of an immediate application to the King, and that it should correspond with those of the other colonies; but as they have not had an opportunity of knowing the sentiments of any other colony, but that of the Massachusetts Bay, they have endeavoured to conform themselves to the mode adopted by you.

They have therefore given instructions to their [Page] Agent, and enjoined his attention to the subject of their petition.

The freedom with which the House of Representatives of the Massachusetts-Bay have communicated their sentiments upon a matter of so great concern to all the colonies, hath been received by this House, with that candour, the spirit and design of your letter merits.—And at the same time, that they acknowledge themselves obliged to you for communicating your sentiments to them, they have directed me to assure you, that they are desirous to keep up a correspondence with you, and to unite with the colonies, if necessary, in further supplications to his Majesty, to relieve his distressed American subjects.

In the name and by order of the House of Representatives, I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, CORTLAND SKINNER, Speaker.

To the Honourable the Speaker of the House of Representatives in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

To the Hon. THOMAS CUSHING, Esq Speaker of the late House of Representatives of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

December 31st, 1768.

SIR,

BY order of the General Assembly of this colony, I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 11th of February last, and am [Page] directed to assure you, that they are much obliged to your House of Representatives, for freely communicating their sentiments, on a subject so interesting to all the colonies; and are so far from considering it as a desire of dictating to the other Assemblies, that they highly applaud them for their attention to American Liberty, and hope the measures they have taken, on this important occasion, will fully convince them, that the General Assembly of the colony of New-York harmonizes with those of the other colonies in their representations for redress;—they perfectly agree with your house, in their opinion of the fatal consequences which must inevitably attend the operation of the several acts of parliament, imposing taxes and duties in the American colonies; and have therefore prepared petitions to his Majesty, and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and a rerepresentation to the Commons of Great-Britain, praying relief from the grievances they labour under. They entertain with your house the firmest confidence in his Majesty's known clemency, and tender regard for all his subjects; and the candour and justice of the British parliament; and are not without hopes, that the united supplications of all the colonies will prevail on our most gracious Sovereign, and the Parliament, to grant effectual redress, and put a stop, for the future, to measures so directly repugnant to the true interest of the mother country and the colonies. In the name, and by order, of the General Assembly,

I am, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient humble servant, PHIL. LIVINGSTON, Speaker.

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P. S. Robert Charles, Esq Agent for this colony, at the court of Great-Britain, is instructed to co-operate with the Agents of the other colonies, in their applications for redress.

Colony of Connecticut June 11th, 1768.

SIR,

BY order of the House of Representatives of this colony, I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 11th of February last, communicating the sense which the Representative Body of your province have of the great difficulties to which they and their constituents must be subjected by the operation of the several acts of the British parliament by you referred to, and the measures they have gone into for obtaining redress of those grievances.

Your letter was laid before this House of representatives early in the session which is now just closed. They consider the said acts of parliament in their nature, tendency and operation, as matters of serious concern and very interesting importance to this and all the English American colonies, and are of opinion that no constitutional measures proper for obtaining relief ought to be neglected by any, and that it is of importance their measures for that end should harmonize with each other, as their success may in a great degree depend on their union in sentiment and practice, on this critical and interesting occasion.

The House therefore very kindly accepted your [Page] letter, and are persuaded from the importance of the cause, the laudable zeal, and the generous exertions of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay, from time to time, in favour of her constitutional freedom, that it proceeded only from a hearty concern for the just rights, the common interest and welfare of these colonies.

This House are desirous ever to cultivate the strictest friendship and harmony with the neighbouring colonies, and with none more than your's, and will be always ready to receive with the utmost candour their opinion in any matters of general concern, and equally willing on all proper occasions to communicate their own sentiments on any subject of our common welfare, in full confidence they would meet with the same friendly and candid acceptance.

This House have also taken into their serious consideration the operation of the said acts of Parliament, and are deeply sensible that this, in common with her Sister Colonies, must thereby be involved in great difficulties, which are perhaps a prelude to still greater, and have pursued measures for obtaining redress similar to those adopted by the House of Representatives of your province.

We cannot but entertain, with you, the strongest confidence in the King's royal clemency, justice and goodness, and that the united, dutiful supplications of his faithful distressed subjects, in America, will meet with a kind and gracious acceptance.

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In the name, and by order of the House of Representatives, I am Sir, with great esteem and respect, your most obedient humble servant, ZEBULON WEST, Speaker.

To the Honourable the Speaker of the House of Representatives in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

To the Honourable THOMAS CUSHING, Esq Speaker of the Hon. House of representatives of the province of Massachusetts-Bay.

Charlestown, South-Carolina, July 10, 1768.

SIR,

YOUR letter, directed to the Speaker of the Honourable House of Representatives of the Province of South-Carolina, dated the 11th of February last, is just now come to my hands.

The commons House of Assembly of this province, ever attentive to the rights and privileges of themselves, and their constituents in particular, and the liberties of America in general, before their last adjournment, ‘Ordered, the committee of correspondence, to write to the agent in Great-Britain, and instruct him to join with the agents of the other provinces in America, in obtaining a repeal of the several acts of parliament, which have lately been passed, laying duties in America; and to endeavour to prevent [Page] the clause for billeting soldiers in America, from being inserted in the next mutiny act which shall be passed. And that they do further instruct the agent, to join the agents of the other provinces, in all matters where the general interest of North-America is concerned.’—In consequence of this order, I have the pleasure to acquaint you, that the committee of correspondence have, by letter of the 15th of April last, given ample instructions to Mr. Garth, the agent, on these important points.

The House adjourned on the 12th of April last, and have been since prorogued; and as the time of their existence by law, will expire on the 18th of September next, I think that they will not meet again; but that they will be speedily dissolved, and writs be immediately issued for the election of a new Assembly; for which reason, I am afraid, I shall not have an opportunity of laying your letter before the present House; but this, I hope, will not be attended with any inconvenience, as the steps are already taken, which you have so fully and warmly recommended.

Persuaded, that notwithstanding the invidious light, in which his Majesty's faithful colonies have been represented to their mother country, the time will soon come, when they will have a fair and candid hearing, the consequence of which must be a relief from all their grievances. I am, with great respect, Sir, your obliged, and obedient servant,

P. MANIGUALT, Speaker of the Commons House of Assembly of the Province of South-Carolina.

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Province of Georgia, 16th June, 1768.

SIR,

YOUR respected favour of the 11th February came to my hand only a few days since. I am sorry it is not in my power to give you so full and satisfactory an answer thereto, as the importance of the subject requires: The members of the present Assembly of this province have but lately been elected, and though the writs were returnable, and the House required to meet the first of this month, yet our Governor thought proper, prior thereto, to prorogue the Assembly until November; for this reason, Sir, I can only, for the present, reply to your favour as a private person, or late Speaker, and inform you, that before the dissolution of the last Assembly, the House took under consideration the several late acts of Parliament for imposing taxes and duties on the American colonies, and being sensibly affected thereby, ordered their committee of correspondence to instruct our provincial agent, (Mr. Benjamin Franklin) to join earnestly with the other colonies agents in soliciting a repeal of those acts, and in remonstrating against any acts of the like nature for the future: This instruction hath been transmitted to Mr. Franklin, and I have no doubt but he will punctually observe it. When the assembly meets I will lay your favour before the House; and I am assured such measures will be pursued in consequence thereof as will manifest their regard for constitutional liberty, and their respect for the House of Representatives of the province of Massachusetts-Bay, whose wise and spirited conduct is so justly admired. I am, [Page] Sir, with the utmost respect, your most obedient Servant,

ALEXANDER WYLLY.

To the Honourable the Speaker of the House of Representatives in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay.

§

These are sufficient, as a proof, of what is advanced in respect of the Colonies Application to the King. Other Colonies did the same.

Circular. No. 6.

WHITEHALL, April 21, 1768.

GENTLEMENT,

I HAVE his Majesty's Commands to transmit to you the inclosed Copy of a Letter from the Speaker of the House of representatives of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, addressed by Order of that House to the Speaker of the Assembly of each Colony upon the Continent of North-America.

As his Majesty considers this Measure to be of a most dangerous and factious Tendency, calculated to inflame the Minds of his good Subjects in the Colonies, to promote an unwarrantable Combination, and to excite and encourage open Opposition to, and a denial of, the Authority of Parliament, and to subvert the true Principles of [Page] the Constitution—It is his Majstey's Pleasure that you should immeditately, upon Receipt hereof, exert your utmost Influence to defeat this flagicious Attempt to disturb the Public Peace, by prevailing upon the Assembly of your Colony to take no Notice of it, which will be treating it with the Contempt it deserves.

The repeated Proofs which have been given by the Assembly of your Colony of their Reverence and Respect for the Laws, and of their faithful Attachment to the Constitution, leave little Room in his Majesty's Breast to doubt of their shewing a proper Resentment of this unjustifiable Attempt to revive Distractions, which have operated so fatally to the Prejudice of this Kingdom and the Colonies, and accordingly his Majesty has the fullest Confidence in their Affections, and expects they will give him the strongest Proofs on this and every other Occasion.

I am, with great Truth and Regard, Gentlemen, yours, &c. HILLSBOROUGH.

Extract of a Letter from the Earl of HILLSBOROUGH, dated Whitehall, April 22d, 1768.

IT gives great concern to his Majesty to find that the same moderation which appeared by your letter No. 3, to have been adopted at the beginning of the session in [Page] a full Assembly had not continued, and instead of that spirit of prudence and respect to the constitution, which seemed at that time to influence the conduct of a large majority of the members, a thin House, at the close of the session, should have presumed to revert to and resolve upon a measure of so inflammatory a nature as that of writing to the other colonies on a subject of their intended representation against some late Acts of Parliament.—His Majesty considers this step as evidently tending to create unwarrantable combinations, to excite an unjustifiable opposition to the constitutional authority of Parliament, and to revive those unhappy divisions and distractions which have operated so prejudicially to Great-Britain and the Colonies—After what passed in the former part of the sessions, and after the declared sense of so large a majority when the House was full—His Majesty cannot but consider this as a very unfair proceeding, and the resolutions taken thereupon to be contrary to the real sense of the Assembly, and procured by surprise; and therefore it is the King's pleasure, that so soon as the General Court is again assembled at the time prescribed by the charter you should require of the House of Representatives in his Majesty's Name, to rescind the resolution that gave birth to the circular letter from the speaker, and to declare their disapprobation of and dissent to that rash and hasty proceeding.

His Majesty has the fullest reliance on the affections of his good subjects in the Massachusetts-Bay, and has observed with satisfaction [Page] that spirit of decency and love of order which has discovered itself in the conduct of the most considerable of its inhabitants, and therefore his Majesty has the better ground to hope that the attempt made by a desperate faction to disturb the public tranquility, will be discountenanced, and that the execution of the measure recommended to you will not meet with any difficulty.

If it should, and if, notwithstanding the apprehensions which may be justly entertained of the ill consequences of this factions spirit which seems to have influenced the resolution of the Assembly at the conclusion of the last, the new Assembly should refuse to comply with his Majesty's reasonable expectations, it is the King's pleasure you should immediately dissolve them, and transmit to me, to be laid before his Majesty, an account of your proceedings thereon, to the end his Majesty may, if he thinks fit, lay the whole matter before his Parliament, that such provisions as shall be found necessary may be made, to prevent for the future a conduct of so extraordinary and unconstitutional a nature.—It is not his Majesty's intention that a faithful discharge of your duty should operate to your own prejudice, or to the discontinuance of any necessary establishment—proper care will be taken for the support and dignity of government.

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No. XI. Circular. Duplicate.

Whitehall, Sep. 2, 1768.

GENTLEMEN,

THE King having observed that the governors of his colonies have, upon several occasions, taken upon them to communicate to their Councils and assemblies, either the whole or parts of letters which they have received from his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State; I have it in command from his Majesty to signify to you, that it is his Majesty's pleasure, that you do not, upon any pretence whatever, communicate to the Assembly any copies or extracts of such letters as you shall receive from his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, unless you have his Majesty's particular directions for so doing. I am, Gentlemen,

Your most obedient humble Servant, HILLSBOROUGH.

Governor and Company of the Colony of Rhode-Island.

Extract of a Letter from DENNYS DE BERDT, Esq to THOMAS CUSHING, Esq received by the last packet, London, April 5, 1769.

SIR,

FROM the above account, it is plain that my Lord Hilsborough's representation of my conduct, respecting the petition of the house, [Page] is a mere artful trifling with words and forms, and convinces me of what I have before suspected, that his Lordship is not pleased with your petitions or the spirit which produces them.

He freely expresses his disapprobation to all agents, and recommends that the business of the province should be transacted by the Governor with the Secretary of State, which I am sure would not prove beneficial to the people.

The Resolves of the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament, assembled, &c. referred to in the foregoing Narrative, viz.

Resolved,

THAT the votes, resolutions and proceedings of the House of representatives of Massachusetts-Bay, in the months of January and February last, respecting several late acts of parliament, so far as the said votes, resolutions and proceedings import a denial of, or do draw into question the power and authority of his Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled, to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity, to bind the colonies and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great-Britain, in all cases whatsoever, are illegal, unconstitutional and derogatory to the rights of the crown and parliament of Great-Britain.

Resolved▪ That the resolutions of the said house of representatives of the province of Massachusetts-Bay, [Page] in January last, to write letters to the several houses of representatives, of the British colonies on the continent, desiring them to join with the said house of representatives of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in petitions which do deny or draw into question the right of parliament to impose duties and taxes upon his Majesty's subjects in America; and in pursuance of the said resolutions, the writing such letters, in which certain late acts of parliament imposing duties and taxes are stated, to be infringments of the rights of his Majesty's subjects of the said province, are proceedings of a most unwarrantable and dangerous nature, calculated to inflame the minds of his Majesty's subjects in the other colonies, tending to create unlawful combinations, repugnant to the laws of Great-Britain, and subversive of the constitution.

The Humble ADDRESS of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled.

Most Gracious Sovereign,

WE Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled, return Your Majesty our humble Thanks for the Communication Your Majesty has been graciously pleased to make to Your Parliament of several Papers relative to public Transactions in Your Majesty's Province of Massachusetts-Bay.

We beg Leave to express to Your Majesty our sincere Satisfaction in the Measure which Your [Page] Majesty has pursued for supporting the Constitution and for inducing a due obedience to the Authority of the Legislature, and to give Your Majesty the strongest Assurance that we will effectually stand by and support Your Majesty in such further Measures as may be found necessary to maintain the civil Magistrates in a due Execution of the Laws within Your Province of Massachusetts-Bay; and as we conceive that nothing can be more immediately necessary, either for the Maintenance of Your Majesty's Authority in the said Province, or for guarding Your Majesty's Subjects therein from being further deluded by the Arts of wicked and designing Men, than to proceed in the most speedy and effectual Manner for bringing to condign Punishment the chief Authors and Instigators of the late Disorders; we most humbly beseech Your Majesty that you will be graciously pleased to direct Your Majesty's Governor of Massachusetts-Bay to take the most effectual Method for procuring the fullest Information that can be obtained concerning all Treasons, or Misprisions of Treason, committed within his Government, since the Thirtieth Day of December last, and to transmit the same, together with the Names of the Persons who were most active in the Commission of such Offences, to one of Your Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, in order that Your Majesty may issue a special Commission for inquiring of, hearing and determining the said Offences within this Realm, pursuant to the Provisions of the Statute of the Thirty-fifth Year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth, in case Your Majesty shall, upon receiving the said Information, see sufficient Ground for such a Proceeding.

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A genuine copy of a letter from a committee of merchants in Philadelphia, to the committee of merchants in London.

Philadelphia, April 8, 1769,

GENTLEMEN,

FROM your letters of the 4th and 26th of January, we observe the attention you have paid to the memorial sent you by the merchants and traders of this city, and the pains you have taken to obtain relief from the grievances therein complained of; for which we thank you.

The answer you received from the department to which you applied, seems to afford little hopes of obtaining redress, in a way that will put an end to the unhappy difference that has arisen between Great-Britain and her American colonies.

We are told that the act imposing duties on glass, paper, &c. "is inexpedient; but that such had been the unjustifiable conduct of some in America, that the administration were of opinion the present juncture was not a proper season for a repeal."

It were to be wished that administration would never err, or that those affected by the errors of government would make known their complaints in a way the least offensive; but as from the frailty of human nature neither is to be expected, it would become persons in power to consider whether even the "unjustifiable behaviour" of those who think themselves aggrieved will justify a perseverance in a measure confessed to be wrong. Certain it is that the wisdom of government is better manifested, its honour and authority better maintained and supported, by correcting the [Page] errors it may have committed, than by persisting in them, and thereby risking the loss of the subjects affections.

We are at a loss to know what behaviour the minister refers to, or who those are with whose behaviour he is disgusted. The Americans think that no people, who have any regard for liberty, could in their circumstances shew a more respectful behaviour. It is true, they cannot acquiesce in the Parliament's claim to tax them; and considering themselves as British subjects, who cannot of right be taxed but by their representatives, and knowing that the loss of this privilege involves in it a loss of liberty, they conceive that earnest and direct applications against acts of parliament, which destroy it, not only justifiable, but necessary; and that their peaceable submission to such acts, till the result of their applications is known, is the greatest proof they can give of their affection for their parent country, and respect for the parliament of Great-Britain.

The administration, it seems, "are firmly resolved to oppose a repeal with their utmost strength, while it shall be insisted on by threats from our side."—We are apprehensive that persons in power were greatly abused, and that the people of America have been grosly misrepresented by some who wish well neither to Britain nor America; otherwise the steps which they have taken to obtain redress could never be looked on as threats. It is very unfortunate that the dispute, which we fondly hoped was buried, and would have for ever lain dormant under the repeal of the Stamp-Act, is again revived by the late acts for raising a revenue in America.

[Page]In a dispute of so important a nature, in which liberty is concerned, it is not to be wondered if free born British subjects are warmed, and if every argument is urged that can have any weight to secure to them a blessing they so highly prize. Threats they never intended, but as all the American colonies were equally affected, it was thought that their joint petitions would have more weight; and for this end the several assemblies communicated their sentiments to each other: This step, to the inexpressible surprise of all America, is represented by Lord Hilisborough in a late letter as a flagicious attempt, a measure "of a most dangerous and factious tendency, &c." The dissolution of assemblies that followed this letter, and the measures pursued to inforce the Acts in America, awakened the fears, and exasperated the minds of the people to a very great degree.

They therefore determined not only to defeat the intent of the Acts, by refraining from the use of those articles on which duties were laid, but to put a stop to the importation of goods from Great-Britain. Heretofore they had almost entirely confined themselves to the use of British manufactures, and from their affection to Great-Britain shewed a fondness to imitate her fashions; but matters being now carried with so high a hand, they tho't it improper and injudicious to indulge that humour. This is the only threat we know of, and if this is sufficient to engage the ministry to oppose a repeal of the acts, we apprehend the ministry must by a change of measures endeavour to regain the affections of the [Page] people before they can be induced to alter their determination.

But we are told, that "if a proper disposition appears in the colonies, and their merchants in a succeeding session shall think proper to petition parliament on the principle of inexpediency only, there was every reason to believe that no part of Administration will object to the repeal." In a matter of so great consequence we should have been glad if the minister had declared what "the proper disposition" is which he expects from the colonies.

The Americans consider themselves as British subjects, entitled to all the rights and privileges of freemen. They think there can be no liberty without a security of property; and that there can be no property if any can, without their consent, deprive them of the hard earned fruits of their labour.

They know that they have no choice in the election of members of parliament, and from their situation never can have any. Every act of parliament therefore that is made for rasing a revenue in America, is, in their opinion, a depriving them of their property without their consent, and consequently are invasions of their liberty.

If then the acts cannot be repealed while the ministry objects, and if to remove the objections the Americans must give up their sentiments, we must candidly confess we have little hopes of a repeal ever taking place; much less it is to be expected that the merchants will presume to petition parliament on the principle of inexpediency only, when every assembly on the continent are applying for a repeal on the principle of right. The [Page] merchants are too sensible how jealous the Americans are of their liberty ever to hazard such a step. We apprehend that advantage may have been taken from a supposed disunion of the colonies, and therefore think it our duty to inform you, that the merchants of this province have always agreed with the other colonists in opinion, "that the late revenue acts were unconstitutional;" though they refused to adopt a measure which at one time they believed to be premature. They were sensible that mutual interest is the best cement of nations; that by trade and commerce the union between Great-Britain and the colonies is best preserved. They knew that multitudes in Great-Britain would be suffers by a suspension of trade with her; they were willing therefore to try what could be done by a memorial to their friends in England, who had so generally, and to so good purpose, interposed before, and contributed so much to the repeal of the stamp act; but no sooner were they apprized that no hope remained of a repeal in this session, than they unanimously entered into the very agreement which some months before, when proposed to them, they had declined.

This agreement being formed on mature deliberation, we are of opinion the people of this province will firmly adhere to it. We are glad to hear the idea of raising taxes in America begins among all ranks with you, of every party, to lose ground: Happy had it been for both countries if it had never been started: However, if the acts complained of are repealed, and no other of the like nature are attempted hereafter, the present unhappy jealousies will, we believe, quickly [Page] subside, and the people of both countries in a short time return to their usual good humour, confidence and affection.

As it is uncertain whether the parliament, if they should think proper to repeal the acts, laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. imported into America, will directly enter into a consideration of our other grievances, we must content ourselves for the present with bearing our testimony against the several regulations of which we complained in our memorial, and earnestly request you to use your endeavours to obtain redress of those matters whenever you imagine there is a probability of succeeding. We are, Gentlemen,

Your assured friends, and humble servants,

John Ravnell,

Wm Fisher,

Abel James,

Hen. Drinker,

G. Roberts,

Tench Frances,

John Cox, junior,

Cha Thompson,

John M. Nesbit,

Robert Morris,

James Meese,

John Rhea,

Dan. Benezet,

William West,

Tho. Mifflin,

John Gibson,

Joseph Swift,

Alex. Huston.

To Mr. David Barclay, junior, Daniel Mildred, Thomas Powell, Dennys De Berdt, Christopher Chambers, Frederick Pigou, junior, and Richard Neave, Merchants in London.

Information about this book

Title statement

An Earnest address to such of the people called Quakers as are sincerely desirous of supporting and maintaining the Christian testimony of their ancestors. Occasioned by a piece, intituled, "The testimony of the people called Quakers, given forth by a meeting of the representatives of said people, in Pennsylvania and New-Jersy [sic], held at Philadelphia the twenty-fourth day of the first month, 1775." : [Eleven lines of Scripture texts]

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2009-10.

ID [DLPS]

N11060

ID [TCP]

N11060

ID [STC]

Evans 14019

ID [NOTIS]

APY4621

ID [IMAGE-SET]

14019

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99031773

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 14019.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N11060)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 14019)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 14019)

Source

— An Earnest address to such of the people called Quakers as are sincerely desirous of supporting and maintaining the Christian testimony of their ancestors. Occasioned by a piece, intituled, "The testimony of the people called Quakers, given forth by a meeting of the representatives of said people, in Pennsylvania and New-Jersy [sic], held at Philadelphia the twenty-fourth day of the first month, 1775." : [Eleven lines of Scripture texts], Benezet, Anthony, 1713-1784..

Extent

iii, 4-56 p. ; 18 cm. (8vo)

Printed for John Douglas M'Dougal,,. Philadelphia, :: 1775.. (Attributed to Anthony Benezet in Shipton & Mooney.) ("An appendix: containing such extracts from the proceedings of the government at home, and the assemblies of the colonies, as tend to prove the truth of the facts asserted in the foregoing address."--p. 21-56.)

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