The crisis. Number XV. Saturday, April 29, 1775. : [Three lines of quotations]

The crisis. Number XV. Saturday, April 29, 1775. : [Three lines of quotations]

Table of contents

THE CRISIS. NUMBER XV. SATURDAY, April 29, 1775.

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THE CRISIS. NUMBER XV.
SATURDAY, April 29, 1775.

—Similis frondescit virga.—

A constant scourge—still I'll renew the charge,

And lash the tyrant as his crimes enlarge.

A Foolish King grasps at wealth and power, as the ends, a wise King uses them as the means of government. With the one they are gorgeous, vain appendages of royalty; with the other, they are happy instruments of benevolence. A foolish King eyes liberty askaunt, and execrates it as the bane of greatness; a wise King knows that neither kingdom nor Sovereign can be great without it. The fool endeavours to root up what the patriot King most assiduously cultivates. A weak Prince is jealous of liberty in its lowest branches. Hence it is, that he not only strikes at the rights and privileges of his people, but is mean enough to envy the immunities of a corporation. He starts at shadows. In such [Page]a reign even commercial meetings are odious, because they are composed of freemen. Even Common-halls are an unlawful Congress; like that in America, they are deemed rebellious associations. How sophistically do ministerial scribblers labor to draw an artful veil over such political transgressions as Sovereigns without a blush avow? Can the sagacious Doctor Johnson (that ministerial hackney) any longer rally the well grounded jealousies of England and America? Can he now ask these croakers of calamity, how slavery can be brought from America into England? If he dares. I refer him for his answer to Lord Hertford (one of the state nurserymen) who sowed a subtle feed or two of slavery, even in our metropolis the other day. I hope, however, that these feeds will be severely choked by the rank and stubborn weed of liberty. A weed it is now deemed in the cabinet, and in the legislature, and in both condemned to be rooted up. A crop far more promising is expected. The experiment of raising it by slow degrees has just been made. His Majesty, sick of all addresses but those of his faithful Parliament, has just declared, "that he will not receive, on the Throne, any address remonstrance or petition of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, but in their corporate capacity." Thus is the notice worded by Lord Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice (not of the ceremonies) but of England. [Page]The reason, or rather the design of this is plain. For all acts done in their corporate capacity, the city of London is responsible as a corporation. Neither the proceedings, the resolves, nor the Congress of a Commonhall, can forfeit the charter of the city; the offences (such as petitions) of the city, as a corporation, may. In the one case they act in their political capacity, in the other they do not. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Liverymen, are individuals, but the Corporation has but one neck. This ministerial mousetrap is baited by a Lord Chief Justice of England, whose duty it most clearly is, for I will teach it him, to carry the balance with an even and an equal hand, between the just prerogatives of the crown, and the undoubted privileges of the subject.

I make no doubt but a Mansfield and a Thurloe will conduct the intended scheme as well as a Jefferies or a Sawyer. The memorable case of the seven Bishops in James the Second's time, is now forgot at court, and petitions are once more degenerated into crimes.

Though the actual annihilation of the city charter may not be intended, as it cannot be the interest of the crown to check any source of wealth, yet the menaces, and intimidating prosecutions of a rapacious ministry, may be expected to have the same happy effects as threatening letters sometimes have among [Page]thieves. They found it so lately, in the case of the East-India Company, and it is not improbable that their audacity may strengthen with their hopes.

Toys and baubles must be bought, and babyhouses must be crowded to amuse and divert vacant Sovereigns, and ravens must have food. The numerous mouths of corruption must be stopped. Too many stratagems, for the sake of wealth and arbitrary power, cannot be tried. For gold every coffer, for power every vein must bleed. The predictions of America, in respect to England herself, are now verifying. They are coming forward, by slow degrees, at this instant. Our ministers of late have had a strange appetite for charters. In Wilkes's case they had the daring impudence to attack the great charter of England for the sake of power. They have since been nibbling at the East-India Company's, for the sake of wealth and power both; the company compounded and acquiesced. They are striking again at charters in America (as their retained and pensioned advocate Dr. Johnson says) for the sake of power, and they now have their eye upon the charters of London for a royal reason,— for the sake of pursuing the commercial interests of this kingdom.

But are the petitions of Common-halls, or Common-halls themselves so dreadful? Are the meetings, or more properly the great [Page]Councils, of this metropolis so terrible? Are they not the meetings of meritorious citizens and loyal subjects? In both these capacities they have addressed, and in both they have offended.

How harsh and grating is the voice of truth! How unhallowed are the lips that dare to utter it before the throne! Approach it, ye British slaves, upon the knee; adore it with prostration, but profane it not with a petition! Upon this mercy seat, alas, the Sovereign will no more receive petitions from his faithful citizens and friends, from those who supply his wants, his superfluities, his extravagancies, and his plenteous coffers. Upon this sacred seat he can only listen to the sycophantic addresses of a corrupt and destructive Parliament; those leeches of the realm who so largely drain, for their own abandoned uses, those coffers which his repulsed citizens so largely fill.

How like a God does a Monarch look encircled by treacherous minions and rapacious flatterers! How like a mere mortal surrounded by subjects most affectionate and sincere, who shower down at once both supplies and blessings upon a Prince whom they honor, esteem and love!

But Kings should quit the tract of mortals, they should disdain the little virtues of humanity! The spirit of a Monarch should aspire [Page]at an excentric character beyond the reach of man. This will nobly lead him not to endure, but to repel the humble suits of his aggrieved subjects; not to caress, but to detest his people; not to sooth, conciliate and appease, but to menace, insult and exterminate; not to human errors, but inhuman crimes; not to reformation, but to murder. Not to justice, but to tyranny. Not to peace and honor, but to remorse, hatred, calamity, resistance and the scaffold.

Let such Princes, like that unhappy tyrant Charles the First, seek in vain for shelter amongst the fawning herds that idolize their vices, for the sake of sharing their prodigality and profusion.

Let them try their faithful Scots, who, as they have often received the wages of corruption, will a second time receive the price of blood.

Let them fly to the arms of those tender tyrants their preceptors, who have thus carefully trained them to their ignominy and ruin from their cradle.

Whilst they repulse a suffering and an injured subject, let them fall, for consolation, upon the friendly bosom of a Mansfield or a Bute.—Let them, in their frenzy, fly for succour to their Chancellor,—not a York, alas, but an Apsley, the poor shadow of a Mansfield! Let them most deservedly taste all the bitterness of despair and find relief (though late) [Page]at last, in the generous condescension and forgiveness of a despised, insulted, and oppressed people.

Astonished then, my Lord Mansfield, not at the humble, just petitions, but at the lenity of their patient subjects, let them deliver up their minions to the block, with shame and contrition resign the crown, and sleep ignobly with their fathers; but let their infamy be recorded, that succeeding Princes may profit largely from such weak and guilty annals.

CASCA.

(To be continued.)

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Title statement

The crisis. Number XV. Saturday, April 29, 1775. : [Three lines of quotations]

Casca.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2011-05.

ID [DLPS]

N11031

ID [TCP]

N11031

ID [STC]

Evans 13981

ID [NOTIS]

APW3143

ID [IMAGE-SET]

13981

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99009045

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 13981.

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(Evans-TCP ; no. N11031)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 13981)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 13981)

Source

— The crisis. Number XV. Saturday, April 29, 1775. : [Three lines of quotations], Casca..

Extent

p. [1], 114-119, [1] ; (8vo)

Reprinted by Benjamin Towne,. [Philadelphia :: 1775]. (Caption title.) (Signed on p. 119: Casca.) (Imprint supplied by Evans.)

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