UNION ought to be a grand object in all our proceedings. The permiſſion to EXPORT RICE TO GREAT-BRITAIN, which ſurprizes, but not pleaſes, the generous planters of this colony, had ne ••• proved fatal to that Union in the Grand Con •••••• Our accepting this indulgence will break 〈…〉 here—A noble refuſal of the dangerous permiſſ ••• , is the only way to preſerve it.

Let this colony open its eyes. Let not their partiality for the worthy gentlemen who miſtook them, lead a generous people to miſtake themſelves. We can heal the wound, if we are not obſtinate in doing wrong.

I will take the liberty of throwing a few hints together, which may caſt light upon the ſubject, for their benefit who have not attentively viewed its parts; and hope to be happy in ſeeing the bone of contention removed, by the ſpirit of the colony.

Let it then be premiſed,

Firſt. It is a matter univerſally agreed upon, that a non-exportation to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the Weſt-India iſlands, is a neceſſary, an abſolutely neceſſary, part of the American plan of defence: that a meer non-importation, is too lame and ineffectual a meaſure.

Secondly. But to render ſuch an agreement of real efficacy, it muſt extend to the ſtaple commodity with which every colony trades to thoſe places. Nothing can be more ridiculous, than to talk of a non-exportation, in which the grand ſtaple of each colony is to be exported. Export rice and indico from South-Carolina, and I believe the world will not call it a non-exportation agreement, though you ſhould lay an embargo upon potatoes and oyſters.

Thirdly. Almoſt equally ridiculous, would be the propoſal of ſhutting up trade with all mankind, becauſe good policy demands to ſhut it up with Britain. I always ſuſpect the man who propoſes too much, as having a deſign to prevent any meaſures whatever. We may get a ſupply of neceſſary articles from other parts of the world, the want of which might poſſibly force us to break our reſolves. The call for arms and ammunition in caſe of extremity, ought to keep up a trade with the Dutch. A veſſel, once at ſea, may go to Britain, it is true. There will be breaches of faith, but the amount of ſuch pieces of infidelity, will not be ſo great, as to prevent the good effects of the agreement.

Fourthly. In any ſuch agreement that can be formed, we cannot expect, that all the colonies ſhould be upon an equal footing. You muſt give them all the ſame ſtaples, the ſame trade; you muſt exactly aſſimilate their different climates, ſoils and produce, before you can put them exactly upon a level, as to the article of ſelf-denial and ſuffering. That man is in a political delirium, who, in ſuch a caſe, will make an exact equality the grand object; and to inſiſt upon it, is to inſiſt upon an impoſſibility. One part muſt expect to ſuffer more than another, and that in proportion, to the quantity of its ſtaple, which is concerned in trade to the prohibited ports. This is an unavoidable evil. But if non-exportation is never to be attempted, until a plan of exact equality is hit upon, we ſhall never have one; and if the cauſe of theſe colonies muſt depend upon ſuch an expedient, all is loſt. The very propoſal of ſuch an equality, as a ſuſpending term, I take to be, either highly frivolous, or highly inſidious.

It appears frivolous—as the grand ſtruggle is not, whether one colony ſhall have equal advantage with another, but whether all ſhall be free. If indeed there was a proſpect, that the Northern colonies would gain by our loſs: if they were like to take away our trade in future time, the ſuppoſed inequality might juſtly make us jealous. But, as this cannot be pretended, ſo to examine critically, whether there will be an exact equality in our loſſes, before we conſent to meaſures confeſſedly neceſſary for our mutual ſalvation, is to trifle egregiouſly. It appears ſtrange to me, that ever ſuch a thought ſhould be ſtarted by an honeſt man. The queſtion to me ſeems not, whether we ſhall go equal loſs and gain, to an ounce or a ſcruple? we are not merchants or apothecaries ſettling accounts: but whether the meaſure is neceſſary, to ſecure our freedom? if neceſſary, whether the grand object we are contending for, is worthy our ſuffering? whether we ſhould be willing to ſubmit to the preſent loſs, rather than bear the curſe of ſlavery? I think there is not one true Carolinian, untouched by the baneful poiſon of corruption, who can heſitate a moment. Nay, the man who repreſents us as unwilling to adopt any ſuch ſelf-denying meaſure, does the colony great injuſtice. The voice of the people, when they ſent their members, was, for any, nay, the moſt ſelf-denying, meaſures: they could ſcarcely be reſtrained from them at the time; and they did not commit their power to five men, in order to ſave them from ſuffering in common with their brethren; but to agree, if neceſſary, to the moſt vigorous meaſures. For this purpoſe, unlimited powers were demanded. For this purpoſe, unlimited powers were granted. They ſurely had no thought of ſuſpending the union of the continent, of ſuſpending the liberties of America, upon an exact equality of loſſes.

But though it is frivolous, yet it is a popular argument—it puts on the ſaint-like appearance of concern for the country.

I am aware of the dangerous power of jealouſy. I know the effect which an artful harangue, upon this topic, is apt to have, upon thoſe who do not ſee its tendency. If you can perſuade the people here, that the Northern colonies are only ſcheming to preſerve their trade, while you are duped to let yours ſuffer— you will do more by this ſtratagem, than by a thouſand arguments. Make them believe this, and it is a wonder, if they are not ready even to give up their liberties to a tyrant, rather than be thus outwitted. I do not pretend to vindicate the conduct of all the Northern delegates; ſome of them are ſuſpected of being ſnakes in the graſs. But I am bold to ſay, that there is not the leaſt evidence of ſuch a deſign in the colonies in general. I defy the man who throws out the ungenerous inſinuation. I view it rather as an inſidious attempt to carry a cauſe, by exciting popular jealouſy. It is agreed, that to ſtop our exports to Britain is abſolutely neceſſary. The Arbiter of all has ſo ordered it, that our exports to Britain are greater than thoſe of any other colony; but does it follow, that, therefore, the Northern colonies mean to dupe us? The argument is popular, but it is diſhoneſt. All that juſtly follows, is, a poſſibility of our ſuffering more than ſome others in the glorious ſtruggle. And where was ever a ſtruggle for Liberty, in which the ſufferings of every individual were exactly balanced? I believe you are convinced, that Boſton ſuffers, innocently ſuffers already, more than you all.

The grand argument therefore, for our perſiſting in the exportation of Rice, concludes nothing, even if the premiſes were true. But,

I hope to make it appear to you, that they are not true—that we are upon a better footing than moſt of the other colonies, even if the exportation of Rice to Britain, &c. was prohibited: I hope to make it appear, that the meaſure extorted from the Congreſs, is unneceſſary, impolitic, impracticable, and ruinous.

1. The premiſes I think are not true. It is alledged, that we are not upon ſo good a footing as they, if Rice to Britain, &c. is prohibited. I think, on the contrary, we have equal, if not greater advantage, Let it be conſidered,

We may find vent for two thirds, if not for all our crop of rice, even if the trade to Britain and the Weſt-India iſlands is not open. It is known, that the ports to the ſouthward of Cape Finiſter are open by act of parliament, which will not expire until this ſtruggle will probably be over. There is a legal way to carry rice to them, without touching in England. Liſbon, all the ports in the Mediterranean, the Azores and Canaries, are open, and take off now 30,000 tierces per annum. If the Portugueze, &c. knew, that the vent of rice through Britain was obſtructed, they would gladly be your factors for 30,000 more, to the great injury of the Engliſh trade; as thereby the ſhipping of other nations would get the employ of theirs, and ſome hundreds of Engliſh and Scotch ſhips, and many thouſand hands, whom this buſineſs ſuſtains, would be out of bread.

Beſides, we can ſhip our rice (though not directly hence) from the Northern colonies, in the ſame manner that the merchants of New-York and Philadelphia now do, without touching in England; and by that means ſupply, in the Baltic, all the Daniſh, Swediſh, and Ruſſian ports, as well as the great marts of Holland, Hamburgh, &c. &c. This would take off not leſs than 40,000 tierces more. And even a novice in trade muſt ſee, that if the Dutch, and others, had the leaſt hint given, that they would be welcome as our carriers, the whole crop, though it was ever ſo large, would be gladly engaged. The Engliſh laws have hitherto rendered it not worthy their notice—theſe reſolutions will alter the caſe.

For the above articles, I appeal to the men in trade—and from them to the whole province, whether the reſiſtance made to the non-exportation of rice to Great-Britain, &c. was not needleſs, to ſay no more—and, whether we are not upon a much better footing, as to our ſtaple, than any one Northern colony, even if thoſe four peſtilential words had never curſed the fourth article of the aſſociation?

As to the exports of the Northern colonies to Europe, by the tenor of the aſſociation, every one knows that the principal articles will be, Fiſh, Wheat, and Flour: the others are ſcarcely worth mentioning.

Their fiſh will eaſily find a mart. But be it remembered, that this is neither exported in Engliſh bottoms; the Engliſh merchants are not the factors of it, as they are of our rice landed in Britain; nor are the people of that country employed in it. Fiſh, for the moſt part, goes immediately to the Catholic dominions, for the good people there to faſt upon. Be it alſo remembered, that only three colonies have any thing to do with the fiſh trade; and not one fiftieth, I had almoſt ſaid not one hundredth man, in thoſe colonies, has any concern in it.

Unground Wheat goes moſtly to Liſbon and the Madera's; but (if Canada is ſtruck off the liſt) not one thirtieth buſhel is exported in the whole grain.

As to Flour, it moſtly finds its vent in the Weſt-India iſlands. It ſupplies that vaſt part of the Engliſh, French, Daniſh, and Dutch dominions with bread. But all this immenſe market is ſhut up, and flour, a much more periſhable article than clean rice; an article which always ſpoils in one ſeaſon, is left to ſour on their hands. The part of their crop which Liſbon, the Canaries, Azores, and a few Mediterranean ports take off, is but a ſmall relief. It is well known, that the merchants have not found it profitable, to embrace the permiſſion to carry it to Great-Britain. So ſtands this grand ſtaple of the Northern colonies obſtructed, that they have not an equal chance to get it off, as we have to vend our rice.

But if you conſider their other ſtaple commodities, you will find, that they muſt ſuffer inexpreſſibly, if we may call it ſuffering, when we are only prevented getting rich. Their Iron, which has, of late, almoſt ſupplied all Britain and Ireland—their Copper—their Tobacco, which amounts to an immenſe ſum—their Timber, which builds near all the houſes in the iſlands, and freights multitudes of ſhips to England—their Staves and other Lumber, on which the Weſt-India iſlands depend—their Pot-Aſh, equal, perhaps more, in value, than our whole crop of indico—their Beef and Pork—their Flax Seed, upon which all Ireland depends—their Peltry, Hemp, and many other articles—all which, collectively taken, infinitely exceed their Flour and Fiſh—all theſe, I ſay, they have conſented to lay utterly aſide.

It will appear, I think, to an unprejudiced mind, that, far from "ſkulking," as they are illiberally ſaid to do in this conteſt, they will be the greateſt ſufferers. If there is any ſkulking, it is on the ſide of thoſe, who demand a permiſſion to export their chief ſtaple to England. All that is wanted, or deſired, is, to break off our exports to Britain. They have done that fully. We continue our chief export to Britain. We diſſent from the united agreement of all America: and that, when we ſhould have fared perhaps better than the reſt, if we had come into the aſſociation in the fulleſt terms. In proportion to our numbers, we ſhould perhaps have received more caſh in remittance, than any one Northern colony. But we, as it were, break the ſword of America—we cruelly diſſent—we export to Britain, and give our enemies cauſe to deſpiſe us. I cannot but hope, that the argument of non-equality will hereafter hide its ſerpent head, and no more delude this unhappy colony, into a betraying of the cauſe of freedom.

As for the pretence, that rice is a periſhable article, it has no weight. Little of it need remain on hand. It will keep an hundred years, in the rough; ſome years, when clean: and if moſt of the rice planters would ſpend one whole ſeaſon in making improvements, it would be of more ſervice to them than 〈…〉

But I argue farther,

2. That the demand of a free exportation of rice, was UNNECESSARY.

The ſpirit of the people here did not render it neceſſary, nor did their exigences require it. It is plain, that the rice planters did not deſire—did not expect—were greatly ſurprized at it, when it came; nay, in general, have ſince, that wiſhed the odious diſtinction had never exiſted. This colony boaſts a ſpirit equal to any on the continent. They have the honour of being proverbial for patriotiſm. They plainly teſtified, that they deſired no favours, at their general meeting. Had not this been the caſe, they never would have put it in the power of any men to bind them. They continue of the ſame mind ſtill.

Our exigences do not require it. This appears in a ſtriking light, from what has been ſaid already: But let me aſk, what exigency can we plead? One of three, no doubt: either that of remittance to merchants at home—or to procure us bread—or for negro cloathing. I make no reply to the firſt. It is ſtale. It has been anſwered a thouſand times. Their righteous ſufferings, as a criminal part of that nation which is forging chains for us, will ever be anſwer enough.

As to the neceſſity of exports to buy us food, none can pretend to this. We wallow in plenty of proviſions, even while we export them. We ſhall not have the leſs, when this exportation is reſtrained.

As to negro cloth, I am ſorry to hear it mentioned. Is there not cloth enough in the colony, with the old garments which they already have, to cloath the negroes comfortably for the next winter? Is not this a colony that demands leſs cloathing than any other, at the ſame time that we may eaſily grow ſufficient cotton in one ſeaſon, to cloath us for five? Has not providence meerly innundated us with Weavers from Ireland, as though with a view to this very criſis, who only wait the word to come down from the back parts in ſwarms? There are more weavers now in the colony, than the cloathing of twice our number would require; and two ſeaſons ſurely afford time enough for it. Nor can it be diſputed, after the example of Virginia, ſo far to the North, that cotton is by much the beſt and cheapeſt cloathing that can be made for them.

Not only unneceſſary:—the exportation of rice to Britain and her iſles, at the preſent time, is truly IMPOLITIC.

Rice is the moſt important export from America to Great-Britain. The value of our crop landed there is perhaps more than a million and an half currency. Now, they have the profit, of being factors for this great ſum—they have the advantage of employing between two and three hundred veſſels in the trade to America, and to different parts of Europe, in tranſporting this bulky article—they have the benefit of giving buſineſs to thouſands of hands, who, without this, would perhaps want their bread:—beſides, the continual imports of rice into Britain, keeps down the price of proviſions there, in proportion as it is conſumed—and much more is actually conſumed, than the advocates for the uſual exportation are willing to allow, upon the preſent occaſion. Great quantities are conſumed in the ſingle article of Starch. Rice ſupplies the navy with a part of its proviſion, as well as merchant men on their voyages. This finds the Engliſh merchant the beſt article of foreign trade. This is alſo part of the proviſion for the ſlave trade, which ſtill goes on to the iſlands. In ſhort, I am much inclined to believe, that the ſingle article of rice prevented from landing in Britain and the iſlands, will more affect their trade, than all other articles of North-American exports together, only excepting Tobacco and Indico.

And while we have ſo good a proſpect of a vent for our crop elſewhere, ſhall we, in this very criſis of our affairs, act ſo very impolitic a part, as to give the nation all theſe advantages againſt us, when we have in our hands ſo great a weight to throw into the ſcale of American freedom? I would bluſh for my countrymen, if I thought them ſo far diveſted of the common principles of prudence.

Not only unneceſſary and impolitic—the plan propoſed is IMPRACTICABLE; and I fear the conſequences will be ruinous.

Impracticable, I do not fear to aſſert the plan propoſed, as a ſugar-pill to the indico planters, viz. to exchange rice for indico. Perhaps the difficulty will be at leaſt as great, to gain the conſent of individuals to this, as to a qualified non-exportation. But how is it to be executed? Where are the numerous committees to be found, who, unpaid, ſhall take the endleſs taſk of inſpecting every barrel of rice, and every pound of indico, that comes down to market, and to aſcertain its ſpecific value? Where is the court, daily to preſide over the conſtant Barter, and to decide the numerous diſputes which muſt ariſe between man and man? Where are the open offices in which all this vaſt buſineſs is to be tranſacted? Where are the free ſtores, in which the produce muſt lay after the deciſion? Or, muſt the indico men from Ninety-Six have the trouble firſt, to ſend down their crop—then to have it inſpected—then appraiſed; — then ſell their proportion of rice;—then carry home that part of their indico which they are obliged to keep, or elſe leave it here under the care of others? And who can enſure the rice planters, that the ſame indico ſhall not be brought a ſecond and a third time, and re-claim rice, until it is all expended? A ſcheme of ſuch intricacy, needs whole years to adjuſt it. It needs a complete new ſet of officers to execute it. Endleſs diſputes—unavoidable diviſion, muſt be foreſeen, by thoſe who know any thing of mankind. How much more ſimple— how much more eligible, the plan of equality, as to all exports to Britain and her iſlands?

Not only impractible, is the propoſed plan of exporting rice—but I fear it is RUINOUS,

Not to the pockets of the merchants here—not to the merchants in England— but RUINOUS

To the peace, harmony and mutual confidence of the colonies; who are diſtreſſed, that their moſt faithful friends of Carolina ſeem, in this, to have deſerted them. A confidence which, I know, the rice planters would ſpill their blood to ſecure and cultivate, and which they never deſired ſhould ſuffer injury on their accounts. RUINOUS

To the peace and harmony of this province itſelf. I dread the gathering cloud. I dread the effects of jealouſy, lowering from the Weſt and North. By one act of noble generoſity, you may diſpel it, in ſpite of the devil himſelf. RUINOUS, I fear,

To the whole ſyſtem of our commercial ſtruggle. Ruinous to all our plans of defence. Ruinous to panting hunted Liberty herſelf. How muſt it diſcourage our ſuffering brethren, when they find their moſt ſpirited ſupporters ſhrinking, like cowards, from the ſhadow of a little ſelf-denial! How muſt it make the miniſtry chuckle, to find the ſeeds of ſo luxuriant a jealouſy ſown among us, and their only hope confirmed! How muſt it envigorate their declining ſpirits, to find our aſſociation ſo burleſqu'd, ſo crippled, where they expected it to prove the moſt robuſt and active! How muſt it blaſt the expected fruit of popular clamour in England, to find that, by our parſimony, they are delivered from feeling much of the effects of a boaſted non-exportation. Give them rice, and you do much to ſilence and make them eaſy under the bungling tyranny of the preſent court. God forbid, that you ſhould accept of the extorted gratuity, upon ſuch ignoble, ſuch ruinous terms!

But, what a ſtroke!—what a maſter-ſtroke of policy, as well as patriotiſm! to REFUSE to export rice, and exhibit an inſtance of firmneſs and love to our country, which muſt damp the ardour of the miniſterial aſſaſſins, confirm the tottering confidence of all America, prove the death of our inteſtine jealouſy, and, in the end, haſten the concluſion of this glorious, this divine ſtruggle, for the rights of men and of Britons.

I would therefore humbly propoſe, that, without ſeeming to overſet the compelled agreement of the Congreſs, we ſhould only declare it to be the ſenſe of this colony, that the permiſſion TO EXPORT RICE TO EUROPE, SHALL BE UNDERSTOOD, AS EXCLUDING GREAT-BRITAIN, AND HER DEPENDANT ISLANDS.