GOOD civil government is one of the greatest temporal blessings which any people are favored with. Without this we cannot be safe and secure in the possession of any worldly good. Our vir­tue and happiness, our lives and property would be exposed to innumerable continued dangers from the unrestrained lusts and passi­ons of mankind. One would lie at the mer­cy of another: and he who found himself possessed of the greatest strength and power, would sacrifice all that is dear to others, to his [Page 6] own will and pleasure. Where there is no law or government, every one will "do that which is right in his own eyes," as they did when there was no king in Israel. Government is as an "hedge about our persons, and about all that we have on every side," against the ra­vages and depredations of lawless men, men who have nothing to govern them, but their own wills, passions and appetites. Says St. Paul, ^† "We know that the law is good, if a man use it lawfully; knowing this, that the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and murderers of mo­thers, for man-slayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for men-stealers, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing that is contra­ry to sound doctrine."

THE sin and fall of man gave occasion for civil government in societies, as a necessary curb and restraint to the corrupt lusts and vile affections of human kind. Had man ne­ver sinned he would not have been under the influence of unruly disorderly lusts and passi­ons: he would not have been so disposed to transgress the eternal and unalterable rules of [Page 7] equity and truth; but would have "lived so­berly, righteously, and godly in the world."

IT was evidently in compassion to a fallen degenerate world that God instituted and or­dained civil government, and that he was himself, in a special and peculiar sense, the supreme magistrate in Israel, appointing su­bordinate officers and judges, more immedi­ately to manage the affairs of their state, un­der his direction and guidance.

THE divine Being has, all along, abundant­ly manifested his approbation of civil govern­ment. He was indeed angry with his people of old, for rejecting him, who was King of kings, and Lord of lords, from being their king, and asking him to give them a king like unto the heathen nations round about. This was a sin in them: and the very thing they desired, became a snare and a scourge unto them. It had been well for them, and all succeeding nations, had their original form of government been strictly adhered to, grate­fully accepted, and well improved. They sought a change, and God granted their re­quest. Since when, he has been pleased, in his holy word, very particularly, to point out the qualifications of "princes" and rulers, and the duty of the people, to submit to their [Page 8] authority and laws, withal intimating that good rulers are a blessing, great benefactors to mankind. "He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain," ^¶ says God.

NO particular form of government has un­erring wisdom pointed out, prescribed and di­rected unto. But mankind, in their various dispersions through the earth, and different nations, are left wholly to their liberty to agree upon their own plan and constitution, their particular model of government, and to depute whom, and as few, or as many, as they shall think fit, to rule and govern them, being to obey and submit to them, whom they have thus clothed with authority, "not only for wrath, but for conscience sake." The suppo­sition of a divine hereditary right in some, to govern the rest, is glaringly absurd and ground­less. God's setting aside Saul and his family, and bringing David, the son of Jesse, to be the king of Israel, together with the parable of Jotham, recorded in the book of God, ^‡ being well weighed and attentively consider­ed, [Page 9] prove that such right cannot be founded on the Bible. And where can we go to find and prove this doctrine of the divine heredita­ry right of particular persons and families to rule and govern others, if not to the revelation from heaven. A people may, if they please, make the kingdom hereditary, in a particular family, under certain limita­tions and restrictions; (as is the case in Eng­land); and whoever claims a right to the Bri­tish throne, contrary to such established rules, is a daring usurper, and impudent pretender; and this has been the character of some of the inglorious and tyrannical Stewart family, ever since the reign of James the second. The people of England after various struggles and contests, and having tried many very different forms of government, at length happily unit­ed those three leading kinds, monarchy, aris­tocracy and democracy, which composed that excellent civil constitution, which has been the glory of Britons, and the envy of foreigners. Says one, "All power has its foundation in compact and mutual consent, or else it pro­ceeds from fraud or violence. Where the lat­ter takes place, the dominion which men claim is no better than usurpation; and they who by these methods raise themselves above their brethren, are so far from having a right to govern, that they ought to be punished as [Page 10] public disturbers and the enemies of man­kind.—When government is founded in mu­tual consent, it is the undoubted right of the community to say who shall govern them; and to make what limitations or conditions they think proper.—But whatever form of civil government men have chose, there are certain constitutions which are the basis and foundation of the state, and which are obliga­tory on those who govern, as well as on those who are governed. These constitutions are a sort of fundamental laws, which cannot be violated without the greatest danger to a com­munity. When either part attempts to invade the right of the other, it usually pro­duces convulsions, which sooner or later over­turn the state." The king of England, at his coronation, is sworn to defend the rights of the people, and to govern according to the established constitution, the fundamental laws and statutes of the realm. The British consti­tution, in its primitive purity, is the most per­fect form of civil government, because it de­rives and secures the greatest good to the whole nation, which is the end of all civil government. Finite beings can conceive of no other end, the divine Being could have in view, in the ordination and appointment of civil govern­ment, and setting some over their brethren, but the good of the people. Reason suggests [Page 11] no other, nor does revelation speak of any but this. The scripture assures us that magistrates are appointed of God to be his ministers for good to the public. He did not appoint such an order of men, for the purposes of enslaving the rest, and involving the world in misery and wretchedness, nor surely to enrich and aggrandize themselves and families, at the un­necessary expence, and great damage of the public, as if God had a partiality for them. He did indeed intend, that princes and rulers, continually attending on this very thing, the public good, and seeking the welfare of the state, and the happiness of the people, should be honorably maintained, and distinguishingly supported, as but the just recompence of their faithful and important services for them. It is an apostolic injunction upon the people to support their rulers. "For, for this cause pay you tribute also; for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom cus­tom, fear, to whom fear, honor, to whom ho­nor." Where government subsists, it must of necessity be supported and maintained. This will create burdens for the people, but bur­dens which they will chearfully bear, and go through, while they feel the benefit of their rulers mild, reasonable, righteous, [Page 12] just and impartial administration. The peo­ple are bound in justice and equity to support them, who employ their time and talents in the public service. While serving the peo­ple, they ought to be maintained in ease and honor, according to their rank and station, and the degrees of service, by them, done to the community. They should have their minds freed from all anxiety and distressing concern, as to their own and their families sub­sistence in the world. That rulers should sa­crifice their own estates and fortunes in the service of the people, is not just or reasonable. Men who serve others ought to be rewarded in proportion to the time they spend, and the benefit thence resulting to them for whom they labor. "The laborer is worthy of his hire." And I see not why rulers, and others, who are wholly devoted to public business, and spend all their time, (if need be) and talents therein, ought not to be more than barely supported, and maintained in character; why they ought not to be enabled, in that way, to lay up for their families and children, in some proporti­on, as it might be supposed they probably would, by prudence, honesty and diligence in any other lawful calling. Parsimony in a peo­ple towards "princes," and rulers, or the mi­nisters of Christ, is a great sin, and has a natu­ral tendency to defeat the designs of heaven, in [Page 13] their appointment to office. But with regard to the support due to civil government from the governed, there is a measure, beyond which, taxes imposed on them, are but extor­tion and oppression. "There is nothing that affects men more, than when you touch their interest; people in general find it hard to procure the conveniencies of life; nothing will sooner alienate their minds from govern­ment, than when rulers needlesly deprive them of that which they have dearly earned, and wantonly dissipate the public treasures. Ru­lers ought ever to proceed in this part of their duty with caution and prudence, that people may see the taxes they impose are not to gra­tify their pride, their avarice, or any other pas­sion; not to carry on any private design, "but that they are necessary for the support of government and the exigencies of the state." Rulers should be men hating covetousness, as well as fearing God, otherwise they will sacrifice the rights and property of their subjects, and sometimes their lives, to gratify their pride, ambition and avarice. Naboth lost his life, through the covetousness of Ahab, who sought his vineyard. When magistrates neither fear God, nor regard man, instead of aiming at the public good (which is their main business) they will study to advance their own private inte­rest, and that of their houshold, and do any [Page 14] thing to keep in office. Sinister views govern and predominate; such men are not to be trusted. Power in their hands is dangerous; for they will sacrifice conscience and sell their country to gratify and pleasure themselves; or they will do this to please those above them, on whom they depend. Such men are easily bought. How far this has been verifi­ed of late, in this land, I leave all to determine for themselves. Rulers seem to be mistaken, when they act with a view only to support and preserve their own greatness and grandeur. "That the civil ruler and christian minister should engross the wealth of the world to themselves, as they have done in many ages and countries, and live in pride and luxury, on spoils violently extorted or slily drained from the people, is altogether foreign to the design of God in setting them up." That they ought to be supported in ease and honor, we may collect from the sacred oracles.

AS good rulers, God's ministers for good to the people, are entitled to sufficient and honorable maintenance, so are they, to every mark of honor, esteem and respect from their subjects. "Honor the king," says St. Peter. And as there are no lawful powers, but who are ordained of God; so St. Paul directs us to render to such their dues; "fear to whom [Page 15] fear, honor to whom honor," is due. Rulers and princes are entitled to the most respectful treatment from the people over whom they are placed. We may not "speak evil of dignities," nor "of the rulers of the people." To treat "princes" and rulers with contempt, indignity, and disrespect, is slighting and con­temning an ordinance of God.

BUT not only are good "princes," and rulers to be supported and honored in their stations, but submitted to and obeyed. Rea­son will direct, and interest lead, all chearfully to submit to the laws and government of such magistrates; and religion most strongly en­forces the same duty▪ St. Paul, says, "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: The powers that be, are ordained of God, whoso­ever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: And they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake." And St. Peter exhorts. "Submit yourselves to every ordi­nance of man for the Lord's sake: Whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto go­vernors, as unto them, that are sent by him." The civil ruler is the minister of God for good to the people. While rulers pursue the [Page 16] end of their appointment to office, seeking the public good, they are to be obeyed and submitted unto. Rulers are men of like pas­sions with ourselves; as liable to an undue bias and influence, and so to errors and mistakes in their conduct, as their subjects. It becomes subjects to point out the mistakes which rulers run into, at any time, in their administration; and when these are made to appear, they will, if they have the good of society at heart, im­mediately rectify them. We may not refuse submission to higher powers, because of lesser errors in government. Allowance ought to be made for rulers as well as others. It is the property of the divine Being only to be inca­pable of doing wrong. Every wrong step in rulers, may not proceed from a settled dispo­sition to abuse their power and injure their subjects. But when they make use of their power and authority in a manner subversive of the end of their designation to office; when they encroach on the natural and constitution­al rights of the people; when they trample on those laws, which were made, at once to limit their power, and defend their subjects; in such cases the people are bound not to obey them, but resist them as public robbers and the destroyers of mankind and of human hap­piness. Says the great Mr. Lock in his trea­tise [Page 17] upon government. "Wheresoever law ends, tyranny begins, if the law be transgress­ed to another's harm. And whoever in autho­rity, exceeds the power given him by law, and makes use of the force he hath under his com­mand, to compass that upon the subject which the law allows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and acting without authority, may be opposed as any other man, who in­vades the right of another." And in these cases the people must be judge of the good or ill conduct of their rulers; to the people they are accountable. It is the highest pope­ry to affirm otherwise. "The argument whereby the Aposte Paul enforces his exhor­tation of submission to rulers, and disswades from resistance, is, that these civil powers are ordained of God, and ordained by him, minis­terially to convey blessings from him to the people. So long therefore, and so far as these civil powers act agreably to the design of their ordination, and do good in their stations, the people are obliged to subjection, and resistance will be blameable; but if these powers forsake their proper sphere, thwart God's design in ordaining them, disserve the people, and take measures which tend to ruin them, the Apos­tle's ground of the people's subjection ceases; and, indeed, submission becomes a fault, and [Page 18] resistance a virtue. If the people ought to o­obey well conducting rulers out of regard to the public good, it must be as much their du­ty, still governed by a regard to the public good, to oppose them, when pursuing destruc­tive methods. To suppose it belongs to the Apostle's meaning, that it is a damnable sin to resist civil powers, because ordained of God, though they act entirely out of character, and thwart every kind purpose God had in or­daining them, is in the class of most palpable grating absurdities. A pretence to ground such ideas, as those of indefeasible right, pas­sive obedience, and non-resistance, on the Bi­ble, is criminal—an high abusive scandal to the Christian religion, and its divinely inspir­ed Promulgator. If God had given up man­kind to the will of oppressors, not permitting the people, on pain of damnation, to attempt their own relief, it would not, indeed, have exceeded the demerit of a sinful world; but would have been disagreable to the general a­nalogy of kind Providence." As rulers, how­ever omnipotent they may pretend to be, are not raised above a possibility of erring and mista­king in the exercise of their power and autho­rity, so it is not absurd to suppose they may, in some cases enjoin and require things of their subjects contrary to the laws of nature, which are the laws of God, and contrary also to [Page 19] the Christian religion; in which case our duty is plain, "We must obey God rather than men." And, "stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bon­dage." If any come in privily to spy out our liberty, which we derive from the Author of nature and the Author of our most holy faith, we may not give place to them, by subjection, no not for an hour; that the rights of nature and of conscience, and the truth of the gos­pel, may continue with us. But not to en­large in this way.

HIS present majesty, king George the third, has in my opinion, an undoubted right to the British throne; but his right thereto is found­ed, if not wholly, yet principally, on the peo­ple's right to resist, and set aside evil and wicked rulers, rulers who trample on the fundamen­tal laws of the state, and invade their subjects rights and liberties. Had not the people re­sisted and removed that unhappy and misguid­ed king, Charles the first, the nation would probably, have been ruined. King James the second, brother of Charles the second, and son of Charles the first, so enraged the people, by his infatuated measures, as that he was forced to abdicate the throne, and flee his kingdom. Then William Henry and Mary, [Page 20] prince and princess of Orange, were proclaim­ed king and queen of England. This event, called the revolution, took place in 1688. William and Mary dying without issue, the princess Anna of Denmark, second daughter of king James the second, was proclaimed queen. She died leaving no children, whereupon George Lewiss, elector of Hanover, succeed­ed to the crown of Great-Britian. He was grandson of the princess Elizabeth Stewart, daughter of James the first, king of England. He was succeeded, in the throne of these king­doms, by his son George the second, of illus­trious memory, who was grandfather to George the third, the present rightful sovereign on the British throne. History shows us that the greater part of the kings of England, have come to the throne, not so much by right of inheritance, as by the election of the people, and the resistance they have made to them who were heirs apparent to the crown, or ac­tually on the throne. ^¶ If the people have [Page 21] a right to keep out the next heir to the crown, because he is a papist, they have equal right to do so for any other as weighty cause, and to fix on the throne such a prince as they shall think fit.

WHAT has been said above respecting go­vernment and the great blessing it is to socie­ty, may serve to introduce what shall follow, agreable to the purport of the text.

POWER is too intoxicating, and liable to a­buse. As great a blessing as government is, [Page 22] like all other blessings, it may become a scourge, a curse, and severe punishment to a people. "For the transgression of a land, many are the princes thereof," says Solomon. Intimating that to have many princes in a kingdom is a just judgement of God upon a sinful nation. These words may be variously interpreted. "For the transgression of a land, and a general defection from God, and religi­on, to idolatry, prophaneness and immorality, many are the princes thereof; many at the same time pretending to the sovereignty, and contending for it, by which the people are crumbled into parties and factions, biting and devouring one another. Or many princes suc­cessively in a little time, one cutting off another, or soon cut off by the hand of God, or of a foreign enemy." But this word "prince," need not be understood in so limited a sense, as intending the king, or first magistrate. It may most properly be understood here, as meaning the nobles, counsellors, and officers in a kingdom and land; any ruler and officer among people; any who are set over them to rule, order and govern them. And our text speaks of it, as a punishment upon a people and land to have a multitude of princes, or ru­lers and officers. For the entertaining just conceptions of this point, let it be observed: [Page 23] That as government was ordained of God for the "good" of the people, and not for their destruction; so to effect this most valuable in­tended end, it is necessary, that in every state there be as many "princes," and rulers, of one sort and of another, higher and lower as shall be sufficient to all the purposes of good government; both for the making and exe­cuting laws, conducive to the general felicity, and that the benefits and advantages thence re­sulting, may be seen and felt, in the remotest parts of the empire. In proportion to the ex­tent of a kingdom, must be its number of "princes," its legislative and executive offi­cers. It is not possible for one, or a few, to carry on the great end of government, in a large and widely extended empire. Gover­nors and officers must be sent forth into all parts to make and execute good and wholesome laws for the punishment of evil doers, and for the encouragement and security of them who do well. This will create proportionable burdens for the people: Because all serving the public, ought by them to be well supported. But mul­tiplying of lucrative offices in a kingdom or state, beyond what is really necessary to pro­mote, the only and great end of government, the general good of the community, as it must produce great and warm struggles for higher and more profitable posts among them, and [Page 24] unavoidably increase the burdens of the peo­ple, so it may truly be reckoned a severe pu­nishment, and heavy judgment upon a land. Innumerable, almost, are the evil consequences which take place in the state, from a needless addition of "princes," rulers and officers in it, which prove the thing to be a sore scourge and curse to the land. Bribery and corruption will prevail, and an increase of taxes and du­ties on the necessaries of life, on lands, food and cloathing, whereby the people are redu­ced to straits and poverty, while these Supernu­meraries live in idleness, affluence and luxury, on the labors of the honest and industrious. How noxious to society is this! Whether Great-Britian and these colonies, being a part of the empire, are in that situation of having many more "princes," rulers and officers therein, than are absolutely necessary to ma­nage the affairs of government, some will doubtless venture to deny. But, so great is the number of "princes," that is, placemen and pensioners in our nation and land, as that the stipends they receive must, and will keep the nation in debt. An immense sum is an­nually paid in pensions, to persons who are out of public business, and some to persons in office, over and above their fixed in­come. This, together with the necessary ex­pences [Page 25] and charges of the state, have created such a debt in England, as that after all the means and methods used to increase the nati­onal revenue, it can do little more than pay the interest of the debt, and the annual exigencies of government. ^‡ That persons in high office, and ministers of God for good to the public, should be rewarded for their services, is but just; and that they be maintained in ho­nor and dignity, proportioned to their rank, and the importance and usefulness of their offices to the people, is very reasonable. But why one who was well rewarded while in office and business, must retire therefrom, with a pension of several thousands of pounds, only to make room for another person, we, in this remote corner of the world, see not. All this burden comes upon the laboring poor, and by this means they are so straitned, as scarce to be able to procure for themselves and families, the neces­saries of life. The generality of the common people in England and Ireland, fare much poorer, than the meanest servant, and most ab­ject [Page 26] slave in this land. That men who have performed some signal exploit, and done some­thing whereby special benefit accrues to the state should be distinguishingly rewarded, is but reasonable and just. All the wit and craft of men has been exercised, and their invention wracked to find out offices, posts and em­ployments for them who have been seeking places, that there might be, at least, a plausi­ble pretence for their receiving large salaries from the people. It is almost impossible, to reckon up the different "princes," rulers and officers, in the nation, or to compute their sti­pends; the sum thereof is, almost, beyond ac­count. New and unheard of officers and ru­lers have been made of late years, that so all may be provided with places and incomes.

FURTHER, a large standing army, consist­ing, perhaps of near an hundred thousand men in all parts of the British dominions, is kept up, at an amazing expence to the state. Some un­der half pay, others under full pay; the high­er officers have very great wages, while the soldiers have scanty allowance. This army is kept up to aid the civil power, it is pretend­ed; but were the requirements of civil rulers just and reasonable, there would be no occasi­on of having recourse to the powers of the military, to enforce obedience. When mea­sures [Page 27] are to be carried, and can be carried, on­ly by force of the soldiery, and the terror of arms, it is proof abundant that they are un­lawful and unconstitutional. For however there may be persons of a factious, licentious turn, yet the body of a people are disposed to obedience and submission from a principle of self-interest, if nothing else. They are disposed to "lead quiet and peaceable lives." When there arises general uneasiness and complaint among a people, it is a certain sign things do not go well in the state, and that the measures pursuing are not just, right and equal. A standing army kept up, as they always are, in idleness, in time of peace, are the bane of re­ligion, virtue and social felicity, and the nur­sery of the most exuberant growth of all kinds of wickedness and debauchery. This is a plan to fright people into a compliance with favo­rite measures, which the abettors are sensible mankind will not readily consent unto. And may it not be, because they are not just? This is a measure unnecessarily burdensome. For "a constitution which cannot support its own weight must fall;—it must be supposed essen­tially defective in its form or administration Military aid has ever been deemed dangerous to a free civil state; and often has been used as an effectual engine to subvert it." A peo­ple [Page 28] ought not to be forced or frighted out of their rights, liberties and property. When standing armies are improved, it may well a­waken the jealousy of the people, and rouse their attention to their dearest worldly in­terests. When rulers and princes act in cha­racter as ministers of God for good to the peo­ple, and pursue the things which tend to the welfare and interest of the state, instead of their own, the people will easily perceive it. "Peo­ple are generally capable of knowing when they are well used. Public happiness is easily felt. Men cannot but perceive when they en­joy their rights, and privileges; when they set at quiet under their own vines and fig-trees, and there is none to make them afraid; when the laws of the land have their course, and jus­tice is impartially administered; when no un­reasonable burdens are laid upon them; when their rulers are ready to hear their complaints, and to redress their wrongs; when they treat them with condescension, tenderness and af­fection; when they sympathize with them un­der their difficulties, and, like their great Master, are afflicted in all their afflictions. Such a temper and conduct in rulers are easi­ly perceived, without any extraordinary pene­tration." ^¶

[Page 29]BUT to proceed, We, in this land, have seen and felt and still see and feel, the evils of a standing army posted among us in time of peace; sent hither to force or fright this peo­ple to comply with acts of the British Par­liament, which are generally looked upon as unconstitutional and grievous; and they will probably be improved to force this people, if possible, to relinquish their chartered rights and liberties, which we hold by the plighted faith of former princes, and the crown.

BESIDES, new courts of admiralty have been, within these few years, erected, judges appoint­ed with extensive jurisdiction and "great power," with large salaries annexed to their offices, without being obliged to reside in their respective districts, or perform any part of the service; but do all by their deputies, who also have good stipends. Persons are li­able to be carried, a great distance, for trial in these courts, and there the party complain­ing is in a sense both judge and jury. These, together with a new Board of Commissioners, and other officers, unknown to our fathers, compose that band of "princes," by whom this land is punished for its transgression. Nothing need be said here more than to men­tion these things, unless it be to add, that the [Page 30] Board of Commissioners, and other officers are maintained in pride, idleness and luxury, at a vast and needless expence of public treasure. For, admitting it to be reasonable that a re­venue be raised in America, it might be col­lected without maintaining such a multitude of officers, in the collection, as are employed, and which eats up most, if not the whole, of the profit. But enough has been said to show when government, instead of being a blessing, becomes a scourge, and a punishment to a people. It is so when its rulers or princes are many, and numerous, whereby unnecessary burdens are brought upon the people.

I GO on to say very briefly, That "by a man of understanding and knowledge the state thereof shall be prolonged." Religion and knowledge will prevent or redress the grievan­ces, to which a land may be subjected, by a mulititude of "princes" and rulers. A privy counsellor, or minister of state, or the princi­pal rulers in a kingdom, if they are men of real religion and enlarged knowledge will use their influence and power to restrain and sup­press, "the transgression of a land," and pur­sue the best methods for healing the wounds thereof, that so the good estate thereof may be prolonged. It is scarce possible to con­ceive, [Page 31] what eminent service one wise man may do for a nation in a difficult, critical and troublesome juncture. The wise man tells us in this chapter, where we find the text, that, "the prince who wanteth understanding is also a great oppressor: But he that hateth cove­tousness shall prolong his days." The love of money, and the want of due consideration, are the causes of the mal-administration of "prin­ces" and rulers. A ruler who it covetous will neither do justly, nor love mercy, but the peo­ple under him shall be bought and sold. But rulers who are ture fearers of God, and haters of covetousness, shall prolong their govern­ment and peace; they shall be happy in the affections of their people, and the blessings of their God. Rulers who are wise and good, will never oppress and enslave their subjects, if they would consult their own interest, ease and safety. Tyrants and oppressors who sacrifice every thing to their covetousness, and ambi­tion of an absolute, arbitrary power, generally suffer for their madness and folly, when an oppressed and enslaved people are rouzed. Such rulers often fall a sacrifice to the rage of mankind. When they who rule over men, are persons of understanding and knowledge, not only men discerning in the times and sea­sons, knowing what Israel ought to do, but [Page 32] men of real goodness and religion, are "just, ruling in the fear of God," the state of that people will be prosperous, flourishing, and happy: Such rulers will be a God-like bless­ing. Says God by the mouth of his servant king David, "they shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even as a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining af­ter rain." The character and extensive be­neficence of the faithful ruler, are here repre­sented, who with a God-like ardor employs his authority and influence to advance the common interest; The righteous Lord, whose countenance beholdeth the upright, will sup­port and succeed rulers of this character: And it is an evidence of his favor to a peo­ple, when such are apponited to rule over them. The natural effect of this, is quietness and peace, as showers upon the tender grass and clear shining after rain. In this case a loyal people must be happy, and fully sensible that they are so—while they find their persons in safety—their liberties preserved—their pro­perty defended—and their confidence in their rulers entire. The necessary expences of go­vernment will be borne with pleasure; while justice holds the balance, and righteousness flows down their streets. Such civil state, accord­ing [Page 33] to the natural course of things, must flour­ish in peace at home, and be respectable a­broad—private virtues will be encouraged, and vice driven into darkness—industry in the most effectual manner promoted—arts and sciences patronized—the true fear of God cul­tivated, and his worship maintained. Happy must the people be that is in such a case—ye happy is the people whose God is the Lord." ^‡ "By a man of understanding and knowledge, the state thereof shall be prolonged." But I need not enlarge here, since so much was said in the beginning of this discourse, of the great blessing of good civil government. Govern­ment, as great a blessing as it is, sometimes may become a scourge and punishment to a people. Is not this the case, at this day, with our nation and land?

OUR part, my hearers, is to consider what are the moral causes of our public calami­ties and troubles, humble ourselves before God, and, while his judgments are abroad in the earth, learn righteousness. "For the transgression of a land many are the princes thereof." The consideration of this matter, together with some observations upon the [Page 34] present state of this country, and directions and advice to the people respecting the same, will be the business of the next discourse. In the mean time, let what has been said, be well weighed and duely considered by us, "And the Lord give us understanding in all things."

IN the morning I expatiated upon the great blessing of good civil government, and considered the grand end and design of the institution—Then observed that, as great a blessing as civil government was, it might be so conducted as to become a curse, a judg­ment and punishment to a land: And it is so, when the "princes," or rulers "thereof are many," many more than are necessary to pro­mote and effect the great end of government, the good of the community, and when by be­ing multiplied in a land, the burdens of the [Page 36] people must be greatly, needlessly and very unprofitably increased, and they impoverished and enslaved: While men, or rulers of under­standing and knowledge, rulers of religion and piety as well as great discernment, by their wise, prudent and righteous administra­tion, will prolong the state, the tranquility, and happiness of the land.

BUT as the present state of the British em­pire indicates that civil government is made a scourge and punishment unto the people, so our part, my hearers, and the proper business of this day, is to enquire and consider what are the moral causes of this punishment, to humble ourselves before God, and while his judgments are abroad in the earth, learn righteousness.

THE present multitude of "princes," or rulers in the land, and their enormous, gi­gantic strides after dispotic government and arbitrary power, our text teaches us to consider as a just judgment of heaven, and a righteous punishment upon "the land" (as in­flicted by God) for the many provoking sins, and daring "transgressions" of the people. "Our adversity is to be considered, as the ef­fect of providential agency or permission—as a righteous parental chastisement of heaven, [Page 37] for our many provacations; and a loud call for universal repentance and reformation, ac­cording to the gospel or Christ." While therefore, the language of this day's solemni­ties seems to be this, that with all humility we confess our sins to God, and "come boldly to the throne of grace that we may find mercy to pardon," and with fullest confidence are committing our cause to the God of infinite wisdom, putting up fervent prayers to that Being, who is able to save; we should, at the same time, consider our indispensable obliga­tions, and the necessity of "adding to" our prayers and supplications, true and unfeigned repentance, as ever we would hope to obtain audience of Him, "who loveth righteousness, and hateth iniquity." The psalmist tells us, that, "if we regard iniquity in our hearts, the Lord will not hear us." The voice of Providence, at such a time of trouble, and day of darkness, speaketh on this wise, to every messenger of the Lord of Hosts "cry aloud, and spare not, lift up thy voice like a trum­pet, and shew my people their transgression, and their sins." ^* This people should be taught what is amiss among them, be "shew­ed their evil works, and their transgressions which they have exceeded." ^† And be earn­estly [Page 38] pressed and urged to repentance and re­formation, as the only way to obtain deliver­ance from our present distress, and to cause the divine Being to avert those impending evils and punishments, which will, otherwise, fall on us, until God "shall make an utter end of us."

OUR ancestors, who first came into this country, and their immediate posterity, were a pious, a holy and a praying people, and God had a favor for them. But we, who have thus remotely descended from them have risen up in their stead, "a seed of evil doers, chil­dren that are corrupters, we have forsaken the Lord, we have provoked the holy One of Is­rael unto anger, we are gone away backward." "Iniquity greatly abounds, and the love of many waxes cold." Multitudes are "ene­mies to God and religion, in their minds by wicked works." Have we not forfeited all our blessings into the hands of God? And are not rulers made the instruments, in his hands of depriving us of some of them, and thus punishing us? And are not most of the evils we now suffer, the natural and necessary, as well as moral, effects of our vices? And is there any reason to hope that we shall be a happy people, while pride and extravagance, luxury and intemperance are so prevalent a­mong [Page 39] us? But further, to use the words of another, which are peculiarly emphatical, and expressive. "Though greatly distant, we are sorrowfully infected with the irreligion and vices, which are predominant in England; and which reign there to such a degree as that we can scarcely forbear applying such lan­guage as that in the Revelation, "come out of her my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues: For her sins have reached unto hea­ven, and God hath remembered her iniquities." A worldly spirit, is discovering itself, in numer­ous immoral effects of avarice, in many in­stances of perferring private temporal interests before the good of the country, and as to some in an easy declension from the dissenting cause, and coincidence with a certain more worldly, and less reformed ecclesiastical establishment; the immoral practice of gameing with lucrative purposes, chiefly among persons in that which they call high life; a great neglect of public religious ordinances, in almost all parts of the land; amazing profanity, especially in maritime places; widely prevailing and high­ly excessive use of spirituous liquors, together with a variety of high-strained modes of ex­travagance and luxury, more especially in our larger and more wealthy trading towns.— [Page 40] Things which appear at such a day as this "exceeding sinful," absurd and aggravated, are in the number of those sins wherewith our times are marked; while some persons run off into the wildest excesses of sentiment, some "concerning faith have made shipwreck," and others are tinctured with the spirit of scepticism. And such irreligion and vice, whereby we offend our God, and "the God of our fathers," and merit our misery at his hands, are, in a great measure, borrowed (with unaccountable fond embraces) of the very peo­ple from whom our sufferings proceed.—The reflection is sufficiently painful and confound­ing, without proceeding to observe that, per­sons may possibly be found, degenerate e­nough, to spread vice and wickedness among us, from a principle of Balaamitish policy, or to render as an easier prey, by means of the venality, carelessness and timidity which are the natural effects of luxury."

"BUT whatever may be justly said of their origination, certain it is, that by numerous of­fences against God, we merit a much deeper plunge of adversity, than we are now involved in; and we are called upon, by the monitory language of divine Providence, to "consider our ways, and turn our feet unto his testimo­nies, and so to give glory to the Lord our [Page 41] God, before our feet stumble upon the dark mountains; and while we look for light, he turn it into the shadow of death, and make it CROSS darkness." ^†

BUT not to enlarge in this way. I will proceed to show, agreable to what has already been hinted—That many of the evils and troubles we now suffer, are the moral, and al­so the natural and necessary effects of our trans­gressions and sins; so that we may read our sins, in the way and manner of our punish­ment.

WITH regard to the duty laid upon India teas, I cannot help thinking, (though some possibly may call this superstition) that it is a just judgment, and righteous punishment upon this people, for their vile abuse, and prostitu­tion of that article of foreign trade, and I may add, needless luxury. To me it appears, that by means of this article of tea, the people of this land, have run into excesses of wickedness, great beyond all account. Many have fool­ishly laid out their money for this, who could scarce procure the necessaries of life, and for no other reason, but because it was fashionable. And all orders, ranks and ages of people have been so devoted to it, as that they, many of [Page 42] them at least, "have worshipped and served this creature, more than the Creator, who is blessed forever." Is it possible to tell how much time has been foolishly spent, principal­ly, but not altogether, among them, who are above the common level of mankind? Much time has been lost, which might have been more profitably spent at home in their own proper business. Is it possible to say how much actual wickedness has been committed by people, (when visiting one another for the sake of tea, chiefly) in idle, vain and sinful conversation, in freely handling the characters of others, slandering and defaming of them; together with a pretence among many at such times, to a power of revealing secrets, or fore­telling future events, which, in whatever light we view it, must be evil. For a knowledge of any future events comes not from God in that way. If any persons have this power it must be derived from some evil spirit. If none have this power of foretelling future events; pretend­ing to it, may at least be reckoned among that "foolish talking and jesting which" the apostle says, "are not convenient," and which by no means "become women, professing godli­ness▪" Besides, there are many other evils at­tending this fashion and custom of visiting, for the sake of drinking tea. It is no sin for [Page 43] persons, who are able, to use the produce of other countries either for food or cloathing: It is the excess in the use hereof, with other evils accompanying the same which is faulty; and whether this article has not pretty univer­sally been used to a great degree of faulty and sinful excess, is a question, I readily submit, for decision, to the sober and thinking part of mankind. While I shall scarce mention the damage done to this country, by the un­exampled use and consumption of India-teas, in the vast sums of money annually sent hence to purchase it. Were the people in this land to use it as freely as heretofore they have done, the revenue arising from the duty laid on that single article, small as it is, no doubt, would annually amount to several hundred thousand pounds. It is to be hoped, that for the good of their country, the people will totally lay a­side the use of that needless, not to say hurt­ful commodity; for the duty hence arising, is chiefly, if not wholly spent, to support in idle­ness, or something worse, a set of men, many of whom, are not only needless, but noxious to society.

BUT to proceed, May not the late act of the British court for blocking up the harbour of Boston, be viewed in the light of a just frown of heaven upon the town and country, [Page 44] for their excess in trade, and amazing extra­vagance in the consumption of foreign com­modities. Though a free trade to foreign countries, well managed, may be a great be­nefit, yet it may be abused, and prove a real damage to the land. Many things absolutely surperflous are imported; things which tend on­ly to feed our pride and vanity. Many things are imported, which might be manufactured among ourselves, vastly to our own advan­tage. It is greatly to the interest of any coun­try to encourage all kinds of manufactures. But we have too generally contracted a dis­taste to what is home-made, and think we must go abroad for food and cloathing. This coun­try has been overstocked with foreign goods, whereby the land is drained of it's money. Besides, multitudes in all parts are running in­to trade, which is a real damage to the com­munity: were they employed in handling the plow, (a work many of them are much fit­ter for) and turning the wilderness into a fruitful field, they would do more eminent service to their country, and, no doubt, to themselves. However, I am far from think­ing that this act of parliament, is a righteous and just act, as some do. It is an amazing stretch of power, replete with cruelty and op­pression; not to be paralleled in the records [Page 45] of any court, even the Ottoman, and stands unexampled in all history. "All who have seen or heard of it, say, there was no such deed done nor seen, from the day that the children of Israel came up out of the land of Egypt, unto this day: Consider of it, take advice, and speak your minds." ^§ Says God, "Wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that write grievousness which they have prescribed: To turn aside the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from the poor of my people, that widows may be their prey, and that they may rob the father­less." ^‖ But what may we not expect from a parliament, which hath resolved, it hath full power, authority and right to make laws and statutes to bind the colonies, in ALL cases what­soever? In that case, what end do the legisla­tive courts of these provinces answer?

AGREABLE to the above resolution, two acts have already passed the house of commons, and the house of lords, fundamentally subversive of our chartered rights, and civil constitution, whereby many of our municipal institutions and laws, which many years ago received the royal sanction, and which we have long been in the enjoyment of, are repealed, and the govern­ment [Page 46] here rendered despotic and arbitrary. Whether these bills have received the king's consent or not, is not yet certain. We have reason to hope in the mildness, tenderness and affection of our sovereign; but in assenting or not assenting to acts of the British court he, no doubt, consults his privy council. If these bills pass into laws, whether this people will submit thereto, or not, is a question which cannot be determined: But if they submit, li­berty here will be at an end, we hold our rights, property and lives by the most precari­ous tenure. "The governor and council, hereby instituted with powers, with which the British constitution has not trusted his majes­ty, and his privy-council, have the means of returning such a jury in each particular cause, as may best suit with the gratification of their passions and interests. The lives, liberties and properties of the subject are put into their hands without controul; and the invaluable right of trial by jury, is turned into a snare for the people, who have hitherto looked up­on it, as their main security against the licen­tiousness of power. We see in this bill the same scheme of strengthening the authority of the officers and ministers of state, at the ex­pence of the rights and liberties of the subject, which was indicated by the inauspicious act [Page 47] for shutting up the harbour of Boston. ^¶ It seems cruel and unjust to be deprived of our chartered rights and privileges; and so it seem­ed to our forefathers, when the first charter was inhumanly murdered. Says Dr. Eliot, ^‖ "Our fathers dearly bought the privileges we enjoy. It is evident, when they left their native land, they thought their rights as Eng­lishmen would follow them wherever they sat down, and be transmitted to their posterity; and we hope their posterity have done nothing to forfeit them. It was kindly and justly said by bishop Burnet to a New-England agent, as I find it delivered before his excellent son, and the general assembly of this province, "that he would openly stand up for us, and notwith­standing all the obloquy that would be cast upon him for it, he would plead our cause; and when our charter should come to be con­sidered [Page 48] in the house of lords, he would there publicly declare, that there was a greater sa­credness in the charter of New-England, than in those of the corporations in England; for those were only acts of grace, whereas the charter of New-England was a contract be­tween the king and the first patentees; where­in they had promised to enlarge the king's do­minions on their own charges, provided that they and their posterity might enjoy such and such privileges: And now they had perform­ed their part, for the king to deprive their posterity of the privileges granted to them, would carry a face of injustice in it." Thus that great and good man." ^† Says another, "The New-England charter, was not consi­dered as an act of grace, but a compact be­tween the sovereign, and the first patentees."

Our fathers plead their right to the privi­lege of it, in their address to king Charles the second; wherein they say, "It was granted to them, their heirs, assigns and associates for­ever; not only the absolute use, and proprie­ty of the tract of land therein mentioned; but also full and absolute power of governing all [Page 49] the people of this place, by men chosen from among themselves, and according to such laws as they shall from time to time see meet to make and establish, not being repugnant to the laws of England, they paying only the fifth part of the ore of gold and silver, that shall be found here, for and in respect of all du­ties, demands, exactions and services whatsoe­ver." And from an apprehension, that the pow­ers given by the crown to the four Commissio­ners ^‖ sent here, were, in effect, subversive of their rights and government—they add—"We are carefully studious of all due subjection to your majesty, and that not only for wrath, but for conscience sake." "But it is a great un­happiness to be reduced to so hard a case, as to have no other testimony of our subjecton and loyalty offered us but this, viz. to destroy our own being, which nature teacheth us to preserve; or to yield up our liberties, which are far dearer to us than our lives—and which, had we any fear of being deprived of, we had never wandered from our fathers houses into these ends of the earth—nor laid out our la­bors and estates therein." ^†

[Page 50]BUT though they could thus plead, they pleaded in vain; that charter was vacated. As strong if not stronger pleas have been made by our friends in both houses of parliament, and by the people in this country in favor of the second charter, and against those bills, which have passed the two houses; but all to no purpose:—if his majesty has given, or does speedily give his assent to those bills, we shall be deprived of the greatest liberties and pri­vileges granted to us, in our charter, and this province will by means of such an alteration and change in their form of government, na­turally be thrown into a state of anarchy and confusion, for some time.

THIS province has always had its enemies, men who have looked upon its privileges, as a prey richly worth their seizing. Our ene­mies have generally been men born and bro't up among ourselves, who have been under every tie to guard, support and defend the rights of their native country. With respect to the measures which have been lately adopt­ed by the British court, in regard to America and this province in particular, they have been contrived, promoted, and greatly urged, chief­ly by natives of this land, Some of them are gone to the bar of God, in whose hands we are willing to leave them. All who have a­betted [Page 51] these measures we shall mark, and "the abhorrence and execrations of mankind will consign them to an infamous immortality." ^‡ Is it not almost unaccountable that any chil­dren of this land should prove such monsters and prodigies of wickedness, such unnatural parricides and assassins as to stab the vitals of their own country? But what will not lust af­ter power and dominion, or love of money, do? It "is the root of all evil, which while some coveted after, they have erred from the faith, and pierced themselves through with many sorrows."

BUT in times of public calamity and dis­tress, we may be too apt to overlook the first, the moral cause of the evils we suffer. We indeed [Page 52] cannot help taking some notice of the instru­ments of our griefs and sorrows. It is grant­ed there is the permission, and, perhaps, agen­cy of heaven in these evils, for "shall there be evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it?" Yet they who have been the vo­luntary instruments, in bringing these troubles upon the province, are not the less guilty; "thou couldst have no power against me, ex­cept it were given thee from above," said our Saviour to Pilate; yet this did not prove him innocent, "in condemning that just One." Divine Providence in such events is not to be impeached. The moral evils which take place in the world, are not to be charged on God. Nothing can justify, or excuse the contrivers and promoters of present measures: "Their guilt is of a scarlet color, and a crimson die." But be their crime what it will, it becomes us to enquire what we have done to provoke God thus to visit us in his anger, and to chasten us thus in his hot displeasure. It becomes us to reflect with deepest contrition and penitence of heart, on our past conduct, whereby we have offended the majesty of heaven, and merited severest punishment. "For the trans­gression of the land" these things are ordered, or permitted as a righteous chastisement, de­signed "for our profit," to bring us to true [Page 53] repentance and reformation. When I con­sider the way and manner of our punishment, I am ready to think, how much soever I may differ from some people, that we have greatly abused those very liberties and privileges, which, if these acts take place, we shall be de­prived of; that we have abused good govern­ment. May we not read our sins, in the face of our punishment? I would here ask, have not some people, under the notion of zeal for liberty, run into the most excessive licenti­ousness, and been guilty, in one place and an­other, of the most lawless, unjust, and tyran­nical proceedings, such as pulling down and destroying houses, abusing persons, endanger­ing mens lives, destroying their property, breaking windows, delivering prisoners out of the hands of justice, ^¶ and putting ma­ny into great fears; all contrary to the good and wholesome laws of this province? These things, many of them at least, are indeed but the natural consequences of a stretch of power [Page 54] in rulers and "princes," they are the common fruit of grievous, oppressive and unconstituti­onal acts of government. There was nothing of this kind among us, until the ever memora­ble stamp-act took place. Solomon has long since, observed, that "oppression maketh a wise man mad." But such lawless measures are not to be justified; they ought not to be coun­tenanced, or tolerated by any, nor have they been, by many. They do not always answer a valuable purpose, but evil generally comes thereof; they excite a spirit of revenge in the sufferers, and revenge has been pursued unto the utmost, the bitter and severe fruits where­of we are now reaping. In these times, when the general cry has been for liberty, have not some persons in the land, of a querulous, fac­tious and licentious turn, slid into the dan­gerous extreme of despising all government, and endeavoured to put down all rule, order, government and authority, both in church and state? Has not reasonable, just and mild government, in some parts of the land, been trampled on and spurned at, and good rulers reviled, slighted and set at nought? Liberty, my brethren, is a precious and inestimable jewel, and ought to be used with utmost cauti­on and delicacy. It may be as much abused as government and power, leading into mea­sures equally tyrannical and oppressive. The [Page 55] people who resist and counteract well conduc­ted civil administration, and trample upon the good and wholsome laws of the land, should consider that they "resist an ordinance of God, and they who resist shall receive to themselves damnation." It is not improbable, that some persons in the land appear rather favorers of the present oppressive measure of government, because they have seen too much of a factious, licentious and tumultuous spirit among some people.

BUT to proceed: In the act for regulating the civil government of this province, it is proposed that towns should be deprived of the liberty, which the laws of this province have given them, of meeting when they please, and acting upon whatever to them, may seem meet and good. And here it may be asked, Have not some towns in the land sinned great­ly, and highly provoked God, by an abuse of the liberty and power by law given to them? Has no town done things monstrously injuri­ous and oppressive? And have not the "cries of the injured, entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth?" It is possible that, under color of law, and that plea that all must be bound in all cases by the vote of the majority, even things most unjust and unrighteous, may be transacted. It is very difficult, if not im­possible, [Page 56] to frame laws in such a manner, as to prevent every species of injustice and iniquity. Are not towns therefore, which have been guilty of a perversion of their liberty, in judg­ment, and as a proper punishment, to be a­bridged thereof. Though, I grant, it looks most unreasonable and unjust, that innocent places should suffer with the guilty.

FURTHER: The manner of returning jury­men is by the above act to be altered, and the privilege granted, by our laws, to towns to re­turn them, is to be wrested from them. And have not some towns sinned greatly in the sight of God, by trifling, in the most daring manner with this invaluable privilege, which has been looked upon as our main security a­gainst the licentiousness of power. Have not some places returned such persons, to serve as grand jurymen, and jurymen on trials, in most interesting and important causes, as neither fear God, nor regard man? Persons, who not only have no religion, but are enemies to all religion and goodness; men who can deistical­ly reproach the excellent, well attested religi­on of Jesus Christ, and blaspheme its divine Author? Men "who fear not an oath? Per­sons who have no regard to religion, to divine revelation, will never think themselves bound to regard an oath; they can, and often do, [Page 57] trifle with it. Have there been no instances wherein persons of this cast, have been really picked, to serve a turn? Are our lives, our interest, our property more safe in the hands of such persons, than they would be in the hands of a jury returned by the sheriff? The remedy provided against this evil by the act of the British court, is as bad as the disease; for although it may prevent some evils, it will create more. Some other, better and more effectual remedy, might be provided by our own legislature, and really ought to be; for this is a "crying iniquity in our high places."

FURTHER, By the above mentioned act, the liberty of our choosing our own counsel­lors is to be taken from us, and put into the hands of the crown: This, if it takes place, must ere long, have a vast influence on our liberty, laws and religion. And we may ex­pect that some alteration will soon be made in the form of choosing our own representatives. When these dearest liberties are threat­ned, does it not become this people, seriously to ask whether they have not, by an abuse hereof, offended the most high God? We have all along had great and good men in the two houses of assembly; men of great abili­ties, fearing God and hating covetousness. But have they all been of this character? Have [Page 58] none been elected to a seat in either house, who have been enemies to religion, peace, order and good government? We are in a most pitiful situation, if there are not men sufficient for all the places of government, who are well qualified therefor; men not on­ly friendly to the rights and liberties of this people, but men discerning in the times and seasons, and knowing what they ought to do; men of religion and piety, as well as sound judgment and enlarged knowledge. Electors ought to have a regard to the religious and moral characters of the men, whom they ap­point to rule over the people, as well as to other necessary qualifications. The directi­on of heaven in this case is plain; "Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetous­ness; and place such over them." ^* Men of another character, men who will trifle with, and sacrifice, their own most important inter­ests, will also sacrifice the interests of others, to serve their own sinister views and purposes. Has that due regard been paid to the moral and religious character of men, who have been appointed to places of civil power and trust, men whose business it is, to see that the laws of the land are well executed, which ought to be in all cases? But not to enlarge, [Page 59] have we not too much reason, from the pun­ishment which is threatned, to think that we have wantonly trifled with, and shamefully a­bused these our inestimable liberties and privi­leges, that our sins, in these respects have been very great, and most provoking to God? But our sins, as a people, for which we now suffer severe judgments, (and severer we are threat­ned with) cannot be reckoned up in order. Suffice it to say, that so many and so great are our iniquities and transgressions, that we have reason to fear, destruction from the Al­mighty will come upon us to the uttermost. Nothing without timely repentance and a­mendment, so striving to recommend ourselves to the divine Being, can save us. Says God, "At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it: If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them." ^†

HOWEVER faulty and guilty the instru­ments and agents in our calamities are, yet considering our impieties and sins, they are but a just and righteous punishment as com­ing from the hands of God, which may be averted by deep humiliation and hearty con­trition for our offences; offering, at the same [Page 60] time, as we profess to do this day, ardent prayers to Him, who is able to save, commit­ting our righteous cause to him, who so mar­vellously appeared for our fore-fathers in their day, and even for us in our day. "His arm is not shortened that it cannot save; his ear is not heavy that it cannot hear." "They who make mention of the Lord, should not keep silence, and give him no rest, till he establish, and make this land a praise in the earth." "For Zion, or the churches sake they should not hold their peace, and for Jerusalem's sake should they not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth as brightness, and the salva­tion thereof as a lamp that burneth." ^‡ Is it not altogether unaccountable that any persons who acknowledge a Providence superintend­ing, governing and ordering in all events, should be found backward to the duties of such a day of fasting and prayer? For how­ever we may differ in sentiments as to what are our calamities, this is certain, there is a­bundant occasion for deep humiliation on ac­count of our sins, and the divine judgments brought on the land therefor, whatever we may think our sins and those judgments be.

THIS country seems to be in a most alarm­ing and critical situation. So dark a day per­haps [Page 61] North-America never saw. There is scarce one gleam of light breaks through the darkness, to comfort our hearts withal. In­deed we might hope that, that God who so wonderfully owned and smiled upon the cause for which our fore-fathers came into this, then howling wilderness would still own and smile upon it; but our iniquities testify against us, and we must be sensible that for our abuse of the blessings of religious liberty, and the gos­pel, we have forfeited them into the hands of God. Our religious liberties are always en­dangered when the civil are invaded; and from present appearances we have all reason to fear they will fall together, and that it will not be long before that ecclesiastical hierarchy will be established here (and possibly that spi­ritual tyranny be exercised) from which our fore-fathers fled. It seems strange, that a deep concern of mind respecting this matter, should not be awakened in every friend to the dissent­ing interest.

WHAT are the leading springs and motives of the present measures of administration it is hard to say. We have reason to fear, at least, that a design is forming to dethrone his pre­sent majesty, king George the third, our right­ful sovereign, and to introduce the Pretender, and with him the popish religion. Popery is, [Page 62] no doubt, gaining ground in England. A high dignitary of the church of England, as we suppose, has declared, but a few years since, that "popish bishops reside here," (that is in London, or in England somewhere) "and go a­bout to exercise every part of their function, without offence, and without observation." ^† "The papists, only in London, were by com­putation an hundred thousand, in the year 1745, since which their numbers are vastly in­creased there, and in other parts of the king­dom; the people being, as it is said, pervert­ed by popish bishops, priests, jesuits, &c. by hundreds and thousands, if not ten thousands, yearly." ^‡ The good laws of England, it ap­pears from hence, are dormant and unexecu­ted, against papists; nor would it be any reflec­tion to say, that, possibly, some of this perswa­sion may be advanced to places of high power and trust in our nation. Certain it is, that his majesty's council in Grenada, an American island, is composed partly, if not wholly of Roman catholicks. There is a popish bishop at Canada. This, it is said, was stipulated, in the last treaty of peace between England [Page 63] and France. There is a popish priest at No­va-Scotia, who is supported by England, as I have been informed. These things, so tolera­ted and countenanced, may well lead us to fear that some secret designs are planning a­gainst the crown, and protestant religion in England, the abettors whereof may, not im­probably, ere long boldly show their faces, and openly own their cause. However that be, these things forebode no good to the civil con­stitution, or ecclesiastical, of Great-Britain. The principles and tenets of papists are such, as that it is not safe for any protestant govern­ment to tolerate them. The dissenting inter­est in America will doubtless suffer, if popery should ever overspread England. We in this land have abundant reason to fear and be a­larmed; and especially when we consider how barren and unfruitful we have been while planted in the Lord's vineyard, and favored with divine manurings and cultivations; and have, like Capernaum, been exalted, unto heaven, in point of spiritual privileges and ad­vantages;—we have reason to fear lest the gos­pel kingdom should be taken from us, and given unto a people, that will bring forth the fruits thereof. But God is merciful and gra­cious, and long suffering to us ward, not will­ing that we should perish, but desirous that we come unto repentance, and be saved. The [Page 64] monitory language of divine Providence at the present day, seems to be like that admonition, long ago sent to the church of Ephesus. "Re­member therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first works; or else I will come unto thee quickly and will remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent." ^‖ O that, when such are the judg­ments of heaven we feel and fear, this people would learn righteousness. "Righte­ousness exalteth a nation." Says one, whose words may very fitly be used here.—"Could we see people in general, humbling themselves under the mighty hand of God, in the evils that are come upon us—could we see a gene­ral disposition in them, to break off from their sins by righteousness, and from their iniqui­ties by turning to the Lord—could we see practical piety and religion prevailing among all ranks of men—how much would the pros­pect brighten up? God would appear for us, "who is the hope of his people and the Sa­viour thereof in the day of trouble." And "if God be for us, who can be against us?" He can work deliverance for us in a thousand ways to us unknown. Then our peace shall be as a river, when our righteousness is as the waves of the sea. Mutual harmony and af­fection shall be restored between Great-Britain [Page 65] and her colonies, and between all orders of men in them. The burdens under which we groan shall be removed. We shall no longer be so unhappy, as to be suspected of wanting loyalty to our king, or of having the least disposition to refuse a constitutional subjection to our pa­rent country. The great evils which we now suffer, in consequence of such groundless sus­picions, shall be removed. We shall sit quiet­ly under our vines and fig-trees, enjoying the fruit of our fathers unremitting labors, and of our own, and have none to make us afraid. We shall behold our settlements extending themselves into the yet uncultivated lands. "The wilderness shall become a fruitful field, and the desart shall blossom as the rose." Our navigation shall be freed from its present em­barrassments; and trade recover a flourishing state. Our rights and privileges shall be es­tablished on a firmer basis than ever. Every revolving year shall add something to the glo­ry and happiness of America. And those that behold it shall see occasion to say, "Happy art thou O people! Who is like unto thee, saved of the Lord! The shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thine excellency."

"WHOSE breast doth not burn with desires to see his dear native land in such a state, the happy reverse of its present one! Who would [Page 66] not be ambitious of contributing something towards it! This we have all power [...] Let us up, and be doing, and the [...] be with us." ^¶

THE present alarming situation of this whole land engages our attention, and demands the united exertions of this people, in the methods justifiable in the sight of God, for our deliver­ance. It would be unpardonable in us tame­ly to submit to slavery and chains. Freedom is the gift of God; he has given us right and means to assert it. We may reasonably ask and expect his gracious assistance, in the rea­sonable and righteous employment of those means. It would be most stupid and highly cirminal in us to look for deliverance, while we sat still only asking divine help. This would be to expect miracles. Unanimity in all orders and ranks of people, is necessary at the present alarming crisis, to give weight, force and strength to all attempts to save this sinking land. They who endeavor artfully to divide, are attempting to destroy us, and must answer for all the ill consequences. "That the people should be divided, and some of them disengaged from such a cause as that of their country's freedom, by small private piques and prejudicing contentions; or influenced by [Page 67] little hopes and fears about worldly promotions and interests, should treat it in a nugatory manner, is entirely astonishing! But our sur­prize abates, when we consider, how capable human nature is of trifling in the most imme­diate concerns of religion—in reference to e­ternal life, and everlasting misery." Those inhuman and barbarous miscreants who have been plotting their country's ruin; those sor­did wretches, who, perferring their own pri­vate interest, to the salvation of their country, can "rejoice at" her "calamites, will not go unpunished" by heaven, and justly merit the abhorrence, detestation and total neglect of this suffering people.

LAWFUL and justifiable means of redress are within our power. "Other nations have contended in blood for their liberty, and have judged the jewel worth the price that was paid for it. These colonies are not reduced to the dreadful necessity. So dependant is Greät-Britain on us for supplies, that heaven seems to have placed in our hands means of an effectual, yet peaceable, resistance, if we have sense and integrity to make a proper use of them. A general agreement between these colonies, of non-importation and non-expor­tation, an engagement among this people, not to consume India-teas, or British manufactures, [Page 68] faithfully observed, would certainly, under Providence, be attended with success." But in all attempts of this kind, we should careful­ly endeavor, not to distress any fellow crea­tures, unless our own self-defence and the pre­servation of our country, make it necessary. This is a measure towards obtaining relief which violates no law of God or man. No law obliges us to go to another country for food or cloathing, or any thing besides, if we can do without. If the present acts of parlia­ment take place here (and subsequent ones we may continually look for) we must be driven, of necessity, to live more within ourselves; we shall not have the means of procuring British goods, and in that case England must sink; ruin and bankrupcy to all the trading part of the nation, will be the consequence. The great­est source of national wealth to Great-Britain, is her trade to these colonies. We maintain a far greater number of people, in England, than we do here. These colonies, are to Eng­land, as the pillars were to the house which Sampson brake, whereby the house fell on the Lords and all the people. If we fall the whole British empire will fall with us; and possibly that may fall while we stand. Nothing will save the nation from ruin, if America does not. Ireland, groaning under Egyptian-like bondage, is stretching forth her hands, and [Page 69] calling to us for help and relief. What will be the issue of the present commotions throughout the whole British empire, it is not easy to foretel. It was long ago pro­phesied, by the great Montesquieu, that "As all human things have an end, the state we are speaking of (England) will lose its liber­ty, will perish. Have not Rome, Sparta, and Carthage perished? It will perish, when the legislative power shall be more corrupt than the executive." We may fear that this pro­phecy is near its accomplishment.

BE that as it may. While we are suffering the loss of many valuable blessings, we should not forget that, of the unmerited mercy of God, we still are in the possession of a rich va­riety of inestimable favors. Let us endeavor to make all suitable returns of love, gratitude and obedience, to that Being, "from whom cometh down every good and perfect gift," herefor; while, at the same time, we are con­stantly looking to God, by prayer, for the re­moval of his judgments, under which the land groaneth, for the averting those evils which may be impending, and for the bestow­ment of every blessing, "that he would re­member us, with the favor he beareth unto his people, and visit us with his salvation, that we may see the good of his chosen, that we may [Page 70] rejoice in the gladness of his nation, and that we may glory with his inheritance." ^† Let us carefully follow the direction of the Psal­mist. "Fret not thyself because of evil doers, neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity: For they shall soon be cut down like the grass, and wither as the green herb. Trust in the Lord and do good; so shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed. Delight thyself also in the Lord; and he shall give thee the desires of thine heart. Commit thy way unto the Lord: Trust also in Him, and he shall bring it to pass. And he shall bring forth thy righteousness as the light, and thy judgment as the noon-day. Rest in the Lord, and wait patiently for Him: Fret not thyself because of him who prospereth in his way, because of the man who bringeth wick­ed devices to pass. Cease from anger, and forsake wrath: Fret not thyself in any wise to do evil. For evil doers shall be cut off: But those that wait upon the Lord they shall inherit the earth. For yet a little while, and the wicked shall not be: Yea, thou shalt dili­gently consider his place, and it shall not be. But the meek shall inherit the earth; and shall delight themselves in the abundance of peace." ^‡

[Page 71]TO conclude. While struggling for deli­verance from arbitrary human power, and for civil liberty, let us remember that we are in voluntary slavery under the usurped dominion of lust over reason, and let us exert ourselves for deliverance from the bondage of corrupti­on, and that we may be vindicated "into the glorious liberty of the children of God." We must not expect refined happiness in this pre­sent evil world. Infinite wisdom sees meet to exercise us with various trials in this state, that we may be disengaged from a too fond pur­suit of worldly felicity, and be excited to seek those things which are above. There is a bet­ter country before us, even an heavenly; be this the main object of our desires, pursuit and endeavors. Let us manifest, by all our life and conversation, that we are seeking a city which is to come, which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. In a little time death will translate us to another world, and "seeing we look for this, let us be dili­gent that we may be found of our Judge in peace, without spot, and blameless;" and then we shall be forever happy in that state where "the wicked cease from troubling, and we shall no more hear the voice of the oppressor." There an eternal circle of uninterrupted hap­piness, large as our wishes, awaits us, to which we shall, at length, be admitted, of the mercy of God, in Christ Jesus, our Lord. AMEN!