A few political reflections submitted to the consideration of the British colonies, by a citizen of Philadelphia.

A few political reflections submitted to the consideration of the British colonies, by a citizen of Philadelphia.

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A FEW POLITICAL REFLECTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES.

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NUMBER II.

NUMBER III.

NUMBER IV.

NUMBER V.

NUMBER VI.

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A FEW Political Reflections SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES, BY A CITIZEN OF PHILADELPHIA.

PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED and SOLD by JOHN DUNLAP.

M,DCC,LXXIV.

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THE following Reflections were periodically published in the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET; and the Printer of that News Paper having had a Call for all the surplus Numbers remaining on Hand after supplying his Subscribers, he has ventured to republish them, and turn them abroad without Comment or Recommendation.

The Editor.

A FEW POLITICAL REFLECTIONS SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BRITISH COLONIES.

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1

SO loud and important is the present cry for liberty, that it cannot but rouse every man who has the welfare of his country at heart; and it becomes every man's duty to exert himself on the occasion. We have, my Brethren, a dangerous slippery path to tread: Let us then carefully pick our way, and attentively inspect every road that is pointed to our view.—Let us patiently hear and consider every opinion that is offered with candor. Let us not reject, with contempt, whatever disagrees with our own private sentiments. In the multitude of counsel there is wisdom.

THE dispute between Great-Britain and her colonies is now reduced to a single point.—Whether the Parliament shall give laws to America; a point so unjust, so unnatural and absurd, that not only every American, but many of the inhabitants of Britain, must unite in opposing it. In what manner this opposition is to be made, becomes a question of [Page] the most serious nature.—The ultima ratio—to oppose force to force, is what the heart of every American must revolt at; for with whom should we engage?—Our friends—our countrymen—our kindred — No! let not the base profligacy of a Ministry, abandoned to every principle of virtue, and raging for despotism, tempt such near and dear connexions to sheath the sword in each others bowels.—There are surer, safer means to end the controversy.—It is with great deference I hazard my opinion with my countrymen; I know I must stand or fall with you, and am, in the highest degree, earnest to have us act with spirit and prudence.

THE first emotions of anger cannot be supposed always to dictate the best adapted schemes; for at that time a degree of revenge will ever attend the remedy. Let us be calm, my Brethren; let us confer freely and closely together, and let us determine, like men of sense, to bear difference in sentiments with becoming coolness. We all mean the same thing, we all desire to be extricated from the common danger; and is it to be wondered at, if we view the matter in different points of light.

THE first resolves from our afflicted Brethren in Boston intimate a design of suspending all trade with the West-Indies: Far be it from me to condemn them for such a step, at a time when under the agonizing influence of arbitrary subjection, with their properties and liberties wrested from them; but cooler thoughts must convince men, who have so clear a view of the rights of mankind as they have, that punishments should only be inflicted where Justice directs. Our Brethren in the Islands are so unfortunately surrounded with natural domestic enemies, that self-preservation, the strongest principle [Page] nature, prompts them to a kind of acquiescence with acts of Parliament; and their want of internal means of independent support must ever render it prudent for them to oppose their Mother Country with caution. Their dependance on us for provision is so great, that should it be suddenly withheld, a general famine in the Islands must inevitably ensue; for it would be a considerable time before the English Merchants would throw their trade into that channel: The high price of provisions in England would deter them from venturing; as also probably some doubts might arise in their minds of our strictly adhering to our resolutions. Thus should we inflict the severest of punishments upon an innocent people, that, by their sufferings, we might find relief.—No, my Brethren, we are not yet reduced to the sad necessity of acting unbecoming that spirit of liberty we profess.—Some may argue that the Islands have upwards of seventy members in Parliament; but let us remember they are not chosen by the West Indians; they only happen to be gentlemen that have sugar estates; and any American gentleman, that chooses to settle in England, and will not begrudge the knavery and the price, may obtain a seat.

SOME of our neighbours, in Maryland, have extended their views a step further, and propose withholding the monies due to their Merchants in England: But this, on reconsidering the subject, they will certainly give up. All liberty is founded in justice, and I hope every American will spurn at the thought of acting beneath the character of men and Christians: Let us first do strict justice to others, and then we can with confidence assert our own rights. The Merchants of England have entrusted us with their fortunes; they have placed in us the [Page] most unlimited confidence; nay, they are our warmest advocates and friends; shall we then unjustly take a step that would infallibly ruin them? Far be it from us, and I hope the gentlemen of Maryland, who have hastily adopted this sentiment, will readily retract, when they consider it in all its consequences; amongst which the breach of public mercantile faith ought not to be esteemed the least.

OUR commerce with England being founded on mutual convenience, and voluntary compact, it certainly rests with us to determine how far it shall be extended, and when it shall cease; this is a right which even Lord North, with all his arbitrary views, dare not deny. No man can be obliged to purchase goods of another; the seller can do no more than expose his wares to public sale, the buyer is to determine what, when, and how much he will buy; this being the case, it becomes now a question, whether this is not the time to make a general exercise of that power: As an individual, after having maturely weighed the subject, I give my voice for exerting it, in its fullest extent. I would recommend a general non-importation, as the most effectual means of convincing the people of England of how much importance we are. Their manufacturers will quickly feel the stagnation of trade, and remonstrate in our behalf to the Legislature; here is our ground, here let us fight them; 'tis a ground we can maintain with an honest conscience, and let us not quit it, till they have disavowed the right of taxing by whatever name; and let us not forget to insist on a repeal of the Wool bill, the Hat bill, and the Iron bill, which are in their nature more obnoxious to liberty than the Revenue acts. Perhaps it may be said we cannot do without English goods long enough to effect our purposes; I do assure you, Brethren, [Page] it is most certainly a mistaken opinion; if we can but determine to throw by our luxuries, nor cast off our clothes till they are ready to fall from our backs, we have stock sufficient to last for years to come. Let every patch on our garments stand as a proof of our patriotism, and let no man be ashamed of an old coat. But as in the effecting so desirable a purpose, the burthen will fall particularly heavy on the Importers and Retailers, many of whom have no other way of supporting their families, I would recommend an earnest attention to their situation; for it would be the highest injustice to require them to fall a sacrifice to the general cause:—'Tis through them we are to conquer—then let us not doom them the unhappy victims, to spring the mine, that we may enter the citadel. The present tax demanded of us is so trifling, that, for the mere quantum, it might not be an object of our attention; but all the horrid train of Parliamentary impositions, which would certainly follow, must rouse every man to acknowledge the necessity of our bleeding freely in this important contest.

TO apply the properest remedy on this occasion, may not fall within the small sphere of my discernment: What occurs I humbly offer to consideration. If the former annual profit of every Importer and Retailer was to be candidly and fairly stated, and the deficiency, that might arise during the non-importation, made up to them by the public, I should with the utmost chearfulness pay my proportion of the tax;—but as it is not probable, that any Governor would be hardy enough to give his assent to a bill for that service, it is a scheme that must be rejected. Therefore I would propose, that a large judicious Committee be chosen, who should fix the rates, at which Merchants and Retailers might sell [Page] their stocks on hand; and that those Rates be fixed so high, as to be a probably sufficient compensation for their suffering in the public cause: And that they should become bound to each other, not to sell under price. Thus every consumer would contribute his proportion, and pay the joyful price of his liberty. But before a step of this kind is taken, let it be by the joint voice of the country as well as town: Let their sentiments be taken, their liberties are concerned as well as ours; perhaps they may project some scheme more likely to answer the end. Let us be open to every man's counsel, we have but one point to aim at, and it matters not who hits the mark.

THE Honourable House of Burgesses in Virginia, whose noble sentiments of liberty, and independancy of spirit, justly entitle them to a foremost rank amongst the American Legislatures, have taken up the matter with a becoming mixture of firmness and moderation; and if I am led to controvert some of their opinions, it is with the utmost respect and deference. Had their Governor permitted them to continue the session a few days longer, they would probably have made the necessary strictures on their own resolves.—A tenderness for the Manufacturers of Great-Britain, so far as it is consistent with the welfare of America, is what every humane mind amongst us must applaud; and I honour them for the sentiment: But should it appear on closer investigation, that a partial attachment to their interest would essentially injure our own, no man can hesitate to determine on the part we ought to take. Impelled by resentment against the East- India Company, for their ungenerous and officicus attempt to rivet on us the cruel shackles forged by the iron hand of Parliament, it is not to be wondered [Page] at, if every American should unite in a resolution to let them feel the just punishment of their folly. Should we determine on a partial non-importation, by confining it solely to East-India goods, it would undoubtedly be a very heavy blow to the Company, and might interest them in a repeal of the acts we complain of: But on the other hand, it must be observed, we should unite the manufacturing interest of England against the repeal, and thereby cast an unlooked for weight into the ministerial scale; for as many of the manufactures of India are imitated in England, and for others they make good substitutes, we could not more effectually gratify the English artisan, than by withdrawing our custom from the India warehouse; and in this the landed interest would concur. Whatever increases the demand for the manufactures of a country, eventually extends to the Landholder; for the Tradesman having money to spend, can afford to pay a good price to the Farmer, and he of course a good rent to the Landlord. Thus instead of facilitating our measures, we should furnish the Minister with fresh strength to prosecute his determined plan of subjugating the Americans. However far the Premier may have bent his force to support the India Company, I cannot think he will abandon the principle of taxing America, purely to serve them. Should the scheme of a partial non-importation take place, and be attended with the consequence, here surmised, chagrined at the disappointment, and mortified with the want of foresight, we must still have recourse to other measures. If a partial non-importation was thought absolutely neccessary, strange as the proposition may seem, I should think it more adviseable to confine ourselves to the use of East-India goods solely; whereby a jealousy would be excited between the English and India [Page] interest; and a repeal might thereby be brought about; but this is by no means consistent with my apprehension of the matter. It is A GENERAL NON- IMPORTATION HONESTLY ADHERED TO, that must work our deliverance; it is the only natural peaceable remedy in our power. It may be said, that thereby the poor manufacturers of Great- Britain will be reduced to great want and distress, and that as they by no means promoted the acts, they claim the same reasoning in their favour, as our Brethren in the islands: but their cases are by no means similar. The Islanders might actually starve without our supplies; but the poor of England cannot, will not, perish with famine, whilst there is bread in the land. The laws of England secure a support to the necessitous; the rich, who made those laws, know they must support them; and should it be dealt out with a scanty hand, the fullfed spirit of Englishmen would quickly trample down the distinctions of meum and tuum, and administer to their own wants. Instances of this sort are not to seek; the annals of George the second and third produce them in abundance; and no subject has more seriously engrossed the attention of thinking men in the nation than the clamour about provisions. Here we may sensibly wound them, but let it not be a mortal blow: far be it from the heart of a child essentially to injure a parent; let our incisions be no deeper than are just necessary to discharge the corrupted mass that collects about her vitals, and to couch the cataract in her eyes; and if her auditory nerves are too much clogged, let us inject a little of the spiritus Americani, and restore to her that necessary sense:—But to quit the metaphor. Let us endeavour to convince them, that the Island of Great Britain is properly a land of manufacturers, surrounded by harbours for exportation; and that [Page] the continent of America is a most valuable granary at her service. Let them but repeal all restrictive laws, and freely open to us their ports, and then I trust they will never see their Manufacturers ‘forsaken, nor their seed begging bread.’

THE genius of America is agriculture, and for ages to come must continue so. An extensive wilderness to the westward will long receive the gradual overflowings of population; and the Manufacturer of Great-Britain will never meet with a formidable rival in the shape of an American Farmer, so long as he can purchase the cloathing of his family with the produce of his fields. 'Tis numbers closely pent up together, that point out the necessity of applying art to nature, and new modeling her materials.

I crave your patience, Brethren, to attend me a little further. We have now had time to take a retrospective view of our conduct towards the different cargoes of Tea sent to this continent; some of which have been destroyed, some landed, and some sent back. Moderate men begin to think, that the destruction of the Tea at Boston was rather a rash procedure, and that recompence ought to be made. If I understand the Philadelphian Committee right, they meant to advise such a measure to our afflicted Brethren; and I heartily concur with them therein. Some amongst us congratulate the Pennsylvanians on getting so happily through their affair; but, Brethren, I cannot think we should leave it here; if the Tea destroyed at Boston requires payment, on a principle of equity and justice, because it was the property of others, with equal propriety may it be expected from us to pay for the freight and damages of the Tea sent back from hence. The property of the East-India Company [Page] was alike injured in both cases; and, from a parity of reasoning, it becomes a charge upon us. Let it not be said the Company has made no such demand, therefore we will make no such proposal. I apprehend the laws of right and wrong are eternally and invariably the same; and, from a sense of justice, we ought to be beforehand with the payment. He that is no honester than the laws of government require, will never stand foremost in the lists of honour.— Yes, my Brethren, I am bold to recommend the voluntary offer of a compensation, and shall heartily subscribe my quota.

BRETHREN—I beg leave to extend my views still a little further. After every assembly on the continent has atttempted to take legal and constitutional measures for redress, and either their attempts are defeated, or their measures fail, then arrives a most interesting, a most alarming period. When a nation can derive no benefit from its government, the very end of government is frustrated; and the wretched inhabitants are reduced near to a state of nature, and have all to begin anew.—I cannot help expressing my astonishment, as I proceed in this subject, at the rashness and unparalleled folly of Great Britain, a nation so highly valued for its jealous preservation of civil liberty, that her conduct towards her colonies on the present occasion, must greatly tarnish the glory of her annals. Has she trained up her children, like calves in the stall, to fall bloody victims by her own unnatural cruel hands?—What could she wish from us more than we freely gave? For whom have we toiled in this once uncultivated wilderness? For whose benefit do we rise up early, and lie down late, is it not for Great Britain?—Are not our sails spread to every wind that blows under heaven, to bear away the [Page] dear earnings of the sweat of our brow, that they may at last centre in Britain? Are we not her faithful generous customers for all the various commodities of her industrious workmen? Do we clamor at the prices they exact! Do we not cheerfully pay whatever they are pleased to charge us for their goods? Whenever, in the course of trade, we collect the specie of other nations, we lavishly pour it into Britannia's lap; whilst, with an honest confidence in each other's honor, we content ourselves with a medium * of commerce of no intrinsic value, that our once fond Mother may revel in our real wealth. What more, in a commercial way, has she a right to wish?

BUT to return from this digression,—If Great Britain, by an arbitrary exertion of power, reduces us to a state of anarchy: so much must every man be enamoured with the blessings of civil government, that he will wish to raise from the ruins a new fabrick somewhat resembling the old.—If we cannot have the benefit of advice from our constitutional Assemblies, we must have recourse to the Vox Populi:— A new Phoenix must arise out of the ashes.—Therefore I would respectfully propose, that every county in every province should elect as many members for a popular Assembly, as they now return to their legal Assembly. That the qualifications for the electors, and elected, be the same in both elections. That when this is done throughout the continent, a place of congress should be appointed; and each popular Assembly should instruct and send at least six members, and that this GRAND ASSEMBLY should unite in a firm and respectful remonstrance to the whole Legislature of Great Britain; asserting [Page] our natural and acquired rights, and tendering offers of accommodation. For, Brethren, we are united to Great Britain by the strongest and closest ties of interest, as well as affection; she has a right to expect something from us at some future day;—with submission I speak it—I say she has a right to expect something from us, and the time is perhaps not very distant, when we should determine what that something shall be.

IT has been formerly urged that the Americans, buying the manufactures of Britain, do actually and bona fide pay all the taxes levied on the Manufacturers; because a sufficient living profit must remain to the Manufacturer, after paying those taxes. This argument, tho' at first view specious, I apprehend is not so extensive in its conclusion, as the writers on the subject imagine. If we contend that we pay a proportionable part of the taxes of Great Britain, by purchasing her manufactures, it must be observed, that we do not pay higher for those goods than her own inhabitants, who consume of their own manufactures a much larger quantity than we do.—Therefore on the subject of taxes arising out of their manufactures, we with them, and they with us, are just upon a level; and of course every actual tax paid by them towards the support of government, exclusive of what they pay in the prices of the manufactures they use, is just so much more than we pay.

IT may perhaps be said that England, being greatly enriched by having such valuable customers, is bound, in point of interest, to secure and protect us; and should we determine never to contribute a single farthing towards her coffers, but in the way of trade, and even had she no means in her power [Page] of extorting it from us, still would she continue to shield us with her arm, and cover us from danger. For what man throws up a farm as useless for so weak a reason, as it's not always yielding him an hundred fold; he will estimate the whole charge of cultivation, and then, if the produce exceeds the cost, he is encouraged to proceed. Why have the English spent so much in defence of Portugal?— Is it for affection?—Is it for preserving the balance of power?—Or is it for some annual subsidy?— No—it is for the protection of such valuable customers in the possession of their gold, that they may live to export it for the Manufactures of Great Britain; being fully sensible of the benefit of riches flowing from industry. But waving the policy of England, let us, my Brethren, with the true spirit of honest men, do the thing which is just. Let America be characterized by an eye of discernment, a heart of integrity, and an open hand.

IT is true we have internal taxes, for the support of government amongst ourselves; but those taxes, only respecting our internal convenience and security, include no competent idea of defence against a foreign power. If America should establish an independance, which I pray Heaven avert, we should soon fall a prey to some of the maritime Princes, unless we could maintain a fleet sufficient to guard our coast; how far this would be practicable, I leave every American to judge for himself. As the case stands at present, we turn our eyes to Britain on every impending danger; we look to her fleets for protection and defence. Ought we not then, my Brethren, to think of contributing some portion of the national expence? Though in the all powerful hands of Providence, the fleets of nations, and the [Page] armies of Kings, are but as chaff before the wind, and his fiat is sufficient to screen us from every machination of evil; yet as he is pleased to permit his creatures to breath forth that spirit of rancour and ill-will towards each other, for purposes in his wisdom far beyond my conception, the concerns of human civil government point out carnal means of preservation; and, till a much wished universal restoration of purity succeeds, the policy of nations must partake of the spirit of war. Therefore, Brethren, suppose we should tender them some annual sum for the support of government, and raise it in certain quotas amongst ourselves. Let us stipulate for the same free trade they have; and let America be considered as joined to Great Britain. If the inhabitants of London, Liverpool, and Bristol, enjoy an equal privilege in trade, why should not we be considered in the same point of light? What narrow soul'd policy is it that draws a line of distinction between a Briton and an American? Let the wealth of the British empire equally diffuse itself, and like water find its level. If a flood of wealth pours into a country through the channels of trade, it quickly ebbs out again in pursuit of luxuries and dainties; and thus, by successive undulations, gives motion to the springs of the whole empire. Our distant situation renders it impracticable to unite us with each other in legislation. Let each govern its own internal affairs, and all unite in the grand bulwark of the nation. What shall be the portion for America to contribute, will become a question of deep decision, nor should it be hastily determined. I would wish England to make the demand, and leave us to deliberate on it.—I know America would be generous,—I hope England would be just.

[Page]BEFORE the point is finally settled, let it be well ascertained what is to be understood by acts for regulating of trade. Amongst our political writers on the American side of the question, there are some of such high characters for judgment and discernment, as to make me less positive in asserting my opinion on the subject. But I must confess I could never be convinced, by their arguments, of the practicability of drawing a line so near the borders of taxation, as not to encroach upon that ground; a ground that is worth contending for—a ground we must contend for with all our might. Let it be remembered that the King has a negative upon all our bills, which ought to be deemed a sufficient check upon our conduct. We acknowledge the King of Great Britain for our Sovereign—we love him—we revere him—we are attached to him both by policy and principle; but cannot—must not allow any kind of authority in his Parliament; and if that Parliament would but attend to the true constitutional interest of the empire, they would cease to claim it.

AND now, Brethren, let me recommend unanimity and prudence amongst ourselves. Let no distinctions of sects or countries prevail amongst us. Let little party views subside and sink in the general cause; and let the calamities that at present threaten us, tend to unite us ‘in one firm band of amity and love.’ Hence we may hope to transmit to our posterity a glorious prospect of lasting freedom, embellished with a back ground of fertile fields, and thickly settled villages. Then shall our children, and childrens children, bless the virtue and resolution of their forefathers, whilst nobly pursuing our virtuous plan, they cultivate and extend [Page] an amazing American empire, and rank in splendor, independance, and riches, with all the united powers of the Eastern World.

"Troy is no more, and Ilium was a town."

Sic transit gloria mundi.

Philadelphia, June 11th, 1774.

NUMBER II.

THE more I consider the importance of the present controversy, the more am I convinced of the necessity of wisdom in our councils, by which we may more certainly expect, under Providence, a happy issue to our virtuous struggle: and virtuous I have no doubt it will be hereafter termed, by even those with whom we now contend:—but we must keep the strictest guard over our passions.—Reason must command our forces, and justice lead the way to conquest: thus shall we ride triumphant over our enemies, and compel them both to fear and admire us.—Pardon me, Brethren, if in pursuing this subject, I seem sometimes to assume the stile of dictation; I mean but to give my honest guileless sentiments —sentiments that are but the pure effusions of a heart devoted to my country,—I cannot sit an idle unconcerned spectator, Codrus like, "amidst a bursting world." And O! that I could unite the bewitching powers of eloquence and wisdom, that, through the medium of your passions, I might gain the plaudit of your judgment.—I know there needs but your calm attention, and all will be well.— Justice and truth will ever prevail, and their fiercest enemies fall at last prostrate at their feet. The conflict [Page] may be tedious, but a virtuous perseverance will gain the day.

THE sparkling ideas of a warm imagination are too apt to soar into the regions of danger, and, without providing a proper retreat, involve the bold adventurer in unthought of perplexities. But let us, my Brethren, like skilful Generals, send our scouts abroad—view the designs and strength of our enemy, and secure the most advantageous posts the ground will admit.—Calmness in council, and previous manoeuvres, mark as strongly the genius of a General, as presence of mind, and courage in the field. The nation whose wise policy in the cabinet baffles the invidious attempts of hostile neighbours, without calling forth the horrors ot military carnage, shines brighter in the annals of a christain age than if poutrayed with all the splendid clangor of arms died in blood, and surrounded with the victorious trophies of fallen thousands.

THOSE who stand on higher ground than I do, may probably have their circle of vision enlarged, and with stronger optic organs look further into distant events.—Mine I confess have been too much confined to a narrower sphere; and nothing but my country's weal could tempt me to clamber up the rugged mountains of politicks.

I have already, with much submission, declared my sentiments, that a general non-importation was the only weapon we should wield in this unnatural ministerial war; and wish I may be happy enough to convince my countrymen that we need not go further.

[Page]SHOULD the proposal made by some of our southern Brethren, and countenanced by some in this province, be adopted—the proposal of a non-exportation to Britain—I conceive it would be but giving ourselves a more deadly wound—Whatever our country, by its industry and frugality, can spare for exportation, is just so much added to its riches; whether we deposit it in the hands of an English merchant till called for, or order it immediately back in mercantile investment.

THAT a heavy dept is incurred by us in England, for the several articles of her commerce, is undoubtedly true; and that it is a debt which we mean honestly to pay, I believe is also as true; and that after the contracted limitation of credit is expired, the English factors will expect, and the American merchants will allow, that an interest of five per cent. ought to commence; and though the intercourse between the two countries should have a temporary cessation, the terms of the first contract would still be binding, and an accumulating load of debt press with aggravating weight upon our shoulders.

IF we suppose this continent to take from Great- Britain the value of three millions per annum, we may reasonably presume that the importers in America are at all times that sum in debt. For though some may trade on such extensive capitals as will enable them to keep within the limited time of payment, yet there are so many who fall short of their contracts, that the supposition may readily be granted. Admit then, we stop all intercourse with England.—From that instant will begin an interest of five per cent. on the enormous sum of three millions, which amounts to no less than one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling per annum; a sum that must actually [Page] be remitted to them, whenever we renew our intercourse. During this important interval, if the money due to our English merchants could be employed to such advantage, as to pay us for our trouble, and reserve one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling per annum for their use, politically speaking, the continent might be said to be no great sufferers, but, viewing it in that moral point of light which I hope every American will advert to, we should do them the highest injury. Every gentleman in business will readily assent to the proposition, that receiving interest is by no means an equivalent to the man in trade. If money is said to be the "sinews of a nation," it is the very nervous fluid in the commercial system, which, pervading the muscular powers, gives force to contract or extend those sinews; it is the very life, soul, and essence of trade. How then can we reconcile ourselves to the commission of so flagrant an act of injustice; but if our feelings of virtue fail us, let us apply to those tender strings of interest, which are ever at unisons in the great commercial harp; there let us strike, and the sound will vibrate in every ear.

IT has been said that ‘whatever a country, by its industry and frugality, can spare for exportation is just so much added to its riches.’ Now if we dam up this surplus amongst ourselves, like closing the pores, or checking perspiration, we produce a putrid collection—a confined fermentation succeeds— and nature struggling with the disorder, throws the body into a fever; which though frequently effecting a cure, sometimes proves fatal. Should all intercourse with Britain cease, our invention need not be long racked, to conceive the effect it would produce; nor can I be charged with officiously pointing out to [Page] our enemies a road of conduct, which their own eyes must discover, and which their present system of policy would defend. He that plays a cautious game, will never risque a blot to the chance of an oversight: and he would certainly ill deserve the affection and confidence of his countrymen, who perceiving an impending danger, forbore to give warning. If with such a heavy debt against us we break off our connection, is it not natural for our creditors to take the alarm; possessed of their fortunes, and out of their reach, must they not wish to keep a watchful eye over us? Is it probable they can consent to our trade with other nations in Europe, with wealth properly theirs: If government interfered in favour of the East India Company, for the paultry sum of fifteen or eighteen thousand pounds destroyed by persons unknown; how much more likely is it, that she will exert herself on behalf of the whole trading interest of Great-Britain, to bring to justice the private "defaulters of unaccounted millions?" Let us suppose, to take a clearer view of the argument, for conjectures should ever be encouraged, where probability points the prudence of the search; I say let us suppose, that the Parliament of England, with their high notions of sovereignty and omnipotence (though I with reverence explode the application of the expression) should shut up our harbours to every port of Europe; though we might fire with rage, and swell with indignation, our efforts would be futile, and our clamours unheard.—The patriot might mourn, and the peasant might feel, whilst increasing murmurs spread through the land, and tear us with civil discord. Liberty revered of all—that darling of the British soul, that heavenly spark, lodged in the human heart for purposes great and important, is yet so nearly, so closely connected in every mind, with [Page] the pleasing gratifying ideas of property, that whenever that is endangered, the first alarm is loud and serious.

OUR fields, through the wanted providence of the great Lord of the soil, produce their usual crops— our barns expand with the pressing load of unnumbered sheaves; and a joy "like unto the joy of harvest" spreads a serenity of countenance through thousands, ten thousand families—in pleasing confidence, and with unwearied diligence, they beat the golden ears, and prepare the joyful produce of a twelve month's labour—Whistling as they go, and forming a general concussion of earth, from every distant frontier, they roll along in heavy loads the grateful tribute of their toils—let us follow them to the capitols—to the several ports of embarkation— but hold—grief swells my heart—a tremor seizes on my limbs—my whole nervous system becomes disordered—every inflexion of the bowels of compassion strains with involuntary convulsions—I am scarce able to proceed—they approach—they enter the once busy streets—they startle at the general void— for a moment they pause—surprize and amazement almost forbid them to enquire the cause—but soon, too soon they find the general distress—THE PORT IS SHUT—the demand is over, they return to their once joyful homes, solemn and disconsolate; pondering as they pass along, and watering the ground with their tears.

WHEN our honest endeavours have been faithfully exerted, and fail of their expected success; when it has pleased the great disposer of events to order his providence contrary to our wishes, and blast our best and well meant designs; with humble resignation [Page] and submission, we can sit down in mournful peace; and having no imprudencies to add to our misfortunes, we can look up, with confidence, for some favourable change:—But when justice, and a good conscience, deny that heart-felt solacing resource, when the dictates of passion have run counter to every idea of right, from whence is our peace to flow? Where shall we look for comfort? Will not our farmers, the strength and support of our land, reason back from the consequence up to the cause? Will they not see that our inattention to the eternal rule of right has plunged them into this abyss of confusion; and that in pursuit of our own liberties we have infringed upon the rights of others? Will they not recommend, will they not urge a change of measures; perhaps at a time when our enemies may not be disposed to suffer our landing on the ground from whence we embarked? Will they not—but I fear to proceed—Hence, my Brethren, let us be warned, and rush not into such probable danger. Let us continue to export to them as usual, let us if possible double our exports, let us bring them in our debt. The merchants of England are men of honour and principle, and with them we shall be safe, in them we shall find friends. What though the revenues, arising from tobacco cultivated in the southern provinces, may amount to above 400,000 l. sterling per annum, and a general non-exportation of that article should be determined on; the wheels of government might probably thereby be retarded in their motion, but fresh springs would quickly be applied, and the machine go on, at least for a time; and the present struggle between America and Britain, will most assuredly turn in favour of that country which can longest hold out—let all our force be bent against their manufacturers; they are the ramparts [Page] against which our batteries must be levelled; let us but make an impression there, and the contest will certainly be decided. The actual labourers in the various manufacturing branches are men of honest principles and lovers of liberty, but possessed of such scanty means, that the week's earnings but just bring round the week's support. Their employers in the different towns, who supply them with raw materials, and pay them for their work, are most of them men of middling fortunes; and can only advance to the workmen, in proportion as they receive remittance from the exporting merchant; Therefore if the orders from America cease the stagnation goes down step by step, till the loom and the anvil become at rest. I the more earnestly dwell on this point, because I know of no other resource under Heaven for our preservation: I want to enforce it in every man's mind, and when conviction once gains ground, the work is half finished. Though I have already pressed on this subject, I doubt it is not sufficiently adverted to. 'Tis urged by all, that the step would answer every purpose our most sanguine wishes could expect, were it but practicable, but it is said the importers will not consent to it: I insist they must consent to it, we must make it their interest to consent to it; and then they will not refuse —I, applaud their resolution in objecting to being the only sufferers, when our purses enable us to share the burthen. 'Tis ungenerous, 'tis unjust to expect it of them. There never was a time so big with the necessity of opening our eyes, and our purses, as the present. Let it but pass over, and long may we range through an extensive circle of events, before the same conjunction appears. Liberty, the brightest constellation that shines in the political himisphere, is now rising towards its zenith in America: If we [Page] suffer it to set, without effecting the work, which its light displays to our view, the dark shades of slavery will extend across our land, and too late we may lament the delay.

I contend—and I contend with a zeal which convinces me I am right, that we must not pass by the present temper of the times. Our passions cannot always remain upon the stretch; we shall gently relax from the severity of strict right, and heedlesly and gradually slide down the hill of opposition; our rulers will become our tyrants; and, from a country of happy freemen, we shall degenerate into a land of abject slaves. I summons you, Brethren, I conjure you, Brethren, if you love your country, if your wives, if your children are dear to you, if your dignity as men has any influence over you, bestir yourselves on the occasion. O that my voice could reach to the innermost regions of your hearts, and I could there imprint what I feel! Though I revere the land from whence my ancestors sprang, though the sound of Briton was ever grateful in my ear, the indignities now offered us, rouse a Roman spirit in my heart, and forbid me to feel the calls of nature. Have ye, Brethren, no virtue left, shall temporary interest prevail over your country's future weal, or will you unlock the treasures you have gained, and pour them into the common stock? Trust me, friends; believe me, my countrymen; whatever you advance at this interesting period, is fixing chains and fetters on the sums that remain, but if niggardly you clinch the miser fist, and grasp your all, as with seeming security, the day is not far off when you must surrender the whole to a tyrant's will. Therefore unite with one voice, and say, we will support the men who must stand foremost in the charge. To draw your attention, from the importance [Page] of the scene before you, to a private object, were to trifle with the cause, I shall only declare that I am, in no shape, connected with importing or importers; my earnestness arises purely from a love of liberty supported by justice.

SINCE my first address I have seen some of the late debates in Parliament, and find the thought of an accommodation there suggested—but, it is said, we have tendered no such proposal—I rejoice to find the sentiment originate in that House, and I wish, Brethren, we may not suffer it to die away—we have many friends there, and we ought to strengthen their hands. We hear in that House, from * one who is no professed friend to America. ‘Has any one offered any thing on the head of assisting England—has any person been authorised to treat, or any ambassador sent on the occasion, I should meet them half way’ — and let us be equally prompt to meet them there. I hope our congress will be empowered to choose such ambassadors.

THEY seem uncertain of our meaning about taxation—whether we object to the "mode of taxation, or to the right"—I am sorry to find it a question at this day—They must be told, every American will tell them, their own reasons will inform them, that 'tis the right and the right solely which we deny.—We object not to assist them, whenever they stand in need, and convince us of the propriety of the demand.—Nay, we would even lend them our aid, in pointing out such modes as will coincide with their plan of extracting from our pockets our honestly earned wealth.—What if we should remind them, of witholding their drawbacks, of withdrawing their bounties, and treating us on a [Page] level with the inhabitants of the realm; would they think we should clamour at this regulation of trade, that we should absurdly and wantonly contend for the privilege of buying their goods upon terms lower than the natives of Britain.—No— They will find us men so firmly attached to the strict principles of justice, that tho' we search with a jealous eye into our own rights, we will scrupulously divest ourselves of the most distant wish to invade the just claims of others.

WE are told that if they give up the present duty on tea, which was only reserved as a kind of declaratory right of taxation, that we shall quickly make other claims; that we shall demand a repeal of the duty on wine, &c. *—Their fears are certainly well grounded—we ought to demand it.—Shall it be called a regulation of trade, for an American to be obliged to carry the wines of Portugal to an English outport, and there deposit a duty—shall the wines of Madeira pay 7 l. sterling per ton in America for the purposes of regulating trade—the very conception is big with absurdity.—Was England a country of vineyards, and their grand staple the juice of the grape, with some colour of justice, might she wish to restrain us from buying of foreign nations.—The grand Protestant interest, independant of England's pretended supremacy, would be an argument on both sides the water sufficient to unite us; but as the English never did, nor ever can attempt to cultivate the vine, any demands on that score must proceed more from the rapacity of their cravings than the justice of the tribute.

[Page]WE transport from this continent large quantities of provision to Portugal, and in return take from them their wines, fruit, &c.—In the name of sound policy, where is the pretence for hampering us more carefully in the purchase of our wine than in the vending our flour—if the internal interest of Great-Britain was to be guarded at the expence of the colonies, why was not the duty laid upon our grain? There we are rivals; but in wines they have no kind of reasonable controul over us; unless by our importing them, immediately and unadulterated from the press, before they enter an English vault we become the objects of their envy—If I apprehend right the true spirit of regulating trade, IT IS TO PREVENT ANY ONE BRANCH OF THE EMPIRE FROM IMPOVERISHING THE OTHER BY AN UNCONSTITUTIONAL TRADE WITH NATIONS, WHO ARE NATURAL ENEMIES OF THE CROWN—'tis our interest to support each other against a common foe; and therefore, to prevent the treacherous attempts of such individuals, as would prefer their own private emolument to the good of the whole, it becomes necessary to form such laws as may restrict them from committing such public injuries; but when laws are made to give a preference of any one part of the empire to the other, they clash with the grand design of an united interest—We contend for the uncontrouled right of trading to every port in Europe, which the policy of England opens to her natives, and the absolute privilege of importing from thence every article which they import; and if the conveniencies or necessities of Government, amongst ourselves, should call for duties and restrictions similar to theirs, we should readily adopt them.

[Page]LET no man think I am enlarging the circle of American claims beyond the bounds of reason.— 'Tis by reason alone I am guided in my pursuit.— Let every narrow sentiment fly excentric from my soul, and may the pure unadulterated spirit of liberty give vigour to my understanding, whilst I pursue, with unremitted searches, my rights as a man. It is needless here, to enter into the origin and design of government; that it is intended, and constructed for the united good of every individual, is so universally allowed, that it would be insulting the understandings of Englishmen to expatiate on it.

THAT we may not be too much exasperated against our Brethren in England, suppose we calmly draw a veil over our present resentments, and penetrate into the reasoning of their hearts.—To be born a Briton is not to become a monster with a tyrant mind —To breath the air of Albion is not to imbibe the spirit of unrighteousness and love of cruel sway.— A true English soul, when well informed, has nobility for its basis. Two centuries ago the powers of English royalty centered in the British isles; their constitution was established, their subjects were their own, and submitted to the controul of the supreme legislature—Then might they talk with confidence of the supremacy of Parliament—the people's supreme good was properly their rulers supreme care. When the adventurous sons of Neptune launched forth into the boundless main, and pushed out their trembling barks into the vast Atlantic—when the shores of this mighty wilderness were first descried—still were they Britons; like children discovering some distant pleasing seat, they scarcely venture out of sight for a moment, but with joy mixed with fear in their countenances, they hasten back to tell the adventrous [Page] tale:—still were they Britons—many were the dangers, and repeated the trials, before any kind of establishment was made—before a durable landing was effected—still they kept hold of Britannia's hand —they grew—still she supported them—their eyes were ever towards her for defence—if differences arose amongst themselves, they appealed to Britain for justice, and plead her decisions as right.—Year after year the natives of the realm embarked for this promised land; but still were they Englishmen—Their dependance on England, and submission to English legislation had so intimately connected itself with every idea of government, that their very constitutions were interwoven.—The father taught the son to love and revere the old man's native land; and with attentions solely engrossed by the improvement of their farms, the plants of government were raised by seeds from England. British Parliaments early extended their care over the new world, and its inhabitants were not alarmed—the supremacy of Parliament they had never been taught to doubt because never exerted to their injury; thus confidence on one hand, and an opinion of right on the other, growing up together, a kind of tacit submission took place.—When the act for restricting our manufactures first came abroad, the right was but gently attacked by the Americans, who, slumbering under the old prejudices in favour of Parliamentary power, supinely bowed their heads.—At length when our enemies of the House of Bourbon began to envy us "our pleasant places," and make encroachments on our land, England took up the quarrel; and, by the help of the colony forces, under Providence, drove them from the continent; but this was not done without large drains from the coffers of Britain; yet so much did they esteem it their cause, [Page] that taking into consideration the great sums expended by this infant country, they ordered us a handsome reimbursement—still they looked on us as their children.—

DURING the war, we had great intercourse with England—officers of the army were continually passing and repassing; many of them sons of the best families. Gentlemen on their travels extended their routs to America; and even Peers of the realm landed on our shores. Flushed with the joy of victory, and pleased with the men by whom we conquered, we lavished the fruits of our industry in social banquets. —We displayed a parade of wealth beyond the bounds of moderation and prudence; and suffered our guests to depart with high ideas of our riches— these were communicated to their friends at home, and the tale went round. The nation was oppressed with a heavy load of debt, great part incurred by the defence of America, and the sons of England began to clamour for bread; how natural then was it for Parliament to hunt out fresh resources? and when their children abroad paraded in all the pride of plenty, how plausible the scheme of acquiring their aid.—The power of Parliament had scarce ever been denied, or but feebly opposed. The suggestion of right was never permitted to have full scope in their minds.—The ideas of a nullum tempus act, in favour of liberty, they had never conceived.—Time immemorial, and long usage, had placed them so secure, that the records of reason were thought scarce worth the search.—They began like men, with warranted titles, to break up the ground. A rich vein of oar was promised by the miners; and a Greenville undertook to sink the shaft—but quick as lightening, in piercing the soil, it communicated the [Page] touch to every American breast.—Like men suddenly brought from the shade we startled at the glaring light of day—our pupils contracted, our eyebrows lowered; and we stood pensively aghast—a solemn pause ensued; at length the rays began gradually to enter; our sight became dilated, and we viewed with astonishment the film that had so long overspread our eyes—in short, we united—we reasoned—and in some sort gained the victory; but still England, long used to government on their part, and submission on ours, could not conceive the propriety of our independance. Their active minds, darting across the great Atlantic, considered America as contiguous to Britain. History had not furnished them with a similar connexion, and their rule of conduct was only to be determined by their own opinion of right; and they, undertaking to become sole judges in the case, have fallen into the unhappy error which produces our present confusion.—I can make great allowance for the former conduct of Great Britain; every American can feel for her mistake.—They took us as babes at the breast; they nourished us, and leading us gently along, supported and instructed us—with pleasure they viewed our ripening years, and gloried in the goodly figure to which we were attaining.—With swift and rapid growth we approached to riper age; and, trust me, Britons, we feel within our bosoms a spirit that bespeaks us your genuine off spring.— We look to manhood—our muscles swell out with youthful vigour; our sinews spring with elastic force; and we feel the marrow of Englishmen in our bones. The day of independant manhood is at hand—we feel our strength; and, with a filial grateful sense of proper obedience, would wish to be esteemed the friend as well as child of Britain, In domestic life, we all allow there is a time when youth shall no longer [Page] be subject to the controul of age; when reason forbids, and when nature denies.—May Britain think seriously on this important subject; let her weigh the connexion in the strict balance of justice; nay, let her try it on the graduated scale of causes and events, and her judgment will join hand in hand with her equity, and declare we are men.

LONG, may she live in blooming health, and ruddy vigour; long may she continue respected abroad, and beloved at home; and when the final period approaches (the fate of empires as well as men) may her grateful children take her gently by the hand, and lead her softly down the "steep of age," protecting her from insults, and feeding her with bread.—To her ashes may they raise a filial monument of glory, and inscribe with sorrowing hearts on her tomb—

Here lies BRITAIN.

Once

The glory and envy of the world.

Her armies awed the nations,

Her fleets with swelling fails

Aided

By her thunders,

Spread commerce thro' the globe.

Blessed in the good will of all good men,

She lived a life of virtue,

And died in an honourable and advanced old age,

Bequeathing to her posterity, in America,

The most valuable benefaction,

A NOBLE EXAMPLE.

This STONE

Is erected, with tears to her memory,

By

Her Faithful Sons.

June 22, 1774.

[Page]

NUMBER III.

THOUGH in my last paper, with the impetuous rapidity of a heated fancy, I darted through aeras yet unborn, and plunged into the distant regions of futurity, I beg leave, my brethren, to conduct you back in safety, to the important and interesting reign of George the Third.—A Prince, whose goodness of soul, and unsuspecting heart, unfortunately for his people, have unwarily betrayed him into the ensnaring measures of designing men; men whose lust for power, and rapacious pursuit after riches, would tempt them to swallow up both King and and kingdom, were they not sensible of the necessity of exhibiting to public view so oftensible a power as royalty, under whose patronage and protection they are artfully undermining the constitution, and preparing to commit the most horrid parricide on their country. Lulled into security, and wallowing in luxuries, the nation is silently gliding down the stream.—The bark seems at rest—the surface of the deceitful current is calm and serene—the banks are in verdure, and the shrubs and the flowers beguile with their fragrance, whilst the foaming roar of the distant cataract is scarce seintly heard.—Alas, Britannia! —without some friendly eye perceives thy floating danger, and rushing into the flood drags thy galley to shore—thou art gone—irretrievably gone; and may America prove that friend.

[Page]I DO not pretend, my brethren, to any systematical order in the course of these reflections; I cast them as mites into the treasury, as they arise in my mind, and if any sentiments are found amongst them of weight and importance, my labours will not be lost. Much has been said on the subject by various writers, and possibly some ingenious digester may hereafter collect and form them into a found American system of policy. I much wish to see the execution of such a design.

IT is now generally allowed that a congress of the colonies is absolutely necessary; and as I have no doubt that part of their result will be the appointment of ambassadors to attend, in person, with our complaints at the Court of Great Britain; every aid, however feeble, cannot be deemed impertnent; and every argument that can be held forth, to support the common cause, will at least be listened to; and certain it is, the grand desideratum on this occasion is to embark with the strongest and clearest proofs we can procure, to convince the rulers, and the people of Great Britain, that it is their interest to attend to our grievances, and grant us redress.

PERHAPS in pursuing this object, it may not be amiss to make a few political calculations; that we may exhibit, at one view, the vast importance of the Colonies, I am well aware that the observations I am now about to make, will at the first glance, have so much the air of visionary speculation, that many of my readers will turn from me with indignant contempt; but they will please to observe, I am endeavouring to unfold to view, the mighty chart of a cultivated Continent; for cultivated it undoubtedly will be, before our children have slept many ages in the peaceful [Page] grave;—and as every whole is made up of parts, we ought now to consider ourselves as members in embryo of this stupenduous body, and much are the people of England interested in studying the subject; for swiftly the time passeth away, and much it behoves them to watch our increase, and accommodate themselves to our growth.

THOUGH it may be a considerable time before the full accomplishment of the following calculations shall happen, yet whoever attentively peruses the great volume of nature, will find sufficient scope for the exercise of foresight and reasonable conjectures.

PETER the Great, Czar of Muscovy, with a genius penetrative and persevering, pierced far into the dark abodes of futurity; and, from a wild barbarous and contemptible state, formed a plan of empire, of which his predecessors had never conceived the most distant idea; and which at this day has risen to such a formidable height of grandeur, that her connections are sought with respect by the first powers in Europe. If a century before the accession of Peter to the Czarship, a diviner had foretold her approaching glory, his countrymen would have treated him with scorn and derision; and well they might, for nothing but a genius like Peter's could have surmounted the prejudices and customs of barbarians. But with us, where every liberal art has its votaries, where science enlarges the mind, and where manly freedom is valued and enjoyed, nothing but a retrogration into the savage obscurity often centuries ago can obstruct or retard the rapidity of our progress.

AFTER craving the kind indulgence of my reader, in gratifying me with a latitude to pursue an investigating fancy, I will venture to entrust to his candor the harmless reveries of a leisure hour.

[Page]IF we suppose the British subjects on the continent to be at this day three millions, we shall naturally look forward for a proportionate increase. If from the first inhabiting this country in 1578 by a few settlers, under many difficulties (with annual imports from Europe, considerably less than at the present day) we have increased to the amazing number of three millions, for truly amazing it is—how much more rapid must be our progress for the next two centuries?

WHERE the means of subsistence are easily attainable by industry, and a scope of country offers equal to the increase—the conjectures of population, formed by a very ingenious writer * amongst ourselves, will certainly hold good. Then if, according to that gentleman's calculation, a country doubles its inhabitants in 20 years;—a single century will advance us to a multitude almost beyond conception.

In 20 years the number will be 6 millions,

40 years

12 millions,

60 years

24 millions,

80 years

48 millions,

100 years

96 millions,

nor will the progressive advance cease till the land is full.—

TO take a more extensive view of this grand subject, it may not be amiss to consider the immensity of the tract we have to cover. If we reckon from the Polar Circle passing through the south part of Greenland to the Tropic of Cancer passing through the Gulph of Mexico, we shall find an extent of country of 2967 miles, and admitting the lands westward, to extend on an average 55 degrees in longitude, there [Page] will be at least 2475 statute miles; which number squared by the latitude, viz. 2967 statute miles, gives 7 millions 3 hundred and 43 thousand 3 hundred and 25 square statute miles, and as each square mile contains 640 acres, we may compute within the habitable part of America 4699 millions 7 hundred and 28 thousand acres of land. If we divide this into farms of 100 acres each there will be 46 millions 9 hundred and 97 thousand 2 hundred and 80 farms; and allowing each farm to maintain five persons, the lands of North America will support 234 millions nine hundred and 86 thousand and four hundred inhabitants. Perhaps it will be said that the great spaces covered by lakes, bays and rivers, and the large portion of land unfit for cultivation in every part of the continent, particularly in Greenland, will render a large discount necessary; but if we consider what vast numbers collect in cities, towns, and villages, without a single acre of ground to ten families, it may be reasonably conjectured that thereby a more than sufficient allowance will be made. But to take a more accurate sight, let us look into the state of countries already full settled with inhabitants. England is reckoned by some writers, to contain 25 millions of acres and 4 millions 6 hundred thousand souls, and by others 39 millions of acres, and 6 million souls.—Suppose we take the medium—the number of acres will then be 32 millions, and the inhabitants 5 millions 300 thousand, which is but about six acres to each individual; whereas in our preceding calculation of the numbers in America, we have allowed only 5 souls to each 100 acres, being 20 acres each; which is above 3 times as much as is found necessary in England; but suppose we str [...] off for water, bad land, &c. so large a proportion as one fourth, still there will remain 15 acres to each soul, though they should amount to [Page] the number before specified, viz. 234,986,400, for a crooked round number say 235 millions; which is nearly equal to the number of inhabitants in Europe, Asia and Africa; supposed by some writers to be about 300 millions.

AS I proceed in this subject I am struck with wonder at the immensity of the view before me; but when I contract my sight to the minutia of the political movements of England, I am astonished at their debates. Could they dwarf the Americans like the tree of an espalier, well might they expect to reach and eat of the fruits; but when it tours from the ground, and spreads its lofty branches in the air— they are only to be acquired by the aid of its limbs.— America must grow—England must perceive it, and yet she neglects to reason properly on the event. All the desiderata of their government centre in power, and yet they are employing every possible agent to defeat their own purposes.—Wise and prudent measures would so conciliate the affections of the Americans, that they would readily fall in with the supremacy of the proper legislative branch, and submit to a negative controul for ages to come, if violence and oppression did not rend them asunder.

THE seat of government rests in England; all profitable prices are vested in the crown. The right of making war or peace are royal prerogatives. Connexions, alliances and treaties, by which every American, will esteem himself bound, are determined in England. All conquests and new ceded countries, though even obtained by the assistance of the colonies, vest in the King, without murmur or complaint. Shall England say then that America is independant, because acts of Parliament are not permitted to tax [Page] her inhabitants.—Let them but be satisfied for the present, with the immediate advantages resulting from mutual intercourse, and in cases of necessity from our voluntary aids, and then it may not be difficult to point out to them a fund, that may prove of the utmost importance.

IT has already been shewn that America contains about 4,700 millions of acres, now if we suppose a quit rent to the crown of only one farthing sterling per acre, it amounts to the annual sum of 4 millions and 95 thousand 8 hundred and 33 pounds. It will be said that a great portion of the inhabited part of America is granted in charters, without such quit rents being reserved, and therefore it can never amount to the sum here surmised. Let us then strike off one fourth part, which will be a sufficient allowance for the present settlements, as well as for waters and waste lands as already mentioned.—But if the crown was to instruct its Governors to grant the lands as fast as they are purchased of the natives to actual settlers, without the exorbitant claims of a string of officers, the quit rents might be raised to even ‖ a halfpenny sterling per acre, and the settlers would be gainers by the advance. Then striking off one fourth of 4,700 millions of acres, and affixing a halpenny sterling on the remainder, viz. 3,525 millions, the annual revenue from the quit rents would be 7 millions 3 hundred and 43 thousand 7 hundred and 50 pounds. Here would be a tax so equal and easy, that the wheels of government might move without friction, and [Page] perform their annual revolutions without noise or jar. No man would complain of the burthen, when it became part of the terms of his original contract. The scale on which I have set out I know is large, but not more so than the chart admits of; nor should it be despised by those at the helm. Government will most assuredly derive great assistance from this source, small as it may seem at present, if properly attended to. But they will do well to remember the force of their own arguments in their present debates, and prudently guard against the danger of our one day retorting them.

WE hear a ministerial member † in the House of Commons declaring in that House, in reply to a Gentleman ‡, who is one of the greatest ornaments of his country, and whose nice discriminations on justice would grace the Chancellorship of Britain; I say, we hear in that House, "I think, Sir, that Chartered Rights are by no means those sacred things, which never can be altered; they are vested in the Crown, as a prerogative for the good of the people at large; if the Supreme Legislature find that those Charters, so gramea, are both unfit and inconvenient for the public utility, they have a right to make them fit and convenient. Whenever private property is concerned, the Legislature will not take it away without making a full recompence; but whenever the regulation of public matter is the object, they have a right to correct, controul, or take it away as may best suit the public welfare."—From the same side of the House § we also hear, "Much has been sad about hearing the parties (meaning the people of Boston, in defence [Page] of their charters) and taking away their chartered rights; I am of opinion when the right is a high political regulation, you are not in that instance bound to hear them."—Another Gentleman * in Ministerial league, with the most insulting and audacious sneer, entertains the House with "A greet deal has been said concerning requisition, pray in what manner is it to be obtained?—Is the King to demand it, or are we, the Legislative Power of this country, to send a very civil polite Gentleman over, to treat with their assemblies?— How and in what manner is he to address that assembly? Is he to tell the Speaker that we have been extremely ill used by our neighbours the French; that they have attacked us in several quarters—that the finances of this country are in a bad state, and therefore desire you will be kind enough to assist us, and give us some money?—Is this to be the language of this country to that? And are we thus to go cap in hand?"—I hope, my Brethren, you will pardon my making such large extracts from debates which you have already seen, but I thought it might not be amiss, to take a collective view of the spirit of Parliament: I call it the spirit of Parliament, because countenanced by so large a majority; but does not the heart of every American boil with indignation in perusing it? Can he bear with moderation the united insult on his liberty and understanding? Who or what are those insignificant creatures, an Ellis, a Jeakinson, or a Rigby? Or what the combined numbers of an English Parliament, when weighed against the growing majesty of this mighty continent?—Centered in council, and surrounded by unopposing numbers, they boldly utter sentiments like Lords of the Earth.—But the pompous display of imaginary power, and the empty shadow of declaratory right, however [Page] stupenduous they may appear in a British Senate, will gradually lessen and shade away as they extend across an ocean of three thousand miles.— I am lost as I pursue the confused intricacy of their notions of right, and after the most diligent scrutiny into the rudiments of their principles, I can only resolve them into the wicked policy of arbitrary Monarchs; the extension of power. But let us revert to the growing connexion between America and Britain. We have taken a distant view of the immense revenue arising to the Crown from the Continent; a revenue that is already begun, and, if fully collected, amounts to no despicable sum.

IF "chartered rights are by no means sacred things," and we are to admit the doctrine of breaking contracts, when ‘unfit and inconvenient for public utility,’ how long time will those hardy politicians allow to elapse before America shall sit in judgment on the question. Will they call it fifty or 100 years; or will they vainly hope that heedless centuries will glide silently away, in tame and stupid submission to unnatural subjection. If the immense supplies from America are squandered away in profusion and corruption; if the common enemies of the empire are gaining ground on our power, by the debaucheries and profligacy of an enfeebled and enervated system of British policy, will not our successors revive the arguments of the present day, and produce them as cases in point. Let not a British Parliament rave with indignation at sentiments like these, and rush impetuous into vindictive resentment; let them rather sit calmly down, like master builders, and wisely count the cost. Let them look back into their own history, and mark the progress of the State;—there they will find, that the power of England has ever [Page] been in an exact ratio to her commerce. How much then is her interest concerned in preserving a good understanding with her Colonies.

SOME, who affect to treat her trade to America with contempt, when compared with her other connexions, would do well to make an accurate view of the great commercial scale. The Princes of Europe, sensible of the vast importance of trade and manufactures, are every were exerting the utmost of their influence amongst their subjects, to train and cultivate the commercial arts; how much England has already felt the effect of their designs, the languishing state of some branches of their manufactures may feelingly and forcibly inform them. In Europe her system of trade is contracting, but in America a most noble and extensive field expands to her sight. Here is her mart, here is the grand vent of her industrious artisans. Let the Brtish Senate cultivate harmony and friendship, whilst we till our fields? And, distant as our situations are, a waving band of British canvass shall unite us together, and a floating isthmus of Royal English Oak shall extend through the main. Ship in sight of ship shall unfold one of the wonders of Augur the son of Jakeh, and mark a ‘way in the midst of the sea.’

POSSIBLY some may be alarmed with the motion of granting to the Crown of England a halfpenny sterling on our land. I acknowledge, on a cursory inspection, the expediency of it may prove doubtful; but, brethren, if you will please to indulge me a little further, in giving scope to a political imagination, we will examine the subject in a pretty extensive point of view.

[Page]THE levying of taxes on a nation, in such just directions, as to fall equally on all, however desirable, has been hitherto deemed one of the political impossibilities of Government; but every statesman, who prosecutes the happiness and strength of a country, will make it his indefatigable study to approach as near to that desired equality, as the nature and constitution of the state will admit.

THERE are few governments in the world, but have arisen to their present height of grandeur, or fallen to their present state of decay, by insensible and unpremeditated gradations.—Barbarism has leisurely fled before civilization, without leaving any certain fixed plan behind. From century to century the forms of government have been varied, but have ever been calculated to the meridian of the present day.—Perhaps it is left for us in America, boldly to chalk out a new plan, and shew to reviving Eastern realms, if reviving should ever be their fate, that the true art of government is yet to unfold.— But I fear to proceed—methinks I grow presumptuous in my views, and, brethren, your patience begins to be exhausted—shall I proceed?—or shall I drop the pen?—You're silent—I'll venture on.—

WHEN a country is so entensive in itself, as to produce the means of subsistence to its inhabitants, its land may be justly said, to be the origin and fountain of all its wealth; and the value of every article of its production, will in some measure be regulated by the value of the land. If the landlords of a country rent out their grounds at twenty shillings per acre, and the ground yields but ten bushels of wheat per acre, and the wheat sells but for two shillings per bushel, the farmer will be inevitably [Page] ruined. Then either the landlord most lower his rent, or the wheat bring a higher price, otherwise the ground will remain untilled. If the estate is so circumstanced, that the rent cannot be lowered, the wheat will undoubtedly rise; for the farmer will not pursue his labour without a living pay. Thus the value of the produce of a country will ever bear a proportion to the value of the land, if that value cannot be abated; and, of consequence, every inhabitant will be affected in proportion as he possesses more or less property. Now lands subject to Quitrents are so circumstanced, that the value in that respect cannot be abated.

IF we suppose all future lands granted in America to be charged with the annual payment of an half-penny sterling per acre, the consumers of the produce of the soil, must pay a certain proportion of the rent or tax; and thus there will be a pretty equal contribution through the land. But to make some greater provision for a future greater day, these lands might be granted at an halfpenny for the first 100 years, conditioned to advance a halfpenny every century, for ten centuries to come; by which time, if not long before, the whole continent would probably be full settled. The neat revenue would then be seventy- three millions four hundred and thirty-seven thousand five hundred pounds; nor would this tax ever be thought high. Extensively wild as these bounds may seem, they are still within the limits which time shall encircle. When Egbert, the first monarch of England, first swayed his scepter, it wanted but 27 years of being as distant from the reign of George the third as from the present important day to this mighty aera of American grandeur:— and six such periods even then had rolled away since [Page] creation began. But to return—If it be said, that the great difference in the qualities of the soil would render the tax unequal, it must be observed, that the worst lands will always be the last taken up, and that every subsequent purchaser of good land will pay proportionably more for it, as it excels in quality. In countries where they are circumscribed within narrow limits, and the sea almosts surrounds them, the inhabitants are obliged for subsistence to borrow support from the main; therefore when the trade of such a nation greatly exceeds the value of its lands, it is reasonable to look to her commerce for assistance in defraying the necessary expence of government; as in England, where the whole rents of the land some years ago were estimated at only nine millions, when probably the pubic charges amounted to six.—But in this mighty continent the inland tracts are so immense, and so distant from the sea, that a proper land tax, judiciously laid on all new granted lands, will in all probability, in a series of years, answer every necessary expence.

I HOPE I shall not hereby too much alarm the landed man, by proposing to lay the whole burthen of the tax on the landed interest; for it ought to be considered that, with respect to future purchasers, every man now resident on the continent stands exactly on an equal footing; and every purchase made after such a regulation, will be a fair and open contract made between the purchaser and the public: nay, it will prove an immediate advantage to the present land-holder, whose lands not being subject to such an impost, like those in England clear of tythes, will always command a higher price.

[Page]TO provide an easy and equitable fund for public services is the second grand object of a Legislature —the first being to secure the impartial administration of justice.

NOW if we penetrate seriously into the important study of probable events, we shall certainly be induced to believe, that when the numbers, power, and revenues of America exceed those of Britain—a revolution of the seat of empire will surely take place.

GEORGE the First, when called to the throne of England, never harboured so absurd a thought as to wield the English sceptre in the Electorate of Hanover; the centre of his dominions was the place of his choice; nor would the nation have been satisfied without it. How long it may be before a similar translation shall happen in favour of America, I will not undertake to determine—but should the Georges in regular succession wear the British diadem to a number ranking with the Louis's of France, many a goodly Prince of that royal line will have mingled his ashes with American dust; and not many generations may pass away, before one of the first Monarchs of the World, on ascending his throne, shall declare with exulting joy, "Born and educated amongst you, I glory in the name of AMERICAN."

WHEN this important day arrives, as arrive it most surely will, if kind Providence is pleased to bless us with harmony and peace amongst ourselves, can there be a more pleasing, more joyful prospect for our successors, than to receive their Monarch with a revenue ready prepared, a revenue sufficient to answer every exigency of the State.

[Page]ENGLAND may smile, with contemptuous sneer, at these vain chimeras of an American brain; but so certainly as events follow their causes, and the planets pursue their wonted revolutions, the empire of Britain will devolve on America. These are truths which I want to imprint on every mind, which I wish every American to feel; and then with manly dignity they will assert their rights, nor basely cringe to the lawless usurpation of unreasonable power.

IF it were not diverging too far from the idea of Political Reflections, I would conclude them with hazarding a conjecture which has in some sort arisen out of the vastness of the subject.

A NEW world is now opening before us, and Christianity is extending her wings over these Western regions of ignorance. Asia, Africa, and Europe have had the glad tidings of salvation sounded amongst them, and by the blessed influence of a heavenly mediator are every where spreading amongst unbelievers —perhaps when Barbarism and Infidelity are expelled from the face of the globe, and Christianity has universally extirpated the seed of sin—Earth may have done her work—the surrounding impulsions on matter may be withdrawn, and all Nature be dispersed, in the twinkling of an eye, into the boundless immensity of space, when every unembodied soul shall instantly flow back in rapture to that immensurable ocean of love and mercy, from whence it originally derived.

July 13, 1774.

[Page]

NUMBER IV.

BRETHREN,

WHEN our dearest rights are at stake, and the happiness of future thousands is involved in the debates of the present day, to be supinely silent were justly to merit the virtuous indignation of each son of liberty. Though the writer of these Reflections, for reasons which he then thought sufficient, brought them to a close in his last paper, yet fired with the grateful idea of serving his country, and holding up his hand against the engines of oppression, he ventures with submissive deference to resume his pen: Nor shall the envenomed shafts of malicious insinuations ‖ deter him from declaring, to his countrymen, the sentiments of his heart. In the honesty of his intentions he rests his defence, and shielded by the armour of a virtuous cause, he braves the deep barbed darts of insidious attacks.

WHEN impending ruin awaits an ill judged step, and to retreat is worse than to advance, is it to be esteemed culpable or strange, that the man of caution and prudence should move with deliberation, and pronounce with distrust?—With many such I have met, but yet have never dared to declare them disaffected to the cause, or traitors to their country. They know it is a dreadful game—their all is at stake, and one false move may bring on lasting confusion —These men of cautious foresight will tell [Page] you, that we ought carefully to avoid attempting more than we can perfect; and the observation is undoubtedly just: But then it remains to be determined, what are those things in which the danger lies; some of them will say, that the Colonies cannot subsist without their annual imports from Great- Britain; therefore, if we should agree to a general non-importation, and the Parliament should resolutely hold out, we must sink in the conflict as soon as our stock in hand is exhausted, and be reduced to sue for peace on their own terms. Humiliating thought indeed!—But I trust, my brethren, these fears are groundless.—Grant me but one point, and that by no means an impracticable one to a resolute and virtuous people, and I think a mode may be struck out, which would enable us to stand the parliamentary siege, though seven times longer than the siege of Troy—The point I beg you to grant me is, that you will content yourselves with the absolute necessaries for the mere support of the body; and I cannot persuade myself to doubt the manly resolution of the Americans, in spurning at the idea of foreign luxuries when set in competition with "essential liberty." —Shall slavery, with all her direful train, be suffered to surround our dwellings, and imprison us with chains and bolts of our own forging?—Shall the independant spirit of a free American, that would brave the fiercest enemy, sink prostrate at the unworthy feet of luxury, and surrender up our dearest rights for the paultry pomp and pageantry of unmanly tinsel.—How think ye were your brave forefathers dressed, when with truly British souls they withstood the storms of invading neighbours, and bared their brawny muscles to advance on the daring foe?—Did they wanton, think you, in the flowery silks of Persia, and tarnish their growing [Page] glory with embellished vests? Did the sparkling gems of India, or the shining glare of Peruvian ore, employ the emboldened minds of your martial ancestors? —No.—But we will not search deep into the records of antiquity for instances of stern manly virtue. I trust the true seeds of British honour are implanted in the breast of every British son, and when called forth, by the enlivening rays of the glorious sun of liberty, they will blossom with fragrance, and bear in abundance.—I call you then, my brethren, I entreat you with ardor, to remove every obstruction that impedes your road, and your childrens road, to the temple of happiness.

LET us, my brethren, consider what are the real and absolute necessaries of life. We shall find them presently reduced to the two simple points of provisions for the support of our natures, and coverings from the inclemencies of the weather. The former an all gracious Providence has amply and generously provided us; a provision for which my heart, with reverential gratitude, bows at his Almighty throne, and thankfully accepts for me and mine my humble share; and may every depending soul unite with me in humiliating wonder and amazement at the merciful continuation of his blessing to a people too much estranged from his ways. What do we stand in need of, which the various climes of this extensive continent will not indulge? If the spices of India are withheld from our tables, perhaps we may experience, in their stead, the fragrance of health. But to provide for the heats, and the colds, and the decency of dress, may require a more earnest attention. Every necessary for shelter from the weather we have amongst ourselves, and the means of procuring every necessary implement of labour and husbandry. Stone, [Page] clay, lime, timber, iron, oil and paints, abound in our land: We have also lead; and if we will content ourselves with the simple idea of shelter from the weather, the workmen we have amongst us will effectually supply our wants. Glass for windows can be made amongst us; and, if encouraged, will grow in quantity; and though we can't immediately be supplied with all we want, yet when our necessity calls on our virtue for support, we shall find that small rooms and few of them will not be absolute sudden dissolution to the soft framed Lady, or fine formed Beau.—Let us but take a view through the country, and we shall find many a healthy happy pair, surrounded by a numerous offspring, beneath the scanty roof of one single room.—Let us look round the walls of their homely cot, and then when we return to our plenteous cities, we may cry with the Athenian Philosopher, ‘How many things are here, which I do not want.’ —But to return to the principal and most important object, our clothes. Many parts of the continent are so well adapted to the raising of flax, that it might become a staple article; and in others, a little further to the southward, hemp might be improved to good advantage, on ground not naturally very rich; and cotton we know will come to good perfection in the Carolinas and Georgia; these, when wrought up, will provide us very amply with summer wear; for I assure you, brethren, it is very possible for the fairest Lady and finest Gentleman to exist, at least four months of the twelve, with these American productions, though rough and coarse. But the greatest difficulty is to provide for the winter blasts, in our northern colonies. The wool raised on the continent is yearly consumed amongst us: Therefore for the amount of woollens, formerly imported from England, we must now think of a substitute in [Page] America, if Parliament should hold out the siege, till our stores are exhausted, and our clothes are in rags; which some think they will certainly attempt.—In part to remedy this evil, it might be well immediately to revive the resolution, formerly taken, to increase the breed of our sheep, by preserving the lambs, to as great a number as the farms can possibly support; though this, I am sensible, will not furnish us a sufficient supply for many years to come. The Neutrals formerly settled on our Commons, being reduced to great want, picked their old clothes to pieces, and new spun them up: An example not unworthy of imitation.

A FULL suit of clothes, for a common sized man, will take about seven pounds of wool, and perhaps more for a woman; which I believe will require, on an average, at least three sheep: Therefore if every farm consist of five persons, as some wills be women, and some children, we may suppose it to require fifteen sheep to supply the family in clothes; a number not very considerable, and yet perhaps more by one fourth than our farms, one with another, support; and then, as a considerable part of the inhabitants in each province dwell in towns and villages, the number of sheep must still be further increased, before they can be supplied: and after all, we have made no allowance for stockings, or coverings to our beds, which articles alone will at present consume all the wool on the continent. Thus we might be reduced at last, by an obstinate persevering Minister, to an absolute submission, if we had no other resourse. A fear of this, I am persuaded, discourages many from joining heartily in a non-importation agreement. But happily for us, we have that resource. A resource which cannot fail us, if our pride does not stand [Page] in the way.—What think you, my brethren, of LEATHERN DOUBLETS—do you start at the thought with indignation, or will you sacrifice your fancy for gentility to the saving of your country.— The deer skins annually shipped from America, if immediately stopped exporting, will amount to a quantity sufficient to clothe the whole of our inhabitants, by the time our stock of woollens is exhausted. I knew a labouring man who had a buckskin vest, which lasted him seventeen winters, and is still in wear.—The Beau may keep up the sprightly buff, the farmer may tinge them russet grey, and the bench, the bar, and the pulpit may still put on the sable dye; nor would a Lady's skirts be disgraced by the skin of a doe— what nation think ye, would dare attempt enslaving these men in leathern jerkins?—Firm, stout, and independant, they might defy the malice of their enemies, whilst their fields found them bread, and their woods wrought their clothes.—'Tis not a visionary scheme, it is both practicable and prudent; and if any ten gentlemen in this city will order a full suit of buckskin against the fall, the Political Reflector will heartily join the number.—I know they will be warm, and I am sure they will be strong; nor would I except stockings, I have had them made of doe skin dyed black, and much resembled silk. Should this scheme generally take place, our sheep might have time to encrease, and our stocks of English woollen might last the longer. The gain hereby to the continent would be immense; for if we suppose only one million of men, who wear a complete suit of clothes each, there will be at least three millions seven hundred and fifty thousand yards of broadcloth consumed, which, on an average at eight shillings sterling per yard, amounts to one million five hundred thousand pounds sterling; and suppose our patriot [Page] suit to last us only seven years, before we cast it off for our servants, there would be a saving in the exportation to Great Britain of ten millions five hundred thousand sterling; from which perhaps we ought to deduct three millions five hundred thousand for the actual cost of the skins to the Indians, which would be a large allowance. Thus we should save a million sterling a year for the seven years, besides the cloathing of our servants a year or two more; for I will not suppose them all to be such good economists as the labourer abovementioned. I beg, brethren, you will consider this point well. The summer's sun now shines with all its force, and the scorching heats of a southern climate almost annihilate the remembrance of the shivering blasts of a northern wind, but soon they will be with you, and trust me, brethren, you will find a buckskin suit a faithful friend in a winter's day. Then instantly let us agree to stop the exportation of deer skins; and encourage our skinners to fall to work.

ANOTHER subject I would beg leave to remark on. We are now on every hand preparing for a Congress from the several colonies; and much will depend on the wisdom and unanimity of our councils; it is a sentiment that cannot be too much insisted on. Various are the conjectures of the mode which should be adopted by them when met; all agree in the necessity of an earnest and spirited address, but many contend that till the effect of the address is known, no other step should be taken. I must acknowledge though I esteem an address absolutely necessary, as a piece of decent and respectful decorum, and as a proof of our hearty disposition to renew our former union and good understanding, yet I dare not flatter myself with the expectation of much redress [Page] from that only. If we deny their power, they may refuse us a hearing; nor indeed can they consistently listen to our claims whilst the act remains in full force, by which they declare their "right to bind us in all cases whatever." That act must be repealed before they will consent to treat with us; and year after year may slide away in the nogociation; therefore I conceive that our resolutions of withholding from them the benefit of our custom, should take place at some certain time to be fixed at the congress. It will probably be then too late to stop the importation of this Fall's goods, but before the next Spring orders could be complied with, we might be certain of their receiving or rejecting our address. They may possibly at first treat our advances with contempt, but they will find it a serious business; and that we are customers not to be trifled with. They must at last be reduced to treat with us, and to treat with us on the footing of friends; friends who would wish to renew in their bosoms the pleasing connexions which formerly subsisted; connexions which have contributed to make both them and us a great and happy people. Matters are now reduced to such a crisis, that it becomes absolutely necessary to form a charter of connexions. The repeated exertions of parliamentary power, over one of our sister colonies, must justly alarm every province on the continent. If no bounds are to be prescribed to their wills, if penal laws are to be made from time to time, by a British Senate, for the punishment of past supposed offences, without even calling on the delinquents to make their defence, I contend that the vassals of an eastern monarch are as free and as happy as the subjects in America. But perhaps the eyes of England may be opened, and they will discover the necessity of giving us a Bill of Rights—if so—with whom shall they treat? Is it probable [Page] they will enter into so important a negociation, with the Members of the ensuing congress? It is with submission, I declare my belief, that they will object to that body, as not being the legal representatives of the people.—For if Great Britain were inclined to fix the terms of our future connexion, and should demand from the Members of the congress their credentials, and whether they thought themselves fully empowered by the voice of the people, to settle the solemn boundaries of power, think you, my brethren, they would venture on the arduous and mighty task.

IT is sinning to be silent, where so much is depending; and the man who holds his peace when the fate of nations is at stake, deserves neither the protection of civil government, nor the blessings of liberty.—I cannot be silent—I must declare that though the present congress is a necessary step, and the mode of appointing it the only way left in our power, yet when we and our posterity are to be bound by the line of the present day, if government at home should now call on us to run that line—I must contend that the men to whom this solemn charge is committed, should receive the full and united voice of the continent. When once the boundaries are established, and the lasting way marks of future ages engrossed on the important parchment, it may not be easy to get them removed or erazed: Much then does it behove us to set out constitutionally and regularly on this grand design.

WHEN an individual shall dare to step forth with his private opinion, and offer it to public notice, on affairs of the utmost moment to his country, much does he risque in the attempt. Whilst some will impute it to the busy promptness of impertinent zeal, [Page] others, with suspicious anger, will charge on his guilty head, the barbarous designs of a mischievous incendiary.—Hard is the middle path to find. To preserve the due equilibrium of an upright conscience, and the desirable reputation of an honest citizen, requires both dexterity and virtue in a greater degree than generally falls to our share. But let not the way faring man hereby be dismayed; let him boldly discharge his conscious duty, and leave to the grand disposer of events the reward of his labours.

IF we sift into the motions of empires, and the wary results of deep held councils, we shall find the whole proceeds from single sentiment of man by man; shall then a fear of being singular in opinion suppress the rising thought and stifle a conception at its birth? Or shall we not rather proclaim with social toleration, "He that hath a dream, let him tell his dream." Then with respectful deference to my countrymen, I would beg leave to propose, that in the address to be presented to his Majesty by the congress—they should pray, that he would be pleased to give instructions to all his Governors on the continent, to give their assent to a law, to be presented them by the several Assemblies, for the appointing two or more persons from each province to join in a great continental council, for the purpose of determining the grand subject of an American Bill of Rights; which grand council should, by the several bills, have full power given them to proceed to London, and to enter upon the negociation with the legislature of Great Britain; and when finally adjusted, be reciprocally binding on Great Britain and the colonies. This would be a legal and firm contract; and as it would be determined on and agreed to, by men appointed by assemblies chosen by the people, no possible objection could arise on the part of the Americans.

[Page]THE necessity of such a legal congress cannot be too much insisted on; and were every letter wrote home to our friends in England, to convey the sentiment, I know nothing more likely to affect it. The disturbances that have already arisen, and which must be expected still to arise, from time to time, must enforce the necessity of determining the point of power where it is to lye, and how far it is to extend.

EVERY difference between the Colonies and England will be grateful news to our natural enemies, and nothing can be more desirable by them than an open quarrel. How far French gold may contribute to widen the breach, and spur up a reigning minister to enlarge in his claims, may be difficult to unveil; but the history of courts gives us too many fatal proofs of the baseness of corruption to leave us without fear. If the present Ministry are from under the influence, we have no time to lose.

BUT to return—Some may probably conceive, that the members of the present congress are vested with full powers, if the people of England were disposed to enter on the business; but we have already supposed they would not undertake it. The modes of appointing them have been so various, and in some cases through necessity so quickly determined on, that it is much to be doubted, whether a line run by them would be esteemed by their constituents sufficiently authentic.

IN the several interior concerns of our private policy, we carefully attend to the legal choice of men who are to transact our affairs:—How much more essential then is it, to establish on its proper basis so important a superstructure as is now to be reared. [Page] There never was a treaty since creation began, so extensive in its consequence, and so nice to discuss. 'Tis offensive, defensive, connected, independent, a mixture of rivalship and friendship, the greater subordinate to the lesser, and yet all bound together by one common interest and affection. The men with whom we repose this awful power, should unite the wisdom of sages and the virtue of saints; and such I trust we have amongst us: Men who will hand down their names in American story, as the glorious directors of a vast and virtuous compact; men on whom succeeding generations shall look back with wonder, and with grateful ardor for ages to come, hold their exalted characters in joyful remembrance.

July 20, 1774.

NUMBER V.

AS it is the happy and undoubted right of every freeman to speak his candid sentiments without reserve or controul, I cannot, in justice to the cause of liberty, suppress a few remarks on some of the resolves entered into by the Pennsylvania Committee; whilst, at the same time, I join the general applause of their well tempered spirit, and general moderation.

THE first resolve I would beg leave to remark on is the 13th, in which they declare, ‘That the venders of merchandize of every kind within this province ought not to take advantage of the resolves relating to non-importation in this province and [Page] elsewhere; but that they ought to sell their merchandize, which they now have, or may hereafter import, at the same rates they have been accustomed to do within three months last past.’—This is a subject I have very attentively considered, and I cannot conceive upon what policy, prudence, or justice, the resolve is founded.

A VERY considerable number of worthy honest citizens and countrymen, for their own comfortable subsistence, and the public convenience of the country, have thrown their fortunes into the dry good business, upon the reasonable confidence of a probable sale, and living profit; and their expectations have been pleasingly gratified; they have acquired reputation in their several neighbourhoods, a plentiful support for their families, and are ranked amongst the useful members of society. At length the unhappy dissentions of the times point out these men as the only probable means by which we are to obtain relief. We are obliged to tell them, Gentlemen, the distresses of our country oblige us with reluctance to call on you for a sacrifice, which we are fully sensible must be highly injurious to your interests.—You only are the men by whom redress can come; and on your virtue, and disinterested love of your country, we are solely to rely; therefore we request you for the cause of liberty, for the sake of transmitting freedom to your children, and our children, to lend us your aid to save our country. By every generous manly breast such a requisition would be received with resolute, but sorrowful assent.

MEN who have engaged their fortunes, and connexions in a particular channel of trade, cannot easily divert them into others; nor indeed is there [Page] room for the change, Those men, who have many of them supported handsome figures in society now find themselves called on to serve their country, at the risk of their fortunes; for should the dispute continue any length of time, and the non-importation remain unbroken, the sources of their living must fail them, and the merchant and retailer must break in upon their principal; and we well know there are many amongst us, who support a good and fair credit upon so small a capital, that a short cessation would reduce them to great distress; yet the nature of the case is such, that on these men we are obliged to call for a sacrifice, that may perhaps prove their ruin. A love for the liberties of their country silences their complaints, and trusting to the virtuous generosity of their countrymen they submit to their fate; but how great must be their surprize, think you, when they are told, that they are not only to be deprived of the extensive benefit of trade, which they once enjoyed in common with the rest of their fellow citizens and countrymen, but that they must also be stripped of the poor little resource that was left them, of raising the prices of their goods, whereby every consumer, by paying a small matter more than he had been used to pay, would contribute his proportion of the burthen in a manner which would be least likely to wound the delicacy of the sufferer. Should a purchaser now pay ten shillings more in the price of a piece of linen, than when the importation was open, the merchant would receive it with freedom and independance, as some kind of compensation for his losses; but if, instead thereof, he should hereafter be obliged to receive it as an alms from his country, how deep would be the wound, and where is the man so void of sensibility as to wish to inflict it!

[Page]WHEN public calamities admit of no resource but the sacrifice of individuals, and the misfortunes of a nation, are only to be averted by offering them up as victims, at the altar of ruin, the wretched sufferers must bow to their unhappy doom, and forfeit their all to their country's weal. Was this the sad case at present, I should hold my mournful peace, and consign them with sorrow to their fate. But will any man rise up and and say—they are the men and they only, who must bear the loss.—I beseech you grant them one shadow of a reason to make them consent; either convince them, that it is for their sakes alone, that the present struggle is engaged in, or that you are totally unable to lend them your assistance:—If you do neither, where lies the virtue of your contest. ‘Other mens troubles,’ says Swift, ‘we bear with fortitude,’ other mens money we spend with freedom. I fear it is a decree that sullies both our virtue, and our cause.—Where are the men that will serve us with fidelity, when we consign them and their depending families to misery and poverty?—Where, I pray is the sacrifice which we make on this important occasion? But I cannot, my Brethren, persuade myself to believe, that you mean to leave it here; that you mean to take no share of the burthen.—If you do —though I should stand alone—I must protest against the injustice of the determination.

I AM not unaware of the reflections which may be cast on the hardy impertinence of an individual, who dares to dissent from the united voice of so respectable a body as that great committee, for sorry I am to find, that the vote was unanimous. Had it been the resolve of a general Congress, from whence there lay no appeal, a submissive silence might more justly be expected; but as that grand council is yet to meet, and to [Page] take into consideration the several resolves of the colonies, any previous strictures ought not to be suppressed. Perhaps I may be mistaken in my apprehensions of this matter, and should be extremely obliged to any Gentleman to quiet my scruples.

ARGUMENTS may possibly be adduced in support of the measure, which have never occurred to my understanding; it is not from a vindictive tenacity of opinion, that I am thus strenuous, but from a desire of observing the strictest rules of justice in our proceedings. Some I know have objected to our considering the hard case of the merchant and retailer, affirming "that it is a measure the country have been ever averse to:" If it be really so, why have not the resolves from the several counties declared it?—I have carefully examined most of them, if not all, and don't remember to have met with such a sentiment; nor can I conceive the country so void of generosity as to wish to regain their liberties without bearing their share of the burthen. I will not believe they deserve so injurious a reflection, nor that they desire so unjust an exemption.—Let it not be said that the measure of a non-importation, if spiritedly entered into, will soon effect its purpose, and that by the time the merchant has sold off his stock, the dispute will be over, therefore he will be no sufferer by the restriction. It should be remembered, the profit of the vender arises from the quantity of goods sold, and that whenever his store remains without a supply his sales must be daily less. He that imports three thousand sterling per annum, is supposed to sell annually to that amount; and of course whenever his imports stop, his sales must begin to decrease; in less than twelve months his store will be unsorted, and his choice of goods so small that the profits on his sales will scarce pay his house rent.

[Page]IF for argument sake we admit that the dispute will be settled by the time his stock is disposed of, yet he will be a considerable sufferer by the deficiency of his sales, and the length of time that will unavoidably elapse before he obtains a fresh supply. But on the other hand, if our opposition should be slower in its operation than our sanguine wishes would lead us to hope, what are the unhappy traders to do? To what branch of business can they fly for support? Their numbers are great, their families large, and many of them far advanced in life. Shall we send them to the woods to hew down the trees, and learn thus late in life the laborious business of agriculture.—Think not that I am endeavouring to draw an exaggerated picture of distress; it is from the feelings of my heart I speak, feelings which should awaken every mind to attend to the situation of a brother, and impress it with a desire of assisting to ward off an impending blow.

SOME may say the accumulated profits of their trade will amply enable them to sustain a cessation of business; but we well know small is the number thus circumstanced; yet admitting it was generally the case, what mode of reasoning can be produced to shew the necessity of their bearing the whole load on their shoulders, whilst the rest of us who are equally interested, are equally able. The incumbent expences of government are never so large, even in times of the greatest danger, but that a few amongst the great and rich, could provide the supplies; yet what legislature ever undertook to levy on them more than their just proportion. The man of inferior circumstance, is called on for his mite, and a just contribution is assessed through the land; and thus would it be in the case before us, should the prices of goods be advanced; [Page] the rich who consume the most in quantity, and the highest in price, will consequently pay a proportion suitable to their abilities; and those who are the least able to pay will always be the smallest customers. But let us suppose that the prices of goods should be advanced, that the merchant should have a brisk sale, and that the contest between Britain and the colonies should be suddenly over; ought we not to rejoice that they are gainers by the sacrifice they so frankly made, or shall we with avaricious souls begrudge them the reward of their virtue? They certainly risque much in the struggle, then why should we deprive them of the chance of gain? To judge properly on this subject, let every man suppose himself a vender of goods, and then let him be asked the question, what part he apprehended the community ought to take in his behalf?

THE only possible reason, that I can conceive to operate against taking their situation into notice, is a reason which I hope we shall never have occasion to apply. I mean the stopping our exports to the West Indies. Should this be done, I must then acknowledge, that so heavy a burthen would fall on the farmer, that we ought not to raise on them the prices of goods; they would be sufficiently distressed, by the reduction of the prices of their own produce, and well might they object to the encreased demand of the dry good merchant, when their wheat, their corn, their pork, and their lumber, remained drugs on their hands.

IN a former number I objected to the mode of obtaining redress of our grievances, by distressing the West India islands, but forbore to extend my reasonings on the subject, so far as it would bear; flattering myself, that a measure that had neither sound policy, nor justice, for its support, would need but [Page] small opposition: but I since find, that the committee of Pennsplvania, in their twelfth resolve, declare, ‘that if any proceedings of the parliament, of which notice shall be received on this continent, before, or at the general Congress shall render it necessary in the opinion of that Congress for the colonies to take further steps than are mentioned in the eleventh Resolve, (viz. non-importation from, and non-exportation to Great Britain,) in such case the inhabitants of this province shall adopt such further steps, and do all in their power to carry them into execution.’ This resolve I confess has considerably alarmed me, a resolve which though it did not pass without considerable debates, and had no great majority in its favour, yet is so extensive in its nature, as to deserve a serious examination. How far the Committee appointed by the House of Assembly in this province, will be instructed to adopt the resolve, is best known to themselves, but I hope they have adverted to the probable consequences of a non-exportation to the islands.

WHEN we reason from conjectures, and draw inferences from probabilities, I am sensible of the uncertainty of our pursuits; yet many of the affairs of men are so circumstanced, that they admit of no other guide, and hence arises the necessity of judging of future by past transactions.

WE find the parliament of Great Britain, by a most unjustifiable exertion of power, have divested private persons of property, a town of its trade, and a whole country of its chartered privileges, without a charge or a hearing. When power is vested in such hands, what is there too great, or too daring for them to attempt.—Mistake me not, my brethren, I am not about to persuade you to relinquish [Page] a jot of your just pretensions, from principles of fear or apprehensions of danger, I mean but to persuade you to a resolute and prudent opposition; an opposition which justice will stand by, and virtue approve. Leave not these haughty rulers the least shadow of pretence for displaying their power, but convince them by your wisdom and perseverance, that to conquer our resolutions, they must submit to our terms.

TO alarm with false fears of a precipice, when the wide plain is open to our view, or to point out a danger where all is in safety, would justly merit ridicule and contempt; but when objects intervene, or mists obscure the prospect, let those who advance be sure they are right, when they send round the watch word, and cry "all's well." As a faithful centinel to my country, I can't help declaring, that I descry the approach of an enemy, and warn you to keep on your guard—What if we should mount up the tower of supposition, and take a view of the scenes before us.—The Congress are met—they determine to stop all exports of provisions and lumber to the islands; not for any misconduct of the inhabitants, but that by pinching them with hunger and want, their brethren and friends in England may hear their piercing cries, and urged from motives of humanity and compassion to them, may plead for us.—Their cries are heard—the Parliament is assembled; for depend on it our present minister will not advance a step out of the common road, without the sanction of the nation.—He informs them that the Americans have formed the cruel resolution of starving the islands, and that by dispatches from thence they are under the greatest consternation, from the apprehension of a general insurrection of their negroes and [Page] an approaching famine. As every compassionate mind kindles quickly at scenes of distress, and fires with resentment at the cruel perpetrators, when designedly produced, the means of speedy relief are instantly sought for—the general murmurs in England amongst the poor, at the exorbitant price of the necessaries of life, render it an unadvised scheme to supply the unhappy sufferers with provisions from thence; as thereby the prices would be raised on themselves, and the people might clamor for submission to our claims—What is to be done—a valuable part of the territories of the nation is likely to be destroyed, by the barbarous policy of the Americans—How are they to act? Let us take a review of the sentiments of the English, when Corsica was invaded by the French.—How loud did the nation clamour in favour of distressed innocence, and how many amongst them would gladly have plunged into a war with France, to rescue the Corsicans from their approaching misery? And had the rulers at the helm possessed the same knight errantring genius, their liberties might have been saved, at the expence of a few hundred thousand lives, I hope I shall not here be understood, that I had no commiseration for the calamities of a brave and depressed people—but when two evils present, the least is to be chosen. When the poor foundering bark is tossed with the inclement storm and driven amidst the foaming rocks with dashing fury, we may view with sympathetic agony of soul, the horrors of the scene, and pity from our hearts the trembling sinking crew; but cannot do more, for instant distruction to ourselves would be inevitable in the attempt.—But the case now before us is quite the reverse. The very summit of ministerial wish is to "lay us prostrate at their feet:" therefore whenever the same spirit of [Page] compassion arises in the breasts of the English nation, on behalf of the inhabitants of their own islands, they will find a daring ministry prompt at their service, ready to work up their wrath, and kindle their rage.—Is it not likely they will tell the nation—you shall not suffer by supplying the islands. —Your colonies have broken through every tie of honour and humanity, and have no further claims to the protection of justice.—Long have they called aloud on liberty and virtue as their patrons, but they have now swerved from the line of their own drawing, and the nation is no longer obliged to observe the rules of neighbourly commerce.—What think you, my brethren, if with sentiments like these, they should determine on obliging us to continue our supplies?—What if they should demand with compulsive threats at our gates, an immediate embarkation to the islands, of our usual supplies.— How should we act? We might doubtless contend, that this was an exertion of power, which no laws but those of force can warrant or support; but reasonings from, the mouth of a cannon carry conviction not to be withstood. We know there are times, when public emergencies supeecede an adherence to the principles of the constitution; what law authorizes the seizing on a seaman's person, and compelling him to serve in a state of government slavery? Where is the statute for impressing my horses, my carriages, and my servants, for the uses of a campaigning? Yet we know they have been the constant practices of the navy and army. The merchant may contend that his property is his own, and that no man can legally oblige him to venture it abroad. —So may the sailor argue, and nothing but the necessity of the case will be urged in support of either, an argument which seems at present, to be one of the [Page] fundamentals in the English constitution.—They may tell us, that the island are actually suffering by our unjust resolutions, and that they come to the succour of the distressed.—We may offer to treat, and to enter into a discussion of the right, but hunger and want will admit of no delay.—If we continue inflexible, what must be the consequence?

THERE is not a man on the continent more anxious than I am for the support of our liberties; but never can I think of contending for them on the principles of cruelty and injustice; whilst they are our suppport, we can neither look for the approbation of good men, nor the protection of a just and discerning Providence, and shall lose the few remaining friends we have yet in parliament. Virtue will ever support us, and bear us out in the midst of trials and persecutions; but if once we quit that ground, we wander into a labyrinth of perplexity and confusion, which may bring down our gray hairs with sorrow to the grave.

FROM what has been said, I hope it will not be objected, that if we are deterred from entering into the measure of a non-exportation to the islands, from an apprehension of a ministerial demand continue it, that the same power may be exerted to oblige us to break through our resolutions, of withholding our orders for English goods; for should they be weak enough to attempt it—I will dare to assert, there is not a merchant in Britain who would venture his goods abroad on such compulsive terms.

IF my apprehensions on this, subject are wrong, and my fears groundless, I am not the first man who has been mistaken in his judgment; I am earnest for [Page] the preservation of our liberties, and that the inhabitants of this new world may enjoy a happy series of unmolested joys.

THE difficulties in which we shall involve the innocent manufacturers in England, by withholding our trade, is advancing, I am sensible, a step beyond the line of strict moral rectitude; but the imperfections of our nature are so great, that the forms of our policy too often interfere with that harmony of order, which is indicated by the precepts of a christian life; and O that the happy period was arrived, when ‘we shall beat our swords into plow shares, our spears into pruning hooks,—when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.’

ONE observation more I beg leave to make before I close this paper. By the resolves of a neighbouring colony just published, they recommend both a non-importation and a non-consumption agreement. Now with submission to the Gentlemen of that Committee, I conceive that a distinction in that case was absolutely necessary. If a non-importation had been rejected, from an apprehension that the merchants would not comply with such a requisition, then I should think it a very proper expedient to determine against the consumption of all goods imported after the agreement was entered into; but where there appears a general disposition, amongst the merchants and traders, to enter into the association, I cannot perceive the necessity, or propriety, of entering into a non-consumption agreement,—Surely it cannot be thereby meant to decline the purchase of goods already amongst us, and imported on the honest confidence of a probable sale, and many of them absolutely [Page] paid for:—this would be committing an injury which we cannot intend.

IT is not without much pain, that I have so frequently objected to the measures, which have been proposed; and would an honest conscience have suffered me to be silent, I should gladly have remained a solemn spectator, and watched with anxious eye the commotions of the continent. When prosperity flattered, I should have rejoiced in private with a few bosom friends, and when distraction appeared in our councils, I should have stolen into some silent retreat, and bemoaned with aching heart the distresses of my country.

July 27, 1774.

NUMBER VI.

WHILST the mind is diverted from objects of personal interest, to the more important affairs of national concern, will it be deemed treacherous to seize on it in that unguarded moment, and consign it a prey to the cause of virtue; or can the subject of this paper be thought foreign or impertinent, when the question in agitation is a question of liberty.

TO every principled and virtuous son of freedom I seriously appeal, and crave your attention to a subject united and connected with the common cause. I beseech you to come calm and unprejudiced—divested of every ungenerous and unmanly sentiment, with hearts and souls unreservedly devoted to the great business [Page] of the day; the business of establishing the ground work of lasting happiness to extensive continent.

GOADED by oppression, and urged by the exertions of unjust and unreasonable power, the inhabitants of America have unitedly risen in a manly and virtuous opposition. Unawed by the tyranny of imperious rulers we rouse with indignant hearts, and boldly assert the extent of our rights. Every latent spark is drawn forth to enlighten the scene. The clouds of obscuring ignorance are expelled and dispersed, whilst the blaze of human freedom darts far and wide its chearing rays. We trace with enquiring minds the principles of government; we closely investigate the origin of power, and deduce from unvarying laws that Man the image of his maker—Man, a little lower than the angels, has a title, an undoubted title to unlimited freedom, and though the necessities of civil society oblige us, for the conveniencies of life to deliver up part of the unbounded liberty of our natures, yet this surrender we cautiously circumscribe, and mark it within the bounds of public good, by which every individual is protected in his just and equal share. At first when the dedications of power are perverted to the injury of the people, they rise with jealous anger and enquire the cause; but such is the depravity of human nature, and the artfulness of vice, that the very means which were devised to secure and protect, become the engines of destruction. With discretionary confidence we trust power in the hands of a few, and these by a gradual insatiable desire of unlimited sway are, with boundless pursuits, undermining the principles of their appointment. Nation after nation have fallen victims to the lust of power, and the wretched inhabitants can now scarcely descry the vestiges of freedom.

[Page]ENGLAND by its constitution has the happy mixture of power and liberty; but vice has sapped its foundation and is preparing to exhibit it to after ages, as the mighty ruin of a once noble fabrick. America with retrograde aspect arose in the west, to display to eastern realms the comely and graceful figure of Liberty. Raised on a throne of Truth, with Virtue at her right hand, Justice on her left, Wisdom with the pages of antiquity displayed before her, and Innocence supporting her shield. When first she "arose from out the main" the morn was still, the sky was serene, the western air breathed soft and gently its refreshing gales, and pleasingly held forth the signs of a joyful and happy day; but soon there came a lowering cloud with black and horrid gloom, which obscured its glories, and cast a baneful shade across the land.—Pardon me, my brethren, for thus roving into the fields of Fancy, and kindly receive me again at the gates of Reason.

THE long disputes depending between England and her colonists have compelled them into a close search after their natural rights, and as they have repeatedly declared them in resolves from one end of the continent to the other, I will make bold to take a review of their general sentiments of liberty.

NOV. 29th, 1765, the Assembly of South Carolina resolve, that his Majesty's liege subjects in this province are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain—that the increase, prosperity, and happiness of the people of this province depend upon the full and free enjoyment of their rights and liberties.

[Page]SEPT. 28th, 1765, the Assembly of Maryland resolve, that the first adventurers and settlers of this province of Maryland brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this province all the liberties, privileges, franchises, and immunities that at any time have been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Britain.

SEPT. 21st, 1765, the Assembly of Pennsylvania resolve, that the inhabitants of this province are entitled to all the liberties, rights and privileges of his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain, or elsewhere, and that the constitution of government in this province is founded on the natural rights of mankind and the noble principles of English liberty, and therefore is, or ought to be perfectly free.

DEC. 25th, 1765, at a large and respectable meeting in the colony of Connecticut, for the county of Windham and parts adjacent, they resolve, that God has by nature given us a right to freedom, and by solemn charter, compact, and agreement made with our forefathers we are, as natural heirs by inheritance, entitled to all the rights and privileges of the English constitution, by which our natural rights are confirmed.

SEPT. 16, 1765, the Assembly of Rhode-Island resolve, that the first adventurers, settlers of his Majesty's colony and dominion of Rhode-Island and Providence plantation, brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity, and all other his Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this his Majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great [Page]Britain, and that by a Charter granted by King Charles the Second, in the 15th year of his reign, the colony aforesaid is declared entitled to all privileges of natural born subjects to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the realm of England.

OCT. 29, 1765, the Assembly of Massachusetts-Bay resolve, that there are certain essential rights of the British constitution which are founded in the law of God and nature, and are the common rights of mankind; therefore, that the inhabitants of this province are unalienably entitled to those essential rights in common with ALL MEN, and NO LAW OF SOCIETY can, consistent with the law of God and nature, divest them of those rights. That his Majesty's subjects in America are, in reason and common sense, entitled to the same extent of liberty with his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain.

THESE several resolves from South-Carolina to New-England fully indicate the general idea of liberty, entertained by the colonists at the time of the Stamp Act. And the sentiments in the present opposition are much the same, some of the resolves being couched in the same words, they rest their claims on the just principles of "natural right," and contend for their privileges, as ‘founded in the law of God and nature, and the common rights of mankind;’ rights which ‘no law of society can consistently divest them of.’

NOW, my brethren, I will beg leave to come close to the point, and call for an examination of our own conduct—Let us try if it will square with our pretensions, whether we can reconcile the exercise of SLAVERY [Page] with our professions of freedom, ‘founded on the law of God and nature, and the common rights of mankind’ —I beseech you, brethren, with dispassionate and disinterested minds to survey the subject—Can we suppose that the people of England will grant the force of our reasoning, when they are told, that every colony on the continent is deeply involved in the inconsistent practice of keeping their fellow creatures in perpetual bondage? So much has been wrote on this subject by abler pens, that it may be difficult to set it in so new and striking a point of light as to gain your attention; but whilst the evil remains, the same arguments will necessarily arise; nor will they ever lose their force. In vain shall we contend for liberty, as an "essential in our constitution," till this barbarous inhuman practice is driven from our borders. Let him who claims an exemption from the controul of Parliamentary power, shew to the world, by what right, human or divine, he keeps in cruel slavery his fellow man. We declare with a joint voice, that ALL the inhabitants of America are entitled to the privileges of the inhabitants of Great-Britain; if so, by what right do we support slavery?—the instant a slave sets his foot in England he claims the protection of the laws, and puts his master at defiance; if British rights extend to America, who shall detain him in bondage? If his pretended owner can shew no personal contract with the unfortunate African, is there a court on the continent, that would unrighteously declare him a slave? You say you bought them of those who had a right to sell.—I dispute it—on behalf of the injured Blacks, I dispute it, and call on you to shew your title. When a servant is offered for sale in the colonies, are we contented with the Captain's asseverations?—no—we call for the indenture, [Page] the personal contract; if that is not to be produced, where is the man who will be hardy enough to sell him? If he is indebted for his passage, he is at liberty to make his own bargain with the purchaser, and enters into a voluntary temporary servitude; even if he be a convict, and has forfeited his life to the laws of his country, and is respited for transportation, I presume no Captain ever came over unprovided with authentic documents from the records of Newgate; though many contend, that servitude is no part of their sentence, as being inconsistent with the liberty of an Englishman, and I have been assured that some, on their landing in America, have demanded their liberty.—If this be the case—if the English constitution guards the liberties of men, who have been condemned to die for the breach of their own country's laws, how comes it that we undertake to inflict so barbarous a punishment upon the natives of Africa, for their transgressions in Guinea, which is the last wretched argument of refuge, which the advocates for slavery insist on; and that not content with gloriously taking up the cause of an Ethiopian savage government, and nobly becoming their honourable executioners, we visit the sins of the fathers to the latest generations; but if we admit the propriety of the argument, I request on behalf of the injured and distressed, that you produce the records of their courts, or the proofs of their crimes; if you do neither, what better testimony do you shew for your possession than the house-breaker or highway-man? —Wherever a man claims and supports his property, he shall undoubtedly recover it. Now every slave, by his personal appearance, makes that claim,—he for ever carries about him the strongest proofs in nature of his original right—he is the first grand [Page] link, and unless his pretended owner shall deduce a regular chain of conveyance, I contend that, by the laws of the English constitution, and by our own declarations, the instant a Negro sets his foot in America, he is as free as if he had landed in England. If force and power are the only important links in the title, what arguments can we advance in their favour, which will not militate against ourselves, whilst England remains superior by land and by sea.

SHALL a climate, a colour, or a country, determine the miserable inhabitants as slaves and vassals to the rest of the world; or from what quarter shall we derive our reasonings, to prove and support our tyrannizing power?—Is there such a thing with Englishmen—high claiming Englishmen—as partial liberty? Has the Almighty decreed us their masters, and degrading the workmanship of his hands, stamped slave to eternity on their foreheads? By what law has he thus vested us with barbarous and cruel sway? Is it possible we can sit down in the cool of the day, and laying our hands on our bosoms, say we believe they were formed for our servants? On the other hand I would ask, Is there a single argument to be adduced in support of our right to their services, which would not equally hold in favour of their enslaving us, if we were trepanned into their country? But why need I argue on the point? I cannot consent to believe that there is a single slave holder on the continent, who is from principle a tyrant. Their interests are so nearly connected with the subject, that their judgments are misled. With such men it is hard to contend; their reason lies buried and concealed; when called forth it appears with reluctance, and urges its efforts with enervated force. Yet many there are in [Page] the several colonies, who are earnestly concerned in this important cause.—To you, my brethren—you genuine sons of liberty, they look for support. Let us set foot to foot and shoulder to shoulder, to expel this horrid demon from our land.—How oft is my heart sunk into sorrowing sympathy with these poor and unfortunate wretches. When I hear of the brutal cruelties exercised over them, by their inhuman owners, when I view these usurpers of human freedom, basking in the beams of success, and bowling through life with undaunted career, I look up with wondering eye to the great and Almighty Author of our being, and am lost in contemplating the dispensations of his Providence.

THE noble, spirited and virtuous Assembly of Virginia, not long ago petitioned his Majesty for leave to pass an act to prohibit the importation of slaves, as inconsistent with the principles of humanity; but the petition was rejected. Yet should the colonies, with their joint voice at the Congress, make a forcible remonstrance against the iniquity of the slave trade, it would breathe such an independant spirit of liberty, and so corroborate our own claims, that I should dare to hope for an intervening arm of Providence to be extended in our favour. Should the colonies gain permission to pass prohibitory acts against future importations, I should then, with expectant joy, look forward for the glorious dawning of a day of liberty.

UNIMPORTANT as this may seem to some, I hesitate not to pronounce, that the true interests and welfare of America are more intimately connected with it, than with the repeal of every act which now agitates the continent—one we might probably out grow in a [Page] series of years, but the other would "strengthen with our strength," and involve us in endless perplexities. If a stop could be put to the importation, the grand difficulty would be over. Means might soon be devised to discharge this unhappy race amongst us, and wear out the monstrous badge of unrighteousness. To the Congress I would earnestly urge this weighty point, and to the internal policy of every government I would press the necessity of removing every legal obstruction, which stands as a bar to their freedom. I am unacquainted with the general laws of emancipation in the southern and the eastern colonies, but those of Maryland, Pennsylvania and New- Jersey have fallen within my knowledge. In the first, any slave holder may set his slaves at liberty without charge or encumbrance, provided they are not aged or infirm, but in Pennsylvania the law requires a bond of indemnification of thirty pounds, to prevent the slave becoming a burthen to the township, and the law is so worded as to admit of a doubt, whether such bond totally discharges the master's estate; and in some cases the courts, before whom such emancipation is to be declared, have so far exerted their power, as to refuse admitting the security, though undoubtedly good, and the slaves intended for freedom healthy and young; by which means, they were kept in bondage against the inclinations of their owners. In New- Jersey, the law requires a security of two hundred pounds, but the assembly of that province, at their last session, took up the matter on virtuous principles, and made an essay towards "an act for the more equitable manumission of slaves," by which any person declaring his Negro free, before proper authority, at the age of twenty one, may do it without charge or encumbrance, and for every year exceeding that age, the owner so intending to set him free, is to pay into [Page] the hands of the overseers of the poor, the sum of twenty shillings, which shall be a total discharge: This with a few discretionary restrictions is published in their votes, for the inspection of their constituents, and it is hoped by every lover of liberty, that it will pass into a law at the next sessions.

WERE the colonies as earnest for the preservation of liberty, upon its true and genuine principles, as they are to oppose the supremacy of an English parliament, they would enter into a virtuous and perpetual resolve neither to import, nor to purchase any slaves introduced among them after the meeting of the Congress. A resolve so replete with liberty, so truly noble, would indelibly convey to future ages a memorable record of disinterested virtue; whilst thousands, ten thousands yet unborn, might bless them in their native shades, carving on the smooth bark of every tree, NOBLE AMERICANS. With grateful hearts might they look up "to the unknown God," and urge this ardent prayer— Great and Almighty ruler of the Universe, shower down the choicest of thy blessings on yon western climes.

HERE I shall close these reflections, and submit them to the candour of my countrymen. If my conceptions of equity, or conjectures on the political interests of the continent, should differ from many of my brethren, I shall open my heart to conviction, and stand a willing convert to the voice of reason. The welfare of my country alone engaged my feeble pen, and prompted me to steal on the public with a cloak of disguise; a cloak which may haply protect me from the keenness of invective, and shield me from reproach. Though the storms [Page] of obloquy and virulence, may pour o'er my head with unremitting violence, and the loud thunders of angry zeal may roar in my ears with incessant peals; though the flashes of political fire may dart their forky vengeance with fierceness round my dwelling,—snug and retired, beneath the shelter of a humble roof, I brave the danger and defy the storm.

August 4, 1774.

FINIS.

Notes

*

Paper Money.

↵

*

Mr. Cornwall's Speech.

↵

*

Mr. Cornwall's Speech.

↵

*

Doctor Franklin.

↵

‖

All lands hereafter granted in New-York are to bear a halfpenny sterling quit-rent, and be sold at public sale for the benefit of the Crown.

↵

†

Mr. Welbore Ellis.

↵

‡

Sir George Saville.

↵

§

Mr. Jenkinson.

↵

*

Mr. Rigly.

↵

‖

These papers were attacked in some of the publick prints with great virulence, as breathing too much of the spirit of moderation —▪ DIT. —

↵

Information about this book

Title statement

A few political reflections submitted to the consideration of the British colonies, by a citizen of Philadelphia.

Wells, Richard.

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI :

Date

2007-10.

ID [DLPS]

N10868

ID [TCP]

N10868

ID [STC]

Evans 13760

ID [NOTIS]

APW6079

ID [IMAGE-SET]

13760

ID [EVANS-CITATION]

99012213

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 13760.

Notes

(Evans-TCP ; no. N10868)

Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 13760)

Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 13760)

Source

— A few political reflections submitted to the consideration of the British colonies, by a citizen of Philadelphia., Wells, Richard..

Extent

86, [2] p. ; 17 cm. (8vo)

Printed and sold by John Dunlap.,. Philadelphia: :: M,DCC,LXXIV. [1774]. ("The following Reflections were periodically published in the Pennsylvania packet"--p. [2].) (Attributed to Wells by Adams.)

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