I SHALL make no apology for addreſſing myſelf to you, the Merchants of the city of New-York, upon the preſent unhappy and diſtreſſed ſtate of our country. My ſubject will neceſſarily lead me to make ſome remarks on your paſt and preſent conduct, in this unnatural contention between our parent country and us. I am duly ſenſible of what importance you are to the community, and of the weight and influence you muſt have in the conduct of all our public affairs: I know that the characters of many of you are truly reſpectable, and I ſhall endeavour to expreſs what I have to ſay to you, conſiſtently with that decency and good manners which are due, not only to you, but to all mankind.

But you muſt not expect any undue complaiſance from me.— You muſt be content with plain Engliſh, from a plain countryman; I muſt have the privilege of calling a fig,—a Fig; an egg,—an Egg. If, upon examination, your conduct ſhall, in any inſtances, appear to be weak, you muſt bear to be told of it:—if wrong, to be cenſured:—if ſelfiſh, to be expoſed:— if ridiculous, to be laughed at:—Do not be offended if I omit to ſay, that if your conduct ſhall appear to be honourable, that it ſhall be commended. Honourable and virtuous actions want no commendation,—they ſpeak for themſelves: They affect not praiſe, but are rather diſguſted with it,—inſtead of heightening, it tarniſhes their luſtre. If you have acted from honourable motives, from diſintereſted principles, from true patriotiſm,— if juſtice and prudence, and a love of your country have been the guides of your conduct, you need fear no attack, nor the ſtricteſt ſcrutiny of your actions.

Nor, upon the other hand, ought you to be diſpleaſed with the man, who ſhall point out your errors, ſuppoſing you have acted wrong. To err is common,—I wiſh it was uncommon to perſiſt in error. But ſuch is the pride of the human heart, that when we have once taken a wrong ſtep, we think it an impeachment of our wiſdom and prudence to retreat. A kind of •• llen, ſulky obſtinacy takes poſſeſſion of us; and though, in the hour of calm reflection, our hearts ſhould condemn us, we had rather run the riſk of being condemned by the world too, than own the poſſibility of our having been miſtaken. Prepoſterous pride! It defeats the end it aims at: It degrades inſtead of exalting our characters, and deſtroys that reputation which it ſeems ſo ſolicitous to eſtabliſh. To become ſenſible of our errors, and to mend them,—to grow wiſer by our own miſtakes,—to learn prudence from our own miſconduct,—to make every fall a means of riſing higher in virtue,—are circumſtances which raiſe the dignity of human nature the neareſt to that perfection of conduct which has never erred.

Poſſibly, in many inſtances, I ſhall need your candour: In one particular I muſt beſpeak it. I live at a diſtance from the city, and viſit it but ſeldom. The opinion I have formed of your conduct, depends, a good deal, upon report, and the common newſpapers.—I have, however, endeavoured to get the beſt information I could; and I have not the leaſt inclination to put unfair conſtructions upon your actions; and ſhould I, in any inſtance, miſrepreſent you, I will, upon good information, make all proper acknowledgments. Under theſe circumſtances, and with this diſpoſition, I think I have a right to expect, that you will read this Addreſs without prejudice, and judge of it with impartiality, and ſuch a regard to truth and right, as every reaſonable man ought to make the baſis of his opinion in all diſcuſſions, and the rule of his conduct in all his actions.

You, ſometime ago, Gentlemen, joined with the other citizens of New-York, in ſending Delegates to repreſent your city in the Congreſs at Philadelphia. Let me intreat you to reflect a little upon the motives on which you then acted.—Did you expect that the Congreſs would conſult upon, and enter into ſome reaſonable and probable ſcheme for accommodating our unhappy diſputes with our mother country, and of ſecuring and rendering permanent our own privileges and liberties? Did you expect that they would endeavour, upon the true principles of legiſlation, to mark out the bounds of parliamentary authority over the colonies; on the one ſide aſcertaining and ſecuring the liberties of the coloniſts, and on the other giving full weight and force to the ſupreme authority of the nation over all its dominions? which is the only mode of ſettling finally and permanently our diſputes with Great-Britain.—Or did you expect that the Congreſs would throw all into confuſion,—revile and trample on the authority of Parliament, and make our breach with the parent ſtate a thouſand times more irreparable than it was before?

To ſay that the Congreſs have not acted in this manner is to talk childiſhly, without either reaſon or good ſenſe on your ſide. Look at the Suffolk Reſolves, from Maſſachuſetts, which they adopted, "approved and recommended."—Look into their addreſſes to the people of Great-Britain, to the inhabitants of the colonies in general, and to thoſe of Quebec in particular. They all tend, under cover of ſtrong and lamentable cries about liberty, and the rights of Engliſhmen, to degrade and contravene the authority of the Britiſh parliament over the Britiſh dominions; on which authority the rights of Engliſhmen are, in a great meaſure, founded; and on the due ſupport of which authority, the liberty and property of the inhabitants, even of this country, muſt ultimately depend. They all tend to raiſe jealouſies to excite animoſities, to foment diſcords between us and our mother country. Not a word of peace and reconciliation,—not even a ſoothing expreſſion:—No conceſſions are offered on our part,—nor even a poſſibility of their treating with us left. The parliament muſt give up their whole authority,—repeal all the acts, in a lump, which the Congreſs have found fault with, and truſt, for the future, to our humour, to pay them juſt ſo much ſubmiſſion as we ſhall think convenient.

To me, it is a difficult taſk to account for the conduct of thoſe gentlemen who were delegated from your city. Their characters, their ſtations, their abilities, their knowledge of the rights of mankind, and of the laws and conſtitution of their country, all concurred to raiſe my expectations, that they would have been of principal advantage in the congreſs, by moderating and keeping within bounds the fiery intemperate zeal, which it was too apparent, many of the Delegates carried with them to that aſſembly. Cruelly was I diſappointed, when the account was confirmed, that the congreſs had unanimouſly adopted the Suffolk Reſolves. Chagrined and vexed, I waited impatiently for their whole proceedings. Their proceedings, at length appeared,—and unhappily, the names of every Delegate from this province, one only excepted, who, I have been ſince informed, was abſent, appeared at the bottom of their ill-concerted aſſociation.

I muſt leave it to theſe gentlemen to account for their own conduct: But, at the ſame time, muſt obſerve, that if what is whiſpered abroad be true, they are highly concerned to vindicate their conduct to the public. I do not chooſe to make myſelf accountable for tranſient whiſperings, and vague reports. It is ſaid, however, that ſome matters were run upon them.— I uſe the very phraſe that was made uſe of to me,—that they unfortunately agreed, before they proceeded to buſineſs, that neither diſſent nor proteſt ſhould appear on their minutes,—that by this agreement their hands were tied, and they were obliged, in honour, to ſign the aſſociation, and give their voice in confirmation of all the proceedings.—Let theſe Gentlemen, however, remember, that though they might unfortunately, and imprudently have tied up their own hands, yet that their feet were at liberty; and that when they found the Congreſs were taking an undue advantage of them, and were driving matters to ſuch a dreadful extremity, they ought, in juſtice to themſelves and the public, to have walked off, and have left the Congreſs.

The conduct of the New-England Delegates does not appear to me ſo hard to explain. It is well known that the province of Maſſachuſetts-Bay, have carried their oppoſition to the Britiſh government, to the moſt daring heighth. They ſet the example to the other colonies, of deſtroying the property of their fellow ſubjects, the Eaſt-India Company, in open defiance of the laws of the empire, to which they owed ſubjection, of the laws of the province in which they lived, and of the general laws of humanity.—They have wreſted the command of the militia from his Majeſty's Governor,—they have preſcribed the legal Treaſurer of the province▪ and without any courſe of law, proclaimed him a "traitor to the ſtate;"—they are forming and diſciplining regiments, providing ammunition and trains of artillery, to oppoſe the King's troops;—they have ſhut up, and rendered uſeleſs the legal courts of juſtice;—they have, by mobs and riots obliged many officers of the crown to reſign their employments;—and in a variety of other inſtances have behaved themſelves in ſuch a manner, as to deſerve the epithet of rebellion. The extravagancy of their demands, and of their conduct, are ſuch, that no perſons can attempt to vindicate them without giving up all pretenſions to common ſenſe.

Nor does this behaviour of the people of the Maſſachuſetts appear to be the effect of any ſudden emergency, but of premeditated deſign:—The three-penny duty on tea, they complied with, and imported near two thouſand cheſts, embarraſſed with it. But finding uneaſineſs and complaints in this province, New Jerſey, and Pennſylvania, on account of that duty; and their aſſembly, being engaged with their governor, in ſome political diſputes, which awakened their republican principles; they ſeem to have thought it a proper time to try, how far the other colonies could, by art, and management, be induced to take part with them. They knew, that while all remained in peace and quietneſs, they could do nothing. If the other colonies received their motions coolly, they could recede; if warmly, they could advance the farther.

The unlucky ſtep that was taken at home, of ſending Tea, belonging to the Eaſt-India company, to be ſold here, increaſed our diſcontent, as it added the dread of a monopoly, to the hardſhip of which we already complained, of having three-pence ſterling exacted upon every pound of Tea imported into the colonies. This was a time not to be neglected by the Maſſachuſetts people. Unhappily, the firſt ſhip, with the companies Tea arrived in their harbour. Inſtead of ſuffering the Tea to be landed and ſtored, and of ſhewing their patriotiſm in not buying and uſing it, they took the fatal reſolution of deſtroying it. Having executed their raſh purpoſe, they waited awhile to ſee what effect it would have in the other colonies. Finding themſelves abetted and applauded by the more furious and fiery zealots among thoſe people in the neighbouring governments, who have dignified themſelves, and diſhonoured the phraſe, by ſtiling themſelves SONS OF LIBERTY, they became more turbulent and unruly; and ſpurned all the advice of the more moderate and more worthy part among themſelves, of offering to make reſtitution for the damages they had done.

Perceiving that the Tea-ſhips had been obliged to return from Philadelphia and New-York, without being ſuffered to enter their ports, and that the contagion of their ill example had ſpread as far as the latter city, and had, in a lawleſs riotous manner, brought deſtruction on the Tea, imported by Captain Chambers, they advanced a ſtep farther. They, at firſt heſitatingly, afterwards more openly, propoſed a Congreſs of Delegates, to meet at Philadelphia, about the firſt of September. Many moderate people, who wiſhed nothing ſo much as a hearty reconciliation, and firm union with Great-Britain, eagerly embraced and helped forward the deſign. The Sons of Liberty,— N. B. I uſe the phraſe only through courteſy,—exulted and applauded the ſcheme in ſuch extravagant terms, that it was enough to make one think, that they imagined, that God himſelf could ſave their liberties in no other way. All the wiſdom of the continent was to be drawn together in a focus at Philadelphia, like the rays of light in a burning-glaſs. There a regular American conſtitution was to be ſettled, and our liberties and privileges fixed on a foundation ſo ſtable, that neither Lord North, nor Old Time himſelf, ſhould ever make any impreſſion on them.

Many people, however, expected no good from this propoſed Congreſs. They foreſaw that few, except the wrong-headed, bluſtering people among the ſons of liberty, and the more ſly favourers of an American Republic, would give themſelves much trouble about the election of Delegates, unleſs it were the vain and pragmatical, of no political principles, who hoped to riſe into ſome degree of conſequence, from helping forward a project that had the popular cry in its favour. However ill-grounded theſe apprehenſions were thought to be at that time, experience hath ſhewn that they were but too well founded.

Even in this province, many undue and unfair advantages were taken. I ſay nothing of the election in the city, for I know little about it. But when you had choſen your Delegates, the ſuperviſors in the ſeveral counties were applied to by the committee of your city, if I underſtood the matter right, to call the people together, and to chooſe committees; which committees were to meet in one grand committee; and this grand committee of committes were to chooſe the Delegates for the county; or to declare their approbation of the New-York Delegates: And if any county or diſtrict did not meet and chooſe their committee, it was to be taken for granted, that they acquieſced in the New-York choice.

Here, Gentlemen, an unfair advantage was taken. You had no right to dictate to the counties in what manner they ſhould proceed. You had no right to ſuppoſe that thoſe diſtricts, or thoſe people who did not aſſemble, were in your favour. The contrary ought to have been ſuppoſed; and you ought to have conſidered thoſe people and diſtricts who did not aſſemble, as not chooſing to have any Delegates in Congreſs at all. The people of your city can eaſily aſſemble; they have but a ſhort walk to the city-hall or coffee-houſe. But it is not eaſy to aſſemble the people of a country-diſtrict. Beſides, it is well known by all thoſe, who know any thing of human nature, that thoſe people who are fond of innovations in government, and of rendering themſelves conſpicuous in their neighbourhood, would be moſt likely to attend on ſuch an occaſion. And ſo it accordingly happened; for it is notorious that in ſome diſtricts only three or four met and choſe themſelves to be a committee on this moſt important occaſion. So that, taking the whole province together, I am confident, your Delegates had not the voice of an hundreth part of the people in their favour.

You may ſay that the people might have aſſembled; and if they did not, their ſilence was to be taken for their conſent. Not ſo faſt, gentlemen. That they might have aſſembled, I know; but had your committee, or their own ſuperiors, any right to call them together? Were they under any obligations to obey ſuch notifications, as a ſuperior's advertiſement, founded on the authority of a New-York committee? You know they were not, and becauſe they did not chooſe to obey it, muſt their rights and privileges be given up, to be torn, and mangled, and trampled on by an enthuſiaſtic congreſs? Whatever you, gentlemen, may think of the matter, or whatever my fellow-countrymen may think of it, I diſdain ſuch abject ſubmiſſion to your committee, or your delegates, or congreſs▪ I will not hold my rights and privileges on ſo precarious a tenure.

I do not recollect the preciſe mode in which the delegates were generally choſen in the other colonies. If it was in a manner ſimilar to that in which their election was conducted in this province, the ſame objections may be made to it. But here I expect an outcry of exultation and triumph. The Delegates from ſeveral of the governments, cry the deep-throated ſons of liberty were appointed by their ASSEMBLIES; by the true and legal repreſentatives of the people; and therefore were the true and legal delegates of the people. I hear you, gentlemen; and while I hear you, I pity your ignorance, tho' I am aſtoniſhed at your impudence. It would be much to your advantage if you would learn a little common ſenſe, if you would furniſh yourſelves with ſome ſmall degree of underſtanding, before you ſet up to manage the affairs of government, and to decide ſo very peremptorily upon the rights and liberties of your fellow-ſubjects. Learn to view things in their true light; to conſider them according to their real natures, and to ſpeak of them with propriety; and then you will be heard and attended to. But a miſguided fancy, a heated imagination, will only hurry you into contempt. Noiſe and bluſtering may make you appear of ſome conſequence in a tavern or ale-houſe: Loud cries of liberty may catch the ignorant, and beguile the unwary: Tar and feathers may ſilence the puſillanimous: But if you would riſe into real dignity, and merit the eſteem of your fellow ſubjects, in ſettling the preſent diſtracted ſtate of our country, you muſt obtain a knowledge of the firſt principles at leaſt, of civil government; from them you muſt deduce your reaſonings; to them you muſt conform your conduct.

Conſider now, and tell me, what right or power has any aſſembly on the continent to appoint delegates, to repreſent their province in ſuch a congreſs as that which lately met at Philadelphia? The aſſemblies have but a delegated authority themſelves. They are but the repreſentatives of the people; they cannot therefore have even the ſhadow of right, to delegate that authority to three or four perſons, even ſhould theſe perſons be of their own number, which were delegated by the people to their whole body conjunctively. Delegates, ſo appointed, are, at beſt, but delegates of delegates, but repreſentatives of repreſentatives. And whatever aſſembly hath acted in this manner, hath betrayed the rights and privileges of the people whom they repreſented. It has exerciſed a power which it never received from the people, but which it has uſurped over them; and inſtead of commendations and applauſe, it deſerves only cenſure and reproach. Beſides,

The people are not bound by any act of their repreſentatives, till it hath received the approbation of the other branches of the legiſlature. No delegates, therefore, can in any true ſenſe be called the repreſentatives of a province, unleſs they be appointed by the joint act of the whole legiſlature of the province. When, therefore, the delegates at Philadelphia, in the preamble to their Bill of rights, and in their letter to his Excellency General Cage, ſtiled their body "a full and free repreſentation of—" "all the colonies from Nova-Scotia to Georgia," they were guilty of a piece of impudence which was never equalled ſince the world began, and never will be exceeded while it ſhall continue.

Nor is it clear to me, that the legiſlature of any province have a power of appointing delegates to ſuch a congreſs as lately met at Philadelphia. I am certain no provincial legiſlature can give them ſuch powers as were lately exerciſed at Philadelphia.

The legiſlative authority of any province cannot extend farther than the province extends. None of its act, are binding one inch beyond its limits. How then can it give authority to a few perſons to meet other perſons, from other provinces, to make rules and laws for the whole continent? In ſuch a caſe, the Carolinas, Virginia, Maryland, and the four New England colonies, might make laws to bind Philadelphia, New-Jerſey and New-York: that is—they might make laws whoſe operation ſhould extend farther than the authority by which they were enacted, extended. Before ſuch a mode of legiſlation can take place, the conſtitution of our colonies muſt be ſubverted, & their preſent independency on each other muſt be annihilated. And after it was accompliſhed, we ſhould be in a ſituation a thouſand times worſe, than our preſent dependance on Great-Britain, ſhould all the difficulties we complain of be real, and all the grievances ſome people affect to fear, fall upon us.

But it is time to attend upon the congreſs, and conſider their proceedings. However choſen, or however appointed, on September the fifth, 1774, the delegates met in a Grand Continental Congreſs at Philadelphia, and became the object of Grand Continental Attention. For a conſiderable time, they affected the utmoſt ſecrecy. Their doors were ſhut, their whole proceedings were involved in privacy and darkneſs. Nothing tranſpired, nothing was heard; but that Mr.—, I forgot his name, was continually poſting from Boſton to Philadelphia, and from Philadelphia to Boſton. We pleaſed ourſelves with the thoughts that all our grievances would now be decently and fairly repreſented, all our unhappy diſputes with our mother-country adjuſted and ſettled, and every poſſibility of future contention obviated, by the joint wiſdom, prudence and moderation of all the colonies. Like the country people in the fable, we ſtood all attentive to the throes and pangs of the labouring mountain, —agape, with▪ the expectation of ſome mighty matter to be produced at the birth. I would to God our expectations, like theirs, had ended in laughter and merriment;—But alaſs! the labour of the congreſs produced, not a ſilly mouſe, to make us laugh, but a venomous brood of ſcorpion, to ſting us to death.

During that myſterious period of ſilence, when they kept the whole continent in ſuſpence, they ſeem to have been in the ſtate of a man who is determined upon ſome hazardous enterprize, but not having courage enough to ſet about it cooly and deliberately, is obliged to wait till accident, or his own efforts have raiſed his paſſions to a proper degree of fury: Or, like the inhabitants of New-Zealand, before they attack their enemies, they found it neceſſary to animate themſelves by ſinging their war ſong, exerciſing their lances, and brandiſhing their patoo-patoos, that they might work themſelves up into ſuch a ſtate of frenzy, as ſhould apparently leſſen the danger of thoſe deſperate meaſures, which they were already determined to purſue.

The people of Boſton ſeem attentively to have regulated their conduct in ſuch a manner, as ſhould have the greateſt tendency to inflame the minds of the congreſs when it ſhould meet. While the members of that aſſembly were drawing together at Philadelphia, a report was ſpread from Boſton that the navy and army had attacked the town. Poſts were diſpatched with the moſt haſty ſpeed, from town to town, till the dreadful tidings arrived at Philadelphia. In New-England, all was hurry and confuſion, "the pulpit-drum eccleſiaſtic," ſpread the alarm through Connecticut. They flew to arms, and marched off to attack the troops of that King whoſe faithful and loyal ſubjects they have repeatedly declared themſelves to be; thoſe very troops, which were employed in the ſupport of his government, and in the protection of his ſubjects.

This falſe alarm anſwered two purpoſes. It tried the temper of the other New-England colonies, and convinced the Boſton people, that they were ready to join them in their moſt extravagant ſchemes,—to ruſh headlong with them down the precipice of rebellion. It ſerved alſo to inflame the congreſs, and to prepare the way for another Boſton manoeuvre

The county of Suffolk, in the province of Maſſachuſetts Bay, had, on the ſixth and ninth of September, entered into a ſet of reſolves, by which the authority of the government of Great-Britain was denied, the courts of juſtice ſhut up, his Majeſty's counſellors, who did not reſign their places by a day ſet them, viz. September 20th, were declared to be obſtinate and incorrigible enemies to their country. The command of the militia taken from the King, and lodged in the people; with ſeveral other poſitions and declarations equally ſeditious and rebellious. It was a matter of great conſequence to the ſucceſs of their ſchemes, to get theſe reſolves ratified, and confirmed by authority of the congreſs. Now was the lucky time, the critical minute. Their paſſions were up, their reaſon diſturbed, their judgment diſtorted; with the moſt inconſiderate raſhneſs they took the fatal reſolution of adopting approving and recommending the conduct of the Suffolk people, contained in their reſolves of the 6th of September; thereby making thoſe rebellious reſolves, as far as in them lay, the act and deed of all his Majeſty's faithful ſubjects, in all the colonies, from Nova Scotia to Georgia.

It is not my deſign to conſider minutely this adopted brat of the congreſs—the Suffolk reſolves.—Every perſon who wiſhes a reconciliation with Great-Britain; who deſires to continue under her dominion and protection; who hopes to enjoy the ſecurity of law and good government, and to tranſmit our preſent free and happy conſtitution untainted and uncorrupted to his poſterity; muſt condemn and abhor them. Nor will I enter on a particular examination of the other productions of the congreſs. To point out and animadvert on every thing in their addreſſes, &c. which deſerved cenſure, would require a volume; nor would my patience hold out through ſo dirty a road, though I ſhould find ſcarce any thing to impede my progreſs; but poſitive aſſertions, without proof; declamations, without argument; and railing, without modeſty.

My buſineſs is to detect and expoſe the falſe, arbitrary, and tyrannical PRINCIPLES upon which the Congreſs acted, and to point out their fatal tendency to the intereſts and liberties of the colonies.

It was the general opinion and expectation of thoſe people I converſed with, that the congreſs would form ſome reaſonable and probable ſcheme of accommodating our unhappy diſputes with the mother country, and of ſecuring our own rights and liberties; and that in order to make our union with Great-Britain durable and permanent, they would endeavour to mark out the limits of parliamentary authority over the colonies; aſcertaining, on the one hand, the liberties of the colonies, and on the other, giving full weight to the ſupreme authority of the nation over all its dominions. Had they attempted this, they would have done ſomething towards accompliſhing the important buſineſs on which they aſſembled. Though they might have executed it in an imperfect manner, it might probably have ſerved for ſomething to build upon; it would have been diſcuſſed here and at home; its errors pointed out; its advantages explained; its inconveniences obviated; and future improvements might have made it of real utility: At leaſt, they would, by this conduct, have ſhewn their attention to the intereſts of the colonies, and would, even on that account, have deſerved their regard; but they did nothing like this, on the contrary, they ſpent near, or quite, two months, in approving and commending the mad proceedings of the people of Boſton, and writing inflammatory addreſſes to the people of Great-Britain, Quebec, and the other provinces; and in exerciſing an aſſumed power of legiſlation.

Should any perſon chooſe to controvert this laſt poſition, I appeal to the Aſſociation publiſhed by them, under the ſignature of their own names. Every article of this inſtrument was intended by them to have a force of the law. They have indeed uſed the ſoft, mild, inſinuating term of recommending their laws to our obſervance, inſtead of the authoritative phraſe of "Be it enacted, &c." becauſe, their authority was not yet firmly ſettled. But they have ſolemnly bound themſelves and their conſtituents—by whom they affect to mean every inhabitant of the colonies, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia—(happy Nova-Scotia! happy Georgians who are out of their juriſdiction—) to adhere firmly to their Aſſociation;—they have appointed their officers to carry it into execution,—they have ordained penalties upon thoſe that ſhall preſume to violate it. The appointments of thoſe officers, the mode of their proceeding, the penalties to be inflicted, are contained in the eleventh article of the aſſociation.

Upon this article I beg leave to make ſome remarks.

"A committee" is ordered "to be choſen in every county, city, and town;" and to give the weight to thoſe committees, and to make them appear as much as poſſible like LEGAL OFFICERS duly elected, they are ordered to be choſen only "by thoſe who are qualified to vote for Repreſentatives in the legiſlature." A ſtrong circumſtance to prove that the Congreſs intended to give the force of a law to their Aſſociation.

Their buſineſs ſhall be attentively to obſerve the conduct of all perſons touching this Aſſociation; and when it ſhall be made appear to the ſatisfaction of a majority of any ſuch committee, that any perſon within the limits of their appointment has violated this Aſſociation, that ſuch majority do forthwith cauſe the truth of the caſe to be publiſhed in the Gazette, to the end, that all ſuch foes to the rights of Britiſh America may be publicly known, and univerſally contemned as the enemies of American liberty, and henceforth we reſpectively will break off all dealings with him or her.

Here, gentlemen, is a court eſtabliſhed upon the ſame principles with the popiſh Inquiſition. No proofs, no evidences are called for. The committee may judge from appearances if they pleaſe—for when it ſhall be made appear to a majority of any committee that the Aſſociation is violated, they may proceed to puniſhment, and appearances, you know, are eaſily made; nor is the offender's preſence neceſſary. He may be condemned unſeen, unheard—without even a poſſibility of making a defence. No jury is to be impannelled.—No check is appointed upon this court;—no appeal from its determination▪ Nor is it left accountable to any power on earth; ſo that if a majority of the committee ſhould chance not to have the fear of GOD before their eyes—the Lord have mercy upon us all!

Next, look at the puniſhment to be inflicted upon any perſon, when it ſhall appear to a majority of any committee that he hath violated this Aſſociation:—The committee are to cauſe the truth of the caſe to be publiſhed in the Gazette.—Conſider the matter gentlemen, fairly and cooly, without prejudice or partiality. Should committees be choſen, according to the purport of this eleventh article of the Aſſociation, in every county, city and town, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia—do you think that a majority of every ſuch committee would conſiſt of men of ſuch exact honour and probity, as that we might in all caſes expect the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, in their publications? Do we run no riſk by committing ſuch unbounded power into their hands? May they not ſometimes wantonly abuſe it? Eſpecially as they are accountable to no ſuperior tribunal;—without any other check on their conduct, than their own honour. Will their paſſions, their prejudices and prepoſſeſſions never warp them from realities, to judge by appearances only? They muſt be very extraordinary perſons indeed.

When the Popiſh inquiſition hath paſſed ſentence of condemnation on any perſon, they have done their duty—the poor wretch is then delivered over to the ſecular power to be puniſhed. In humble imitation of this humane and laudable practice, when the committorial inquiſition has condemned any perſon, and publiſhed his ſentence in the Gazette; they have done their duty; and then the poor culprit is to be delivered over to the power of the mob, for execution. He is to be conſidered as a foe to the rights of Britiſh America, and univerſally contemned as the enemy of American liberty, and thenceforth the parties of the Aſſociation reſpectively will break off all dealings with him or her.—Poor, unhappy wretch, how I pity thee! Caſt out from civil ſociety! Nobody to have any dealings with thee! None to ſell thee a loaf of bread, or a pot of tea-water, but ſuch miſerable out-laws as thyſelf! Perhaps thou haſt drank a diſh of tea, or a glaſs of Madeira, or haſt uſed an Engliſh pin, or eaten Iriſh potatoe, imported out of due time;—and haſt had the truth of thy unhappy caſe publiſhed, by the inquiſition, in the Gazette: And is there no relief! Muſt thou expect no mitigation of thy puniſhment? None, my friend; thou haſt committed the unpardonable ſin againſt the Congreſs; and the utmoſt vengeance that they can inflict awaits thee!—Comfort thyſelf however in this—that thou art in no worſe ſtate than a few honeſt people, of whom I have read, in an old neglected book, who were not allowed to buy or ſell, becauſe they had not the mark of the beaſt in their foreheads.

I beg your pardon, Gentlemen, for treating ſo ſerious a ſubject with ridicule. Look back, I beſeech you, upon the conduct of the Congreſs—conſider what a ſtate they have brought you into—view well the difficulties that ſurround you. Perhaps you may be tempted to make light of them, and without much reflection, to ſay, that all will be well. But remember;—your liberties and properties are now at the mercy of a body of men unchecked, uncontrouled by the civil power. You have choſen your committee;—you are no longer your own maſters:—you have ſubjected your buſineſs, your dealings, your mode of living, the conduct and regulation of your families, to their prudence and diſcretion. The public laws of the province are ſuperſeded by the laws of the Congreſs. The government of your city is, in a great meaſure, taken out of the hands of the magiſtrates; they cannot do their duty for the want of that ſupport which all good men ought to give them:—Violence is done to private property, by riotous aſſemblies, and the rioters go unpuniſhed; nay more;—are applauded for thoſe very crimes which the laws of the government have forbidden, under ſevere penalties.

You ſeem to think yourſelves perfectly ſafe and ſecure, becauſe your committee conſiſts of virtuous and honeſt men, and they will not hurt you. I have no inclination to detract from the virtue, or to impeach the honeſty of the gentlemen of the committee. I hope their future conduct will juſtify your good opinion of them. It is beſt however to ſee the end of their committee-ſhip, before you give them the ſanction of your approbation.—But is it then come to this?—Your committee will not hurt you. Are you content to have your liberty and property dependent on the Will of the committee? You that ſpurned at the thought of holding your rights on the precarious tenure of the will of a Britiſh miniſtry, as you have been pleaſed to ſpeak; or of a Britiſh Parliament, can you ſubmit to hold them on as precarious a tenure, the will of a New-York committee, of a continental congreſs?

You cannot, I think, want conviction, that your liberty and property are made ſubject to the laws of the Congreſs, and the will of the committee. If you do, look at the tenth article of the Aſſociation. Any goods or merchandize that may arrive on your account between the firſt day of December, and the firſt day of February next, though you ſhould have ordered them before the Congreſs had a being, muſt be reſhipped by your own direction; and this direction you muſt give, under the penalty of being gazetted;—or, they muſt be delivered up to the committee of the county or town wherein they ſhall be imported, to be ſtored at your own riſk;—or, they muſt be ſold under the direction of the committee; and after you are reimburſed your firſt coſt and charges, the profit is to be applied to the relieving ſuch poor inhabitants of the town of Boſton as are immediate ſufferers by the Boſton Port-Bill.—Good God! That men who exclaim ſo violently for liberty and the rights of Engliſhmen, ſhould ever voluntarily ſubmit to ſuch an abject ſtate of ſlavery! That you, who refuſe ſubmiſſion to the Parliament, ſhould tamely give up your liberty and property to an illegal, tyrannical Congreſs: For ſhame, gentlemen, act more conſiſtently. You have bluſtered, and bellowed, and ſwaggered, and bragged, that no Britiſh Parliament ſhould diſpoſe of a penny of your money without your leave, and now you ſuffer yourſelves to be bullied by a Congreſs, and cowed by a COMMITTEE, and through fear of the Gazette, are obliged to hold open your pocket, and humbly intreat that the gentlemen of the committee would take out all the profits of a whole importation of goods, for the benefit of the Boſton poor.

In God's name, are not the people of Boſton able to relieve their own poor? Muſt they go begging from Dan to Beerſheba; levying contributions, and exacting fines, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, to ſupport a few poor people whom their perverſeneſs and ill conduct have thrown into diſtreſs? If they are really under ſuch violent concern for their poor, why don't they pay for the tea which they deſtroyed, and thereby qualify themſelves to have their port opened?—this would effectually anſwer the purpoſe; and is only an act of bare juſtice which they ought to have done long ago:—They have made a great parade about employing their poor, in paving their ſtreets, and repairing their wharves and docks;—are they unable to pay them for their labour? Can't they ſpare ſome ſmall portion of that wealth, which is now pouring in upon them from the army and navy, for ſo good a purpoſe? Or will not the labour of the poor ſupport them now, as well as formerly? Muſt they command the wealth of the continent, to ornament their town, and render it more commodious? Do they expect a literal completion of the promiſe, that the Saints ſhall inherit the earth? In my conſcience, I believe they do. Nor can I, on this occaſion, help recollecting the obſervation of a queer fellow ſome time ago. Diſcourſing with him on this very ſubject, he ſaid, that the conduct of the Boſton people ſeemed to him to indicate an opinion that God had made Boſton for himſelf, and all the reſt of the world for Boſton.

For Heaven's ſake, gentlemen, have you no poor of your own to relieve? Are you ſure that your non-importation, non-exportation, non-conſumption ſchemes, will not draw the reſentment of the Britiſh parliament on you, as well as on Boſton?

I pretend not to a right of dictating to you; you have my free conſent to diſpoſe of your money as you pleaſe. If the people of Boſton are unable to relieve their poor, they have an undoubted right to beg for them. And whether they are able or not, you have a right to give as much, and as often as you pleaſe. But what right had the Congreſs to give what did not belong to them? to give your money,—the profits ariſing from the ſale of your goods,—without your conſent?—But I forget myſelf,—they firſt proclaimed themſelves your repreſentatives, and then of courſe they had an undoubted, legal, conſtitutional right to all your ſubſtance. For you know, gentlemen, that repreſentation and taxation go together. God and nature hath joined them.—But how, on this principle, you will keep your money out of the harpy-claws of the congreſs, I cannot conceive. They have ſhewn you already what they can do: And power is apt to be encroaching: the next congreſs may go farther: they have taxed you but lightly now; only the profits ariſing from goods imported in two months. But the ſame power that now takes the profits, may next take the goods too. I know not how you will help yourſelves, unleſs you have prudence enough to recur to the firſt principles of government: And then you will find that Legiſlation and Taxation go together; and that no government ever yet had a being where they were divided. It is true, in the Britiſh government, for the greater ſecurity of the ſubject, all money-bills muſt take their riſe in the Houſe of Commons; nor will the commons, ſuffer the Lords or the King to amend or alter a money-bill: Notwithſtanding which, it has no more force than an old almanack, and will raiſe no more money, till it has paſſed the Houſe of Lords, and received the Royal Aſſent: That is, till it has received the ſanction of the whole legiſlature, and become one of the Laws of the Kingdom.

After all, there is ſomething, to me, very myſterious in the conduct of the congreſs on this point; and if I ſhould not expreſs myſelf clearly on it, I muſt be forgiven; and if I am not, I don't care much about it.—The congreſs ſeem to me, to oblige a man to give the profits of his goods to the Boſton poor, whether he will or not; and at the ſame time to oblige him to be wiling to do ſo, even againſt his will.—They ſeem to oblige him to reſhip his goods, or deliver them up to be ſtored or ſold, whether he be willing or unwilling; at the ſame time they oblige him to be ſo far willing, as to direct it to be done, even againſt his will. This is too much like that divinity, which obliges a man, even againſt his will, to be willing to be damned, before it allows him a chance for eſcaping. I don't underſtand this having two wills, a willing will, and an unwilling will. I don't ſee how a man can act freely upon compulſion. The goods are to be reſhipped at the direction of the owner. Suppoſe he ſhould be unwilling. Unwilling or not, he muſt be willing,— or the dread of the GAZETTE ſhall make him ſo. So that ſhould any importer be ſo unfortunate as to have the arrival of his goods delayed, by any accident, till the beginning of December, he will be in the ſtate of a man, who being condemned to be hanged, by a law made after his pretended crime was committed, was yet ſo cruelly treated by his judge, as to be obliged to hang himſelf; or at leaſt, obliged, freely and willingly to give directions to ſomebody elſe to perform the friendly office for him. This is too much like the ſtory of poor Jack's hanging bou • , in the hiſtory of John Bull; and ſmells moſt confoundedly ſtrong of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtance. You may embrace the doctrine, gentlemen, and act upon it too, if you pleaſe; but really it is too much for me. I cannot ſwallow it; and if I could, I am ſure my ſtomach would never digeſt it.

I hope, Gentlemen, that you want no more proof, that the regulations of the congreſs have, and were intended to have, the force of laws;—nor that your liberty and property are now at the mercy of your committee. Say that it is not ſo, and we will put the matter on THIS footing:—There is not one of you that will dare to act contrary to the laws of the congreſs:—not one of you will run the riſk of oppoſing the committee in the execution of 〈◊〉 office lately eſtabliſhed by their High Mightineſſes the Delegates.—I am very certain that you do not ALL approve of theſe non-importation, non-exportation, and non-conſumption ſchemes. Some of you muſt have too much ſenſe and underſtanding not to perceive their fatal tendency. But not one of you will have courage enough to avow your ſentiments, and oppoſe them. The firſt of you, whoſe goods ſhall arrive after the firſt of December, will, with unwilling ſteps, march willingly to the committee, your new maſters, and give Directions to have them diſpoſed of, juſt as they ſhall pleaſe to order. So you will act, and I know the reaſon yon will aſſign for it,— You'll ſay, your honour is engaged;—that you conſented to ſend Delegates to the congreſs,—and that you promiſed to abide by, and obſerve all their determinations and laws.—This indeed was unfortunate: It was much the ſame conduct with his, who ſwore to etc • eteras. But let us examine how far your honour is really engaged by ſuch a promiſe.

Government was intended for the ſecurity of thoſe who live under it;—to protect the weak againſt the ſtrong;—the good againſt the bad;—to preſerve order and decency among men, preventing every one from injuring his neighbour. Every perſon, then, owes obedience to the laws of the government under which he lives, and is obliged in honour and duty to ſupport them. Becauſe, if one has a right to diſregard the laws of the ſociety to which he belongs, all have the ſame right; and then government is at an end. Your honour was therefore previouſly engaged to the government under which you live, before you promiſed to abide by the determinations of the congreſs. You had no right to make a promiſe implicitly to obey all their regulations, before you knew what they were, and whether they would interfere with the public laws of the government, or not. And you are ſo far from being bound in honour to obey any determinations of the congreſs, which interfere with the laws of the government, that you are really bound in honour to oppoſe them. Now, a little conſideration will render it evident, that there is no ſuch thing as carrying the regulations of the congreſs into execution, without tranſgreſſing the known laws, and contravening the legal authority of the government:—without injuring and oppreſſing your neighbours, who have as good a right to the protection of the laws, as you have.

Let it alſo be conſidered, that as no man has a legal right to do what the laws forbid, ſo every man has a legal right to do what they permit.

Now, by enforcing an obſervance of the determinations of the congreſs, in this province, you abrogate, or ſuſp •• d, ſeveral of its laws, ſome of them eſſential to the peace and order of the government: You contravene its authority: You take the government of the province out of the hands of the governor, council and aſſembly, and the government of the city, out of the hands of the legal magiſtrates, and place them in a CONGRESS, a body utterly unknown in any legal ſenſe! You introduce a foreign power, and make it an inſtrument of injuſtice and oppreſſion.

The laws of this government forbid all riots, all inſtances of violence to others, either in abuſing their perſons, or depriving them of their property:—They forbid us to diſturb or hinder any perſon in the proſecution of his lawful buſineſs;—that is, in doing what the law permits to be done.

Now, what law has forbidden the exportation of ſheep? No law of the province. The farmer is permitted to ſell them, and the buyer to carry them off, if he pleaſes.—But you have introduced a law of the congreſs, making that unlawful and impracticable which the laws of the province permit. And in carrying this regulation of the congreſs into execution, on a late occaſion, a public law, which forbids all riots, was notoriouſly trampled upon, and a flagrant and oppreſſive act of injuſtice done to ſeveral of his Majeſties ſubjects.

Can it be ſuppoſed, that your honour obliges you to perpetrate, or abet ſuch actions? If not, it does not oblige you to conform to the regulations of the congreſs, or carry them into execution.

There is no honour but what is founded in Juſtice and Virtue. Take theſe away, and what is called ſo is a mere name; it may be whim, it may be caprice, it may be pride, it may be ſelfiſhneſs: But HONOUR it can not be.

Suppoſe one of your fellow-citizens ſhould have a parcel of goods arrive after the firſt day of December, and ſhould refuſe to deliver them up to the diſpoſal of the committee: Are you in honour bound to compel him? In importing the goods he has tranſgreſſed no law of God, of nature, nor of the province. On the contrary, the laws of God, of nature, and of the province, forbid you to moleſt him in the proſecution of his buſineſs. But you are introducing a regulation of the congreſs ſuperior to the laws of God, of nature; and of the province;— A regulation that ſuperſedes and vacates them all. Remember, gentlemen, that honour and duty are always conſiſtent. Honour can never oblige a man to do that which his duty forbids him to do. Your duty requires you to obey the laws of the government in which you live, and to ſupport their authority: But this honour you talk of, requires you to diſobey the laws of the government, and to diſannul their authority. It is therefore falſe and not true honour which obliges you to adhere to the regulations of the congreſs, and to endeavour to carry them into execution; for it obliges you to act in direct oppoſition to your duty, to the laws of the government, to the rights and privileges of your fellow-citizens, and to the general good of the whole province; nay, of all the provinces, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia.

Some carry the matter ſtill further; they plead the neceſſity of the times, and pronounce boldly, that when any people are ſtruggling for liberty, the operation of the laws muſt, of courſe, ceaſe, 〈◊〉 the authority of government ſubſide: And in ſupport of this poſition, they alledge the inſtance of that memorable revolution in England, which placed the great King William on the throne. However neceſſary that revolution may have been to ſecure the rights and liberties of the Engliſh nation, no man, I am perſuaded, who really loves his country, would wiſh to ſee it again torn by ſuch violent convulſions as it then endured. People who talk ſo very feelingly, and with ſo much pleaſure about revolutions, and who are ever ready to juſtify the moſt violent, and the moſt needleſs oppoſition to government, by the example of the great revolution in England, ſeem to me to be too fond of revolutions to be good ſubjects of any government on earth. However, let us examine a little how far the neceſſary ſtruggles for liberty will juſtify that violence, which puts an end to the operation of the laws, and introduces anarchy, riots, and brutal force, in their ſtead.

The operation of the laws certainly ought not to ceaſe any farther than the neceſſary ſtruggles for liberty require. A ſmall ſtruggle will not juſtify a total ſubverſion of law and good government. A ſtruggle for liberty, however neceſſary it may be, which can be carried on conſiſtently with the laws, and in due ſubordination to government, will never juſtify the breach of any one law, nor oppoſition to government in any inſtance. —To ſpeak directly to our own caſe.

Had you, gentlemen, ſuffered the Tea belonging to the Eaſt India Company, to have been landed and ſtored, you would have been under no obligations to have bought it, or to have uſed it. It might have lain till doomſday, and would never have hurt you or your poſterity. Your diſpute with the mother-country, about the three-penny duty, would have been conducted conſiſtently with the laws of the government, and no injury would have been done to any mortal. But this peaceable conduct, comported not with the intemperate, fiery zeal of the Sons of Liberty. The cry then was, that there was not virtue enough in the city to prevent the Tea from being bought and uſed.—A ſtrange alteration has happened in a ſhort time.—You have now virtue enough to prevent, not only Tea from being bought and uſed, but all commodities from Great-Britain and Ireland, &c. from being imported. If you go on, gentlemen, your improvements in virtue will ſoon put you upon an exact equality with the New-England people, whom a late celebrated writer of your city ſtiled, the moſt virtuous people on earth! Inſtead of this peaceable conduct, every violent meaſure has been purſued; all means that tended to promote a reconciliation with Great-Britain, and to maintain the peace and order of the government in which we live, have been neglected. And to complete the folly of your conduct, you now reſolve to adhere to the determinations of the congreſs, thereby precluding all poſſibility of accommodation with the mother-country, except upon our own terms, which never can be complied with, conſiſtently with the dignity of the nation: You thereby alſo introduce a new authority into the province, highly derogatory from, and ſubverſive of the power of the legiſlature: You eſtabliſh a court of Inquiſition, to decide, in the moſt arbitrary, tyrannical and unheard-of manner, upon the liberties and properties of your fellow-ſubjects, over whom you have no juſt or legal power: You lay an embargo upon all the produce of the farmers, and will thereby be enabled to purchaſe it at your own price: You have monopolized, into your own hands many of the neceſſaries and comforts of life, and you prevent any more from being imported; by which means you will command the purſes of the good people of the province, and may extort what ſums you pleaſe from them in payment for your goods: And laſtly, you promote and encourage riots, mobs and tumults, and make them the means of carrying into execution that abominable ſyſtem of oppreſſion which the congreſs have deviſed for the future government of the continent.

All the hardships which you complain of, all the evils which you ſay, you fear, from the weight of parliamentary power, endured for a Century, would not injure this province ſo much as this mode of conduct continued only for a twelvemonth.

Where, I beſeech you, was the neceſſity for all this ſo glaring, ſo violent an infringement of the laws of ſociety, and of the rights of your fellow ſubjects? In truth, there never was, nor is there now, any other neceſſity than what you yourſelves have made. Had you permitted the Tea to have been ſtored, and only refrained from purchaſing it, you might have waited for the meeting of the aſſembly, without any manner of danger to your rights and privileges: and then you might have had the grievances you complain of, conſidered by the true and legal repreſentations of the people: If they were found to be juſt, they would have been repreſented, and a remedy ſought, in a legal conſtitutional way; without the ſubverſion of the laws, without the oppreſſion of individuals, and without detriment to the province.

Inſtead of this reaſonable and manly mode of proceeding, you have, by your raſh and precipitate conduct, caſt a very undeſerved odium on your repreſentatives, and involved the province in confuſion and danger.—Have your repreſentatives neglected your intereſts?—Have they given up your liberties?—Have they betrayed your rights?—Have they ſhewn any diſpoſition to do theſe things?—If not, why are they neglected? Why are they treated as though they were not worthy to be truſted.

Let it alſo be conſidered, that the aſſembly are a body known and acknowledged by the laws of the empire. Their repreſentations would be conſidered, their petitions or remonſtrances attended to. The ſupreme authority of the nation could treat with them without deſcending from its dignity. But the congreſs are a body unknown to the government. In a legal ſenſe, they are no body at all. You cannot then expect, that their petitions, ſhould they have made any, will be attended to, or their remonſtrances regarded.

Let thoſe, who are fond of pleading the neceſſities of the times, in excuſe of the ſubverſion of the laws, conſider,—that violent and illegal meaſures, even in the moſt neceſſary ſtruggles for liberty, can never be juſtified, till all legal and moderate ones have failed.—Suppoſing therefore, that all the complaints we make againſt the Britiſh Parliament and Miniſtry are founded in truth; and that all the evils which we foreſee and foretel are really coming on us. We have no right to procede to ſuch violent means of redreſs as the congreſs have directed, and you are executing, till the legal and conſtitutional applications of our Aſſembly have failed.

Let me now requeſt of you, gentlemen, to look back, and conſider the whole of the matter, and then determine for yourſelves, whether you are bound by the principles of honour, of duty, or of conſcience, to adhere to, or carry into execution, the regulations of the Congreſs, to the ſubverſion of the laws, the diſturbance of the peace, the oppreſſion of the inhabitants, and the deſtruction of the property of the province in which you live?

Beſides, are you ſure, that while you are ſupporting the authority of the congreſs, and exalting it over your own legiſlature, that you are not nouriſhing and bringing to maturity, a grand American Republic, which ſhall, after a while, riſe to power and grandeur, upon the ruins of our preſent conſtitution? To me the danger appears more than poſſible. The out-lines of it ſeem already to be drawn. We have had a grand Continental Congreſs at Philadelphia. Another is to meet in May next. There has been a Provincial Congreſs held in Boſton government. And as all the colonies ſeem fond of imitating the Boſton politics, it is very probable that the ſcheme will ſpread and increaſe; and in a little time, the Common-Wealth be completely formed.

You may think this a chimera, a creature of my own brain, and may laugh at it. But when you conſider circumſtances with a more minute attention, poſſibly ſome foundation for my ſuſpicions may appear. That a majority of the people of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay have it in meditation to throw off their ſubjection to Great-Britain, as ſoon as a favourable ſeaſon preſents, can ſcarce admit of a doubt. The independency of that province on the Britiſh Parliament, has been declared in expreſs terms. As yet they acknowlege King George the Third for their King and liege Lord;—how long they will abide by this acknowlegment is very uncertain. They are daily encroaching on the prerogatives of his crown, and the legal rights of his throne. They have wreſted the militia from the command of his Governor, and are diſciplining it to fight againſt his own troops, whom they have called military executioners, and enemies to their ſtate. They have obliged his ſervants to reſign their employments. They have ſhut up his courts of juſtice, diſſolved his government, and are erecting one of their own modeling in its room.

They boaſt of the number and valour of their men, and have given plain intimations, in the Suffolk Reſolves, that they will not always act on the defenſive. I could enumerate more circumſtances in ſupport of my ſuſpicions, but theſe are ſufficient.

Only now ſuppoſe it poſſible that they ſhould ſucceed, and become a ſtate independent on Great-Britain. The probable conſequence would be, that the other New-England colonies would join them, and together with them, form one Republic. When once they had arrived at this height of power, How long do you ſuppoſe they would remain in peace with this government? Certainly only till a fair opportunity offered to attack it with advantage. The New-England people have ever caſt a wiſhful eye on the lands of this province. Connecticut, Maſſachuſetts, New-Hampſhire, have all in their turns encroached upon them; and their encroachments have not only been very troubleſome, but alſo very difficult to remove. A ſtate of continual war with New-England, would be the inevitable fate of this province, till ſubmiſſion on our part, or conqueſt on their part, put a period to the diſpute. The conſequences of ſuch an event to the landed intereſt of this colony, need no enumeration.

Whenever the fatal period ſhall arrive, in which the American colonies ſhall become independent on Great-Britain, a horrid, ſcene of war and bloodſhed will immediately commence. The intereſts, the commerce of the different provinces will interfere: diſputes about boundaries and limits will ariſe. There will be no ſupreme power to interpoſe; but the ſword and bayonet muſt decide the diſpute. We, indeed, in words, diſclaim every thought and wiſh of ſeparating our intereſts from hers: But in deed and fact, all the colonies from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, have run headlong into ſuch meaſures, as muſt, if they prove ſucceſsful, finally break intirely our connection with her, or reduce her to the diſagreeable neceſſity of eſtabliſhing her dominion over us, in conqueſt.

To talk of ſubjection to the King of Great-Britain, while we diſclaim ſubmiſſion to the Parliament of Great-Britain, is idle and ridiculous. It is a diſtinction made by the American Republicans to ſerve their own rebellious purpoſes,—a gilding with which they have encloſed the pill of ſedition, to entice the unwary coloniſts to ſwallow it the more readily down.—The King of Great-Britain was placed on the throne by virtue of an act of Parliament: And he is King of America, by virtue of being King of Great-Britain. He is therefore King of America by act of Parliament. And if we diſclaim that authority of Parliament which made him our King, we, in fact, reject him from being our King; for we diſclaim that authority by which he is a King at all.

Let us not, Gentlemen, be led away from our duty and allegiance, by ſuch fantaſtical diſtinctions. They are too nice and ſubtil for practice; and fit only for Utopian ſchemes of government. We have ſo long paid attention to ſophiſtical declamations about liberty and property, the power of government, and the rights of the people, the force of laws and the benefit of the conſtitution, that we have very little of any of them left among us: And if we continue to ſupport and imitate the mad ſchemes of our eaſtern neighbours, in the manner we have done, in a very ſhort time, we ſhall have none at all.

We have hitherto proceeded from bad to worſe. It is time to conſider and correct our conduct. As yet it has done us no good: If perſiſted in too far, it will bring ruin upon us. It is our duty to make ſome propoſals of accomodation with our parent country: And they ought to be reaſonable ones—ſuch as might be made with ſafety on our part, and accepted with dignity on hers. But if we expect to oblige her to propoſe a reconciliation,—to aſk and intreat us to accept of ſuch and ſuch terms, to force her to concede every thing, while we will concede nothing:—If we are determined to proceed as we have done,— continually riſing in our demands and increaſing our oppoſition, I dread to think of the conſequence. The authority of Great-Britain over the colonies muſt ceaſe; or the force of arms muſt finally decide the diſpute. Many Americans are hardy enough to ſuppoſe, that, in ſuch a conteſt, we ſhould come off victorious; But horrid indeed would be the conſequence of our ſucceſs! We ſhould preſently turn our arms on one another;—province againſt province,—and deſtruction and carnage would deſſolate the land. Probably it would coſt the blood of a great part of the inhabitants to determine, what kind of government we ſhould have—whether a Monarchy or a Republic. Another effuſion of blood would be neceſſary to fix a Monarch, or to eſtabliſh the common wealth.

But it is much more probable, that the power of the Britiſh arms would prevail: And then, after the moſt dreadful ſcenes of violence and ſlaughter.—CONFISCATIONS and EXECUTIONS muſt cloſe the HORRID TRAGEDY.