Freedom from civil and ecclesiastical slavery, the purchase of Christ. A discourse, offered to a numerous assembly, on March the fifth, 1774, at the Presbyterian Meeting-House, in Newbury-Port. / By Jonathan Parsons, A.M. & V.D.M.

FREEDOM From CIVIL and ECCLESIASTICAL SLAVERY, THE PURCHASE OF CHRIST. My benevolent Townſmen and other hearers,

FROM a ſenſe of my incapacity, and the ſhortneſs of the time allowed me to prepare, I repeatedly declined ſpeaking in public, on a day ſet apart to Commemorate the bloody Maſſacre, the barbarous butchery at Boſton four years ago. And when I looked over the excellent peices that have been printed on that ſorrowful occaſion, I thought very little new could be offered, and therefore felt the greater inclination to be excuſed. But the importunity of friends which finally overcame me, I hope will be a ſufficient apology, and engage your candour in hearing, while I offer a few things inferred from

GALATIANS, Chap. 5. Ver. 1.

Stand faſt therefore in the Liberty wherewith CHRIST hath made you free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage.

IGNORANCE, pride, covetiouſneſs, or the luſt of power, has, in all ages, influenced many men to exert themſelves many ways, to fix a yoke of bondage upon the necks of ſome of their brethren. The Jewiſh Doctors being ignorant of that freedom which Chriſt gave his true followers by his obedience and death, uſed their utmoſt art to enſlave their brethren by the rites and obſervances of the ceremonial law, and when our Apoſtle oppoſed them, no doubt their pride and covetuouſneſs wrought fervently, as their gain and ſovereignty were in danger of being entirely muzzled. And had they obtained their end in bringing this yoke upon the Gentile converts, yet even then, they would not have been eaſy, for they were never able to bear it themſelves.

BUT there are other ways of enſlaving men, beſides by burdenſome rites: Burdenſom taxes laid upon them without their conſent, whether in the State or in the Church, are a ſinful yoke of bondage.

AS to the STATE; Our patriotic brethren in BOSTON, have juſtly obſerved on one of theſe anniverſary occaſions, that a noble attachment to a free CONSTITUTION raiſed ancient ROME from the ſmalleſt beginings to that bright ſummit of happineſs and glory to which ſhe arrived; and it was the loſs of this which plunged her from that ſummit into the black gulph of infamy and ſlavery.

AND we ſhall add, the ſame ſpirit of liberty prevailed in Chriſtian Rome at the firſt embracing Chriſtian principles: But they were ſoon diſpoſed to enſlave their brethren reſpecting matters of religion, as they had done in the ſtate before they embraced the Chriſtian faith. Their merchandize and hire were ſoon employed for ſweet incenſe and coſtly perfumes, to ſerve the pride and luxury of the great; until at laſt, haughty Popes and Prelates uſurped a tyrannical power over the conſciences of men and drew money out of their pockets, for pardons and indulgencies, and for praying them out of purgatory, which was to their deſtruction and not to their ſalvation.

IT would not have been quite ſo dark, had the yoke never been put upon the necks of proteſtants; but perſecution for conſcience ſake—impriſonment, confiſcation of goods, baniſhment and even death, have often been practiſed ſince the reformation, and in proteſtant nations too. Nor would it be neceſſary to go out of England and Scotland for many inſtances of ſuch flagrant wickedneſs.—But can we pretend that New-England ever attempted to lay a yoke of bondage upon any of its inhabitants, for conſcience ſake? Here we ſhall ſpread a viel over our fore-fathers, and leave their extraordinary conduct with that God who judgeth righteous judgment. We need not go back for proof to make it appear, that men have endeavoured to enſlave their brethren in eccleſiaſtical concerns: for all thoſe that forcibly take away the money or property from their honeſt neighbours to ſupport a miniſter which they cannot in conſcience attend, are guilty of ſpiritual tyranny: They take away their money or lay a tax upon them without their conſent, and diſenable them to ſupport the worſhip of God agreeable to the dictates of their own conſciences. And if this is not enſlaving men in their moſt important intereſts, in the name of wonder, what is? Our neighboursNew Hampſhire. have been convenced of the injuſtice of ſuch a practice, and have granted liberty of conſcience to all denominations of proteſtants. Nor do I know of any province in New-England, in this enlightened age of liberty, but what has done the ſame, except THIS, which is foremoſt in eſpouſing the cauſe of civil liberty.—But violence and ſpoil are ſtill heard in our dear province. It has relieved Epiſcopalians, Anabaptiſts and Quakers, but ſtill keeps the yoke of bondage upon the necks of Calviniſts.

BY Calviniſts is meant the whole of thoſe doctrines which are uſually called Calviniſtic as they are contained in the Weſtminſter, New-England and other proteſtant confeſſions of faith, that we are generally acquainted with, or at leaſt might to be, alſo the government of the church agreeable to the Calviniſtic or Preſbyterian plan.— Both the doctrines and government referred to, we apprehend are founded on the ſcriptures; and, viewing them in this light, we are careful to regard them—not meerly as terms of peace, but as terms of ſtated communion.

For men to ſay that they chearfully take the holy ſcriptures for their rule, is, in our opinion, too uncertain to be received as a teſt of their orthodoxy in the faith, or their agreement in worſhip and government; for as to the faith, it is well known, that avowed Arians, Pelagians, Arminians, Socinians, Antinomians, &c. &c. will as readily ſay that they take the holy ſcriptures for their rule, as the ſtricteſt Calviniſts: But reaſon itſelf teaches, that words and ſyllables, in our Engliſh Bible, do not, but ſenſe and meaning do determine whither, and how far men agree with the word of God. We apprehend it neceſſary to be known what ſenſe men put upon the ſcriptures, in the diſtinguiſhing doctrines of Chriſtianity, in order to occaſional communion with them; and how, or in what ſenſe they underſtand the ſcriptures relative to church government, in order to ſtated communion. We are fully perſuaded that it is owing to the randum way of ſettling miniſters and churches, together with a vile contempt of creeds and confeſſions, that has been the guilty cauſe of the many confuſions and diſtreſſes in the land. No ſort of church government fixed, but all is managed to ſuit the taſte of the party concerned; and all confeſſions of faith, by which the ſenſe and meaning of ſcripture may be known, are ſet aſide.—Hence, all ſeem to jumble together, and make meer hodge podge. Yet we hope better things of ſome, though we thus ſpeak; and as to ourſelves, we openly declare we cannot receive doctrines in a ſenſe counter to the ſtandards which we have ſolemnly ſubſcribed. We apprehend that upon the ſtricteſt examination they will ſtand the teſt, and as to church government, we think it does not depend upon the capricious humours of men, but is of divine original, both as to the thing itſelf, and the way of adminiſtration. Yet if any are otherwiſe minded reſpecting government, we are far from ſtriping them of the Chriſtian character, provided they firmly adhere to the great doctrines of Chriſtianity, which diſtinguiſh that from all other religions in the world.

Theſe, though they are and through the ſhifting ſcenes of ſtate affairs, have been as dutiful ſubjects as ever the HOUSE of HANOVER had, muſt be kept in ſlavery; while we as one united body are pleading for liberty.

BLESSED be God the ſeveral congregations in this town, have honoured themſelves and done juſtice in this affair, by cordially agreeing in one united application to our ASSEMBLY with ſucceſs, that each religious ſociety in the town, ſhould be obliged to pay miniſterial charges "where they meet for public worſhip" and they are exempted from "paying towards the ſupport of the miniſtry, and from other incidental charges at any other place than where they attend." This is truly becoming the ſons of liberty, and well worthy the imitation of every town in the province. It is no more than our excellent CHARTER allows us, though, it is pleaded, our laws made for ECCLESIASTICAL affairs abridge us of this liberty.

WERE theſe equitable principles which have been the price of blood, propagated in eccleſiaſtical as warmly as in civil concerns, there would be much more peace and ſocial happineſs in our pariſhes than has generally prevailed among us. But whether this privilege be granted to the church or not, yet I am ſure the law of reaſon and equity will ſtand up in favour of it.

THOUGH I have obſerved "with high ſatisfaction, the zeal and exertions of the Americans in defence of their rights and liberties" of a civil kind, and earneſtly with that HE who holds the univerſe in his hands, may crown their warmeſt efforts with everlaſting ſucceſs—Yet I own it looks odd to me, that a PROVINCE which holds on eccleſiaſtical tyranny beyond all her ſiſter colonies ſhould be foremoſt in her attempts and pleas for civil liberty.—Nor can I groundedly hope for the ſmiles of Heaven upon us, in our utmoſt efforts, if we endeavour to enſlave our Chriſtian brethren in their eccleſiaſtical concerns; for while we plead for liberty on one hand, and promote ſlavery on the other, our principles are too contracted and corrupt; and if we regard oppreſſion in our hearts the Lord will not hear us. Chriſtian liberty, both civil and eccleſiaſtical, is the greateſt bleſſing of the kind, that we can enjoy; and therefore to be deprived of either, is the greateſt injury we can ſuffer; and whoever they be that attempt to hold us in the claws of tyranny, muſt be heineous offenders in the ſight of God. All attempts to juſtify ſlavery, are but the feeble endeavours of ſelfiſhneſs to oppoſe the law of nature and divine revelation, and ſerve to ſhow us the weakneſs of the judgment and the wickedneſs of the human heart.

I WISH and earneſtly pray that our patriotic Houſe of Repreſentatives may be inſpired to exert themſelves, in the wiſeſt and moſt effectual way, to put an end to all civil and eccleſiaſtical oppreſſion, and to make liberty equal to all men inhabiting the province.—This, this would immortalize their names, and all the ſons of liberty would riſe up and call them bleſſed. When that time commences it will be a token for good that juſtice will run down our ſtreets as waters, and righteouſneſs as a mighty ſtream.

BUT whether ſucceſs attends our endeavours or not, it becomes us, as men and chriſtians, to aſſert our natural and conſtitutional privileges —never to give them up, but if poſſible to recover and defend them againſt all malicious claims of haughty and covetious tools of arbitrary power, they are a legacy left us by Chriſt, the purchaſe of his blood. And will any tamely ſubmit to be entangled with the yoke of bondage, now Chriſt has made us free!

SURELY, My Friends and Townſmen, you will be very jealous for the defence for our excellent conſtitution, and where a breach is made upon it you will earneſtly contend for its being healed. Neither the high notions of the Britiſh Parliament, nor the groundleſs prejudices in this Province, ſhould intimidate your minds. Where is the brave ſpirits of our Fore-fathers that ventured life and all that was dear to them, rather, than give up their privileges to the pleaſure of Sir Edmund Androſe and his creatures! Sure, in this enlightned age of liberty, you will not readily yeild to ſlavery. Now natural and conſtitutional rites are ſo well underſtood, and appear ſo reaſonable you cannot deſert the cauſe, nor grow indifferent about it. I perſwade myſelf, that you, in combination with our brethren, will be more ſucceſsful than our mother country has ſome times been, in preſerving that reverance and authority which is due to chriſtian liberty.

I PITY rather than hate the Britiſh parliament, in their tyrannic ſentiments reſpecting the Colonies. We chuſe to be as one body—like Jeruſalem, as a City COMPACT together. We deſire to live in connection with Great-Britain, in a ſweet harmony, and are grieved to ſee the diſpotiſm that is breaking us aſunder. I pity the place-men and penſioners in this Province, who are ſtriving by public meaſures among ourſelves, and private letters to men abroad, to keep up and increaſe the alienation between us and our mother country. I wiſh the bleeding wounds may be thoroughly healed, and the true intereſts of Church and State may govern all denominations in their future conteſts, and regulate all their claims: They were deſigned to be mutual benefits; and if they were cordially united in the truth, we might be led forth in the right way of peace, by the hand of Moſes and Aaron. May the virtuous on both ſides endeavour, by all probable means, to remove all grounds of complaint, and reſtore equal liberties—If every one uprightly conſidered his own happineſs as a part of the whole, and inſeperable from it, he would feel no diſpoſition to enſlave any. All would chearfully ſubmit to a righteous government in church and ſtate; for they would find all turn to general good, friendſhip and gratitude would be reſtored between Great-Britain and her Colonies, love and peace between the various denominations of proteſtant chriſtians.—Church and ſtate would be mutual helps in this province; and as we are beautiful for ſituation▪ we ſhould ſoon be the joy of the whole land. None would be taxed without his conſent, to ſupport a miniſtry he conſcientiouſly diſſented 〈◊〉 The enemies would not roar in pariſhes, nor break down the carved work with axes and hammers; the ſame public ſpirit would reign in all orders and conditions of men, which reigned in Chriſt Jeſus.—If a 〈◊〉 of Chriſtian benevolence was properly cultivated in all the different claſſes, 〈◊〉 lines would not bind any one to pay their money to ſupport a worſhip which they eſteemed corrupt, but where they could with peace and comfort ſet down with their brethren; and this would not leſſen the extent of good order and pleaſure nor ſhorten their duration.

BUT when ſhall this happy aera commence! Not in the STATE, as long as fleets and armies are palmed upon us, to threaten diſtruction in a time of peace—Not as long as the parliament of Great-Britain ſtrive to tax us without our conſent.

THE ſhocking effects of theſe violent meaſures we have already felt by the ever memorable tragical ſcene at Boſton four years ago! We mourn with our brethren, that the ſons of violence and blood were ever ſuffered to parade the ſtreets of our Metropolis! We feel for them, who ſaw their ſtreets ſtained with INNOCENT BLOOD, by worſe than butchering Soldiers! Should the Lord arraign the blood-thirſty crew as he did Cain, they might add rebellion to their other ſin, as he did: But if they ſhould hear GOD ſay, "What have you done! The voice of your brethren's blood crieth unto me from the ground;" they would be ready to cry, "Our puniſhment is greater than we can bear:" They would feel themſelves cut off from the church, and forbid to bring any more vain oblations, unpardoned guilt would fill their ſouls with continual terror. May the awful cataſtrophe of that evening be ever deeply engraven upon our hearts as it is this day!

I READILY own that I feel upon my mind a great averſion to all enſlaving meaſures, and a ſtrong deſire for public liberty. I wiſh to ſee all thoſe fetters which parliaments have endeavoured to fix upon us, done away. When will the time come, that fleets and armies ſhall be 〈◊〉 , and better employed than to threaten us with bondage and death! I could alſo wiſh for the peace and happineſs of the church; and therefore, that all denominations of proteſtants might be at liberty to ſeek their edification in thoſe worſhiping aſſemblies with which they agree in ſentiment, and be diſcharged from miniſterial taxes to any but where they attend, as it is in this town, through the benevolent application of its inhabitants. We ſee many ſad conſequences of violence in the church; we have tried force long enough to convince us that we have no reaſon to be proud of the experiment. Methinks a collector has as much reaſon to tremble at the face of an honeſt man when he demands his money or property in ſuch a caſe, as a thief would have at the ſight of a ſheriff. What benefit has ever accrued to people by the plunder of honeſt men, who ſoberly diſſent from their brethren—the conſequence of ſo much injuſtice has been to excite people to deviſe ſeveral ſchemes to get rid of their fetters. Beſides, it is attended with a general loſs of credit and confidence in one another. It requires no great degree of virtue and wiſdom in a court to put a ſtop to ſuch gains of ungodlineſs.

BUT a ſpirit of liberty is wanting, even among thoſe that are pleading for liberty▪ and dread ſlavery. The Church as well as the State muſt be founded on principles of juſtice, benevolence and moderation, or there can be no peace The wiſdom that is from above is firſt PURE, then peaceable—but envy and ſtrife ariſe from beneath.

I PRESUME not to dictate the legiſlators of the people: But it is our duty as Miniſters of Chriſt, to open the nature of juſtice and oppreſſion We have a right to ſay that what any man can call his, muſt remain his, 〈◊〉 he agrees to part with it; and if it is taken away by force, it is an act of injuſtice. Juſtice will regulate the happineſs of church and ſtate; but oppreſſion will promote their miſery. By what bond ſociety and ſocial happineſs will be promoted, I know not, as long as they bite and devour one another.

RIGHTEOUSNESS and mercy are due to all men, eſpecially to thoſe with whom we are nearly connected. The law of nature and the written law of God, ought to be the great maxims of all civil and eccleſiaſtical policy. It is truely ſurpriſing to obſerve, how Slowly the principles of freedom prevail reſpecting the Church in a land ſo warmly engaged for liberty in the State. It has been the policy of ſome, who are zealous for liberty, to lay their brethren under the ſevereſt reſtrictions on religious accounts, though doubtleſs if proper freedom was granted, the whole body would feel the bleſſings of it; for the moſt effectual method of receiving good from others is to do good to them. Equal liberties granted to all denominations, would naturally tend to beget affectionate union. The time I am perſwaded will come, when the reſtraints laid upon ſome chriſtians, and the violence uſed towards them will ceaſe, and there will be as great freedom in the Church as we plead for in the ſtate. It would be a noble effect of laudable ambition in our whole legiſlative body, if they ſhould follow their neighbours in this matter, or fix upon ſome better plan for relief. O that court and country may break through the prejudices and ſelfiſhneſs of the age! O that all may be led into the right path to promote truth and ſocial happineſs! The path that would make the province peaceful among themſelves, and reſpectable among others! But force and fraud will never effect this bleſſing, thou •• love and friendſhip might. And then we ſhould, with a be •••• grace, plead the merits of our cauſe, whenever called thereto 〈◊〉 it ſhould be at the expence of life and treaſure—the evidence in our favour would ſhine the brighter in the view of all wiſe and good men. It would be a good means to convince them that we are contending for our rights and liberties, with a benevolent and chriſtian ſpirit—by the armour of righteouſneſs on the right hand and on the left, through the manifeſtation of the truth; and that we dread the defence of liberty by external force— that nothing but meer neceſſity ſhall draw us into it.

BUT if theſe and other equitable meaſures will not prevail over thoſe that would enſlave us, Chriſtian benevolence will inſpire us to ſecure our rights, and repair our injuries at the point of the ſword; for if one man may defend himſelf and his rights againſt an aſſailant, much more may a whole country defend themſelves when their rights are invaded, becauſe the concern is greater. In ſuch caſe, the ſpirit of Chriſtian benevolence would animate us to fill our ſtreets with blood, rather than ſuffer others to rob us of our rights. I readily grant that arms are a ſad remedy, and the more undeſirable where there has ſubſiſted uſeful connections: But if old friends are diſpoſed to be terrible, if they endeavour to enſlave, and bring miſchief and miſery upon their brethren, this is a falſe notion of glory, and condemned by true religion. Then it becomes us to take up arms and uſe them in the nature of a remedy. Such coroſſives are painful, but the cauſes which make them neceſſary are more dangerous. When nothing elſe will ſerve to preſerve or reſtore our liberties, it becomes a duty to make uſe of arms—We deſire liberty with peace, and would gladly live as friends, but if the bleſſing of liberty cannot be had with peace, it is lawful and right to enter into a contrary ſtate. If former friend • 〈◊〉 now reſolved to entangle us with a yoke of bondage, God forbid that we ſhould ſuffer them to cut off our limbs and mangle our whole body to gratify their injurious demands. Such terms of peace are no better than what Nahajh the Ammonite propoſed to the men of Jabeth Gilead, that they would let him thruſt out their right eyes, and bring reproach upon all Iſrael, leaving them one eye to ſerve him in ſome mean and ſervile drugery. If it ſhould be ſo that our natural and conſtitutional liberties cannot be recovered and maintained without repelling force by force, who could heſitate for a moment, about the propriety of taking up arms! If our brethren will not be eaſy unleſs we ſuffer them to thruſt out our right eyes, and enſlave our families, it is a very loud call from God, to defend ourſelves from their encroachments: And if we go forth in the name and ſtrength of Chriſt, he will be our ſun to guide and animate us, and our ſhield to defend and give us ſalvation.

IT is matter of deep lamentation that any of the miniſtry at home, or any penſioners and their tools in the Britiſh colonies ſhould diſtreſs a tree people with any outward inconveniences from a ſinful, imperious ſpirit directly oppoſite to the genius of the goſpel: It is a great pity that thoſe who are ſo nearly connected in intereſt, and a long combination productive of their common good and happineſs ſhould be broken aſunder by unprincipled tyrants and traitors,—traitors to their King and to his loyal ſubjects! They deeply offend him who has purchaſed all our privileges, and who will ſeverely judge and condemn all tyrannizing over a free people. They cannot be juſtly offended though in this open and undiſguiſed way, I affirm they are acting over the old trade of perſecution, rather than we ſhould be free, and the methods of diſtreſs are calculated to prevent the nation and colonies from being a flouriſhing people, ſo long as the old connection laſts. The ſame plan if it ſhould prevail, will iſſue in moſt fatal conſequences. It has laid waſte many flouriſhing countries, and multitudes, for liberties ſake, have been killed all the day long; the blood of martyrs have run like rivers down the ſtreets of famous cities; it has put others to cruel mockings, bonds, impriſonments and baniſhments. Yea it was the ſame principle that crucified the Lord of life and glory, And as theſe have been the ſhocking conſequences of ſuch principles prevailing in the church or ſtate, the like may be acted over again, if the principles are not ſeaſonably ſuppreſſed.

BUT ſhould we ſuffer ever ſo many temporal inconveniences for it, yet, as Chriſtians, we may not give up thoſe rights and privileges that Chriſt has purchaſed for and beſtowed upon us; for giving them up, would not only reflect great diſhonour upon Chriſt, but would be inconſiſtent with the peace and welfare of the people, and therefore be quite intolerable. We hope that HE by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree juſtice, will inſpire our DREAD SOVEREIGN with thoſe feelings of pity, humanity and goodneſs, which were very conſpicuous in his ROYAL GRAND-FATHER; and diſpoſe him to put a ſpeedy and final end to all thoſe meaſures of deſpotiſm, invented and propagated by a corrupt miniſtry.

GOD grant, that we may ſo conduct in our eccleſiaſtical concerns, as that all denominations of proteſtants may enjoy equal privileges. I am warranted to tell you, that it has been the opinion of good judges of our charter, that no denomination of proteſtants can be a legal eſtabliſhment in the province, ſo as to interfere with the freedom of another denomination: That if, by Pariſh lines, any of our laws bind men to pay toward the ſupport of a miniſtry from which they ſoberly diſſent, ſuch laws will be judged a breach of charter, if the matter be properly repreſented home. I humbly apprehend that, in ſuch a day of jealouſy as this is, all of us are called to conſider whether there has not been a breach upon our Charter rights in this matter, for if the affair ſhould be complained of, our own arbitrarineſs may ſoon bring us into ſlavery.

MAY that God, who loves righteouſneſs, and hates violence and oppreſſion, diſpoſe all orders of men among us, both in church and ſtate, to put away the evil of our doings, ſeek judgment, relieve the oppreſſed! If mutual benevolence and righteouſneſs ſhould reign among ourſelves, we may hope to enjoy the bleſſing of liberty: but if we refuſe and rebel, we may juſtly fear being devoured by the ſword of thoſe that are watching to enſlave us.

FINIS.