AT first glance, it is certain, this text refers to a state of personal servitude, and ex­tends to every instance of the same kind. It is also as clear that the Apostle exhorts the servant to prefer liberty. This proves that the inspired writer himself, prefered liberty to a state of servitude; for he would not ex­hort another to prefer what was not preferable in his own esteem. Now, if Paul esteemed per­sonal liberty a valuable inheritance, he certain­ly esteemed the liberty of a community a far richer inheritance; for if one man's enjoyment of it was a good, the enjoyment of two must be a greater good, and so on through the whole community. From the same manner of reasoning, the slavery of a community ap­pears [Page 6] to be a proportionably greater evil, than the slavery of an individual. Hence, we may observe from the text, that CIVIL LIBERTY IS A GREAT GOOD.

THIS is the proposition to which I ask your present hour's attention, and if it should appear in the sequel to contain an important truth, you will not esteem it below the gospel preach­er's duty to explain and support it in public, especially at such a time as this, a time, at the very prospect of which, our generous fore-fa­thers would have wept in bitterness of soul. If civil liberty is a great good, it ought to be deemed one of the blessings of Heaven; these it is the preacher's duty to illustrate, that we may feel the obligations they bring us under —that we may enquire whether we have im­proved them for the glory of the giver, and that we may know how to conduct to­ward them for the future. Be pleased then to give your candid, close, and serious attention, while I endeavour to explain the nature of ci­vil liberty, and prove that it is a great good.

AS it is much less difficult to point out the nature of true coin in general, than to deter­mine whether any particular piece is genuine, or how far it differs from the perfect standard: So it is much easier to point out the general nature of civil liberty, than to say what degree of it enters into any particular civil constituti­on. [Page 7] It is therefore most natural to enquire, in the first place, concerning the general na­ture of liberty; and indeed it is as necessary as natural. For until we determine this ques­tion we have no rule by which we may esti­mate the quantity o [...] liberty in any particular constitution: But when once we have found the standard, we shall be prepared to examine our own constitution, or any other, at pleasure, and to determine what part of the constitution should be supported, and what may be given up with safety. An enquiry into the nature of liberty in general, is also needful on ano­ther account. Without it we cannot see the force of any evidence that may be brought to evince the value of liberty itself.

THAT the subject may be fairly elucidated, I will endeavour to remove some mistakes by which it has been obscured. In doing this, I observe, that liberty does not consist in persons thinking themselves free. The Jews could say we were never in bondage to any man though they wore the Roman yoke at the ve­ry same time. Again, though a certain constituti­on should be contended for and supported by a majority of voices; yet this would be no sure evidence that it is free: Because an hun­dred may as truly tyrannize over one, as one over an hundred; or otherwise, the majority may be in favour of licentiousness. What but a love of licentiousness or tyranny, or both, [Page 8] can induce the heathen nations to approve of their several systems of government? What but these, could induce Saul and the men of Israel to persecute David and his hand­ful? What but one or both of these drew down the fury of Sodom on Lot—of the Jews on the prophets—on Jesus Christ— on his Apostles and their followers. What but these ever raised any one of the many terrible persecutions under which the peaceable disci­ples of Jesus Christ have fallen from time to time? In all these instances the majority have been unfriendly to liberty.

CIVIL Liberty consists, not in any inclinati­ons of the members of a community; but in the being and due administration of such a system of laws, as effectually tends to the great­est felicity of a state. Herein consists civil liber­ty, and to live under such a constitution, so administered, is to be the member of a free state; and he who is free from the censure of those laws, may fully enjoy all the pleasures of civil liberty, unless he is prevented by some defect, not in the constitution, but in him­self.

IF liberty consists in the being and adminis­tration of a civil constitution, different from such an one as has been mentioned, I must confess, my inference from the Apostle's ex­hortation is not just. For certain it is, that [Page 9] so far as a constitution doth not tend, in the highest degree, to the greatest felicity of the state, collectively considered; it is a compari­tive evil and not a good.

WHERE there is no system of laws, not li­berty, but anarchy, takes place. Some de­gree of liberty may, indeed, exist where nei­ther the constitution nor the administration of it is perfect. But in order to perfect freedom, the law must extend to every member of the community alike, both in its requisitions and prohibitions. Every one must be required to do all he can that tends to the highest good of the state For the whole of this is due to the state, from the individuals of which it is com­posed. Every thing, however trifling, that tends, even in the lowest degree, to disserve the interest of the state must also be forbidden.

ORIGINALLY, there were no private inter­ests^*. The world and all things in it, were the [Page 10] common interests of all the inhabitants, under God the great owner. Nothing is to be es­teemed [Page 11] an interest any farther than it tends to good, or is capable of being turned to the be­nefit of the possessor. But whatever has this [Page 12] tendency, or may be thus used, is properly termed an interest. According to this estimate, the term interest includes all those various offi­ces [Page 13] and employments that are capable of being improved for the good of the community. These interests, being such as cannot be ma­naged [Page 14] by the whole body collectively, are dis­tributed among the individuals according as they appear in the eyes of the body politic, to [Page 15] be qualified to use them for the good of the whole. In this way every member becomes a servant to the state, and is a good or bad ser­vant according to the manner in which he discharges the trust reposed in him. This is equally true of the King on the throne and the peasant in the field. The laws of a free state require each individual to use the public in­terests deposited in his hands, in every instance [Page 16] in that very manner that shall contribute most to the good of the community, without any particular reference to Governor or subject, rich or poor, high or low. While the laws require such a continual course of conduct in every member of the commu­nity, they as critically forbid every one to take from another that part of the public property which is committed to him; or to impede him in making the best use of it for the pub­lic, unless when the community see it best to deprive an individual of his place, and autho­rise another to do it in their name. In this manner the laws of a free state provide securi­ty for the particular properties of each indivi­dual member, or rather for the public interest deposited in the hands of individuals, by de­nouncing such penalties on every offender as are exactly adequate to his offence. There must be an exact proportion between the of­fence and the penalty. Where there is no such proportion, or equality, liberty is infring­ed, because the law is partial, as it will injure, either the public, by not giving it its due, or the offender, by inflicting a greater evil than he deserves. In this case there must be no dis­tinctions, made by the law, between persons of different characters and stations, only as those different characters and stations may give the same criminal action different degrees of aggra­vation. A criminal action is more criminal in a person who fills an elevated place, than in one [Page 17] of a more humble condition; because it has a more detrimental aspect on the state. For this reason, the offences of the great should be punished with greater indignity and severity, than the crimes of persons in low life. In a perfectly free state, friendship to the commu­nity will be as carefully noticed as an offence. Punishment will not be more exactly alloted to the transgressor, than adequate rewards to the faithful subject. The farmer, the seaman, the mechanic, the merchant, and the practi­tioner of such of the learned professions as be­long to the state, are directed by the commu­nity, in effect, to reward each other by an ex­change of labour, or commodities. While those servants of the state, who are employed in manag­ing the reins of government, are rewarded by a collection from the whole, an equality to which, is returned in the happy effects of legis­lation and executive justice. At the same time that the laws make due provs [...]ion for an e­qual distribution of rewards among the faith­ful servants of the state, both of higher and lower rank, they make as full provision for the infliction of penalties on every class alike. They render it as easy to bring a royal offend­er to trial,—to procure an impartial sentence against him, and to inflict deserved punish­ment, as in the case of the meanest subject.

IN such a state, the laws extend to all the members of the society alike, by making in [Page 18] impartial estimate of every offence, but as it is best in all communities, that some offenders should be pardoned, for special reasons, and that others should be punished; those same laws will lodge a power of determining the alternative with some one, whose capacity and integrity are equal to such a trust, that so the community may suffer no harm.

A GOOD foundation for liberty is laid in such a constitution, but its whole worth lies in due administration. Perfect liberty takes place where such a constitution is fully administred: But where the administration is imperfect, li­berty is likewise imperfect. In a perfectly free state, both the constitution, and the admi­nistration of it, are full of propriety, equality, and equilibrium.

THESE I take to be the out lines of genu­ine liberty, which, by a proper application, may assist us in our enquiries after the degree of liberty enjoyed by any particular state.

INDEED, the circumstances and occurrences, that attend human states are so numerous, extensive, and uncertain, that no one man, or body of men, can foresee and improve them all to the greatest advantage. Hence, it frequently hap­pens, that we cannot ascertain the degree of li­berty enjoyed by a community, by comparing the particular parts of a constitution, or the admi­nistration of it, with the abstract notion of liber­ty; [Page 19] for we see but a small part of the whole system. Our views are very partial. This is the case not only of individual subjects, but the body of government, itself, cannot, com­pleatly, comprehend the whole. Some degree of partial oppression is, therefore, to be ex­pected in every human state, even, under the wisest administration. We may, however, de­termine, in some instances, whether liberty is unnecessarily infringed or not. When we see the body of a community plundered for the sake of indu [...]ging individuals in pride, luxury, idle [...]ss and debauchery,—when we see thou­sands rewarded with pensions, for having ei­ther devised, or attempted to execute some scheme for plundering a nation, and establish­ing despotis [...], we cannot be in doubt whe­ther some horrid attack is not made on liber­ty.

WE may reason thus in a few particular in­stances; but, in general, we must form our judgments by considering the various disposi­tions of mankind, and by noticing their va­rious operations and effects, in various circum­stances. We must turn our attention to the facts that have already taken place; and may reasonably conclude, that the same causes will always produce the same effects, unless some­thing special prevents. One general inference from the whole will be, that liberty is much rather to be expected in a state where a ma­jority, first, institutes, and then varies the con­stitution [Page 20] according as they apprehend circum­stances require, than in any other.

OTHER things being equal, a majority has a more general and distinct knowledge of the circumstances, and exigencies of a state than a minority; and, of consequence, is more able to judge of what is best to be done. Add to this, that private interest is the great idol of the human mind; and, therefore, when a ma­jority unite in any measures, it is to be sup­posed, they are such measures as are best cal­culated to secure the particular interests of the members of that majority; and, consequent­ly, the general interests of the body are more effectually provided for, in this way, than by the security of the private interests of any mi­nority whatever. And if the maxims adopted by the majority are general, both in their na­ture and extent, it is to be supposed, they will prove as salutary to the members of the mino­rity as to those of the majority, and, conse­quently, to the whole body Hence, though li­berty is not necessarily, nor invariably connect­ed with the voice of a majority; yet, it is much more likely to be found in connection with such a voice, than with that of a minority. Indeed, there is in general, no reason to ex­pect liberty where a majority is counteracted, and, on the contrary, we may hope for some good degree of it, where a majority governs.

IT is only on these maxims, that the present [Page 21] British monarch can be exculpated from the several charges of rebellion, treachery, and usurpation, and on these, the glorious re­volution in favour of the house of Hanover is perfectly justifiable.

LET us now attend a little, to a few particu­lars that may serve to excite in us some more adequate ideas of the worth of civil liberty. In­deed, none but an omniscient mind can fully comprehend, and exactly estimate the true worth of this blessing, in its various consequences, effects, and inseparable concomitants, as they take place on various occasions. Our views of this subject may, however, be greatly enlarg­ed and rendered much more distinct than they generally are.

THAT civil liberty is of great worth, may be infered from the conduct of God towards the Jewish nation. He promised them free­dom from the oppression of their enemies as a testimony of his favour in case of their obedi­ence; and as a chastisement for their disobedi­ence, he threatned them with a state of servi­tude. From this it is certain that the omnis­cient God himself, esteems liberty a great blessing. The Israelites were taught by him to set their hearts much on liberty, and to a­void slavery with great caution, constancy and vigour.

IT was observed that liberty has its rise in [Page 22] such a constitution as tends to the highest good of a community, and that the due ad­ministration of such a constitution affords a state of freedom. Hence, the bare idea of li­berty discovers it to be an inestimable good, for whatever tends to the highest good of great numbers, must, undoubtedly, be an invaluable treasure. In this view liberty is an inexhaust­able fountain, which, under God, sends forth an endless variety of such streams, as are both pleasant and salutary. I will instance in a few particulars. When we enjoy liberty, and are sure of its continuance, we feel that our per­sons and properties are safely guarded by her watchful eye, her impartial disposition and her powerful arm. This excites to industry, which tends to a competency of wealth. The vassal, on the other hand, having no security of his present possessions, or for those he might ob­tain, concludes so uncertain a prize is not worth the seeking, and therefore will do no more than barely serves to silence the clamours of necessity from day to day.

IN such a situation, every bias of the hu­man mind tends to idleness and poverty. E­ven generosity itself will sinks into inacti­vity and indolence; because it loaths a con­nection between tyranny and wealth, and there­fore refuses will do nothing that might establish such a connection, by strengthening a tyranni­cal state. Liberty not only removes every ob­struction [Page 23] out of the way of industry, frugality and wealth, but rouses even indolence to acti­on, and gives honest, laborious industry a so­cial, sprightly, cheerful air; but in a state of slavery, sloth hangs heavily on the heels of dumb, sullen, moross melancholy. Industry and frugality spring from the same source, and are spontaneously productive of temper­ance. The former moderates the appetites, while the latter forbids unnecessary expence. This triple alliance is the natural parent of de­cent conversation and courteous behaviour. They calm the passions and urge even pride and avarice to mimic humanity, and every ge­nerous sentiment. By these and such means, they, both enable and dispose us to fulfill our contracts^* with exactness, and so give us cre­dit with our neighbours, and lay a foundati­on [Page 24] for public confidence. In this manner li­berty renders political virtue fashionable, and tends to diffuse public spirit. It discounte­nances disorder, and every narrow disposition. Thus the mind is fortified on all sides, and rendered calm, resolute, and stable. Indus­try and temperance give health to the body, and render it fit for the residence and opera­tions [Page 25] of such a soul. In a nation raised to such a pitch of vigor, firmness, health and opu­lence, all the natural means of defence▪ are collected, and to such the arts of war will be an easy acquisition. These united, will prove a bulwark against every assault of lawless pow­er, whether foreign or domestic. In such a state, a free people will enjoy composure of soul and their taste will become refined. The study of the fine arts will follow of consequence, and, after these, a long train of science. In­dustry, frugality, and a curious turn naturally invent and perfect the useful arts. What is more than all, liberty secures the rights of con­science, by protecting every member of the state in the free exercise of his religion, un­less it be such a religion as is inconsistent with the good of the state. The first effects of li­berty, on the human mind, are calmness, se­renity and pleasing hope; and all the various fruits of liberty produce the same happy ef­fects. Thus liberty, first divides itself, as it were, into various streams; which, at length, all meet together again in soothing sensations and sweet emotion of soul. The pleasure that springs from liberty is the life of every other enjoyment, and the importance of it in a single instance is vastly great, too great to be conceiv­ed of, unless on a sudden transition from a state of refined freedom, to that of the most abject slavery. How great then must be the collec­tive happiness that a community drives from [Page 26] a state of perfect freedom? I confess liberty never has been enjoyed in perfection by any of the nations of the earth; but this by no means affects the foregoing estimate. For, from the small degree of liberty, with which we are acquainted, the consequences of perfect liberty may be justly inferred. Nor is the im­perfection of liberty, as it hath taken place in the world, any discouragment to the pursuit of it. The more we can obtain, the greater will be our enjoyment. Each degree of liber­ty is a precious pearl.

WHEN we would learn how much any thing tends to happiness, we must view it with re­ference to the taste of the person in whom the happiness is supposed to take place. So, the happy tendency of liberty cannot be seen, un­less it be viewed as terminating on some parti­cular disposition in him by whom it is enjoyed. Liberty is so illy calculated to give pleasure to either a tyrannical, or, licentious spirit, that it proves a galling curb to both. A free spi­rit,—a spirit that is consonant to a free con­stitution;—a spirit that seeks the highest good of a community, in its proper place,—this, and this only, can extract and taste all the sweets of liberty. If we would learn how great a tendency liberty has to produce hap­piness, we must consider it in such circum­stances as give it an opportunity to do good.

LET us then, for once, imagine a state whose [Page 27] members are all of a free spirit; and then attend to the glory and pleasures of liberty. The individuals are all of one mind. They unite in the same grand pursuit, the highest good of the whole. Only suppose all the mem­bers of such a state to be acquainted with the best means of promoting their general end; and we shall see them all moving in perfect concert. The good of the body will be their first aim. And in subserviency to this, they will impartially regard the particular interests of individuals. You and I shall perfectly u­nite in our regard for your interest and for mine. Your interest will not be the more dear to you, nor the less so to me, because it is yours. In these circumstances, there would be no room for the emotions of any of the angry painful passions; but, on the contrary, every soft and pleasing affection of every soul, would be cal­led forth into vigorous and harmonious exer­cise Every individual would choose to move in his proper sphere, and that all others should move in theirs. This would at once constitute pure felicity, and exalted beauty. How good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell to­gether in unity: Such a state of things, in the little community of a single family, must be productive of great good. But should it take place throughout a nation, each family would enjoy the same good from its own domestic circumstances, beside the far greater pleasure which would accrue to each individual from a consideration of the same happy condition of the whole.

[Page 28]SHOULD it be said, that such a scheme as has been mentioned is merely chimerical and roman [...]ic; because there never has been, nor ever will be such a general state of mind on earth; I would say, the same objection is e­qually strong against the worth of a state of per­fect holiness. Such a state has never taken place, in perfection, in this world, nor will it hereaf­ter; but must we therefore suppose that holi­ness is of no worth? The reason why we do not experience all the pleasures of liberty, that have been mentioned, is, not any defect in liberty, but the perverseness of our self­ish hearts, which prevents our pursuit and en­joyments of the delights of perfect liberty. Liberty still remains a blessing too great to be compared with any other earthly good.

THE thoughts that have been suggested in this discourse, open to us the nature of good government in its several branches. A legis­lature is denominated good, from the good­ness of its laws, or, from the tendency of the laws made by it to produce the highest good of the community. In exact proportion to this tendency of the laws, is the legislature to be esteemed good:—The goodness of execu­tive government, consists in its due adminis­tration of the laws already made. It is for the good of the community alone, that laws are ei­ther to be made or executed. So that,

GOOD government is not inconsistent with [Page 29] liberty. Perfect liberty and perfect govern­ment are perfectly harmonious, while tyranny and licentiousness are inconsistent with both. Yea farther,

GOOD government is essential to the very being of liberty. Remove good government, and you remove liberty. Abridge the former and you abridge the latter. Let good govern­ment encrease and you encrease liberty. These can never be separated in any degree. Their rise and fall is exactly uniform. Hence,

THE impropriety of saying of a person, that he is a friend to government, but not to liber­ty, and of another, that he is a friend to liber­ty, but not to government, appears to be very gross. Indeed one man may be a friend to tyranny and not to liberty, but then he is as truly an enemy to government. Another may be a friend to licentiousness and not to go­vernment; but then he is as truly an enemy to liberty; and both, for this plain reason, that good government in a state, and the liberty of that state, are one and the same thing. This suggests another idea, which is, that

HE who infringes on liberty rebels against good government, and ought to be treated as a rebel. It matters not what station he fills; he is a traitor; his treachery is, however, more or less aggravated in proportion to his state and condition. He that fills an elevated sta­tion [Page 30] is proportionably more criminal in the same rebellion, than those in a lower state; and where a man proves false to confidence reposed in him, his treachery is still more base and detestable. Because his exaltat [...]on puts it into his power to do greater injury to the state than could possibly be done by an in­ferior.

IT is equally true, that every kind and de­gree of opposition made against good govern­ment is an ebullition of licentiousness.^* The man that rises up against good government is an enemy to liberty, a tyrant in heart, and they who are discontented and fretful under it are of the same cast.

IF liberty is such a thing, and so great a blessing as it has been represented, it is, cer­tainly, a rich tallent that Heaven has been pleased to entrust with every man, and it un­doubtedly becomes all to be constantly, and thoroughly awake to a sense of their duty re­specting it. We are too ready to fancy, that when once we have appoined legislators, and [Page 31] given them charge of this inestimable treasure, we need give ourselves no farther concern a­bout it. But this is not our whole duty. We are all stewards, to whom the God of nature has committed this talent. The design of ap­pointing a few individuals to government, is not to free the rest from their obligations but to assist them in the discharge of their duty, in the same manner that ministers of the gospel are to assist their hearers in those duties that respect the care of their souls. Communities ought therefore to keep an impartial and watchful eye on government. They are urg­ed to do so, by a consideration of the avarici­ous, and aspiring dispositions of mankind in ge­neral, and the peculiar opportunities and temp­tations that Governors have to indulge them. In these latter ages of the world, after it has been found by several thousands years expe­rience, that such as have been made the guar­dians of liberty, have in almost every instance, where it was thought practicable, endeavour­ed to make themselves masters, instead of continuing stewards of the community; in these days, I say, we are more distinctly, sen­sible, and frequently called on to watch the conduct of government. Liberty is not an absolute right of our own, if it were, we might support, and guard, or neglect it at pleasure. It is a loan of heaven, for which we must account with the great God. It is therefore, as unreasonable for us to place an un­limited [Page 32] confidence in any earthly ruler, as to place such a confidence in our spiritual ministers and depend wholly on them to settle our final account with the holy judge of the universe.

I DO not mean that we should, as individu­als, undertake to dictate to our rulers, or oppose them by force whenever we judge they act a wrong part. This would be utterly unrea­sonable, for surely we have at best, no better right to usurpation than they. What I mean is, that we should all endeavour to turn the attention of our fellow members of the com­munity on the conduct of our rulers. We should notice and compare it with the standard of right and wrong ourselves; and excite others to do so like wise. We should endeavour on every alarming occasion, to collect the senti­ments of the body, and vigorously pursue those measures that are thought the most sa­lutary for the whole.

IT becomes us, with united hearts, to make a firm stand against every attempt to wrest the jewel from us, either by force or fraud:— The present state of things is very alarming. In the view of the most simple common sense, we are now called on—men, women and chil­dren are called on to struggle for the preser­vation of those rights of mankind which are inexpressibly [...]ear. Let us then rouse and ex­ [...]t ourselves to the utmost, on the present oc­casion. But you ask me. What shall we do? [Page 33] Shall we renounce the authority of our graci­ous sovereign? Shall we take up arms against his troops? What shall we do?

I answer, By no means. Do not suffer the thought of renouncing our king's authority, so much as to turn in your min [...]; rather, be ready to shed your blood in defence of your rightful sovereign and his high office. Never let us think of entering on a civil war, unless the Pretender, or some other usurper should at­tempt to dethrone the British parent of his people. But should this be the case, then let the world see that their king is dearer to the Americans than their blood.

THOUGH the time has been, when our countrymen, but an handful, were obliged to defend themselves against thousands of the native savages; by dint of arms; yet, not­withstanding, a cloud, in some respects, much heavier than that, low [...]s over us at present; such is the kindness of our God, that, hu­manly speaking, it is in the power of Ame­rica to save both herself and Great-Britain from total destruction, and that without a sin­gle hostile stroke. Nothing more than piety and oeconomy are necessary, and in these, e­very age and character may unite. The pi­ous supplications of the stammering child will as effectually reach the ear of our God, and be as acceptable to him, as the most elegant address. A thousand things may intercept our petitions in their way to an earthly mo­narch; [Page 34] but a combination of all our enemies in earth and hell cannot prevent a pious wi [...]h in its flight to Heaven; and let us remember, that the effectual fervent prayers of the righte­ous avail much. We have sought in vain for relief from our parent state—from our King. And if salvation has not come from our gra­cious sovereign King George, we cannot ex­pect it from the hills. We must look still higher. I [...]stead of railing against man let us notice and imitate the example of Michael who railed no [...] against the devil himself. David, said, of Shimei, let him curse for the Lord hath bidden him. He saw, he had deserved so illy at God's hand, that it was no wonder, he had brought such a punishment on him. He, therefore, accepted it willingly at the hand of God; while he was not insensible to the wickedness of Shimei. It becomes us, likewise, to notice the hand of God, and set­tle it in our minds, that evil springs not out of the ground,—that there's no evil in the city which the Lord hath not done. Under such views, let us all, like Daniel of old, piously pour out our hearts before God, acknowledging our own sins, and those of our people. Mean­while, let us encourage no practice, in our­selves or others, that tends to enslave our country. Let us learn to live in the plain manner of our fore-fathers. It is high time for us to re­form. We have had a rich inheritance and wasted it in riotous living. Let us soon return to our father's house, least we be reduced to the want, even of h [...]sks to eat. These are the [Page 35] only expedients that seem needful at present, But if we will risque our country for the sake of a few superstuities, posterity may curse our pride and luxury, and the present generation may find that death and carnage will terminate their folly. And should this be the case we must charge the horrid scene to our own miscon­duct.—If any should say, it is in vain for them as individuals to be vigilant, zealous and firm in pursuing any measures for the security of our rights, unless all would unite: I would reply,

A [...]ES are composed of seconds, the earth of sands, and the sea of drops, too small to be seen by the naked eye. The smallest particles have their influence. Such is our state, that each individual has a proportion of influence on some neighbour at least; he, on another, and so on; as in a river, the following drop urges that which is before, and every one through the whole length of the stream has the like influence. We know not, what indi­viduals may do. We are not at liberty to lie dormant until we can, at once, influence the whole. We must begin with the weight we have. Should the little springs neglect to flow till a general agreement should take place, the torrent that now bears down all be [...] it, would never be formed. These mighty floods have their rise in single drops from the rocks, which, uniting, creep along till they meet with another combination so small that it might be absorbed by the travellers foot. [Page 36] These unite, proceed, enlarge, till mountains tremble at their sound. Let us receive in­struction from the streams, and, without dis­couragment, pursue a laudable plan. But,

IS it not to be feared, that an appetite for the leeks and the onions, is the source of our difficulty? The ungenerous language of the objector seems to be, "I could wish to see my country happy, but if the fates have deter­mined its destruction I will not forego my share of the booty."

IT is great, it is gl [...]rious, to espouse a good cause, and [...]it is still more great and glorious in such a cau [...]e to stand alone. It is great and glori­ous [...]o [...]u brave the reproach [...] the base. Should all our countrymen forsake us, perseverance wo [...]ld be an honour, and the honour will rise as the number of our adherents is diminished.

Let us therefore, vigorously pursue pru­dent measures in the present alarming state of things. Then, should it please the righteous disposer of all, to reduce us to the most ab­ject slavery, we shall at least, have the consola­tion to think, that we are in no part chargea­ble with having riveted chains on our coun­try, and the blessing of a clear conscience is incomparably better than the greatest tem­poral interest and worldly applause.

THIS has been a land of liberty. We have enjoyed that bl [...]ssing in a great degree for a long time. It becomes us now to reflect on [Page 37] our ingratitude to the giver. When he has wrought salvation for us, on one occasion and another, how have we expressed our thankful­ness? By bonfires, illuminations, rev [...]llings, gluttony and drunkenness. Would not a stran­ger have thought us worshipers of the whole race of the heathen deities, rather tha [...] of that God, who is a spirit, and who seeketh such to worship him, as do it in spirit and in truth?

WE have boasted of our liberty, and free spirit. A free spirit is no more incl [...]ed to en­slave others than ourselves. If then it should be found upon examina [...]ion that we have b [...]en of a tyrannical spirit in a free country, how base must our character appear! A [...]d how many thousands of thousands have been pl [...]ng­ed into death and slavery by our means?

WHEN the servant had nothing to pay, and his master had frankly forgiven him all, and he had gone and cast his fellow servant into pri­son, there to remain till he should pay the last farthing; the master justly punished his ingra­titude and severity with the like imprisonment. Hath not our conduct very nearly resembled the conduct of that servant? God gave us li­berty, and we have enslaved our fellow-men. May we not fear that the law of retaliation is about to be executed on us? What can we object against it? What excuse can we make for our conduct? What reason can we urge why our oppression shall not be repaid in [Page 38] kind? Should the Africans see God Almigh­ty subjecting us to all the evils we have brought on them, and should t [...]e [...] cry to us, O daugh­ter of America who art to be destroyed, hap­py shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us; happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the stones; how could we object? How could we resent it? Would we enjoy liberty? Then we must grant it to others. For shame, let us either cease to enslave our fellow-men, or else let us cease to complain of those that would enslave us. Let us either wash our hands from blood, or never hope to escape the avenger.

TO conclude, unless we adopt some prudent decisive measures in humble dependance on God; we have reason to sear some almost un­parallelled calamity. If we do not exert our­selves: It would not be strange, should a mi­litary government be established, and popery triumph in our land. Then, perhaps those, who now want fortitude to deny themselves some of the superfluities of life, may see their husbands and sons slain in battle, their daugh­ters ravished, their wives r [...]pt up, their chil­dren dashed against the wall, and their pious parents put to the [...]ack for the religion of Je­sus. Now is the dicisive moment. God sets before us life and death, good and evil, blessing and cursing, and bids us choose. Let us therefore choose the good and refuse the evil, that we may live and not die.

THE general nature of liberty is the same in all societies, though different circumstances give it different appear­ance The same general principles that are the foundation of good government in a fa­mily are as truly so in the government of a nation. These maxims are applicable not on­ly to earthly societies, but are equally so to the eternal kingdom of the great God. That government and that liberty which takes place in earthly communities is called domes­tic or civil, according to their extent. When these are spoken of as belonging to the king­dom of God, they are termed divine or spiri­tual. The propriety of the manner of expres­sion made use of in our text, depends on the truth of these observations. In the thirty first verse of the context, we are told, that our Lord Jesus Christ said to those Jews which [Page 40] believed on him, If ye continue in my words ye are my disciples indeed; and ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free. It seems as though they did not apprehend he was speaking of spiritual liberty but of civil, and therefore answer, We be Abraham's [...]eed, and were never in bondage to any man. How sayest thou, ye shall be made free? Jesus th [...]n ea [...]s them to understand, that he spake of spiritual liberty, by saying▪ Whosoever com­miteth sin is the servant of sin; and then he adds, The servant abideth not in the house forever; but the son abideth ever, after which follows the text. It is observable that our Lord in this conversation uses that parti­cular word to signify spiritual freedom, by which they un [...]e [...]stood civil liberty, wh [...]ch would have been altogether improper, had not their general nature been the same. We may observe, that it is Jesus Christ who makes th [...]e free that are so in a spiritual sense. It is [...]e alone who introduces them as freemen into this state, I [...] the son shall make you free then shall ye be free indeed. He doth not say if ye be made free, or if ye make y [...]urselves free, but, if the son shall make you free.

The freedom here spoken of, is no doubt, the same that in another place is called the liberty of the sons of God. It is that liberty, wh [...]ch those enjoy who are born of God, have his spirit, and a [...]e adopted into the number of his children. Th [...]s liberty is [...]joyed in this [Page 41] world so far as persons are sanctified; and shall hereafter be perfectly enjoyed in Heaven.

IT is observable that Christ calls this liber­ty, freedom indeed. Ye shall be free indeed. This emphatical word was doubtle [...]s made use of to teach us, that spiritual freedom, or liberty is preferable to any other, and that it is per­fect freedom, without any mixture o [...] d [...]ect.

THE principal thought in the text, and what I propose to dwell on at present is, that,

THE state of liberty into which Jesus Christ introduces his disciples is far preferable to any state of earthly liberty.

THE subject to which we attended in the forenoon, is vastly important; but this is as much more important, as spiritual enjoyments are preferable to those that are temporal; e­ternity to time; and as all the final host of Heaven, which will be composed of God, Christ, Angels and Saints, are preferable to the handful of dust and ashes that compose an earthly empire. It is a subject much more interesting to us, as well as more important in itself. Let me then beg your most diligent, conscientious and unbiased attention, while I endeavour to illustrate and improve the obser­vation just now deduced from the text.

IT was said in the former discourse that li­berty [Page 42] consists in the being and due adminis­tration of such a set of laws, as tend to the highest good of the society. If this be so, it follows that liberty in a state is greater or less in exact proportion to the greater or less ten­dency of the constitution and its administrati­on to the highest good of the community collectively considered. If therefore it ap­pears, on examination, that the constitution of Christ's kingdom and the administration of that constitution have a stronger tendency to the good of that kingdom, than the constitution of any earthly kingdom, and the administra­tion of that constitution, have to the highest good of that earthly kingdom; the propositi­on is illustrated and proved.

IN a perfectly free state the laws forbid e­very crime against the community. Every action that would be in the least degree inju­rious to the state is forbidden. In order to this, the legislature must have a perfect view of all the various circumstances and occur­rences that may take place with respect to each individual of which the state is composed, at all the various periods of its existence. Ac­tions that seem to us too minute to be regard­ed, have their consequences, which are often­times vastly important and interesting to the state. How often has a single word spoken in anger by some great p [...]so [...]a [...]e, [...]ain at the bottom of a nation's overthrow? The to [...]gue is a little member, but small as it is, it [...]eth [Page 43] the course of nature on fire. Well might the Apostle say, How great a matter a little sire kindleth! But,

IT is impossible for any finite mind or num­ber of minds, to ascertain every particu­lar word and gesture that may be detrimental in its tendency to the state, and therefore, there cannot possibly be a system of human laws in which every political evil shall be for­bidden.

THE liberty of the most refined kingdoms of this world, is but like the lean, scanty glean­ings of the vintage, while the liberty of the kingdom of Christ is like the full grown clus­ters of the first ripe fruits that load the generous vine. Such is the weakness of the human mind, and the perple [...]ed state of earth­ly things, that neither any community nor its wisest delegates, could make sufficient provi­sion against all political inconveniencies, even though they were quite free from every sinis­ter design, unless they were under the continu­al influence of miraculous inspiration from God. In order to such an effectual precauti­on they must foresee all the various mental ex­ercises of every member of the community; and be able to judge, at the trial of every sup­posed offender, what the real motives of his conduct have been; because men are blame worthy or not, according to the meaning of their hearts. But we cannot obtain any cer­tain [Page 44] knowledge of any one motive that actu­ates the mind of another. No man knows the things of a man save the spirit of a man that is in him. Besides this there is another diffi [...]ulty, for though we had the power of looking into anothers heart, we should still find ourselves incapable of tracing the heart through all its da [...]k and intricate labarinths. H [...]nce i [...] appears that no political constitution on earth can extend its authority any further than to a few of the many external expressions either of friendship, or disaffection to the state. For this reason, the most compleat system of earthly government imaginable, falls immens­ly short of a finished scheme. This however is nothing, in comparison with another incon­venience, that arises from the depravity of hu­man nature, which leads every man, in a great­er or less degree, to look on his own things and not on the things of another; to seek their own private interest, without regarding the interests either of their fellow men, the angels, or the deity, any farther than they may seem subservient to private interest. We have, indeed, reason to hope, that a few are p [...]ssessed of some small degree of a different spirit;—a d [...]sinterested benevolent spirit: But there is reason to believe, that by far the greater part of these are to be found among the lower classes of mankind, and that a very small proportion of them are among the great. From these considerations we may conclude, that, though it is the duty of Kings and all [Page 45] other rulers to seek the best good of the com­munity, yet they too often act a part directly opp [...]site. Instead of improving their power and interests for the good of the community, they make use of the common interests as means of aggrandizing themselves and their families. This sentiment is confirmed by the history of Kings, and other rulers in every age of the world. We must therefore conclude that the highest degree of liberty that can rea­sonably be expected in earthly states is very low. At best, there are only some spices of liberty scattered in earthly states, and yet these are more precious than we can conceive. But,

IN the kingdom of Jesus Christ, there is no reason to app [...]ehend any such inconveniency or imperfection. For the constitution of his kingdom, and the administration of it, are the effects of the pleasure of him who searcheth the hearts, and t [...]yeth the reins of all his sub­jects, and is at all times perfectly acquainted with every design of all his rational creatures. It was, therefo [...]e, perfectly easy for him to form a constitution, which should never need the least alteration in order to the best good of the universe. He is as powerful as wise, and therefore, can administer this constitution with the utmost precision in every instance. Both his wisdom and power are all-sufficient. This being granted, nothing can be wanting in or­der to bring about the highest good of the uni­verse, except it be a disposition in Jesus Christ [Page 46] to employ his knowledge and power for that [...]urpose. If he has such knowledge and pow­ [...]r and a full, invariable, eternal inclination to employ his knowledge and power in the pro­duction of the highest good of the universe, the design cannot possibly be frustrated. The united exertion of sufficient skill, power and inclination will forever obtain its end. Suffi­cient skill and power will in every instance, without exception, carry all ones designs in­to execution. Now, that Jesus Christ has such a disposition is evident from his being no re­specter of persons.

FOR, we see, he has in fact done very many things, which, beyond all dispute, are the ef­fects of design, and not of inadvertency. Now, if those things are done by design, and yet not from any partial respect to any person, what, but a regard to the whole, could be the mov­ing cause? And, if regard to the whole be the moving cause of all that Christ has done, is doing, and will do, must we not conclude, the highest good of the whole is his highest, and only ultimate end? We cannot suppose o­therwise, without believing, that Christ is a being of mixed and jaring affections, which would imply great imperfection indeed. The division of one's affections between two dif­ferent objects, always creates a painful dis­cord, in such a case, the passions of the mind are in a confessed state of opposition, which is ever productive of painful sensations of soul — [Page 47] We must, therefore, believe that Jesus Christ aims, with the utmost strength and uniformity of design, at the highest good of the whol [...] or else, that he is an inconsistant, and conse­quently a miserable being.

JESUS CHRIST has in his mediatorial work, given the highest possible evidence of the most disinterested attention to the highest good — Since he is an omnipotent being, what reason can be given why he did not call down the in­numerable hosts of mighty angels from hea­ven to destroy his persecutors, or why he did speak them unto hell; unless it be, that he is infinitely benevolent. Such was his regard for the highest good, that he held not his own life dear, and what is far more, he delivered him­self into the hands of his most unrighteous, invete [...]ate, malicious and detestable enemies, to be treated according to the dictates of their accursed pride and malice. He clearly saw how much their haughtiness, and revenge would be gratified in his meek submission to the cross, and his bitter agonies on the tree. And yet, such was his regard to the general good, that he chearfully gave them an opportunity to gratify their perverse inclination, and support­ed them in existence while they did it.

THESE considerations are enough to con­vince us, that there is as much, and as pure li­berty in the kingdom of Christ, as unlimited wisdom, power and goodness can possibly pro­duce; [Page 48] and how inconceiveably greater, and more excellent must this be, than any thing of the kind that can take place under the di­rection of ignorant, impotent selfish men. The Lord of hosts hath proposed his kingdom to stain the pride of all glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth.

WHILE the members of Christ's kingdom are passing through this world; they resemble the children of Israel, in their passage from their slavery in Egypt, along the wilderness, and their various enterprizes until they were peace­ably settled in the land of Promise. They re­semble an enslaved people, who having heard of a land of liberty, resolve to push their way through many barbarous nations until they ar­rive at the happy region on which they have fixed their eye. The prince has sent them a leader with such a guard as shall finally intro­duce them safely to the land of rest; but not wholly prevent the incursions of their enemies, on their passage. They must never lay down their arms, nor quit a posture of defence. Christi­ans are called to a steady warfare, a constant skirmish all along through the wilderness of this world. Their adversaries who oppose their passage through it, are artful, vigilant, active, experienced, powerful and pe [...]severing. They are principalities and powers. This renders the happiness of Christ's subjects in this world, very imperfect. They do not fully enjoy the liberty of his kingdom until they come liter­ally, [Page 49] unto Mount Sion, the holy city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to the innumerable company of angels, to the general assembly and church of the first born that are written in heaven, and to God the judge of all, and to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the mediator of the new covenant. But when once they have entered into heaven, they shall have the full enjoyment of this liberty, in its full extent. Then their hearts will be wholly conformed to the free constitution of Christ's kingdom, so that it will be a delightful employment for them to study his glorious scheme of govern­ment;—to range through its vast extent, and to collect the honey of paradise from the love­ly flowers with which it abounds It will give them such satisfaction to attend to the almost innumerable instances of the divine adminis­tration, as never entered into the thought of man They will see, with consummate plea­sure, how that administration has terminated in the highest good in every instance. They will see, how every instance has afforded an additional illustration of the divine glory, while they have all without exception, con­spired to represent all unfriendliness to the u­niverse in its own detestable colours. In this manner, they will enjoy all the liberty that has taken place in heaven before their entrance into that world. While their hearts are pant­ing after the advancement of the highest good of the universe, which consists in the fullest, [Page 50] and clearest display of the divine perfections, those glorious perfections will be exhibited before their eyes, as fully as their minds are capable of conceiving, and as their capacities expand, the displays will encrease before them. They will see God in every thing, and all things will sensibly be working together for the good of all such as love God, whether saints or angels. This will afford unmixed pleasure to the holy subjects of this heavenly kingdom, whose hearts will be full of a free spirit, a spirit that will long for the highest good, and greatest perfection of the universe, and earnestly desire that all beings, and enjoy­ments, may be disposed of in that very man­ner that shall most contribute to this end. In such a state the various springs of joy will be numberless and inexhaustable. There will be nothing in God or any of his loyal subjects, or in any thing done by them, that can give the least uneasiness. But on the contrary the soul will enjoy a sweet acquiescence in all the works, and ways of God, and be carried be­yond all doubt respecting the tender friend­ship of angels to the glorious God, to one an­other, and to itself. The consequence of this will be a most unreserved familiarity: The whole heart will be thrown open without the least restraint. O! how will the benevolent soul be transported to see consummate happi­ness [...]ead all around! While they love others as themselves, their love will be gratified, by seeing others as happy as themselves. While [Page 51] they insatiably desire the honour of their Lord, their King and Redeemer, they will see him sitting on a thron [...] high and lifted up, and principalities and powers, even the most migh­ty of the mighty angels, laying their crowns at his feet, not through servile fear, but through such a principle as awakens all their powers of invention to find the most expressive modes of discovering the lively sense they have of the excellency of Christ, and the strength of their love to him;—that love, which makes them delight in conducting towards Christ, and in seeing him conduct toward them, in such a manner as shall exhibit the most strik­ing view of his infinite superiority. The soul sees myriads of these exalted beings, as it were vieing with each other in paying the most ex­pressive kind of homage to the King of Kings, whose honour is dearer to the saint than his own existence. While he walks through the temple of God he hears all the saints, like so many heralds, proclaiming the glorious grace of Jesus Christ; and sees them exhibiting themselves both as trophies of their saviour's triumph over Satan, and as monu­ments of his exceeding and abundant grace dis­covered in the salvation of sinners, wherein he has displayed his insuperable affection to the high­est interests of the grand community of the universe. An affection that shrunk [...]ot at the greatest indignity or the most cruel [...]ath, but without reluctance plunged the L [...] of life and glory into both, for the sake o [...] securing [Page 52] the darling object of his delight. Here t [...] saint at once beholds the highest and most pure affection mutually exercised by Christ and all his loyal subjects. He has, in fact, laid down his life for them, and they are freely willing to lay down their's for him, on the first intimation of his pleasure that they should do so. Of this many have given an example at their death, and the rest are of the same disposition. The saint in Heaven sees the universal, pure and unlimited benevolence of Jesus Christ in all his form r [...]conduct, and in his present admi­nistration he discovers the same thing. All the saints and angels will most evidently, par­take of the same spirit according to the utmost stretch of their several capacities. From the past and present the saint will infer the future. He sees how the wisdom of his so­vereign has reduced the utmost confusion to perfect order, and that it has proved all suffi­cient without exception, and that in a multi­tude of instances where the most laboured, and promising efforts of the old serpent's [...]un­ning have been baffled with the utmost ease and by the most unlikely means: How he has with infinite facility, overthrown the united force of earth and hell, and confined all his enemies by the word of his power, in the bottomless pit. That his friendship to liberty is such, as that, to establish and perfect it, he of his own free will, laid down his life in opposition to the most alluring prospects These things give the saint an unlimited confidence, that his Lord [Page 53] will persevere in the same design, and forever rise superior to every difficulty. From a con­sideration of the constant succession of strang­ly glorious events that have been brought a­bout by the Lord Jehovah, the saint continu­ally expects to meet with many things, that at present, he entirely out of sight, which, when they appear will, if possible, be still more surprising and glorious. And though he may not see how it is possible for the universe to be rendered more perfect, yet he will expect to see it rising in perfection forever and ever: Nor will these expectations be frustrated; for new worlds of wonder and joy will be conti­nually rising to view. His surprise and de­light will, in every new instance, exceed all he ever experienced before. In such a state as this, the soul will eternally soar—and soar, up the immense tracts of knowledge, holiness, honour and joy, with the utmost rapidity and ease. There will not be a single object, or thought, to excite terror or pain; but all things will conspire to fill the soul with the most ex­quisite delight, and to awaken sentiments full of generosity, tenderness and grandeur.

THE saint will never be required to do any thing irksome or disagreeable, because his heart will spontaneously choose to do, what­ever his sovereign will choose to command. Thus while the laws of Christ will be the on­ly standard of the thoughts and exercises of all, every one will be a law to himself. They [Page 54] will need to do nothing more than comply with their own inclination, in order to a per­fect compliance with the will of Christ; be­cause the same mind will be in them, that is also in Christ. Though there may be num­berless different ranks and stations in the hea­venly world, yet no one will complain that he is not exalted according to his worth; but on the contrary, all will wonder that their king has raised them to their present pitch of dig­nity. Every one will esteem the rest better than himself. While they all, chearfully give themselves and one another, to their Lord, to be disposed of at his pleasure, envy and the ten thousand ills that follow it, will find no place in all the holy kingdom of God.— Here, therefore, liberty reigns in perfection, and is perfectly enjoyed. But, alas! how vastly di­verse is the happiest earthly state? It is at most but a small degree of liberty that is enjoyed on earth, and that is seldom arrived at, ex­cept through blood and carnage. And after it is bought at so dear a rate, the sweets of it are constantly dashed with many a bitter. It is at best, a very precarious enjoyment, and as short as precarious. There is an infinite dif­ference between those two.

HOW absurd then is it for us to neglect the former, while we are anxiously concerned to se­cure the latter?

HOW strangly inconsistent are we in treating [Page 55] that liberty, which is of infinite worth, with neglect and contempt, when it is most freely offered us, while, at the same time we are rea­dy to sacrifice, not only our fortunes, but our very lives and friends to purchase and defend that which at best is but imperfect, uncertain and temporal? To struggle for the latter is laudable, but to neglect the former, is infi­nitely criminal. Surely none but a madman would neglect millions which he might have at pleasure, and yet barter his life for an uncer­tain penny. In the affair of civil liberty, the most spirited efforts may prove ineffectual; but that which is spiritual will certainly be the consequence of a single genuine desire to en­joy it. What makes the inconsistency still the more glaring is, that while human nature shrinks at the thought of the partial oppression of an earthly tyrant, we quietly remain in a state of the most abject slavery to the worst of tyrants, the devil himself. To shake off the former, has cost many their lives, and put them be­yond the capacity of enjoying the liberty, they have purchased at so dear a rate. When we need but detest the chains of sin to rise up to Kings and ensure liberty in its highest perfec­tion. Our conduct proves that we prize time above eternity, the liberties of an earthly state, above the glorious liberty of the sons of God; the enjoyments of earth above those of hea­ven; sin above holiness, the service of Satan more than that of God,—yea, that we prefer the Devil himself, the implacable enemy of [Page 56] our souls to the Lord Jehovah, our gracious benefactor—one who would drag us down to eternal torments, to him who offers to save us from them, and fill our souls with everlasting, unmixed, ever-encreasing joys, and calls for nothing in return but our hearty acceptance, though it cost him the blood of his son. Should we accept the liberty of heaven, it will prepare us to relish the sweets of civil li­berty in a manner wholly incompa [...]ible with a selfish spirit We should then delight in the kindly aspect that civil liberty bears even on our enemies. But if we refu [...] spiritual liber­ty, that of the civil kind, will be no otherwise agreeable than as it tends to advance our own private interests, or to gratify our revenge. In the one case we shall enjoy it in its operati­ons on all the members of the whole state; in the other we can enjoy no more of it, than ter­minates in the private good of an individual. This thought gives our conduct a still more inconsistent appearance, by shewing us that while we contend for civil liberty, we refuse the means of enjoying it to the best advantage, in its highest resi [...]ment and greatest extent. But our inconsistency will be seen in a still stronger point of light, if we consider, that without spiritual liberty, the other will finally prove worse than nothing It is in itself a great blessing, but by abusing it, we may, and shall be rendered much more miserable at last, than if we had never possessed it. So long as we refuse to accept of the liberty of the gospel [Page 57] instead of using, we abuse every earthly good. Such an abuse of civil liberty, renders us ex­tremely criminal in the sight of our judge, and will finally kindle his displeasure into an hotter flame that will more dreadfully con­sume us. In this way it is, that the prosperi­ty of the fool shall destroy him according to the pro [...]hecy of Solomon. Thus, by neglect­ing to embrace the gospel, we convert ci­vil liberty, which is in itself, a delicious kind of food, into a slow poison which will render our death vastly more terrible than otherwise it would have been. It had been better for us not to have been born, or, to have been born slaves, and doomed with Lazarus to beg our bread at the doors of our rich oppressors, than to be found guilty at last of having abused the blessed privilege of liberty. In what point of view soever we look at our conduct in the light of this subject, we shall see new inconsistencies opening upon us. We boast of liberty, and value ourselves much on be­ing free, when at the same time we are taken captive by satan at his pleasure. This is a much more shocking absurdity, than it would be for a man confined in a dungeon, to boast that he is at liberty, because he is not called on, in providence, to go into the field and la­bour. Should we hear one in a state of per­sonal slavery vaunting, and boasting that he lives in a land of liberty, who would not laugh at his folly, and pity his weakness; and yet, HE might have good reason to rejoice in [Page 58] seeing others free though he himself were in slavery. To dread and oppose a human ty­rant, and yet bow voluntarily to satan, sinks us beneath the brutes. Another of our incon­sistencies is this; notwithstanding all our pre­tences to the contrary, our refusal of spiritual liberty, proves us to be regardless of the li­berty of the state. While we refuse the one and yet profess to pursue the other we only play the hypocrite. For who will believe a man loves money, merely because he exerts himself to obtain a penny, when at the same time he will not accept millions that are offer­ed him gratis? In this case, it would be cer­tain to a de [...]omstration, that it was not af­fection to money, but something else, that put the person upon action. So, with respect to lib [...]rty; he who will not accept the great­er when freely offered him; will not fight for the le [...] from a sense of its value, if he exerts himself at all, it must be for some other end, and whenever he can answer this end more readily, by a [...]y other means, he will appear as he really is, quite cold to liberty: And when liberty shall be inconsistent with his pri­va [...] e [...]ds, h [...] wi [...]l be as fierce an opposer of it, as he is now an apparent advocate for it. No doubt many v [...]si [...]ly espouse the cause of liber­ty purely for the sake of rising into popularity; and yet by this very means, sink themselves in the view of common-sense. For who is so blind as not to see that the li [...]e [...]tious cannot be friends to li [...]rty? No man can be a friend to liberty [Page 59] who is not likewise a friend to a free consitu­tion, to the constitution of Christ's kingdom which is the most free? A cursing, or swear­ing, or drinking, or any other kind of vici­ous friend, either to liberty or government, is a monster of absurdity; such a monster as cannot exist even in the most romantic ima­ [...]ination.

COME then, my friends, let us embrace the glorious liberty of the sons of God Every possible motive, whether of terror or allure­ment, is set before us If we embrace this, we shall of necessity be genuine sons of liber­ty. We shall resolve that nothing but the wise superinten [...]ency of God shall ever make us submit to public oppression; for no man can be a christ [...]an and not a friend to civil li­berty, in the strictest sense. To be freemen of Jesus Christ will exceedingly [...]ee [...]en the en­enjoyment of civil liberty i [...] we can obtain it, or sof [...]en the fetters of slavery if we shall be for­ced to wear them Spiritual liberty opens up a pleasant prospect even in the midnight o [...] p [...] ­tical slavery. The most a [...]ject [...]a [...]e may look forward and say, "a few m [...]ts more will u [...] ­her me into a state of ev [...]rl [...]t [...]ng Free [...]om." On the contrary, what w [...]l [...] it profit us to gain the whole world, crowns and [...]p [...]e [...]s, [...]f at last we lo [...] our own souls, and are dr [...]gged at the chariot wheels of Satan This is our time to secure freedom and glory. Another hour may chain us down in eternal bondage.

[Page 60]GOD has given us rational minds. Let us then act a rational part. Let us act a consistent part, and not dishonour our high birth. Con­sistency, reason, interest and duty all call on us to yield an immediate and unlimited sub­mission to God. Heaven is set before to al­lure us. Hell flames behind. Satan is ready to seize us, and the eternal Jehovah stretche [...] forth his hand and offers to save us Let us do whatever true wisdom may direct with respect to civil liberty, but by all means let us do it so as that our slavery to satan shall not increase with the encrease of civil liberty. Let us act a part that shall be approved of at the last day, by our own consciences, by saints and angels, and by our holy judge. Then shall we rejoice at what we have done, but otherwise we must be a shamed forever. May God give us grace so to do for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ.