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Mr. Lathrop's ARTILLERY-ELECTION SERMON.

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A SERMON PREACHED To the Ancient and Honorable ARTILLERY-COMPANY IN BOSTON, NEW-ENGLAND, JUNE 6th 1774. Being the ANNIVERSARY of their ELECTION OF OFFICERS. BY JOHN LATHROP, A. M. PASTOR OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN BOSTON.

BOSTON: Printed by KNEELAND and DAVIS, for SAM­UEL WEBB, in Queen-Street. 1774.

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AN ARTILLERY-ELECTION SERMON.

ROMANS XII. 18.If it be possible, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men.

JESUS CHRIST, the author and sinisher of our faith, is stiled, ‘the prince of peace.’ * He left the glories of the heaven­ly state, and assumed our nature, that he might restore peace on earth.

As the mediator between GOD and a revolt­ed world, he made satisfaction for sin by his obedience and death:—Having finished the work which was given him to do, before he ascended on high, he gave particular orders that the tidings of peace should be published to every creature; and the ministers of reli­gion in all generations, are bound by the laws [Page 6] of their divine master, to beseech the children of men to be reconciled to GOD, and be at peace with one another.—The disciples of CHRIST are commanded to "follow after the things which make for peace";* and if it be possible, as much as lieth in them, to live peaceable with all men.

THE text supposes indeed there may be cases in which it is impossible, even for a christian to live peaceably in the present world—There may be cases in which the prince of peace himself does not require the subjects of his go­vernment to be quiet, and tamely submit to insults and abuses.—There may be cases in which a christian ought to unsheath the sword and resist unto blood.

THE followers of JESUS CHRIST are to be of a forgiving and peaceful temper of mind: But christians have natural rights as well as other men, and it can be no less their duty to de­fend those rights against the encroachments of tyrants and oppressors, after having professed their subjection to the Son of GOD, than it was before. The character of a christian then, and that of a soldier are not in the least in­consistent with each other.—In this world of disorder and injustice, a christian may, and ought to learn the art of war.

IN discoursing from the words before us, I in­tend by divine assistance, to consider the import of St. Paul's exhortation;—To point out some [Page 7] cases in which it is impossible for the disciples of CHRIST to live peaceably with all men,—And then show the necessity of preparing for un­avoidable war.

FIRST then I am to consider the import of St. Paul's exhortation in the text.

BY this exhortation we are taught, that the professors of christianity are not to incroach on the rights of their fellow men, or pro­voke them to war by injuring them in their name, their person, or estates. And farther, this exhortation teaches us to be of a patient and forgiving temper of mind, rather choosing to submit to many inconveniencies, than to seek the immediate destruction of our ene­mies.—This selfdenying and pacific disposition was discovered to great advantage by the Apos­tle Paul. Altho' he could assert his rights and priviledges with firmness and resolution on pro­per occasions, he made it his general studdy to live in peace, and repeatedly charged his bre­thren to be careful in all their behaviour, that they gave no just occasion of offence.—We may not attempt to deprive our brethren of any of their rights:—We may give "none offence".*

AND this doctrine is perfectly agreable to the dictates of reason.—I have naturally as good a right to life and liberty as my neighbour. If [Page 8] he attempts to deprive me of what I have a right to, unless it be proved I have forfeited that right he attempts to do me an injury, and unjustly provokes me to war in my own defence.* My neighbour can have no more right to compel me to serve him, or to de­prive me of my possessions because he is fur­nished with a longer sword, or a stronger arm, than I have to seek his life in the most in­sidious manner, or rob him of his substance when he is under no apprehensions of danger.

THIS reasoning which every one sees the force of when applied to individuals in a state of nature, holds good with respect to the nations and kingdoms of the world.—A strong nation has no more right to oppress a weak one, than a man of large bones and strong muscels has to beat and abuse his brother, who happens to be of a more slender make.

IT is then evident that offensive war is un­just.—That nation which unprovoked, makes war upon others, only to inlarge its dominions, or increase its revenues, is a nation of rob­bers; and it would be as impossible to justify their conduct by reason or the word of GOD, as it would be to justify the conduct of a pub­lic highway-man, or those Arabs who make it their business to plunder such unhappy travellers as fall in their way.

How shockingly then have many famous commanders prostituted the art of war, and [Page 9] polluted their hands with blood! Alexander the great, who carried his arms through the world, though possessed of uncommon military skill, is a character which ought to be held in abhorrence. His ambition led him to violate the plainest rules of Justice: He spread desolation through the finest countries, and slaughtered vast multitudes who ventured to oppose his arbitrary conduct.*

BUT however much some pagan monarchs, and others who have professed the religion of JESUS may have abused their power to oppress and in­slave those kingdoms which were unable to resist them, it is certain the light of nature, and the inspired writings teach the children of men to treat one another in a very different manner.

CHRISTIANITY teaches us to be contented with the allotments of divine providence, and forbids our looking with an envious eye on the posses­sions of others.—The doctrines of christianity are opposed to those lusts,—such as pride, ambition, a desire of large possessions and dominion over others, which are the source of wars and fightings.

BUT although the gospel breathes the most kind and benevolent spirit, it is plain from many passa­ges in the new-testament, that the sacred writers supposed it possible, and very probable, that christi­ans may be in such circumstances as would justify their contending with their enemies. The condi­tions [Page 10] of peace proposed to them may be hard and unrea­sonable. They may be of such a nature as to render it impossible for them to comply without transgressing the revealed will of heaven. Hence St. Paul says, ‘as much as lieth in you, live pea­ceably with all men;’ plainly supposing it may not be in our power to live peaceably with some men under some particular circumstances without offending GOD, or greatly injuring ourselves.—The enemies of religion may require us to deny our LORD and Master, or to do other things which we know are in themselves sinful, as the condition of life, or deliverance from oppression. In such cases it would not be in our power to live peaceably; and we should rather choose to risque our fortunes, and all we possess in a struggle with our enemies, than submit to their pleasure.

BUT what we have now observed will be more fully illustrated as we proceed, according to what was proposed in the,

SECOND place, to point out some particular cases in which it is impossible, even for the pro­fessors of christianity, to live peaceably with all men.

IN this place it may be well for us to observe, the kingdom of CHRIST is a kingdom of righte­ousness, as well as of Peace and Joy of the holy GHOST;* and those who expect, either present or everlasting happiness in the protection and friendship of our glorious Redeemer, must never think of securing peace with their fellow men, at the expence of truth and Justice. The righteous [Page 11] LORD loveth righteousness, and hateth the work­ers of iniquity: It is therefore much safer for his people to trust in him for deliverance from their enemies, than it would be for them to set­tle a peace on unrighteous terms.—Keeping this in view, it will no doubt appear to us all, there may be cases, in which, so far from its being du­ty to live peaceably with our fellow men, we ought to enter into war with them.

WERE we in a part of the world, where the laws of society had not obtained, we might, no doubt fortify our dwellings, and defend our per­sons and substance against such as should venture to molest or destroy us. The patriarch Abram kept up a kind of militia: He had three hun­dred and eighty trained servants, who were al­ways ready to defend his family and interest. These faithful troops he marched against the four kings who had captivated his nephew Lot, and by managing them in the most advantageous manner, he rescued his kinsman, and slew his enemies.

THAT GOD approved of Abram's conduct is evident from the blessing of Melchizedic, who was a priest of the most high GOD. ‘And he bles­sed him and said, Blessed be Abram of the most high GOD possessor of heaven and earth. And blessed be the most high GOD which hath deli­vered thine enemies into thy hand.’

THIS instance may serve as a sufficient proof that it is right in the sight of GOD for indivi­duals in a state of nature, or in those parts of [Page 12] the world where the laws of society are not esta­blished, to defend themselves, and make war on such as attempt to deprive them of their lives and fortunes.

AND as the laws of reason and of GOD would Justify an individual in the case now supposed, who should defend himself against such neigh­bours as attempted essentially to injure him, so is it equally plain, that public Societies, Provin­ces and Kingdoms, confederated on any general plan for their safety and happiness, may and ought to defend themselves; and when their safety requires it, they may justly make war with the known enemies of their common good, whe­ther those enemies happen to be foreign or do­mestic.

WHEN people enter into society the great ob­ject they have in view is the public good, which includes the good of individuals.—All the laws which they establish, are, or ought to be calcu­lated for the security of the lives and proper­ties of the whole community.

WHEN the community therefore is attacked by other powers, or any individuals of their bo­dy are injured in their persons or properties, the laws of society require them to exert the powers they have for the common safety, and the safety of individuals.

BUT however Just and equal a right indivi­duals in a state of nature, or particular Nati­ons and Kingdoms where the laws of society are [Page 13] established, may have to life, their liberties and properties, it is certain, the rich and powerful, in all ages, have oppressed and tyrannized over the weak and defenceless.

So little attention has been paid to the law of righteousness, which was at first ingraven on the human heart, that the monarchs of the earth in ge­neral have not scrupled to seize on the domini­ons and fortunes of such as were not able to op­pose them.—Whoever looks over the history of the world, will find undeniable proof of what we have here asserted.

‘So I returned, says King Solomon, and considered all the oppressions that are done un­der the Sun: And behold the tears of such as were oppressed, and they had no comfor­ter: And on the side of their oppressors there was power, but they had no comforter.’ *

WE can scarcely form a conception of any state more completely wretched, than that of those un­happy mortals who lie at the mercy of absolute Sovereigns, whose word is the law, at whose nod the subjects tremble, and who may, when they please, take the life or property of any who be­long to their dominions.

ABSOLUTE dominion should not be sought, or if sought, should not be given to any descendant of Adam.—It belongs to the LORD of nature, and to him alone to rule his creatures with uncontro­led sway.

[Page 14] BUT as long experience has effectually taught us, that the sons of men are constantly seeking to inlarge their power and influence by oppressing their brethren, it becomes all public bodies, when they enter into society, to fortify themselves a­gainst the encroachments of their neighbours. And whenever attempts are made on their lives, their properties or liberties, and they find it is not in their power, on just and honourable terms, to live peaceably, they may lawfully draw the sword upon their enemies.

How far one nation may punish the insolence and abuses they have received from another, it is somewhat difficult to say.—When those who have received injuries, and were unwillingly pro­voked to war become conquerors, they show a greatness of mind in the exercise of mercy. But while they spare the lives of those who fall into their hands, no doubt they may demand satis­faction for the injuries they have suffered, and require an assurance of a peaceable behaviour for the time to come.

THERE are two more cases, I would beg leave to mention in which wars may be justified on equitible terms.—The first is, when the subjects, or any considerable number of them rebel against those rulers who act up to the spirit and origi­nal design of the constitution they are under.—The second is, when those who are in govern­ment violate the laws they had sworn to main­tain, and attempt to oppress and inslave the peo­ple whom they had sworn to protect.

[Page 15] IN those parts of the world where civil govern­ment is not established, the inhabitants, no doubt have a right to continue in a state of nature as long as they please. One individual can have no right to compel another to submit to his authority. And therefore ‘when men enter into society it must be by voluntary consent, and they have a right to demand and insist upon the perfor­mance of such conditions, and previous limi­tations as form an equitable original Compact. *

THIS being the foundation of civil government as distinguished from that tyrannical dominion which the strong have usurped over the weak, it is evident the powers of those invested with au­thority, and the duties of the subjects in general, must be expressed in the original compacts.—These compacts which lie in the foundation of all civil societies, may not be disturbed: A single article may not be altered but with the consent of the whole body.—Whoever makes an alter­ation in the established constitution, whether he be a subject or a ruler, is guilty of treason: Trea­son of the worst kind: Treason against the state: For such treason many rulers as well as subjects have lost their heads.

[Page 16] CIVIL Government being founded on compact, those who are invested with authority, have certain rights which may not be invaded, while they keep within the limits prescribed them, and are the ministers of GOD for good to the people who appointed them.—Such rulers have an un­doubted right to an honourable support.—As they devote their time to the service of the people, it may resonably be expected they will make provision for them suitable to their rank. But it must be remembered the people are to Judge what shall be given; for, although rulers may think they deserve more than the people seem willing to grant, less damages would accrue to the public, from their withholding, in some cases, those grants which they ought to make, than from putting it in the power of rulers to seize on the property of the subjects at pleasure.

THOSE rulers who take from the people what they please under the notion of a reward for their services, are tyrants, and the people are Slaves.

AND further, while those who are in govern­ment act up to the spirit and design of the con­stitution [Page 17] they are under, they have a right to demand obedience: And when any number of Subjects break their oath of allegiance, and rise in rebellion against lawful authority, the rulers, assisted by such as adhere to them and the origi­nal constitution, may Justly make war with the rebels, and endeavour to reduce them.

THIS doctrine is agreeable to the practice of the ancient Jews in their best and purest state, as well as that of the most inlightened modern nati­ons.

AND the same principles which would justify rulers, assisted by those who adhere to them in making war upon rebellious subjects, will jus­tify the people in making war upon rebellious rulers.

It is an undoubted truth that the laws of eve­ry well constituted society, nation, or state, are above Kings,* and are designed to hold them [Page 18] in subjection as well as the people.—Treason and rebellion therefore may be considered as acts of Violence against the original compact, the consti­tution and laws of society, whether the persons guilty be rulers or subjects.

I AM not insensible this doctrine has been con­troverted, if it can be said any thing is contro­verted, when, without reason or argument it is boldly denied, and the contrary supported by fagot and sword.

ABOUT a hundred years ago, when the throne of Great Britain was held by arbitrary Princes, many clergymen, who, we may suppose, set a higher value on preferments than they did on ci­vil liberty or the rights of conscience, appeared zealous advocates for passive obedience and non-resistance; and were wicked enough to denounce the punishment of eternal damnation against those who ventured to oppose the most tyrannical monarchs.—But that slavish doctrine is now ge­nerally exploded.—It is so contrary to reason, and the common sense of mankind, that it would [Page 19] be but a mispence of time to expose its ob­surdity.*

To pretend the precepts of the new testa­ment require us to yield a quiet and peaceable subjection to the insults of a cruel, ignorant and despotic wretch, who might possibly make his way to the throne, by murder and rebel­lion, would be to blaspheme the word of God; and I believe no man of understanding would be persuaded to embrace so vile a sentiment e­ven if the evidence of preternatural events could be adduced in support of it.

‘THE greatest and wisest nations, and the best of men in all ages, says a fine writer, have reckoned it not only lawful for the peo­ple, under the most absolute governments to do themselves justice in case of oppression, but have thought the doing of it a duty incumbent on them, and which they owed to themselves and their posterity: And the chief instruments [Page 20] of the great revolutions or changes which have happened in the world from slavery to liberty, have always been accounted as heroes sent by GOD almighty from time to time, for the redemption of men from misery in this world. They were accordingly honoured and respected whilst they lived, and their memories have been, and will be held in veneration by all posterity.’

HISTORY affords us many instances of tyrants and dispotic rulers who have been put to an untimely death, or drove from their seats of government by the people.—But without going abroad, or examining the records of heathen states, the practice of our own nation has been suffici­ent to teach us, that the wisest of men have judged it lawful, and expedient, to take up arms against their Kings, when they made dan­gerous encroachments on their rights and li­berties.*

The doctrine of making resistance against Kings when by arbitrary and tyrannical conduct, they render it impossible for the subjects to live peace­ably [Page 21] under them, is far from being new. It is as old as civil government:*" It grew up with it: It is inseperably connected with the Law "of self preservation, which is the Law of na­ture."

This doctrine has indeed been opposed by in­famous sycophants, and time serving priests: § [Page 22] And a feeble opposition is still made to it by persons, who, notwithstanding their pretentions [Page 23] to loyalty would probably be the first to assist a Roman Catholic pretender in his way to the throne.

It is astonishing that the advocates for passive-obedience and non-resistence, can, with any to­lerable countenance, profess their loyalty to George the IIId, since they must know, that by opposing the stuart family, the British crown was given to the House of Hanover.

But however strange, it is still possible, that some whose nearest connections were armed and fought against George the IId, can without a blush, charge others with rebellion, who have ventured their fortunes and lives to defend and enlarge his Majesty's dominions,—Who glory in their at­tachment to the English constitution and the present reigning family, although they cannot fully assent to the omnipotence of a British Parliament, or ac­knowledge their right to tax millions of good subjects, whose distance from Old-England will always prevent their being legally represented.

THAT we may and ought, to resist, and even make war against those rulers who leap the bounds prescribed them by the constitution, and attempt to oppress and inslave the subjects, is a principle on which alone the great revolutions which have taken place in our nation can be justified. A principle which has been supported by the most celebrated Divines* as well as Civi­lians. [Page 24] —He who calls the principle in question gives us reason to suspect his loyalty: He who rejects it, is an enemy to our present rightful sovereign.—

THE dispute between Great Britain and the Ame­rican colonies on the right of taxation, just now refered to, has become a very serious one; and where it will end, GOD only knows.

PERHAPS some historian who may flourish less than half a Century hence, will transmit an ac­count to posterity, not unlike the following.

Soon after the Americans, being assisted by some brave European troops, had conquered [Page 25] Nova-Scotia, Louisburg, all Canada, and the french settlements on the Lakes, together with the western and southern Indians, some among them, whowere unfriendly to the popular go­vernment established by their fathers, projected a scheme for an American revenue, intentional­ly to aggrandize themselves and their connec­tions, but expressly, for making a more cer­tain and adequate provision for defreying the charge of the administration of justice and the support of civil Government.

THIS plan was laid before the Parliament of Great-Britain; and although opposed with great spirit, and the clearest reasons by seve­ral illustrious members of that august assem­bly,* it was adopted. Several experiments were made to carry this plan into execution which proved unsuccessful.—That which bid the fairest was a duty on the East-India Teas: Large quantities were therefore sent out under the protection of the British Ministry. The fate which this dutied article met with was dif­ferent in the different colonies to which it was sent: But the opposition was general. At Bos­ton, after every possible endeavour was used to save the property of the East-India com­pany, by sending the several cargoes of tea back which arrived there, and the people [Page 26] found themselves unable to do it, unknown persons, many of them supposed to be from the neighbouring country, under the cover of night, boarded the ships which had brought in the Teas, and emptied every Chest into the Sea.

THIS act of violence on the property of the East-India company, was so highly resented by the parliament of Great-Britain, that previous to making any demand on the town or pro­vince of satisfaction for the Teas which were destroyed, an act was suddenly passed to block up the port of Boston, and put an end to their trade; by which many thousands of innocent people, were immediately deprived of the means of subsistance, and reduced to the utmost degree of poverty and distress.

THIS extraordinary act of parliament for blocking up the Port of Boston, by which most grievous pains and penalties were inflic­ted on the inhabitants, before it was possible for them to obtain relief from the crown, e­ven on supposition of their being ever so hum­ble and compliant, gave an alarm to the whole continent.—The cause was considered as a com­mon one.—A Congress of the principal inhabi­tants of all the colonies was held as soon as possible: The result of which was, a quiet and peaceable suspension of trade to and from Great-Britain.—Many affluent merchants laid up their ships, and turned their attention to manufactures; and in a short time the whole continent was well supplied with every neces­sary [Page 27] article which had formerly been imported from Britain, wrought among themselves.

FROM that period we may date the glory of America. The colonies being firmly uni­ted were free and happy.—They made rapid progress in population, and in the improve­ment of every useful art: And by their uni­on, their virtue, and industry, rose to their present degree of opulence and strength.

OR is it possible for this generation to afford materials for the historian to write,—‘The Ame­ricans tho' naturally fond of liberty, and tena­cious of those rights which former Kings had confirmed to their ancestors, at length Issachar like, bowed their shoulder to bear, and became ser­vants unto tribute.

THEY had indeed made several noble stands against what they considered as infringements of their constitutional rights and privileges; but at length unhappy divisions took place among the Merchants: The lead­ing men could agree on no plan for the ge­neral benefit; and those who expected to reap advantage from the establishment of a reve­nue, found means to create fatal jealousies between the several colonies.—The friends of liberty who remained in those days of gene­ral corruption and venality, finding themselves unable to stand against the torrent which bore hard against them, were forced to abandon the cause; and an opposition to such revenue laws as the parliament of Great-Britain [Page 28] Britain saw fit to enact, was never after at­tempted.

FROM this time (which we may suppose to be in the 14th year of George the IIId) the Ame­ricans began to lose their virtue, their love of freedom, and their religion. And being sunk by degrees under burdens, which at last were intolerable, the body of the people became the most ignorant, stupid and abject creatures in the world, fit only for slaves to domineer­ing masters whose interest it is to hold them in absolute subjection.*

BUT I forbear:—You command me to cease, and not venture to affront the present generati­tion by supposing it possible for them to be guil­ty of entailing such wretchedness on millions of unborn posterity.

WE proceed then to the last thing proposed, which was to show the necessity of preparing for unavoidable war.

[Page 29] SUCH are the lusts and passions of the children of men, and such has been the state of things [Page 30] from the beginning in our revolted world, that the art of slaying one another has been studi­ed with care, and he who has best suceeded in destroying the enemies of his King and country, has received the highest applause.

To hear the alarm of war,—to see armies for­ming in battle array,—to observe the whole process of a bloody engagement, and take a sur­vey of the field after the battle is over, must be shocking to one accustomed to the sweets of retirement and peace.—But on what quar­ter of the globe can we travel, without seeing either the trophies of war, or the bones of those who were slain, "whitening in the Sun."? What country is there on earth unable to furnish us with a story of victories gained, or battles lost? In this American world our peace has often been disturbed. We have been called to fight the sa­vages of the wilderness. We have also tried our skill and strength with the troops of France and Spain.

BUT altho' the nations which gave us distur­bance from the first settlement of our fathers in this land are now at peace with us, we may not expect that peace will continue always.

NORTH-AMERICA is of great importance. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us, and whatever powers on the other side the Atlantic, are, either in alliance with us, or have the dominion over us, must find our trade or obedience of unspeak­able consequence. As we grow into impor­tance, it is more than probable, some foreign [Page 31] powers, either through Jealousy of our increa­sing greatness,—a desire to secure the profits of our commerce, or to draw from us a revenue by duties and taxes, in some future time will make war upon us.

FRANCE and Spain cannot well put up with their losses in America the last war.—The mo­ment they think themselves able they will, no doubt, endeavour to take satisfaction; and per­haps attempt to add this whole continent to their dominions.

CONSIDERING the restless tempers of the chil­dren of men, and the disposition which the Na­tions of the world have discovered to encroach on the rights and liberties of one another, a wise and prudent people, even in a time of peace, will be laying up stores, erecting places of de­fence, and using themselves to arms and dis­cipline.

AMERICA has every natural advantage that can be desired. We have a ‘continent of three thou­sand miles in length, and of a breadth as yet unexplored, in which however it is supposed, there are five millions of people.’ *

[Page 32] ALTHOUGH, we are not at present able to de­fend our sea ports against a foreign invasion, our strength by land is very considerable. Some years ago it was found our militia amounted to more than eight hundred thousand men. * And no doubt Americans are capable of making soldiers.—‘We want not courage; it is discipline alone in which we are exceeded by the most formidable troops that ever trod the earth.’ —And from the spi­rit which of late has greatly revived, being excited by the example of gentlemen of the first rank and influence, we may venture to say, our militia will soon be equal to any in the world.—Such an extensive country, so filled with inhabitants, united in their exerti­ons against any common enemy, could not be easily conquered.

THESE american colonies were settled on prin­ciples [Page 33] of loyalty and freedom. No people have ever been more constant in their attachment to the crown of Great-Britain, none more tenaci­ous of the rights and privileges of Englishmen.*

OUR fathers, many of whom were possessed of plentiful estates, adventured into this new world, and braved all the dangers and hard­ships attending the settlement of an inhospitable wilderness, that they might enjoy those liberties and privileges which in those unhappy days were refused them at home.

THEY purchased the soil on which we tread, of the native aboriginal inhabitants, who alone had a right to dispose of it, or they gained it at the expence of much treasure and blood.— [Page 43] I hope their posterity will never suffer them­selves to be deprived of it, at a lower price.

WHEN our fathers had purchased the land we now inhabit, they had an undoubted right to take up arms in the defence of it, as well as in defence of their lives and liberties. And as the wars which were carried on first against the Indians, and afterwards against the French and Indians jointly, were defensive, they may be justi­fied on the purest principles.

AS a nursery for officers to command such troops as it should be judged necessary to raise from time to time, and employ in the defence of their country, this ANCIENT COMPANY was formed.—The event has given full evidence of the utility and wisdom of the design; and this day the company and institution both, are decla­red HONORABLE by the presence of,—this large assembly.

[Page 35] ENCOURAGED by an experienced CAPTAIN GENERAL AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF, it is to be hoped a martial spirit will be more univer­sally defused, and that discipline which alone is wanting to make the Americans good soldiers, will be carried to a greater degree of perfecti­on, through the whole continent, than ever yet it has been.

BUT while we wish to see the art of war cultivated among us, let it be always remember­ed the soldiers must be in constant subjection to [Page 36] the laws of the land—The soldier may never make use of arms, but when he is ordered by the constituted guardians of our rights and li­berties.

IT is necessary that every State or Kingdom, be able to raise an armed force at a short war­ning. Their enemies may suddenly invade them, and the consequences might be fatal, were they not able to command proper forces for the com­mon defence.

THAT provision may be made against unexpected emergencies, as well as the more deliberate attacks of the enemy, the wisest States keep up a dis­ciplined militia—A well disciplined militia, consist­ing of men who have property of their own, are a much better, and more certain defence to the country they live in, than it is possible for a standing army, of mercenary troops to be.

MERCENARY troops, who, I may be allowed to say, are not in general possessed of those senti­ments which ennoble human nature, cannot be trusted in a time of danger, farther than they are influenced by an expectation of plunder, or pay; or a fear of punishment if they are found attempting to desert their colours.—Let them have an assurance of a greater reward, and we may suppose many of them would be willing to change their livery, and engage in the service of a different master.

[Page 37] BUT a well disciplined militia, composed of men of fortunes, of education, and virtue, when called to the field of battle, feel themselves ex­cited to the most vigorous action, by motives infinitely superior to the expectation of spoils taken from their enemies, or the wages which the masters of mercenary troops engage to pay them.—They fight pro aris & focis: They fight for their fathers and mothers,—for their wives and children,—for their private property,—for their liberty,—their religion, and the honour of their GOD.

ALTHOUGH mercenary troops have been used to answer great purposes, it must also be acknow­ledged, they have been the instruments of the greatest tyranny and oppression.—A despotic monarch who is able to support a large army of such troops, may force his subjects to com­ply with the most arbitrary measures, and glo­ry in the thought of being absolute in his do­minions.*

STANDING armies in general, in a time of peace, have been judged extremely dangerous to a free state. And when they have been quar­tered among people, on whom they had no [Page 38] dependence for their support, the consequences, in many instances, have been intolerable.

THE nature of military Government is so different from the laws of a popular civil com­munity, that experience has sufficiently proved, they cannot be well united together.—And those princes who have attempted to inforce oppressive edicts with the point of the sword, have always lost the affections of the subjects, and provoked them either to resist, or abandon a kind of Go­vernment, to which reason and conscience, for­bid them to submit.

As the means of defence are necessary in all kingdoms and states, and the support of large [Page 39] standing armies in a time of peace is not only attended with a great expence, but is dange­rous to the community in general, care should be taken to discipline the militia, and prepare them to take the field on the most sudden emer­gencies.

THE necessity of preparing for unavoidable war, is sufficiently evident.—

BUT we cannot close the subject without la­menting those moral disorders which are the source of wars and fightings; and expressing our most ardent wishes for universal peace.—And while we are studying the art of war, and endeavouring to prepare for defence against a common enemy, let us show to all who observe us, that we are the loyal subjects of CHRIST; and that in obedience to his precepts, we will never draw our sword in an unrighteous cause, whatever promises of honour, preferment, or riches, may possibly be made us as a reward.

LET us inlist ourselves under the banner of JE­SUS, and having fought "the good fight of faith, and finished our course," GOD grant we may be admitted into his glorious kingdom, where the laws of righteousness shall never be violated and the children of peace shall never be dis­turbed.

FINIS.

Errata. Page 10. l 10 from bot. r study. p. 14. l 8. fr. bot. r. equitable. p. 15. in note l 4 fr. bot. r. defined. p. [...] the note use a *.

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