AUTHORISED by a divine precept, ^* and excited by the feelings of gratitude, the inhabitants of these northern provinces, have made it their constant practice, to meet in their religious assemblies, at the close of the year, and devoutly offer unto the LORD, their sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving.

WHEN the fruits of the earth are gathered in, and we are furnished with provisions for an expen­sive winter season, nothing can be more proper, than for a people professing godliness, to unite in paying their thankful acknowledgments to the father of the universe, for the expressions of his goodness.—And we rejoice, that the representatives of this Province, who, in the present dis­tracted state of our public affairs, have been con­sulting the most proper ways to recover and secure our invaded liberties, were not unmindful of the [Page 6] blessings we receive from GOD almighty; but have invited us to observe this as a day of general thanksgiving.

BUT although we have much reason to bless the Lord, for the many expressions of his goodness, through the course of the last year, it is proper, e­ven on this day of festivity, ‘to humble ourselves before GOD, on account of those sins, for which he hath suffered our present calamities to come upon us, and implore the divine blessing, that by the assistances of his grace, we may be ena­bled to reform whatever is amiss, that so GOD may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displea­sure.’ ^*

THE exercises of this day, will therefore be different from what have been usual; and I could think of no passage of scripture, more suitable to place at the head of a discourse, in which we are to have respect, both to the blessings of divine pro­vidence, and the public calamities which have be­fallen us, than the words of David, which have now been read.

A celebrated commentator on the text, has the following observations:— ‘When GOD in his providence exerciseth us with a mixture of Mercy and Judgment, it is our duty to sing, and sing unto him both of the one and the other: We must be suitably affected with both, and make suitable acknowledgments of both.’ [Page 7] Agreeable to the Chaldee paraphrase,— ‘If thou bestowest mercy upon me, or if thou bringest any judgment upon me, before thee, O Lord, will I sing my hymns for all.’ ^*

LET me then ask your attention, while I men­tion some of the blessings which GOD is pleased to bestow upon us; and take notice of the prin­cipal calamities, which, in righteous Judgment, he has suffered to befal us.

YOU will be sensible, the time allowed the prea­cher on a day of thanksgiving, will not admit of an exact enumeration, either of the Blessings be­stowed upon us, or the calamities under which we suffer; we must therefore confine our attention to those which are confessedly of the most impor­tance: But should I a little exceed the limits com­monly observed on these Occasions, the nature of the subject, I hope, will be an apology for me.

ALL who profess their belief of the holy Scrip­tures, will be free to acknowledge, the mercy of God revealed in the gospel, demands our first, our principle attention.

SUCH is the darkness of the human mind, that had not the children of men, been favoured with the light of divine truth, they would never have found the way to glory. But the father of the universe, in compassion to the human race, expo­sed to misery, in consequence of the spread of mo­ral evil through the World, was pleased to give his Son, that whosoever believeth on him should [Page 8] not perish, but might have eternal life.— ^* The day-spring from on high hath visited us, to give light to them that sit in darkness, and in the sha­dow of death, to guide our feet into the way of peace.— ^† We have reason to join with the angels, and multitude of the heavenly host, ascribing glo­ry to GOD in the highest, that on earth there is peace, and good will towards men. ^‡

THE mercy of GOD revealed to a guilty World, in the gift of his Son Jesus Christ, will claim an e­verlasting tribute of Praise.—How deplorable would our condition have been, had the author of our existence, seen fit to leave us to the power of those lusts, which war against the Soul.— ^‖ Satan, the enemy of all good, was able to seduce our once innocent parents from their loyalty, and render them obnoxious to the wrath of their creator.— And had not Jesus Christ who is stronger than the strong man armed, and is able to subdue all things to himself, ^§ undertaken the work of redemption, none of our guilty race, could have entertained a hope of future happiness, or even of life from the dead.

BUT by the gospel of the grace of GOD, life and immortality are brought to light.—By the gospel we are made certain of a future state; and the author of our Salvation, has not only suffered for our offences, and rose again for our justification, but clearly pointed out the path to heaven.

[Page 9]WE have reason to be thankful, that notwith­standing, all our unworthiness, the gospel is con­tinued among us, and we have liberty to worship our creator, according to the dictates of consci­ence, without disturbance or molestation.

MANY have endured the greatest afflictions, and suffered the most cruel death, not only under pa­gon Monarchs, and the influence of romish inqui­sitions, but under the arbitrary government of ty­rants, who in ages past, disgraced the throne of Britain.

NOT to mention persecutions in foreign coun­tries, or look back to the ages of darkness and gross ignorance, in our own nation, and in the short time which past between the restoration of Charles the IId, and the glorious revolution, be­sides many that were inhumanely murdered, five thousand Protestants died in prisons, on account of their religion. ^*

BUT while multitudes have suffered, because they did not choose to submit to unscriptural usages, or attend to modes and forms of hu­man invention, we have enjoyed full liberty of conscience: In no part of the world has the right of private judgment, in matters of religion, been more sacredly maintained, than in America.

IN some provinces, all sects and denominati­ons, professing christianity, Roman Catholics not excepted, are freely tolerated.

[Page 10]IN those provinces where the church of En­gland is established by law, dissenters are allowed their own forms of worship; but required in­deed, as in most parts of the world, where a form of worship is established by authority, to pay their proportion towards the support of the established clergy.

AND in these northern provinces, where the order and discipline, which have generally been observed in the congregational or presbyterian chur­ches, are favoured with an establishment, dissen­ters from our worship and discipline, are not on­ly tolerated, but upon their professing to be of other denominations, they are excused from bear­ing any part of the expence, attending the sup­port of the ministry, and form of worship esta­blished by law. ^*

[Page 11]SUCH tenderness to our brethren who differ from us in their sentiments with respect to the modes of worship, or the discipline of the church, is much to the honour of this and the other New-England Provinces.

AS the blessings of the gospel, and the privi­leges of a religious nature which we enjoy, are ex­ceeding precious, we ought to remember them with gratitude, and render to the LORD the warm­est affections of our heart for the continuance of them.

[Page 12]WE have reason to be thankful ‘for the smiles of divine Providence upon us with regard to the seasons of the year, and the general health which has been enjoyed.’ —GOD has smiled on the labour of the husbandmen through the course of the year: He has been pleased to grant those showers of rain, and kind influen­ces [Page 13] of the Heavens, which were necessary to perfect the fruits of the earth. Our markets are filled with a variety of provisions; and not­withstanding the multitude of strangers among us, we cannot complain that the necessaries of life are sold us at an extravagant price. ^*

WE have been visited with no uncommon sickness in this Town, or through the land. The pestilence has not walked in darkness, nor has the destruction wasted at noon day.—Such in­deed is human frailty, that every year we must expect to bury some of our friends and valu­able acquaintance: But we have reason to be thankful, when mortal diseases have not been general.

"AND in particular", we have reason to be thankful, ‘from a consideration of the union which so remarkably prevails, not only in this Province, but through the continent, at this alarming crisis.’

[Page 14]IT must be acknowledged, America never saw a day so alarming as the present·—The unhap­py controversy which now subsists between Great-Britain and these Colonies, is more pain­ful than any of the distressing wars we have formerly been engaged in.—When the Savages annoyed our infant settlements, or those who we used to consider as natural Enemies threatened to invade us, duty and interest pointed us to the means of safety.—Our young men offered them­selves freely to engage in the defence of their country; and being succeeded by Heaven, vic­tory from time to time, crowned their endea­vours.—

BUT when the parent State is contending with us, nothing but the last extremity,—nothing but the preservation of life, or that which is of more importance LIBERTY, can ever prevail with us to make resistance.

WE Glory in our attachment to the House of Hanover.—We consider Britain as our native land.—We shall therefore bear much, we shall suffer many hardships, before we can entertain a single wish to the disadvantage of our brethren on the other side the Atlantic.—We never will rebel against the Sovereign of the British domini­ons.—However provoked,—however oppressed,— however threatened with Slavery and wretched­ness, we will never be excited to any other resist­ance, than what the impartial world shall Judge absolutely necessary to our own defence.

[Page 15]BRITONS and Americans, subjects of the same Crown, connected by the ties of nature, by in­terest and by religion, maintained the most per­fect harmony, and felt the purest joy in each others happiness for more than a hundred years: AND would to GOD, that harmony had never been disturbed!

BUT by reason of false, and injurious repre­sentations which were made by some, from whom indeed we might have expected better things, a system of government, not long since, was for­med for the colonies in America, too degrading and oppressive for British Subjects, quietly to bear.

THE Parliament of Great-Britain, some years ago, passed an Act, declaring ‘That his Majesty in Parliament, OF RIGHT, had power to bind the people of these Colonies by statues IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER.’ — ‘The import of the words above quoted, needs no discant: For the wit of man, cannot possibly form, a more clear, concise, and comprehensive definition and sen­tence of slavery, than these expressions con­tain.’ ^*

IN this light was the declaratory Act viewed by Americans in general.—And by several Acts which have passed since, the inhabitants of these colo­nies have been confirmed in their apprehensi­ons, that the Government at home, had deter­mined to treat them, not as obedient children, but rather as Servants; and let them know that [Page 16] they held life, and property, and whatever is dear to them, at the pleasure of masters three thousand miles distant; on whose ambition they can have no check, on whose power they have no controul.

ALARMED it may well be supposed the Ame­ricans were, and not doubting but their graci­ous King would hear their Petitions, and deli­ver them from their troubles, they addressed the throne in the most humble and dutiful manner; but their Petitions were rejected, and treated with contempt. Arbitrary measures were ta­ken to prevent the complaints of the injured and distressed from reaching the Royal ear.— ‘Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, con­trary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances.’ ^*

"THE attacks on our rights were incessant": Not satisfied with taking away our money, in such quantities, and for such purposes as they pleased, the Parliament proceeded, in direct me­thods, to invade our Charters, and threaten us with transportation to Great-Britain, in order to be tried, on supposition any resistance should be made, to what the Americans might consider as intolerable oppression.

‘HARD is our fate, when, to escape the cha­racter of rebels, we must be degraded into that of slaves: As if there was no medium, be­tween the two extremes of anarchy and des­potism, [Page 17] where innocence and freedom could find repose and safety.’ ^*

SUCH were our sufferings, particularly in this Province,—such our fears, and such the appre­hensions of all America, that it was judged ex­pedient a Continental Congress should be conve­ned as soon as possible to take our public grie­vances under consideration, and point out the most proper means of redress.

DEPUTIES were accordingly chosen by the se­veral colonies from New-Hampshire to South-Ca­rolina.—They entered upon the important busi­ness to which they were appointed, as it become men professing the religion of Christ.—They made their humble addresses to the Lord of the universe for the influences of his Spirit, to lead them in a safe path, succeed their endeavours to extricate an injured people from their present difficulties, and lay a foundation for lasting tran­quility, both in Great-Britain and America.— Many prayers were made for them in our respec­tive churches, and by serious people in their pri­vate retirements.

THE members who met in that illustrious As­sembly, were men of the first character in the se­veral provinces: Men who best understood the rights of America, and were best able to judge what measures would be most proper for the in­habitants in general to adopt, in order to recover and secure them.

[Page 18]AFTER Solemn deliberation on the important sub­jects which lay before them, they came to a result, which has been made known to the World, and with which you are all acquainted.—We have much reason for thankfulness that the members of the Congress were so remarkably united.— Those among us who wished the late oppressive acts of parliament to be carried into execution; were free to declare, the Colonies would never unite, and endeavoured to make us believe, the Gentlemen who were chosen to represent the se­veral Provinces, were of sentiments extremely different from each other. Had the Congress dissolved without forming any general plans, or had the members been greatly divided in their opinions, it would have discouraged the friends of Liberty, and perhaps given a fatal turn to our public affairs: But their Union has not only ex­pressed the Union of their constituents, but had an happy influence to establish many in their friendship to the American cause, who were be­fore, wavering —Their doings will, as they most certainly ought to, have the force of laws.—The man that ventures to rise in opposition to them, opposes both the wisdom and strength of this amazing continent; and certainly no man in his senses will act so foolish, so desperate a part.

THE penalty to be inflicted on such, if any such there should be, as in contempt of the Ame­rican Association, determine to pursue their own private emoluments, regardless of the public good, is not immediate death, but it must be con­fessed, it is very little short of it.—You will al­low me to repeat some parts of the resolves which [Page 19] declare it.—Whenever it shall appear to the Com­mittees which are, or may be chosen in every county, city, and town, for executing the plans of the continental Congress, that any person with­in their respective limits, has violated the Associ­ation, the truth of the case is to be published,— ‘To the end, that all such foes to the rights of British America, may be publickly known, and universally contemned as the enemies of American Liberty; and thenceforth we res­pectively will break off all dealing with him or her —And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, deal­ings or intercourse whatsoever, with any Co­lony or Province in North-America, which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their Country.’

WHO would not dread such a punishment, as much as any temporal evil that can be mention­ed?—To be cut off from the privileges of human society and lie exposed to universal contempt, is next, if not equal to being cut off from among the living.—People may affect to sport with po­pular resentment as much as they please, when they have a few companions to flatter and encou­rage them; but when that punishment, which they may ridicule at a distance, or think little of in its beginnings, falls upon them in earnest, they must have fortitude more than human, to support long under it.—A man of any tender feelings will be unhappy, when he knows a few of his ac­quaintance are offended with him; how wretched [Page 20] must he then be, who is assured the resentments of al­most this whole continent, are raised against him, and that there is no town or village that he can visit, on business, or for amusement, without be­ing exposed to the indignation of the inhabitants!

I have dwelt the longer on this particular, because it appears to me of singular importance.— The union which remarkably prevails through the Continent, at this alarming crisis affords great encouragement, and requires our thankful ac­knowledgments to almighty GOD.

IT is our duty, as we love righteousness,—as we love peace,—as we love our Country,—as we love the parent state,—ourselves and millions of unborn posterity, it is our duty, to do all in our power, to strengthen and perpetuate, this union.— And was I not sure, you are ready even of your­selves, I would urge you my friends and fellow citizens, by arguments which influence my own mind, ‘To abide by and strictly adhere to the Resolutions of the continental Congress, as the most peaceable and probable method of pre­venting confusion and bloodshed, and of resto­ring that harmony between Great-Britain and these colonies, in which we wish might be esta­blished not only the rights and liberties of Ame­rica, but the opulence and lasting happiness of the whole British Empire.’ ^*

I CANNOT finish this part of the discourse, with­out mentioning another reason the inhabitants of [Page 21] this Town in particular have for thankfulness, which, is a consideration of the unexpected libera­lity of our brethren towards us, since the Port has been shut up, by which thousands were reduced to poverty and distress.

OUR condition would have been calamitous be­yond expression, had not the hearts and the hands of our Brethren been opened to assist us, when suffering in the general cause.

WE thank our generous benefactors: We thank the Father of the universe, for enabling and in­clining them to do so much for us: And we thank those worthy Gentlemen, who chearfully devote a great part of their time to take care of the money and provisions which are sent in from various parts, and make distributions to the needy among us, for no other reward, than the consolation of doing good. ^*

[Page 22]THUS have we attended to some of the blessings GOD is bestowing upon us in the course of his providence, which furnish us with proper reasons for praise and thanksgiving.

BUT as we are called, by the alarming situati­on of our public affairs, to sing of the judgments of the LORD, as well as of his mercies, we shall now, agreeable to the method proposed, take no­tice of the calamities which GOD has suffered to befal us.

THE calamities to which we are more especi­ally called to give our attention, are those which arise from "the present controversy between Great-Britain and the colonies."

WE are unhappy in being represented to the parent state as factious,—impatient of govern­ment, and wishing for independence; when ‘we can safely appeal to that Being, from whom no thought can be concealed, that our warmest wish, and utmost ambition is, that we and our posterity may ever remain subordinate to, and dependent upon our parent state. This subor­dination our reason approves, our affection dictates, our duty commands, and our interest inforces.’ ^*

GREAT-BRITAIN is possessed of a naval power, able to protect our trade, and guard our coast against a foreign enemy: And the colonies pro­duce almost every article necessary to support the [Page 23] parent state in her present greatness, and add un­speakably to her future glory.

A CELEBRATED author, writing on the advan­tages which would naturally result from the hap­py connection between Great-Britain and the co­lonies, was no fatal interruption to prevent, has the following elegant and striking expressions.— ‘The immense advantages of such a situation, are worthy the closest attention of every Bri­ton. To a man that has considered them with attention, perhaps it will not appear too bold to [...], that if an archangel had planned the con­nection between Great-Britain and her colo­nies, he could not have fixed it on a more last­ing and beneficial foundation, unless he could have changed human nature.—An Alexan­der, a Caesar, a Charles, a Lewis and others have fought through fields of blood, for universal empire. Great-Britain has a certainty by po­pulation and commerce alone, of attaining to the most astonishing and well founded power the world ever saw. The circumstances of her situation are new and striking. Heaven has offered her glory and prosperity without mea­sure. Her wise ministers disdain to accept them—and prefer ^‡—a pepper Corn. ^†’

SINCE advantages of the most important na­ture might be derived to both countries were they to be perpetually united in affection, as they are in interest, how ardently is it to be wished, no unhappy controversy had arose between them.— [Page 24] But a controversy now subsists, which has a threatning aspect on America, and Great-Britain herself.

MANY calamities are already felt, more and greater are much to be feared.—Instead of mu­tual love, and a desire of each others greatness, mutual jealousies are strongly exercised: The un­failing consequence of which will be, mutual en­deavours to prevent each others interest. A princi­pal of self preservation, that law of nature, which has an uniform influence on the children of Men, will excite them to wish the diminution of that power which they suppose, is at present engaged against them, or in some future time may rival them. And what they wish they naturally ex­press, and will pursue in every measure that pro­mises success.

AND can it remain a matter of uncertainty, whether many in Great-Britain are jealous of the increasing greatness of the American interest, and wish to check the growth of the colonies, when we are told what opposition was made to the set­tlement of a new Province by a late minister of State.—When we hear another minister declaring he will lay the Americans at his feet.—When we hear with Application to one of the largest and most important Towns on the continent, "de­lenda est carthago" ^* ‘We know how acceptable to many an earthquake would be to sink some of the colonies in the Ocean.—That we are thought too numerous. And how much it [Page 25] would be judged for the interest of Great-Bri­tain, if a Pestilence should sweep off a million and a half of us.’ ^*

IF Great-Britain is jealous of the increasing in­terest of the colonies, no doubt she will exert her power to cheek their growth, or her policy to draw off their riches as fast as they acquire them. And from the measures which have been pursued, with unremitting zeal for several years past, the Americans are made to believe, that Great-Bri­tain does not wish the Colonies to make further advances towards "powerful States".—The busi­ness then is to embarrass new settlements,—to lay such burdens on the colonies now planted as to prevent emigrations to them from the crowded parts of Europe, and establish such laws as shall render, not only the money, but the persons of Americans, the property of the British Parlia­ment, or of the crown. ^†

[Page 26]AND should I say, this business has been ear­nestly pursued, ‘since the close of the late war,’ I should have the authority of the greatest and best men in the nation,—I should have more than nine-tenths of America to sup­port the assertion.

THE execution of this business has given rise to the calamities, we are this day called to lament.— The time would not allow us to go into a very particular consideration of the calamities we now feel, together with those which we fear may be permitted to fall upon us: Let it suffice to men­tion those which most sensibly affect us.

SEVERAL laws, have of late been enacted by the Parliament of Great-Britain, for the express purpose of raising a revenue in America. Had those laws been executed according to their origi­nal design, the natural operation of them, would have constantly weakened the interest of the people in general, by giving their wealth to the servants of the crown.—Had those laws been regularly executed the servants of the crown, would have had it in their power, either to riot on the spoils taken from the honest and indus­trious, or accumulate to themselves great riches. The body of the people, being oppressed, would in time be obliged to sell their lands, and other estates, and content themselves, if contentment be possible in such a state, to be the slaves of imperious lords, on whom, hard necessity had taught them to depend, for their bread.—And should they, remembering their former happy circumstances, grow uneasy and factious, a stan­ding [Page 27] army, supported by money taken from them, would be ready to humble, or destroy them.— Figure to yourselves all the calamities which are felt by the inhabitants of France and Spain, or other parts of the World where despotism is esta­blished, and I will be bold to say, we could have no security against calamities equally great, unless in the virtue of the reigning Prince, were the laws which have been passed, with respect to America, since the last war, fully carried into execution.

IF the British Parliament, may "of right," without our consent, "give and grant" any parti­cular parts of our property, for any particular purposes, they may the whole: They may with equal pretentions to right sell our persons as slaves to what masters they please. For ‘Liberty, Life, or Property, can, with no consistency of words or ideas, be termed a right of the possessors, while others have a right of taking them away at pleasure.’ ^*

THAT such laws have been enacted, and that any of them are now in force, we consider as a calamity, and lament that GOD has in judgment, suffered it to befal the American colonies.—The laws now referred to, have already done unspea­kable damage. The struggles which have been made by administration to inforce them, and by the Americans in opposition to them, have not [Page 28] only kept the whole continent in a ferment, but created such an alienation of affections, and un­happy jealousies between the two countries, as we have reason to fear, will never be wholly re­moved.

IT is a calamity that the parliament have resol­ved, ‘That colonists may be transported to En­gland, and tried there upon accusations for treason,—or concealments of treasons commit­ted in the colonies.’ —Should any unhappy Americans be accused of treason, and prosecuted according to this act, a severe punishment would necessarily be inflicted on them, before it could be determined whether they were guilty or not.

IT is a calamity that the roman catholic reli­gion is established through the vast province of Quebec, when, as a writer observes, ‘The abject of the bill, is to cut off all the liberties of the rest of the colonies.’ ^†

[Page 29]SHOULD that vast country which is now taken into the province of Quebec, be filled up with roman catholics, who are by their religion un­friendly to protestants, and especially to dissenters, it may be in their power, assisted by the Indians to do unspeakable damage to the other colonies. We may easily conceive it will be extremely dif­ficult [Page 30] for Protestants, who now have possessi­ons in that part of the world, to live quietly, or for others to settle where the established re­ligion teaches its professors, that they may vio­late the most solemn engagements with heretics, and exterminate them from their country when it can be done with safety.

[Page 31]We view it as a calamity, that, by the Lords spiritual, that venerable Bench of protestant Bi­shops, a warm opposition was not made to a bill brought in to establish a Religion in the most important colony of his Majesty's dominions, which has disgraced humanity, and crimsoned a great part of the world, with innocent blood.

BY the part which the venerable seat of Bi­shops took in the Canada act, the unparallelled sufferings of our ancestors, by the influence of some protestant Bishops, ^* in former Reigns, are [Page 32] brought fresh to view: And we cannot but apprehend, a foundation is laid, for like eccle­siastical tyranny, at least, in the province of Que­bec, should a prince of arbitrary sentiments, here­after be placed on the throne.

WE view it as a calamity, that our most gracious King was pleased to give his royal assent to the Canada Act, by which he has grie­ved the greatest part of his faithful subjects.— But I forbear.—That unfortunate Prince, who was obliged to fly from Great-Britain, to make way for the Hanoverian succession, was charged among other things, with promoting the Roman catholic Religion—May the reign of our present rightful Sovereign be long and happy.—May he ever enjoy the full confidence, and affection of all, and especially of his protestant subjects.

WE view it as a calamity, that the Parlia­ment have passed an act to alter our ancient method of appointing Juries.—With a Gover­nor and Council intirely dependent on the crown: With Judges and Sheriffs dependent on the Go­vernor, and all intirely independent on the peo­ple, we cannot suppose there is provision for the impartial administration of justice: But we have the greatest reason to fear, should any Ame­ricans be so unhappy, as to be brought into a dispute with crown officers, or any, who on account of their good disposition towards some late acts of Parliament respecting the Colonies, are called friends of Government, a jury returned by such sheriffs, would be under an influence, ex­tremely threatning to the lives and liberties, of [Page 33] such unfortunate subjects.

THE noble Lords who entered their dissent, have given a reason, which has respect to this part of the Act for regulating the government, sufficient to convince every mind capable of fee­ling the force of argument, and is worthy to be writ in letters of gold.—They dissent,— ‘Be­cause the Governor and Council have the means of returning such a Jury, in each par­ticular cause, as may best suit with the gra­tification of their passions and interests. The lives, liberties and properties of the subject are put into their hands without controul, and the invaluable right of trial by jury is turned into A SNARE FOR THE PEOPLE, who have hitherto looked upon it as their main security against the licentiousness of power.’ ^*

[Page 34]WE view it as a calamity that the British Parliament have lately passed "an Act for regu­lating the government" of this Province, by which the most important rights of our char­ter are violated, and the way is prepared for exercising an arbitrary and despotic government over us.

ATTEMPTS to execute this act have already slung the Province into great disorder.—The in­habitants consider their charter, granted on the faith of Kings, as sacred, and they cannot be prevailed with, either by flattery or threats, to give it up.—Those Gentlemen who have accepted the place of Counsellors on the new plan, are viewed as unfriendly to our constitu­tional liberties:—Our Courts of Justice are shut [Page 35] up: And we are nearly reduced to a state of nature,—In short we have no security for life, or property, or any of the blessings of society, but from the virtue and resolutions of the inha­bitants in general.

"TO change the government of a people", says the BISHOP of St. ASAPH, who is an honour to the sacred order, and an ornament to human nature,— ‘to change the government of a peo­ple without their consent, is the highest and most arbitrary act of sovereignty that one na­tion can exercise over another. The Romans hardly ever proceeded to this extremity, even over a conquered nation, 'till its frequent re­volts and insurrections, had made them deem it incorrigible.—The very idea of it implies a most total and abject, slavish depen­dence in the inferior state.’

THAT great and good man well knew, that attempts to change the government of this pro­vince, would be productive of the utmost con­fusion:—"It will make them mad."

THE noble Lords, who opposed the bill for regulating the government of this Province, entered their dissent,— ‘Because, say they, we think the appointment of all the members of the Council, which by this bill is vested in the crown, is not a proper provision for pre­serving the equilibrium of the colony consti­tution. The power given to the crown of occasionally increasing and lessening the num­ber of the council on the report of governors, [Page 36] and at the pleasure of ministers, must make those governors and ministers masters of eve­ry question in that assembly, and by destroy­ing its freedom of deliberation will wholly annihilate its use.’—

BUT the calamities arising from the unhappy controversy at present subsisting between Great-Britain and America, with which we, the inha­bitants of this town, are most sensibly, and in a peculiar manner affected, are yet unnoticed.

WHEN we look back, on our once happy state, and compare the blessings of peace and plenty, which we freely enjoyed, with our present distresses, "the tears are on our cheeks". ‘How doth the the city set solitary that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and prin­cess among the provinces, how is she become tributary!’ ^*

THE GOD of nature has taught us by the situ­ation and uncommon advantages of this place, that it was designed for extensive business: And here our fathers planted themselves, that they and their posterity might prosecute those bran­ches of trade and merchandise, which give riches and strength, to nations and states.—And this, for many years, has been the peaceful residence of commerce and wealth.

WHAT joy have we felt to see this capacious and safe harbour, white, with the canvass of our [Page 37] own ships, or of foreigners who came to exchange their treasures, for the commodities which we had to spare.

BUT how affecting is the change; How gloo­my is the present appearance!—Look to our port, and you see it blocked up with British Ships of war —No vessels of trade are allowed to enter this harbour.—Commerce which gave wealth to many, and the means of a comfortable sub­sistence to thousands, has now ceased.—The well built wharfs are either left naked, or lined with transports, which have been employed to bring the King's troops to this place.—Stores which were designed for merchandise, are, either unoccupied, or strange to relate!—turned into bar­racks!—Our public streets,—our most plea­sant walks are filled with armed soldiers.—The on­ly avenue to the town by land is fortified on each side, with heavy cannon, and strongly guarded day and night.—In short, all things wear the shocking appearances of war: Of war, not with the na­tives of the wilderness, or those foreign enemies with whom we have formerly engaged with suc­cess.—But,—how shall I speak?—Of war between Great-Britain and the colonies!—Between fellow subjects!! Between brethren!!!

BUT why these strange appearances? Why is the power of Great-Britain so unnaturally directed against America?—Why is this Town filled with troops? Why is this port blocked up, and the trade of the place ruined?—certainly we must have been guilty as a people of the most daring crimes.— Nothing less than an open and generally avowed [Page 38] rebellion against the best of Princes, one would think, could justify such treatment.—Have we been thus guilty?—Are we, thus charged?—No.— What then is our crime?—It is not pretended to be any more than a trespass, committed by some un­known persons, on private property.—Because a number of people, we know not who, destroy­ed some cargoes of East-India Tea, this whole com­munity has been condemned, without trial, and is this day suffering in a manner that can scarcely be parallelled in the history of the world.

IT is supposed by the rigorous manner in which the port act is executed, poverty, distress and calamity, are brought on 30,000 souls. ^*

OTHER calamities might have been mentioned, and those we have taken notice of enlarged upon, did the time admit.—You will just allow me to say, should the British administration deter­mine fully to execute the laws, of which we com­plain: Or in other words,—should the prime mi­nister determine to LAY THE AMERICANS AT HIS FEET; and should the new parliament grant supplies for that purpose, we have yet to fear the calamities of a long civil war: For, from the spirit now raised through this continent, and the firm union which subsists, it may be presumed the struggle would be obstinate.

AMERICANS, who have been used to war from their infancy, would spill their best blood, rather than ‘[Page 39]submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world.’ ^*

BUT we hope in GOD, and it shall be our daily prayer, that matters may never come to this.—We hope some wise and equitable plan of accommo­dation may take place.—For the salvation of the parent state, as well as of these provinces, we sin­cerely hope the measures, with respect to Ameri­ca, adopted by the last parliament, and pursued with vigour by the ministry, may be essentially altered by this.

WE hope the rights and liberties of the colonies may be established on a solid and immoveable ba­sis: And that this Town may emerge from its present distressed and most calamitous state, and be a more prosperous, more rich and happy place than ever yet it has been.

LET us then humble ourselves before God on account of our sins: Let us reform whatever is amiss,— ‘That so God may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displeasure, by cau­sing harmony and union to be restored be­tween Great-Britain and these Colonies, that we may again rejoice in the smiles of our sovereign, and the possession of those privileges which have been transmitted to us, and have the hopeful prospect that they shall be han­ded down intire to posterity, under the pro­testant succession, in the illustrious House of HANOVER.’ ^‡