I THANK you for your kind letter, wherein you express a tender concern for the people of Boston, and sympathize with them, under the hard trial they must pass through, in consequence of the late parliamentary act, commonly spoken of under the name of the Boston port-bill. It is a general idea only of the sufferings we must endure that has excited in you those motions of grief and pity, of which you have the perceptions; for, being at a distance, and not being distinctly acquainted with that multiplicity of ways in which this barbarous act will [Page 4] operate to distress us, your conception of our sufferings, by means of it, must fall vastly below the greatness of them. It will not therefore be displeasing, though it should add some degree of impetuosity to your passions, which al­ready give you uneasiness, if I am par­ticular in pointing out to you those avenues this horred decree has opened to let in misery upon us.

BE pleased then to consider, not the well-being only, but the support of this town is almost wholly dependent upon trade, the carrying on of which makes way for imployment, and employment procures daily bread for at least eight tenths of its inhabitants. Extensive trade, you will be sensible, if you only allow yourself to think a while, natur­ally gives rise to a great variety of oc­cupations, which occupations give a livelihood to hundreds and thousands. It must therefore amazingly spread dis­tress in so large a commercial place as this metropolis of the Massachusetts-Province, to have its inhabitants in an [Page 5] instant, as it were, put out of all capa­city of employing themselves in any of those vastly various callings, on which alone, under God, they had their de­pendence for a supply with even the necessaries of life. Few, comparatively very few in Boston, are men of inde­pendent fortunes. The people here are almost universally laborers or arti­ficers of this or the other denomination, who, by this act which has stopped the course of trade, are totally deprived of the only means of their subsistence. This is the case of our ship-builders, ship-joiners, mast-makers, riggers, caulk­ers, rope and sail-makers; whose oc­cupations gave them and their depend­ents a comfortable maintenance: This is the case of our house-carpenters and masons, who have now little to do, either in the way of building or repair­ing houses; as timber, boards, shingles, brick and lime are not permitted to be brought into the town in any vessel whatever, from any part of the province or elsewhere: This is the case of our distillers and sugar boilers; who are at [Page 6] once incapacitated for carrying on that business which was their support; as neither molasses nor sugar are suffered to come into Boston-harbor: This is the case with our coopers; who, if they could procure staves and hoops could make little or no use of them, as the work of trimming imported casks and making others for exportation, has, at present, an unhappy period put to it: This is the case also of our truckmen, porters, and a numerous train of day-laborers, who will now be necessi­tated to become idlers, and must suffer hunger, and be cloathed with rags.

BY this enumeration of our tribes of workmen, you will readily perceive, that vast numbers, not less, I suppose (taking in their wives, children and servants, who are dependent upon them) than fifteen thousand at the lowest com­putation, are reduced to a starving condition; none of which, so far as is known, had any more an hand in the destruction of the East-India company's tea, then Lord North himself; and but [Page 7] a few of them comparatively were among those who constituted the assemblies who have been complained of as riotous. Nor are the sufferings occasioned by this act confined to the inhabitants of Boston; but extend to all in our towns on the sea shore, for hundreds of miles, whose business is that of coasting, as they are forcibly restrained from bring­ing to this port any merchandize from the places where they live, or from carrying any out of it, to the towns to which they belong, though their necessity should ever so loudly call for it: Yea, such is the cruelty of this act, that none of the people in our in­land towns can so much as cross the ferry from Charlestown to Boston with any of their goods for sale, but by ex­posing both their goods, and the boat that brings them, to a seizure by those whose tender mercies are cruelties: Yea further, no merchandize of any sort is permitted to be brought from either Marblehead or Salem, the port substi­tuted in the room of Boston, but by land carriage, which, though greatly ex­pensive, [Page 8] is made almost doubly so; as instead of fifteen miles only, by going over a ferry, the necessary carriage is now no less than twenty eight; which is as distressing to the merchants in their towns, as to those in Boston, and as much complained of. In an address from an hundred and twenty-five mer­chants and freeholders at Salem, to his Excellency Governor Gage, in which they have done themselves great honor, are these words; "In shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and to our benefit. But nature, in the formation of our harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce with that convenient mart. And were it other­wise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, and to all feelings of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our fortunes on the ruin of our suffering neighbors. But so far from receiving benefit, we are greatly injured by the shutting up the harbor of Boston, as it deprives us of a market for much the largest part of our [Page 9] West-India imports; and there is not a town in the province but will feel the ill effects of it. Permit us then, sir, to apply to your clemency and justice to afford us every alleviation in your power, and to procure for us every possible relief from this extensive mis­chief." To what can this multiplica­tion of trouble and charge be ascribed but to the want of knowledge of the country, or a design wantonly to en­large our distress by the exercise of sove­reign power? Who could have imagined, that a decree thus mixed with contri­ved severity, and thus big with distress and ruin to thousands of poor inno­cents, could have had existence given it by an English parliament! Is it pos­sible filial affection to the parent-state should hereby be promoted? What, in the natural course of things, can be the effect of so cruel an edict, but the stir­ring up a spirit of resentment? And if multitudes, by being reduced to a starv­ing desperate condition, should act a wild and mad part, who would be so much to blame as those who were the occasional cause of it?

[Page 10]BUT it will be said, provision is made in the act that shuts up the harbor of Boston, for its being opened again; insomuch that it will be our own fault, if the difficulties we complain of are not removed. It is a proper question here, why were these difficulties brought upon us at all in an absolute and un­conditional way? Had terms of sub­mission been connected with punish­ment as threatned only, so as that it might have been at our own option, whether we would submit▪ or suffer; the reason for complaint would have been far less than it now is. But with­out previous warning, in the proposal of any terms that might have prevented the coming of evil on us, it is inflicted with inessable vengeance, and under such circumstances, that should we, in the most servile manner, submit to all that is required, we must notwithstand­ing inevitably suffer almost total ruin. For the act will be in full force the first day of June, and will remain so till a certificate from the Governor, setting forth our entire submission [Page 11] and obedience, is transmitted to the King, and relief, in consequence of it, is granted to us by him in privy coun­cil; which every one knows is impossi­ble to be done, till hundreds are starv­ed to death, if not provided for by heaven in some unknown way or other.

AND not only are we laid under a necessity of suffering by this act to an extreme degree, though we should be ever so obedient to its requirements; but (truely melancholy to consider) the terms specified in it, upon which alone our sufferings are to be removed, far from being fixed with precision, are so loose and indeterminate, that a Govern­or may, should he so please, perpetuate them during his political existence; as, without a certificate from him, de­claring our compliance with the parlia­mentary demands, the King himself in privy council is not enabled to open the port of Boston; nor is any other way provided for its being done.

[Page 12]A FURTHER aggravation of our suf­ferings, and what gives the keenest edge to them is, that the wharfs and landing-places in the town of Boston, which are the property of numerous individuals, and of a much greater value than all the teas the East-India company have sent to this whole continent, are, as to the use of them, wherein only their value con­sists, wrested out of their hands, and put into the King's, to be disposed of at his pleasure. The city of London, we imagine, however highly and justly they may think of the King's wisdom and benevolence, would, with one united voice complain of tyranny, a bare-faced invasion of their rights, if they were thus restrained from the use of this or the other valuable part of their property, unless by a granted licence at the pleasure of his Majesty. The inhabitants of Boston are English subjects, as well as the citizens of Lon­don and may with equal justice utter their cries against that arbitrary exer­cise of power, which indiscriminately makes the use of their rightful property [Page 13] dependent on pleasure at three thousand miles distance: Nor may it be thought strange, if their groans should be loud and bitter: Especially, as this instance of despotism is added to complete hardships in other respects cruel in their nature, and extreme in degree, beyond what might have been expected, in like circumstances, from either France or Spain.

WHAT now could be the excite­ment to this extraordinary vengeance? The preamble to the act of parliament will inform us.

IT begins with mentioning "Dan­gerous commotions and insurrections fomented and raised in the town of Bos­ton, by diverse ill-affected persons." But was Boston the only place in Ame­rica, where there had been such com­motions? Might it not, with equal truth, have been said, that like "com­motions and insurrections had been fo­mented and raised" in New-York, Philadelphia, and other American co­lonies? And yet, Boston only is the select­ed [Page 14] object of resentment, and to a de­gree not easily to be paralleled! Does this carry the face of impartial justice? Some Bostonians who have been in Eng­land, and some who were born there, have assured us, and upon their own know­ledge, that "commotions and insur­rections," in the late times of public grievance, have frequently been "fo­mented and raised" in the city of Lon­don, and to a much greater and more dangerous height than they ever were at Boston: But that city, as such, we have not been told, was ever punished at all for these riotous disorders, much less with a severity portending it's de­struction. Would Boston have been thus cruelly dealt with, had not it's dis­tance from Great Britain been so great, that it's groans, under the weight of oppression, could not be heard there, so as to move either indignation or com­passion, in our brethren of the mother country?

BUT it is said of these commotions, that they were "fomented and raised [Page 15] to the subversion of his Majesty's go­vernment, and to the utter destruction of the public peace and good order of the said town." It may with exact truth be affirmed, that "ill-affected persons" did not foment these commo­tions with the least view to manifest disloyalty to his Majesty, or to "subvert his government" as constitutionally ex­ercised; but to endeavour, in the only way they had left, to frustrate the de­signs of those, who, by false and inju­rious representations, would deceive his Majesty, so as to be permitted to bring this country into bondage. It is well known, both at home and here, that we have often made our humble com­plaints of grievances two great to be easy under. And what has been the effect, but a contemptuous deafness to our cries for relief? To this it is owing, and this only, that there have been any undesirable commotions among us. And shall we be forcibly reduced to the last extremity of misery, because we cannot any longer patiently bear that which is intolerable? Had we not [Page 16] been oppressed, and to an high degree, there would not have been the least disturbance in the town, or province. And should it be true, that oppression has made "diverse persons ill-affected," and excited them to raise unwarrant­able commotions, must thousands of innocents be punished herefor with the utmost severity? Is this reasonable? Can it be made to consist with equity? Could it have been, had the common feelings of humanity operated without obstructions? The Bostonians have al­ways been as much disposed to honor and support constitutional government, as any of the people in England; and it is one of their greatest burdens that they should be brought into such cir­cumstances, as to be even forced into that which is highly disagreeable to them; and if "the good order of Bos­ton" has in any measure, been dis­turbed, the way to restore peace is to hear our cries, and redress our griev­ances. This, and this only, will do it effectually, and lastingly. Force may for a while keep the people under re­straint; [Page 17] but this very restraint may, in time, be the occasion of the out-break­ing of their passions with the greater violence; and what the consequence, in that case, will be, God only knows.

A FURTHER reason given for the passing this act is, that in these commo­tions, "certain valuable cargoes of teas, being the property of the East-India company, and on board certain vessels lying within the bay or harbor of Bos­ton, were seized and destroyed." Some, even in England, have wrote with great strength and spirit in defence of the destruction of those teas, under the special circumstances in which they were sent here. But should it be ad­mitted, that this destruction was un­warrantable, both in the view of rea­son and law, will it follow from hence that the town of Boston ought to be put into a state of suffering, which it is impossible they should live under, un­less supplies are sent to them from the other towns, in this, or the neighbour­ing colonies? It should always be re­membered, [Page 18] the tea-destruction was ef­fected by persons in disguise, and un­known even to this day. Boston, as a town, neither advised to it, nor did any thing to bring it into event: Nay, even those very people, whose assem­bling together two or three times in Boston, has been called unlawful and riotous, were so far from designing, or so much as desiring, this destruction, that they did all that lay in their pow­er to prevent it: Nor would the tea have been destroyed, had it not been for Governor Hutchinson, the collector (under the eye of the commissioners) and the consignees, to whom alone it must be ascribed, that it came to this end: Nor were the people, whose as­sembling together has been so bitterly complained of, the inhabitants of Bos­ton only, but of many other towns in the province. These are all known, certain truths. And yet, Boston, as a town, is considered as chargeable with this destruction, and punished for it in an awfully severe manner; and this too, without giving them notice of [Page 19] their crime, or opportunity of saying a word in defence of themselves. If this is not unconstitutional, arbitrary con­duct, mankind in common, will, I am sure, call it rigorously hard and cruel.

THE last thing said, in order to pro­mote the giving life to this act, is, that "in the present condition of the said town and harbor, the commerce of his Majesty's subjects cannot be safely carri­ed on, nor the customs payable to his Majesty, collected." There is not a more known truth, than that the commerce of his Majesty's subjects has not been by this town, in it's "present conditi­on," or by any "ill-affected persons" in it, in the least measure obstructed, unless in the single article of the East-India company's teas; nor have his Majesty's officers been at all hindred from col­lecting the payable customs, excepting only in this same article; nor was there ever any difficulty even as to this, till in a late instance or two. And so far was "the commerce of his Majesty's subjects" from being obstructed in other articles by what was done in this, that [Page 20] the utmost care was taken to prevent it: Nor is there a person in Boston who will say, unless he knowingly wrongs the truth, that the destruction of the teas was the occasion of his suffering as to any other kind of merchandize, tho' sent in the same ships that brought the teas. The ministry well knew, that not Boston, or the Massachusetts-pro­vince only, but all the American colo­nies were united as one in thinking it unconstitutional to be taxed by the par­liament, as they are not represented there, nor can be, by reason of their lo­cal distance; and they have been jus­tified in this sentiment by some of the greatest men at home, who have said that in defence of it, which the colo­nies are fully satisfied cannot be con­tradicted inconsistency with the acknow­ledged right of English subjects. It is strange therefore, that what was done, with respect to the article of the teas on­ly should be the occasion of exciting ministerial wrath to such an amazing height: Especially, as it was owing, if faulty, to an error in judgment, not per­verseness [Page 21] of disposition: It is more strange that this conduct should be considered as a general obstruction to commerce, and to the collection of payable cus­toms, when neither the one nor the other, as to other articles, were in the least affected thereby: It is more strange still, that Boston only should be the ob­ject of resentment, when New-York, and Philadelphia, were chargeable with the like, but greater fault, proceeding from one and the same principle: It is most of all strange, that Boston, had it been the only faulty town, and deserving of punishment, should have it inflicted with cruelty unmixed with mercy, and so as to make no distinction between one and another; but involving all in one common state of distress, greater in degree and extent than Scotland, or any of it's towns, were obliged to suf­fer, though commotions were fomented and raised there, within the memory of thousands now living, and with a pro­fessed design to dethrone King George the second, and to place the crown of England on the head of a Popish Pre­tender. [Page 22] Does this look like justice im­partially executed? May it not be rea­sonably thought, that other ends might be in view besides that of punishment, upon the foot of just desert? Nor would it exceed the view even of an American understanding to conceive what these other ends might be.

I BELIEVE, sir, a sufficiency has been said, if not to give you an adequately full idea of the sufferings of poor Bos­ton, yet such a conception of them as will excite your wonder, and heighten your feelings of compassion towards us. ^* But I will not enlarge, least your [Page 23] wrath should be provoked, and such re­sentment enkindled in you, as could not easily be kept under due restraint.

INSTEAD, of this, I will endeavor to calm your passions, and mitigate your sensations of pain on our account, by showing you, wherein this parliament­ary act, however unintended by the contrivers of it, is powerfully adapted to promote the interest of all the Ame­rican colonies, and of even Boston it­self in the end.

[Page 24]THE design of the British admini­stration, with respect, not only to this town and province, but all the colo­nies on the continent, is so obviously visible by this act of parliament, that no one can easily be at a loss to know, that it is to oblige America, by the iron hand of power, to submit to sovereign pleasure. This is accordingly the uni­versal sentiment of all ranks, orders, and conditions of men from one end of the continent to the other. Even those [Page 25] who have been distinguished by being called the friends of government, are now fully satisfied, that the plan to be carried into execution, and by forcible measures, is, intire obedience to the de­mands of despotism, instead of those constitutional laws we are perfectly willing to be governed by. It may reasonably be esteemed an advantage, and a very important one, to be thus indisputably let into the knowledge of this; as, by knowing that forcing from us our rights and privileges as English subjects, is the grand point in view, we shall naturally be urged on to contrive expedients to prevent, if possible, our being in this way, brought into bon­dage: Or, should no expedients be effectual to this end, power being on the side of oppression, we may solace ourselves with the thought, that we acted like men, and will resolutely en­deavor, under the influence of this con­sideration, to prepare our minds to bear, in the easiest manner, the great­est of all outward evils, subjection to arbitrary pleasure.

[Page 26]THIS act, though more immediate­ly relative to Boston, and the Massa­chusett's-province, is an alarm to all the North American colonies; loudly sounding it in their ears, that they may surely expect, each one in their turn, as occasion offers, like treatment with that we have met with. For the design intended to be carried into effect, is not confined to a single town, or province, but extends to the whole American continent. What has been done, with respect to Boston, and the province to which it belongs, is the beginning only of sorrow, unless prevented in one pru­dent way or another, and an example held out, in terrorem, to the other colo­nies. And should Boston, and the Mas­sachusetts's-province, be brought into a state of slavery by the hand of power, every other town and colony on the continent would unavoidably, in a lit­tle time, be placed in like circumstan­ces. This is the voice of the late par­liamentary proceedure, and as evident­ly so as if promulged in the most plain­ly [Page 27] articulated words. And this, accord­ing to the accounts we have received, is the interpretation the colonies put upon it. They esteem themselves as truly, though not so immediately, struck at, as either Boston, or the Mas­sachusett's-province. For, as they just­ly observe, the cause in which we suf­fer is a common one, their's as well as our's; and whatever our fate is, the same will be their's also. If now the Ame­rican colonies should be influenced, by this amazingly cruel act, to unite as one is projecting, and carrying into exe­cution, expedients reasonable in them­selves, and wisely adapted to secure the enjoyments of their rights and privi­leges, and to promote, at the same time, harmony and love between Great-Bri­tain and America, it would most cer­tainly be for the common interest of all, yea, even of Boston, that this shocking decree has been issued forth, though their sufferings, by reason of it, will be awfully severe. And it is, I may add here, unquestionably true, that the co­lonies [Page 28] will, by means of this parlia­mentary conduct, be more firmly unit­ed than ever; yea, that they will all act in concert, as if they were one, in exerting themselves in all wise and pos­sible ways to frustrate the designs of those who would rule them with a rod of iron, instead of the laws of constitu­tional government. Many here, as well as at home, would not suppose it possible there should be such an union of the colonies; but this is now made to appear by their choice of deputies to meet in congress to consult measures for the common good of them all, and particularly for the relief of Boston, as it is now suffering, not for it's own sake only, but for their's also.

AS the port of Boston has been the principal inlet in this part of America, to that inundation of British goods, which have occasioned the spreading of extravagances, beyond description in every kind, not only through this town, but the whole province, it might [Page 29] be the design of Heaven, though not thought of by men, to testify against the ineffable folly of all sorts of persons, whether of higher or lower rank, in parting with the fruits of their labor, or the income of their estates, for im­ported articles, which are of no service unless to gratify pride, and sooth a vain mind; and to give, at the same time, this folly of their's a solemn check. which, if not restrained, will be the ruin of the country. It would argue wis­dom in people, and powerfully tend to promote their INTEREST, if they would look upon themselves as NOW taught in providence, and loudly called upon, to refrain from purchasing that merchan­dize, which swallows up their substance for the paultry consideration only of appearing in finery of dress which ill becomes them. A non-consumption of English goods, in those articles wherein they may do as well without, as with them, to every purpose excepting that of ornamental vanity, would with­out controversy, be highly beneficial, [Page 30] not only to this town and province, but to all the towns in all the colonies; and it might happily tend to bring us relief in this day of darkness and dis­tress. It would be no wonder, if some importers from England, whose views are solely confined to self, should ex­claim against such a measure, and exert themselves to the utmost to prevent it's taking place; as their gain might here­by be lessened. This is no other than may be expected of those in trade; whose contracted minds restrains them from all public generosity. But is it not better that these individuals should suffer, than that this should be the case of the whole country, who, by means of what they import, are influenced, by a kind of fascination, to part with their earnings to their great hurt, in­stead of profit. It is readily acknow­ledged, that trade, wisely conducted, is the surest method to enrich and ag­grandize a people; but it is a great mistake to imagine, that it will, carried on in any way, be productive of this [Page 31] effect. And it may be laid down as an indubitable truth, that trade, instead of promoting this good, will powerfully tend to do mischief to a people, consi­dered as such, however it may serve some individuals, if it is so managed, as that, upon the whole, they are im­poverished by means of it. This, for a course of years, has been the result of our trade as carried on with Great-Bri­tain. Such have been the needless im­ports from thence, and such the folly of people in their extravagant use of them, that a very great part of the fruit of our labor and toil, and of our trade to fo­reign parts, has been remitted home for that which has been rather ruinous, than profitable to us! It may, without ex­aggeration, be said, that some millions a year sterling have been sent from the colonies to England, in return for goods imported from thence, which we did not want, and which could not, in any wise view, be considered as pro­motive of benefit to us. Need the peo­ple now be told, that it would be for [Page 32] their interest, unspeakably so, to put these millions sterling into their own pockets which are annually sent home in payment for what they might as well, yea much better, have done with­out? They must be under a degree of infatuation not to see this to be the height of folly, even to madness. Let the importers of a monstrous superfluity of English goods turn the course of their trade, at least so manage it as may serve the public, and not themselves only, and they will then merit both honor and encouragement: But they will have no just reason for complaint, if they are esteemed poor mercenary wretches, while, for their own private gain, they are vehemently clamorous in opposing all reasonable methods so far to put a stop to English imports, as they are certainly hurtful to the country, and in an high degree. Our present circumstances loudly call for this, and that which will naturally follow upon it, a retrenchment of our unparralleled extravagance. And should the colonies [Page 33] take occasion from what has been done to Boston (a striking specimen of what they may expect will be done to them, at one time or other) to live more with­in themselves, and to consume no Eng­lish goods, but what their convenience, I will not say necessity, calls for, we should probably soon find an end put to the grievances we have long complained of, but still lie groaning under. Per­haps, the people in England would feel it disadvantageous to them, should the people in America agree upon a non-consumption of British goods, within such limits as a due regard to their own interest makes necessary; but they could not reasonably find fault with such a measure, and, instead if doing so, they might co-operate with us, in endeavoring the restoration, and fu­ture secure enjoyment, of those civil rights and privileges we have been de­prived of, by the hand of power. And should we, by their interposed assist­ance, be placed in these happy cir­cumstances, such would be our affecti­on [Page 34] towards them, as that we should chearfully forego our own advantage in trade, so far as might in reason be expected, in order to promote their's. Be this as it may, by such a measure, carried into execution, we should na­turally be put upon greater frugality than we have commonly been used to, a more enlarged cultivation of our lands and the setting up manufactures a­mong ourselves in every kind, wherein they may be serviceable to us; the effect whereof would be the retaining monies in our own purses, which would be more than an hundred-fold com­pensation for what is unconstitution­ally wrested from us; at least we should have that within ourselves, which would enable us to wait without strife and contention, till the almighty righteous ruler of the world shall work out sal­vation for us; which we firmly believe he will, in one way or another, sooner or later.

[Page 35]I COULD easily have enlarged on every article I have mentioned, and should have mentioned some other; but I was not willing to give your pa­tience too tedious a trial.