Mr. Turner's ELECTION-SERMON.
MAY 26. 1773.
A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ESQ; GOVERNOR: THE HONORABLE HIS MAJESTY'S COUNCIL, AND THE HONORABLE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, OF THE PROVINCE OF THE Massachusetts-Bay in New-England, May 26th. 1773.
BEING the Anniversary of the ELECTION of His MAJESTY's COUNCIL for said PROVINCE.
By CHARLES TURNER, A. M. Pastor of the Church in DUXBURY.
BOSTON: NEW-ENGLAND: Printed by RICHARD DRAPER, Printer to His Excellency the Governor, and the Honorable His Majesty's Council.
M,DC,LXXIII.
ORDERED, That James Otis and William Sever, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev'd Mr. Charles Turner, with the Thanks of this Board for his Sermon preached Yesterday, before his Excellency the Governor, and the General Assembly, being the Day for the Election of His Majesty's Council; and to desire a Copy thereof for the Press.
An ELECTION-SERMON.
AS God condescends to govern the creation which He hath brought into existence, His dominion, though universal and absolute, is to be acknowledged as being, in its whole plan and numerous operations, unexceptionably [Page 6] wise and moral; however it may exceed our comprehension. The most immediate government of the world, if God had chosen such a method, could have afforded no degree of trouble to that mysteriously perfect Being, who is necessarily infinite in happiness: In his wisdom, however, He has chosen to use, in a great variety of instances, the mediation of others, for carrying on the designs of his providence. Agreeably, civil rulers, in this world, are in the number of His ministers, or servants. They are constituted by Him. There is no power (says the Apostle) but of God: the powers that be, are ordained of God. It is agreeable to the will of God, that there should be civil government: He has given to mankind that reason which points to it, as useful and necessary; and, in general terms, the magistrate is raised up, and invested with his office, in the course of divine providence.
CIVIL rulers are ordained of God; but the doctrine of their being divinely appointed, rightly understood, no more [Page 7] militates against the supposition that the people ought to have a voice in the elevation of those who are, in a civil sense, to rule them, than the doctrine of God's appointing gospel ministers interferes with the supposition of a right in the churches to elect their own pastors. He never designed, mediately or immediately, to appoint rulers over the people, in state or church, so as to debar them from the privilege of choosing their own officers (except in a few extraordinary instances of ancient date) and they, who attempt to deprive the people of such a privilege, oppose themselves equally, to the will of God, and to the rights of mankind.†
MAGISTRATES, that are lawful, are appointed of God, to be his ministers; but for what purpose?—not to manage [Page 8] the affairs of the world so as to increase the felicity of the supreme Being, for He is above the possibility of being benefited, by the services of men or Angels—not to enslave mankind, and involve them in misery and ruin—not surely to enrich and aggrandize themselves and their families, prejudicially to honest industry, as if God had a partiality for them; but He appoints them to be his ministers, for good to the publick: mean while intending they should have, from the people, a certain distinguishing respect and support, as the just recompence of their faithful arduous important services, to the community.
THAT the civil ruler, and christian minister, should engross the wealth of the world to themselves, as they have done, in many countries and ages, and live in pride and luxury, on spoils violently extorted, or slily drained from the people, is altogether foreign to the design of God, in setting them up. It is His mind that both, acting in character, should be reverenced, and honorably [Page 9] provided for; but His grand view, in raising them to their places of eminence, is, that the one should do good in religious, the other in civil respects, to the world.‡
THE Apostle Paul in this letter to roman christians, says, He, meaning the civil magistrate, is the minister of God to thee for good. The sense of the sacred writer we judge to be, that civil magistracy is designed of God for good to the governed; and that rulers are, therefore, eventually, His ministers for the promotion of public happiness, considered as understanding, and acting up to the requirements of their stations, and so as to answer the end of their investiture. To suppose that the Apostle intended here, particularly to characterize Nero, who was then at the head of the Roman [Page 10] Empire, and his servants, who probably partook of his spirit, and imitated his conduct, as if they were benefactors to the public, is apparently absurd (unless this epistle was written soon after his coming to the imperial crown, when he is said to have reigned well*) for Nero, except at the beginning of his reign, was a tyrannical malefactor to his subjects.
GOD would have His civil ministers to prove, a terror to evil works; to punish evil doers—by salutary laws, honestly and honorably executed, to save the state from foreign injurious invaders (while they are circumspectful, to leave [Page 11] the people in the ample enjoyment of all rational liberties, in opposition to any temptations they may be under to infringe the same themselves) and to prevent the peoples suffering, from one another, as to life, property, or any of their rights. It is also His pleasure, that they should be a praise to them that do well—should properly honour and encourage them. When the virtuous and the good are frowned on and disgraced, when laudable exertions for publick utility are damped and checked, when the perpetrators of wickedness noxious to society are not terrified and suppressed, but screened and promoted, there is a sorrowful, and not blameless deviation from the design of the righteous God, the father of mercies, in the institution of civil government.
To answer the purpose of Government, it is of consequence that men should be blessed with capacity, and possessed of enlarged knowledge, respecting the nature of their office, the extent of their power, the state sufferings, [Page 12] and dangers of the people, their interests, and what may conduce to their relief, security and happiness: but men of such greatness (like elephants in war) are not to be depended on, as persons who will steadily pursue the publick good, unless they are possessed of that publick spirit, which the charitable Gospel infuses, and so have the end of government at heart. Avarice and ambition may carry men considerable lengths, in measures which are for publick advantage, when they perceive that such measures will best gratify these passions; but if they are enriched with no higher principles, whenever it so happens, that there is an interference between the gratification of these passions, and a pursuance of the publick good, which is likely to be frequently the case, the happiness of multitudes will probably fall a sacrifice to the vile affections of a few. Whereas, publick spirit, possessed as it ought to be, predominates over every private worldly affection, and causes every private worldly interest, incompatible with the public welfare, to fall a sacrifice to [Page 13] the general felicity: It carries the magistrate, with firmness, uniformity and perseverance, through his course of duty; however environed with warping temptations: It inspires him with compassion, forbids the appearance of oppression: It quickens to vigilance and activity, renders him a father to the community, a minister of God, in event, for good, a God-like blessing.
IT has been said, that the ministers of the Gospel ought to have no concern in political matters; but, that God's civil ministers ought to stand at a distance from every thing relating to religion, we do not afirm. They have a right to govern the ministers of Christ's Spiritual Kingdom. The clergy, instead of arrogating to themselves an insolent papal power of deposing Kings and Emperors, are as much obliged to be in subjection to civil powers, as other ranks of men. The rights of conscience are to be treated with the greatest delicacy; but if people, under a pretence of conscience, conduct manifestly to the [Page 14] material damage of Society, the civil arm has a right to restrain them. It is the part of civil powers to encourage and promote religion, as that is conducive to the benefit of Society; particularly, as it gives people due veneration for an Oath, which for confirmation is to them an end of all strife. Especially, it is incumbent on the civil magistrate to cultivate the sincerest piety in his own breast. A minister of God, who has no reverence for that great Being whom he is ordained to serve, is a perfect prodigy. The perpetual nourishment of godliness in the heart, is the indispensable duty of the civil governor—for the honor of God, for his own sake, and for the sake of the people. A superlative respect for Him, whose absolutely disinterested goodness brought the world into being, and who governs it so that His tender mercies are over all His works; a reverence for the authority of the christian Legislator, whose precepts, in favor of charity, justice and kindness, hold a distinguished place in the new testament; an engaging regard to His example, who went [Page 15] about doing good, as He came down from heaven with the most beneficent purpose, and who condescended to die for the good of the world; together with a deeply impressed sense of Eternity—will have an happy and necessary influence into that patriotism, which is the magistrate's indispensable qualification. Sincere piety fills the soul with the tenderest feelings for mankind, and so engages the heart in pursuit of that, which is the great end of government. Impiety, worldly-mindedness and sensuality render the heart flinty, and insensible to the groans of the oppressed; while godliness inspires the softest passions—inspires the brotherly kindness and charity, which will never give their possessor rest, 'till every rational method is adopted, for the relief of the distressed, and the promotion of publick happiness. Joseph, first minister of state to Pharaoh, having for several days confined his brethren, found himself insufferably pained in heart, with the thought of longer detaining a supply from the half famished house of his father, because he feared God.
[Page 16] ALL the wisdom, however, religion and publick spirit, which have generally existed, or can be expected soon to take place, among the great men of the earth, are by no means a sufficient security to the people, that the end of government will be honorably answered. Rulers are so prone to have, vastly at heart, certain worldly interests, inconsistent with the publick, welfare and the duty they owe to the community, that it is incumbent on the people (whose right it is to do this, on proper consideration, and every thing else, respecting government, which they judge will be for the salvation and advantage of the whole) to fix on certain regulations, which if we please we may call a constitution, as the standing measure of the proceedings of government; so determining what powers they will invest their rulers with, and what privileges they will retain in their own hands.
THROUGH the misguiding arts of designing men, mistakes and freakish passions, things hurtful to society, are apt to take place in popular governments, [Page 17] which might be prevented by absolute monarchy; while it ought in justice to be acknowledged, that some absolute princes have been great benefactors to the publick: But such considerations scarcely furnish a better argument in favor of yielding up to despotism, than the religious divisions in protestant countries, and the degrees of service ever done to the churches by the Popes, afford, in favor of the re-admission and establishment of the papacy.
UNLIMITED power has generally been destructive of human happiness. The people are not under such temptations to thwart their own interests, as absolute government is under to abuse the people: and, that the publick interest has, generally and on the whole, succeeded beyond all comparison better, where the people have, by the barrier of a constitution, retained power in a great degree in their own hands, than it has under despotick governments, we dare appeal to all the sensible, humane, impartial examiners of universal history.
[Page 18] OF inestimable value and importance are such rights and privileges as are retained by the people, according to the English constitution particularly, and such as were once enjoyed by this province, especially under the first charter,—a charter that was inhumanly murdered, and over whose grave many of the people are now disposed to raise a fresh lamentation.
A CONSTITUTION being settled by the public consent, the magistrate, awed by that Sovereignty which God has been pleased to invest the people with in the case, ought ever to maintain a sacred respect to such constitution, in every instance of government legislative or executive. The community having a right to fix boundaries between rulers and people by a constitution, it is impossible that individuals should have a right to remove them, however high the rank of such individuals may be. Rulers as well as others, have an undoubted right to make fair, and, as they judge, rational proposals for the amendment [Page 19] of a constitution; but by no means to attempt an alteration of it, without the publick consent: by such an attempt, they will merit a degree of blame proportionable to the importance of the people's fixing constitutional limits to the higher powers, in view of the common security. To forfeit any thing of a worldly nature, rather than bear a part in violating sacred compacts, is the path of honor, christian virtue, and happiness.
To have constitutions so expressed, that potentates should be incapable of putting constructions upon them, through a biassed understanding, different from their original meaning, is impossible. Magistrates, who have no direct design or willingness to infringe the people's constitutional rights, may, nevertheless, be supposed to do it, and perhaps to a great degree, through a judgment prejudiced by worldly passions; and call that by the name of light, which the people rationally perceive to be darkness; and give that the denomination of sweetness, which the people know to be [Page 20] bitter. The ruler's designed or prejudiced invasion of constitutions has occasioned innumerable evils, sorrowful to relate; besides the devastation and wretchedness brought on the world by the licentious passions of absolute Princes: and the like may be justly feared, 'till they, who are rich and great in this world, are more enriched in faith and social virtues than they have hitherto been.
How far any persons may have been charged, injuriously, with an inclination to promote the measures which are grievous to this Province and Country, we do not pretend to determine. But, if the Gentlemen, on either side of the Atlantick, who may be justly said to be engaged in pursuit of such measures, confidently judge, that they are acting the part which becomes men appointed of God to consult the publick happiness; and find their inward tranquillity, in no degree, disturbed by suspicions that they are infringing the rights of this People; may it not be excuseable, nevertheless, [Page 21] in a proper and respectful manner, to recommend to them a consideration of their liableness to be mistaken? the passions, as appears by a great variety of instances in human life, may have an unhappy influence on the understanding; and more especially in case of controversy, which calls for the serious attention of both rulers and people, in times of political contest. Men of eminence in life, as well as others, may have the judgment unduly influenced by the affections. In connexion with these things, it may not be amiss to consider, that communities, if they meet with treatment which is tolerably fair and good, will be generally found to be contented;—that the people of this land, who are so firmly and generally perswaded, that their most important rights are infringed, and are so much disposed to complain of the measures they receive from the British Government, as endangering their most valuable blessings, if not the welfare of Britain, have been trained up, from their cradles, in a most affectionate dutiful respect to, and confidence in the House of Hanover,—abhor [Page 22] the least idea of giving disturbance to that which they think to be constitutional government,—are not wholly destitute of religion and virtue, notwithstanding the many great sins, whereby they offend the Governor of the world,—nor contemptible, with respect to knowledge,* if compared with the most enlightened parts of Europe; however we may have [Page 23] been considered, as little superior to Indian Barbarians. May not such considerations reasonably prevail with those Gentlemen, to examine themselves, in reference to the power of prepossession; and to supplicate the Divine Being for direction? If in consequence hereof, they shall think it proper to discontinue their present pursuit, and heartily adopt the cause which now suffers by their means,—from worthy Patriots in Britain and the rest of Europe, as well as from this Country, they will receive all the respect and affection which can be due to men; and, if this people judge rightly, they will highly ingratiate themselves with that infinite blessed Being, who is by an inspired Apostle, justly characterized LOVE, who delights to see his creatures virtuous, free and happy, and takes pleasure in the wisdom and honorable integrity of those, who know how to correct themselves, in favor of the publick freedom and felicity. But if every dissuasive from the pursuance of present measures must be unprevailing, every petition and remonstrance be treated with contempt, [Page 24] and the people's burdens increased, or even continued, what may the consequences be!
WITH great respect, and equal importunity, it is, moreover, recommended to the Honorable General Court of this Province, to cultivate a spirit of rational warm benevolence and compassion towards this people, who greatly confide in the political Fathers of the two Houses of Assembly, in whose appointment they have a more immediate concern, to be the Patrons of their rights, in their distress and danger—to cultivate that unfeigned piety, which is naturally productive of an heavenly patriotick ardor, while they are properly insensible to every worldly consideration, after the example of our self-denying Redeemer, and as becomes those whose hearts are enobled by the highest and best of principles. If publick Spirit reigns, in contempt of every inferior seducing motive, you will not fail, honored Sirs, according to the best of your judgment, to separate persons to the Seat of Counsel, [Page 25] who are men of capacity and knowledge, men of principle and firmness, and hearty uniform attachment to the cause of their Country's freedom; and in all the affairs that may come before you, from time to time, you will not be bribed off from a prosecution of your duty and the peoples happiness, by all the temptations which such an ensnaring world and time as this can furnish. It is hard to say, whether this country ever has seen, or ever will see, a more important time than the present, when it seems as if the question, whether this people and all they enjoy shall be at the absolute disposal of a distant Legislature, is soon to be determined: Such a time does indeed call for wise and faithful Counsel, for uncorrupted virtue in the General Court. It is not improbable, Gentlemen, that in the circle of the year, things of greatest moment may come under your consideration; if it is so determined above, may God grant you grace to act the disinterested, noble patriotick part, that future generations, as well as the present, may rise up and call you blessed. Be pleased [Page 26] to suffer the most express word of exhortation, to hold the intire system of corruption in the highest detestation, and let it be a perfect stranger to all your proceedings. If the liableness of all mankind to an undue influence from worldly motives; if the symptoms of corruption which appear in the several parts of the country, in the election of Representatives; if the known prevalence of bribery and venality in the land from which our Ancestors fled, together with the facility wherewith we drink in the vices of that which we have been used to call by the endearing name of the Parent State; if the divine condemnation of the practice of giving and receiving a bribe, considered in connection with the importance of those things which are depending—cannot be thought sufficient to justify such freedom of speech; deign, Honored Fathers, to consider it, nevertheless, as proceeding from a spirit of fidelity, and not of insolence.
THE magistrate has sufficient inducements, in reason, to a disengagement [Page 27] from the world, so as to pursue the end of government with persevering fidelity. A desire to enjoy, besides an income, the affections and confidence of an happy people (as rulers of disinterested benevolence and tender conscience generally will) instead of incurring the publick displeasure; to have, through all the changing scenes of life, the peace arising from a favorable testimony, instead of being wounded with the reproaches of conscience; and to be in a capacity of self-possession, free from horror, when exchanging this state for the world of spirits—may justly prove commanding to him in all his deportment.
IT will not be justifiable to forbear an express assertion, that as magistrates are the ministers of God, they ought to act under a perpetual sense of their accountableness to Him—to Him, from whom none of their counsels can be secreted. Gods they are; but not immortal: they must die like men, and, like other men, make an indispensable personal appearance before the Judgment-Seat of Christ. [Page 28] Small and great, without a trace of any former civil distinctions, must stand before God, to receive according to the deeds done in the body, and their principles of action, whether they have been good or bad. May the minister of God be raised from more inconsiderable objects, so as to give all due attention to that grand decision, when the unprofitable servant shall be cast into outer darkness, where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth—misery parallel to his demerit, considering the advantages he had, the nature of his trust, and the degree in which he abused it; and when, the wise, faithful, gracious Mediator shall adjudge an eminent crown and recompence to him, who, from christian principles, in a superior station, has done eminent service to the world; and to him shall say, well done, thou good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.
THE people ought to have the end of government, the publick good, at heart, [Page 29] as well as the magistrate; and therefore, to yield all loyal subjection to well regulated government, in opposition to every thing of a factious nature and complexion: and, for the same reason, it is not only their privilege, but it is also their duty, properly to assert their freedom, and take all rational and necessary methods for the publick security and happiness, when constitutional boundaries are broken over, and so their rights are invaded. This affirmation supposes, the People have a right to judge of the conduct of government, and its tendency; and this again supposes them capable of judging in things of such a nature.
To have incomprehensible mysteries in government is the Divine prerogative. Profound secrets in human governments, inaccessible by society, are too liable to become insufferable mysteries of iniquity. It would be safest, if the people in general could keep a very constant sight of all the proceedings of civil administration; but as that is scarcely to be expected, whenever there appears any thing, in [Page 30] the conduct of magistracy, justly alarming, it is the duty of those in society, who have the best advantages for full and seasonable information, to communicate what they can learn of the state, and course of things, to others: and mysteries in government, which the generality of the people, after obtaining such assistance, and using laudable application, must remain incapable of comprehending, ought to have no existence.
RULERS are, at once, ministers of God, and servants of society; as Gospel ministers are servants of Christ, and of the Churches. And, if God has given to the community a right to appoint its servants, it is but rational and consistent to suppose, that the community should have a right to take effectual care, that their servants should not counteract and disappoint the great purpose for which they were distinguished from their fellow-creatures; and if, in any cases, it may be seen necessary for the publick salvation, to give the servants of society a dismission. That servants of the publick, [Page 31] should not be responsible to the publick, is popery, either in religion, or politicks.
IF the establishment of a constitution, together with the religion and virtue rulers may be supposed to be possessed of, appears insufficient, it is the people's duty to take those further steps, which may be seen proper and needful, that the publick may not suffer. The people's duty, in this respect, arises from the regard they owe to the great immutable Law of Self-preservation, and from the indebtments every person in society is under to all the rest, and to posterity, by the laws of Christian Charity.
THESE are principles, we firmly believe perfectly consonant to right reason, and to the word of God; they are certainly such principles as were adopted, and acted upon, at the Revolution, and which cannot be consistently called into question by those, who pretend the least regard to the continuation of our present Royal Family in the government. The advancement of every thing of an opposite [Page 32] tenor, is a virtual, secret, and treasonable undermining the Throne of the present Chief Magistrate, in the British Dominions.*
THE Apostle, in this thirteenth chapter of his Epistle to the Romans, charges every soul to be subject to the higher powers; and, the argument whereby he enforces this exhortation, and dissuades from resistance, is, that these civil powers are ordained of God, and ordained by Him, ministerially to convey blessings from Him to the People. So long, therefore, and so far, as civil powers act agreeably to the design of their ordination, and do good in their stations, the people are obliged to subjection, and resistance will be blameable; but if these powers forsake [Page 33] their proper sphere, thwart God's design in ordaining them, disserve the people, and take measures which tend to ruin them, the Apostle's ground of the people's subjection ceases; and, indeed, submission becomes a fault, and resistance a virtue. If the people ought to obey well conducting rulers, out of a regard to the publick good, it must be as much their duty, still governed by a regard to the publick good, to oppose them, when pursuing destructive methods. To suppose it belongs to the Apostle's meaning, that it is a damnable sin to resist civil powers, because ordained of God, though they act entirely out of character, and thwart every kind purpose God had in ordaining them, is in the class of most palpable grating absurdities. A pretence to ground such ideas, as those of indefeasible right, passive obedience, and non-resistance, on the Bible, is criminal—an high abusive scandal to the Christian Religion, and it's Divinely inspired Promulgators. If God had given up mankind to the will of oppressors, not permitting the people, [Page 34] on pain of damnation, to attempt their own relief, it would not, indeed, have exceeded the demerit of a sinful world; but would have been disagreeable to the general analogy of kind providence.
IT has been thought, with great good judgment, the Apostle Paul declined handling, particularly, real or supposed cases, of rulers departing from their line; and giving particular directions how to conduct, in such cases, for a very special reason; and that was, the imprudence in running the risk of exposing the Church, in it's infant state, to the vengeance of an heathen government.
THE people ought to be in subjection to higher powers ruling honorably, not only through fear of human wrath, in case of disobedience; but also for conscience sake: and, for conscience sake, they should also maintain the assaulted blessings of freedom; as being thereto obliged, by our Saviour's enjoinment of that Charity, which is the bond of perfectness. [Page 35] He that resisteth the faithful well-behaving magistrate, disobeys God, violates the laws of love, clashes with the general good, the end of government, and shall receive to himself damnation—condemnation to eternal misery, in a future stare, unless repentance be preventive; as well as the displeasure of civil government, in this world. But the man who holds the reins of government too laxly, the tyrant and the rebel, and the people who are negligent of their rights, as they all, in their several ways, counteract, disappoint, or neglect, that which is the great purpose of government, the publick good; so they may all be supposed to be equally guilty in the sight of God—to merit an equal weight of Divine displeasure. If any persons dispute, whether mere negligence can be thought so culpable, let them recollect, of what kind the sins are, which, according to the Evangelist Matthew, will be expressly mentioned, in the illustration of the rectitude of the sentence of condemnation on the wicked, at the great Day of God.
[Page 36] How distressing the thought of being slaves, how charming that of being free! While liberty is fruitful, in trade, industry, wealth, learning, religion and noblest virtue, all that is great and good and happy; slavery clogs every sublimer movement of the soul, prevents every thing excellent, and introduces poverty, ignorance, vice and universal misery among a people. But if a few general terms can give no tolerable idea of the blessings of freedom, let them be learnt from the story of the world, let their richness be estimated, by the price that has been paid for them, in lands that have been favovred with them, and particularly by our Progenitors. Heaven grant, that the present generation may come by a just sense of the excellency of their civil and sacred immunities, as may be necessary for the security of the same, at a cheaper rate, than by experience of such sufferings as our Ancestors underwent!
THAT the people should be divided, and some of them disengaged from such a [Page 37] cause as that of their countries freedom, by small private piques and prejudicing contentions; or influenced by little hopes and fears about worldly promotions and interests, should treat it in a nugatory manner, is intirely astonishing! But our surprize abates, when we consider how capable human nature is of trifling, in the most immediate concerns of religion—in reference to eternal life, and everlasting misery.
It concerns men of every order, station and employment, to be advocates for their country's rights. The minister of the Gospel, in protestant lands, where the doctrine which forbids clergymen's marrying, is not adopted, may have a family—posterity to be concerned for; of whose welfare, he cannot be regardless without denying the faith, and being worse than an infidel. As a man, and a christian, he is bound to befriend the liberties of the land; nor is there any thing, in the special nature of his office, incompatible herewith, more than in the several other occupation, men are particularly [Page 38] engaged in. On the contrary, such are the connections of things, that, in the due and full execution of his office, he must have a reference to political matters; and as a friend to liberty. The scriptures cannot be rightly expounded, without explaining them in a manner friendly to the cause of freedom, as well as of loyalty. He ought to bear against a factious molestation of well conducted government, and publickly to recommend all orderly rational submission; while a constant reference is to be had to the King, and to all that are in authority, in the prayers of the Church. Put them in mind, says Paul to Titus, to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates. But that the christian minister ought to appear an advocate for loyalty, and not for liberty—to frown upon rebellion, and not bear against oppression, by reasoning of righteousness, and judgment to come, are mysteries too deep to be fathomed.
WHEN the civil rights of a country receive a shock, lit may justly render the [Page 39] ministers of religion deeply thoughtful for the safety of sacred privileges; and dispose them to all proper sollicitude for the security of the former, as necessary to the preservation of the latter: for religious liberty is so blended with civil, that if one falls it is not to be expected that the other will continue. May not such a connection be, in some measure, illustrated by present appearances? While our civil privileges are in their present wounded and perilous circumstances, let men soberly consider—how dormant and unexecuted, the Laws of England against popery, are known to remain—a roman-catholick bishop at Canada—a popish priest at Nova-Scotia, as we suppose publickly supported, and Counsellors in a British American Island, of the same religious complexion—together with the late zealous application, for an English-American Episcopate; and judge the religious privileges of this country to be in no degree of danger, if they are able.
IT is greatly to be desired that, for the future, the ministers of our benevolent [Page 40] impartial Lord, may pay a due regard to liberty, as well as subjection to principalities; as a kind of atonement for the dishonour that has been reflected on the Gospel, and the immense damages done to an enslaved world by clergymen's excessive complaisance to men in power.
THE ministers of our Lord Jesus Christ will think it their duty to assist the people, at this time of peculiar difficulty and danger, in a due religious acknowledgement of the Governor of the world. Our adversity is to be considered as the effect of providential agency, or permission—as a righteous parental chastisement of Heaven, for our many provocations; and a loud call for universal repentance and reformation, according to the Gospel of Christ.
THOUGH greatly distant, we are sorrowfully infected with the irreligion and vices, which are predominant in England; and which reign there to such a degree, that we can scarcely forbear applying, [Page 41] such language as that in the Revelation; Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues; for her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities. A worldly spirit, discovering itself, in numerous immoral effects of avarice, in many instances of preferring private temporal interests before the good of the Country, and, as to some, in an easy declension from the dissenting cause, and coincidence with a certain more worldly, and less reformed ecclesiastical Establishment; The immoral practice of gaming with lucrative purposes, chiefly among persons in that which they call high life; A great neglect of publick religious Ordinances, in almost all parts of the Land; Amazing profanity, especially in maritime places; Widely prevailing and highly excessive use of spirituous liquors, together with a variety of high-strained modes of extravagance and luxury, more especially in our larger and more wealthy trading Towns,—Things which appear at such a day as this, exceeding sinful absurd and aggravated, [Page 42] are in the number of those sins wherewith our times are marked; while some persons run off into the wildest excesses of sentiment, some concerning Faith have made shipwreck, and others are tinctured with the spirit of scepticism. And such irreligion and vice, whereby we offend our God and the God of our Fathers, and merit our misery at his hands, are, in a great measure borrowed (with unaccountably fond embraces) of the very people from whom our sufferings proceed.—The reflection is sufficiently painful and confounding, without proceeding to observe that, persons may possibly be found, degenerate enough to spread vice and wickedness among us, from a principle of Balaami [...]is [...] policy, or to render us an easier prey, by means of the venality, carelesness and timidity which are the natural effects of luxury.
BUT whatever may be justly said of their origination, certain it is, that by numerous offences against God, we merit a much deeper plunge of adversity, than we are now involved in; and [Page 43] we are called upon, by the monitory language of Divine Providence, to consider our ways, and turn our feet unto his testimonies, and so to give glory to the Lord our God, before our feet stumble upon the dark mountains; and while we look for light, he turn it into the shadow of death, and make it GROSS darkness.
IT is hoped that this People will unitedly exert themselves, in the methods justifiable in the sight of God, for their deliverance; and so with humblest confidence, commit their cause to the God of all grace, and mercy, and wisdom; putting up fervent prayers, in the name of Christ, to that Being who is able to save; and, in the mean time, practically considering the indispensable importance of joining repentance unfeigned with supplications, as they would rationally expect audience with Him, who loveth righteousness, and hateth iniquity: And that all persons, in any places of public trust, will exert themselves, according to the requirements of their several stations, to put a stop to the growing infidelity and [Page 44] immorality, whereby we provoke the Holy One of Israel to anger. And may the God of our Fathers make bare his holy Arm, for our salvation!
WHILE the dispensations of Providence instruct the people, in that fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom; we trust they will continue to pay a due regard to the Divine Law for honouring the King; and none of them slide, under their trials, into an habit of despising all government. To spurn at well-conducted civil administration, because of the wrong steps of particular rulers, is behaviour as ineffably perverse and unm [...]nly, as it is to despise well-behaving ministers of Christ, and deistically to reproach the excellent well-attested religion of our Lord, because of the failings of particular clergymen, and the false irrational doctrines which, in pretence, have been deduced from Scripture, by the wickedness of designing, or weakness of honest men.
[Page 45] FINALLY, may God grant, that, henceforth, our Government may attain the end of magistracy, the general happiness; that our officers may be peace, our exactors righteousness; that judgement (and not innocent blood) may run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream; that this people, (the branch of the Lord's planting) may be all righteous, and inherit the land, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of freedom, civil and religious, and all the blessings of goodness, forever.
AMEN.