HAD he been a native of the country, the intereſt of it would have been dear to him. A thouſand tender connections would have been formed with his countrymen. The intereſts and happineſs of the nation would have been connected with his own, and in many reſpects inſeperable from them. To the counſels of the wiſe men of his country, to the religion, cuſtoms, benefactors, and ſaviours of it, he would have naturally paid a particular veneration and regard. Theſe would have all united their influence in favour of a mild and happy government. But now they were all caſt into the oppoſite ſcale, and operated to aggrandize the conquerors, to enſlave and ruin the native inhabitants.

THE HEBREWS, who were ſettled chiefly in the lower Egypt, and were a brave, numerous, and flouriſhing people, and bid the faireſt to give trouble to the uſurper, and to reſtore the country to its ancient freedom, he took particular care to enſlave: and by every ſpecies of tyranny to oppreſs and keep low. In a word, by theſe foreigners, the ancient form of government was wholly ſubverted, and the Egyptians from a free, flouriſhing and happy people, were reduced to a ſtate of ſlavery and wretchedneſs.

FROM this hiſtorical ſketch of the new king it will not be unnatural to remark,

THAT as the government of a people, by their free-born ſons, hath the happieſt tendency to maintain and perpetuate their valuable rights and privileges; ſo the introduction of foreigners, to civil rule, hath the moſt efficacious tendency to ſubvert their conſtitution, and to reduce them to a ſtate of ſlavery and wretchedneſs.

THE illuſtration of this obſervation will naturally conduct me into ſuch a field of diſcourſe, as, I flatter myſelf, could it be executed, in any meaſure, equal to the nature and importance of the ſubject, would by no means fail to fix the attention of my audience, and agreeably to entertain them, on this joyful anniverſary.

THE proviſion made, by the infinitely wiſe LAWGIVER, for the government of his choſen people, by their brethren, who were trained up among them, and to prevent foreigners having any ſhare in the government, cannot fail to throw light on this ſubject. He expreſsly commanded: Thou ſhalt in any wiſe ſet him king over thee, whom the LORD thy GOD ſhall chooſe: one from among thy brethren ſhalt thou ſet king over thee: thou mayeſt not ſet a ſtranger over thee, who is not thy brother Deut. 17.15.. The principal reaſons of this precept were, no doubt, That their king might always be a perſon united and connected with his ſubjects, by all the bonds of nature, religion, and friendſhip: That his intereſts and happineſs might be inſeperably connected with the intereſts and happineſs of his ſubjects:—That from love to his country, to the religion and laws of it, and from a natural regard to his ſubjects, as brethren, he might rule for the general good:—That he might maintain and promote the true religion, ſway the ſceptre in righteouſneſs, with gentleneſs and brotherly kindneſs, towards all his ſubjects.

THE alwiſe and perfect GOVERNOR determined that ſuch a perſon would be moſt likely to anſwer the great ends of government: And that the conſtituting of ſuch a perſon to rule and govern had the happieſt tendency to promote the common weal, and tranſmit the privileges of his choſen people entire to future times.

HE ſaw that the introduction of a foreigner would have a tendency directly the reverſe. Therefore the Jewiſh Monarch might be no ſtranger, no uſurper, but a native Jew, elected according to divine appointment, by the general conſent and ſuffrages of his brethren, whom he was to govern.

MOREOVER, the SUPREME LAWGIVER taught his people, That their Prince ſhould be a man of truth, "hating covetouſneſs," of known and approved abilities, "juſt ruling in the fear of God"Exod. 18.21. 2 Sam. 23.3.. He was prohibited to multiply horſes or chariots, or greatly to hoard up ſilver and gold Deut. 17.16, 17.. GOD ſaw that this would have a tendency to lift up his heart in pride, make him independent of his ſubjects, and put it in his hands to oppreſs and tyrannize over them.

FROM this view of the conſtitution of the Jewiſh KING, by the SUPREME LAWGIVER, it is moſt evident, that He viewed it as a matter of great and high importance that thoſe who bear rule over others, ſhould be their brethren, born among them; bound by all the ties of nature, friendſhip, intereſt, and religion, to rule in righteouſneſs: and to maintain, promote, and perpetuate the privileges, immunities, and happineſs of their ſubjects. This He judged to have the moſt happy tendency to promote and ſubſerve theſe noble ends. Nor could he think the privileges and happineſs of his people ſecure under the government of my foreigner or uſurper. Therefore He expreſsly forbiddeth the appointment of a ſtranger, who was not an Iſraelite, to be their king. He knew, that the bonds of nature, the alliances of friendſhip, that love and fondneſs for their native country, which, in a greater or leſs degree poſſeſs all men, would, in the caſe of foreign princes, all unite their influence, with innumerable attendant circumſtances and conſequences, to render them oppreſſors and tyrants, and to reduce their ſubjects to a ſtate the moſt wretched and miſerable.

FURTHERMORE the ſame regulations were to be attended in the conſtitution of all ſubordinate officers. It was commanded, Thou ſhalt provide out of all the people able men, ſuch as fear GOD, men of truth, hating covetouſneſs: and place ſuch over them, to be rulers of thouſands, and rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens. And Moſes choſe able men out of all Iſrael and made them heads over the people, rulers of thouſands, &c Exod. 18.21, 25.. Moſes ſeemeth to have been firſt directed to this by his father in Law; but it is evident from ſeveral Parts of the Scripture Numb. 11.16, 17., that it was done at the commandment of the LORD, by the general choice and ſuffrage of the people. Take ye wiſe men and underſtanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. And ye anſwered me and ſaid, The thing which thou haſt ſpoken, is good for us to do. So I took the chief of your tribes, wiſe men, and known, and made them heads over you, captains over thouſands, and captains over hundreds, captains over fifties, and captains over tens, and officers among your tribes Deut. 1.13, 14, 15.. Their officers were all to be of themſelves, men of great abilities, known and approved in their ſeveral tribes and cities, as men of real piety, of invincible veracity and integrity, of found wiſdom and real largeneſs of heart: Men who knew what Iſrael ought to do, and who would faithfully purſue the welfare of the people of God.

FROM this view of the Jewiſh conſtitution, ſo far as it was of a civil nature, it is moſt evident, that ſuch, and ſuch only, were to be appointed to rule over them, from time to time, as were their brethren, acquainted with their genius and character, connected with them by nature, friendſhip, intereſt and religion: and every way ſo circumſtanced, as that they ſhould not only be the beſt able to promote the common good of the people of God; but as that they ſhould be under the influence and conſtraint, of all imaginable engagements and motives, to uſe all their abilities, opportunities, and advantages to make them great, religious, and happy.

FURTHER, as this was an appointment of the SUPREME LAWGIVER, for the good of that favourite people whoſe GOD and KING He was, it is moſt certain that the appointment of ſuch men to civil rule hath the moſt efficacious tendency to maintain and ſecure the rights of a people, and to tranſmit them entire to poſterity:—The nobleſt tendency to make them a well governed, a free, a brave, a great, and flouriſhing people.

ON the other hand, as the choice of a ſtranger is peremptorily forbidden, it is equally certain, that the appointment of foreigners hath directly the oppoſite tendency: and is calculated, at once, to ſtrip a common-wealth of every thing dear and valuable, and to reduce them to a ſtate of ſlavery and wretchedneſs.

THIS ſubject will receive further light, if we conſider, That it was threatened as a terrible curſe Deut. 28.43, 44. upon Iſrael, that ſtrangers ſhould rule over them: and that it is mentioned as a lamentable caſe indeed, when there were none to lead them among all the ſons whom they had brought up Iſaiah 51.18.. On the other hand, it is promiſed as a rich bleſſing, That their nobles ſhould be of themſelves, and that their governour ſhould proceed from the midſt of them Jer. 30.21.. But in what reſpects can the one be conſidered as a curſe, or the other as a bleſſing, in any view but this, That the tendency of the one was to make them miſerable, and to deprive them of every thing dear and valuable, and of the other to make them free, proſperous and happy?

AGAIN, the general thirſt of nations and communities to be governed by their own ſons, and their great averſion to rulers of foreign extract demonſtrate the obſervation, I am attempting to illuſtrate, and ſhew it to be agreeable to the common ſenſe and experience of mankind.

THAT there is a ſtrong and univerſal thirſt in all nations and communities to be governed by their countrymen and acquaintance, is indiſputably evident from the ſtruggles, which they have univerſally made to ſupport their native princes and rulers, and to expel others. Where is the nation which hath not run to arms, and diſputed this matter at the point of the ſword? How did the ancient nations of the eaſt contend with blood and fire for the privilege of being governed by their native princes? When the Romans began to extend their conqueſts in Italy, and when afterwards they alarmed the European nations with the terrour of their arms, how warmly did the various independent ſtates and nations diſpute this privilege at the expence of their lives and fortunes? When foiled or vanquiſhed in one terrible engagement, how ſoon did they rally again, and with a bravery and heroiſm peculiar to free and independent nations ruſh to new battles? Eſteeming the privilege of being governed by their friends dearer than their treaſures or blood. Saith a fine modern writer, Theſe defended their ancient poſſeſſions with obſtinate valour. It was by the ſuperiority of their diſcipline rather than of their courage, that the Romans gained any advantage over them. The vanquiſhed people reſumed their arms with freſh ſpirit and their undiſciplined valour animated by the love of liberty, ſupplied the want of conduct as well as of union Dr. Robertſon in his hiſtory of Charles V.. How warm and bloody were the ſtruggles of the ancient Britons for theſe privileges when Julius Caeſar Julius Caeſar firſt landed in Britain on the 26th of Auguſt, A. M. 3950, a little more than 54 years before the commencement of the Chriſtian Aera. The battles between him and the Britons were very obſtinate and bloody, but the Romans, at laſt, by their ſuperior ſkill and diſcipline obtained the advantage, and got footing on the iſland. They remained here almoſt 500 years; a great part of which time, the Britons were their tributaries. They were, at times, intolerably oppreſſed and moſt barbarouſly treated by the Romans: and at turns, for hundreds of years, they diſputed their liberties with them, with the moſt obſtinate and invincible valour. In the reign of Nero A. D. 61, Boadicea, a Britiſh Queen, who had been treated with inſufferable inhumanity and outrage, by the Romans, drew together an army of 230000 Britons, to avenge her own, and her country's wrongs. She reduced ſeveral of the principal Roman cities, and put 70 or 80 thouſand Romans to the ſword: But unfortunately engaging Suetonius the Roman general, in a narrow paſs, ſhe was defeated, with the loſs of 80 thouſand men. The Romans took their final leave of Briton, A. D. 448. Very ſoon after their departure, the Saxons began to tranſport themſelves into Britain, made ſettlements, and in the fifth and ſixth centuries formed the Heptarchy, or ſeven Saxon kingdoms. They reduced the Britons to a ſtate of ſervitude, and employed them in all manner of drudgeries; particularly in cultivating thoſe very lands, for their foreign maſters, of which they had been the Proprietors. In the beginning of the ninth century Egbert put an end to the Heptarchy, and became the firſt monarch of all England. The Danes began their Ravages in Britain about the year 832, and continued them until 1013, when Swane or Swein, King of Denmark, made an entire conqueſt of England, and was acknowledged as king. He died the next year, Feb. 3, 1014, after he had diſtreſſed the nation beyond all deſcription. Speed, ſpeaking of this time, hath this emphatical expreſſion: "Theſe were the days of England's mourning." His Son, Canute the great, was afterwards made king, and the Daniſh Government continued for three ſhort reigns compriſing in the whole about 29 years. made his diſcent upon the Britiſh Iſland?—And afterwards, with the Saxons, Danes and Normans? How bravely did the Barons of England take up arms in the Reigns of King John, and of Henry the III, to drive foreigners from the courts of the nation, and to fill the ſeats of Juſtice with their acquaintance and free-born ſons? But what can be the language of all theſe bloody ſtruggles, of this univerſal thirſt of nations to be governed by their own children, but this, That the government of ſtates and nations, by their own ſons and neighbours, hath the happieſt tendency to maintain and perpetuate their privileges: and that the introduction of foreigners to civil government hath the moſt efficacious tendency, to ſubvert their conſtitution, to enſlave and make them miſerable? This then is agreeable to the univerſal ſenſe and experience of mankind. Theſe are ſentiments written not in letters of gold, but in the far more expreſſive characters of Human BLOOD.

FURTHERMORE, the hiſtory of ancient, as well as of later ages will reflect light upon this ſubject. No ſooner did foreigners poſſeſs themſelves of civil Rule in Egypt, than the ancient inhabitants, Egyptians, as well as Hebrews, loſt their former freedom and ſunk into a ſtate of ſlavery and wretchedneſs hardly to be deſcribed. To ſhew inſtances of the like nature, in moſt of the eaſtern, as well as of the European nations, would not be hard or difficult. But our own nation will furniſh us with ſo many affecting inſtances of this nature, that we need not ſearch for them in foreign countries. To mention a few; How intolerable were the ſufferings, abuſes and oppreſſions of the ancient Britons, at turns, under the Roman government, and eſpecially under the Government of the Saxons and Danes? What uneaſineſs, univerſal diſcontent and miſery did the introduction of foreigners to civil rule breed in the nation, in the reign of EDWARD the Confeſſor? Foreigners occupied all the great places of truſt and importance in the kingdom, whether civil or religious. Saith a modern writer, The Normans intercepted all the rays of regal favours, and baſked in the ſplendours, which were cauſed by the munificence and revenues of the Engliſh. Their pernicious counſels and influence, had, more than once, well nigh plunged the nation in all the calamities and horrours of a civil war.

THE dreadful effects of the government of foreigners, were ſtill more terribly felt in the reign of WILLIAM the Conqueror. Though he took the moſt ſolemn oaths, and ſwore upon the relicks of the dead, to confirm to the nation all their ancient privileges, and to govern them by the laws of the land, yet, how were the ancient inhabitants, without the leaſt colour of law or juſtice, deprived both of their lives and fortunes? By him the native inhabitants were almoſt univerſally deprived of every place of honour and truſt, and Normans in every part of the kingdom introduced to civil rule, who paid little regard to law or juſtice, and practiſed almoſt every ſpecies of oppreſſion and tyranny. Inferior officers treated the Engliſh gentry and nobility with inſolence, loaded the people with grievous exactions, and, in time of peace, plundered their houſes, and raviſhed their women, even with a ſavage and brutal wantonneſs. And what is ſtill worſe, this ſcene of violence, outrage, and horrour, which nothing but cruelty could countenance, nothing but the moſt barbarous ſavageneſs could tolerate, was connived at, if not favoured by the guardians of the realm. The perpetrators of theſe violences were protected, and the complaints of the ſufferers treated with inſult and outrage See Rider's Hiſtory of England, Vol. 4. P. 197, 198..

THE people, mad with oppreſſion, ran to arms, and WILLIAM, inſtead of redreſſing their wrongs, waſted the country with fire and ſword. The lands and arms of the Natives were taken from them, their houſes and churches conſumed with fire, and even the inſtruments of huſbandry were wreſted from their hands. Some parts of the country, for ſixty miles together, became a perfect waſte and deſart, for many years. All the horrors of a dreadful famine ſucceded this more than human wantonneſs of cruelty and rage. Not leſs than an hundred thouſand ſouls are ſuppoſed to have periſhed for want of the neceſſaries of life. Parents and children raving with hunger, expired in the arms of each other, and lay all about the country rotting above ground, and having none to bury them Rid. Vol. 5. P. 24, 25.. The Nobles and friends of the nation, who ſurvived the dreadful cataſtrophe, were obliged, almoſt to a man, to abandon every dear intereſt and enjoyment in their native land, and to ſeek refuge in foreign Courts: while out-landiſh monſters licked up all the wealth and engroſſed all the honours of the nation. This ſcene of diſtreſs and horror laſted for years: nor is there the leaſt intimation that WILLIAM ever felt any relentings for his wretched ſubjects, or took a ſingle ſtep to relieve the ſtarving inhabitants. Could this have been expected from a native Prince? Was the conduct of WILLIAM like this towards his own countrymen? By no means. While he appeared not only deſtitute of all juſtice, but of all humanity towards the Britons, he loaded them with every royal favour

William the Conqueror, ſometimes called William the Baſtard, was the Baſe-born ſon of Robert, Duke of Normandy, a large and fruitful Province of France, about 200 miles in length, and 100 in breadth. The Normans and Danes made a conqueſt of this country about the year 912 under one Rollo whom they created their firſt Duke. William, their ſeventh Duke, was neither of Saxon or Daniſh Royal Blood, not doth it appear that he had any juſt claim to the Britiſh Crown. However, having aſſembled a numerous army he landed in England, near Haſtings in Suffex, Sept. 28, 1066; where, on the 14th of October, coming to an engagement with Harold II, Son of the popular Earl Godwin, who had been lately elected King of England, after an obſtinate and bloody battle, fought on both ſides with the greateſt reſolution and moſt unremitting ardour, from ſeven in the morning until in the Night, he obtained a compleat victory. Harold the Britiſh King with about 70000 of his men fell in the battle.

William was proclaimed King of England, and reigned almoſt 21 years. He governed without any regard to his Oaths, or to the ancient Laws and cuſtoms of the Nation: introduced the Norman cuſtoms and language, and all pleadings at the bar were in French. He treated the Engliſh with great inhumanity, cutting off the hands and feet of many thouſands of the people, and deſtroying all the North of England with fire and ſword. Not leſs than 200000 Souls ſeem either to have been put to the ſword, to have been ſtarved, or ſome how or other to have been deſtroyed by him, from the time of his invading England to his Demiſe, Sept. 9, 1087. He gave all the lands of the ancient inhabitants to the Normans, ſo that at his death there was not an Engliſh Gentlemen in the whole nation who poſſeſſed an eſtate in his own Right.

Normandy after the Conqueſt became a Province of England, and continued ſo until the inglorious reign of King John.

NOR are theſe the only inſtances, in which rulers of foreign extract have reduced the nation to the moſt wretched circumſtances. To what diſtreſs and perplexity did foreigners, foreign counſels, and influence reduce it in the reign of King JOHN, and in the ſucceeding reign of HENRY the III? Eſpecially, the reign of the latter is ſtrongly marked with the baleful conſequences of the government and influence of foreigners, who were the Prime Miniſters and Confidents of this miſguided, baſe and unhappy Prince.

BUT to paſs over other inſtances of ſuch as have, in the moſt large and ſtrict ſenſe, been foreigners, how terrible have been the conſequences of Governors from abroad, who have been independent of the people, to the New-England Colonies, and to the neighbouring Provinces? How did New-England groan under the intolerable tyranny and injuſtice of Sir Edmund Andros and his creatures? How inſufferable were the grievances of New-Jerſey under the deſpotic adminiſtration of Lord Cornby? How perplexing, how obſtinate, how pernicious, and almoſt perpetual have been the diſputes of the Governors of the Maſſachuſetts and of New-York with their reſpective Aſſemblies? How are governours, who are not natives of the country, and who are independent of the people whom they govern, haraſſing and plaguing their reſpective Aſſemblies, with prorogations, diſſolutions, and almoſt every low-lived artifice, to worry them into meaſures fatal to the liberties and happineſs of their Conſtituents? On the other hand, what uninterrupted peace and tranquility, what a ſteady and faithful adminiſtration of juſtice, for a long ſucceſſion of years, do Colonies enjoy, which are governed by their own ſons, elected by the free ſuffrages of their conſtituents?

ONCE MORE, the proviſion long ſince made in our nation, that every man ſhould be judged by twelve jurors of the neighbourhood, in all caſes of property, as well as of Life and Death, and that every man ſhould be judged by his peers, may ſerve further to illuſtrate the point in hand.

THE appointment of Juries, in the Britiſh nation ſeemeth to have been as early as the reign of ALFRED THE GREAT, about the cloſe of the ninth century. So vigilant was that excellent prince againſt the leaſt infringment of this noble inſtitution, that he hanged one of his judges for ſentencing a man to death without the aſſent of the twelve jurors. The right of trials by juries hath been eſteemed as a privilege of ineſtimable worth, and as the very bulwark of Britiſh Liberty, for many hundred years. The nation, at turns, contended for this privilege at the point of the ſword, until the grant of MAGNA CHARTA, by King JOHN about the commencement of the thirteenth century The firſt Magna Charta was granted June 15, A. D. 1215. The preſent Magna Charta, which is, in ſome things, different from the former, was granted in the ninth year of the reign of Henry III. A. D. 1224.. By this the privilege of trials by peers and juries was put upon a more firm and permanent footing. In this Britons glory and think themſelves happy above any other nation. But wherein lieth the mighty advantage, unleſs it be in this, That it ſecureth to every man a judgment by his countrymen and neighbours; in which, he may expect all the favour and protection, which his character and circumſtances in life, and which the laws of his country will juſtly admit; and is delivered from the intrigues and partial determinations of foreigners: with whom his character and manner of life would have little or no influence, to whom the laws of his country might be leſs known, and by whom they might be far leſs regarded?

LASTLY, this point may receive ſtill further light, from a conſideration of the eſteem, veneration, connections and friendſhips, which men contract for their native country, and from a conſideration of the conſequences of ſuch friendſhips and connections.

SUCH is human nature, that every man hath a peculiar regard for his own nation and country. All men ſeem to glory in the riches, valour, honour, literary accompliſhments, and various excellencies of their own country and nation. They feel themſelves ſenſibly intereſted in their welfare, and it is not eaſily that ſuch a regard for their native land is obliterated, and the influence of it deſtroyed. They conſider it as the nation to which they are related by the ties of blood, as the country which gave them birth and nurſed their tender years. It is the country which hath extended to them the breaſts of ſcience, and enlightened their eyes with the knowledge of men and things. It is the country of their forefathers, which hath liberally poured it's favours on them and on their poſterity. It is the country under whoſe laws and immunities, the religion, lives, fortunes, and every thing dear to their anceſtors or to themſelves, have been protected and defended. It is the country in the defence of which they have expended both their treaſures and their blood. To the religion, to the laws, cuſtoms, and manners of it they have been trained from the tender years of Infancy. For them, by long uſe, they have contracted a particular regard and veneration. Here are the companions, the guides and protectors of their youth. Here are their neighbours, their friends, their honours, and all their great Intereſts. Here are the people from whom they expect preferment: The people for whoſe counſel, eſteem, and friendſhip, above all others they have a particular regard, and to whoſe intereſts and ſervice they are moſt ready to be devoted. Here are the Graves and Bones of their Fathers; here they expect to leave their own, with all their friends and dear enjoyments on this ſide Heaven. Beſides, if they are exalted to the ſeats of Legiſlature or of Judgment, in a free ſtate, the eſteem friendſhip and ſuffrages of their neighbours have fixed them in thoſe places of honour and truſt. The friendſhip of their conſtituents, the confidence they place in their abilities, their dependance on their integrity and faithfulneſs, the public manifeſtations of honour and eſteem given them, cannot fail to influence noble minds, to conciliate favour and engage fidelity. Therefore all the ties of nature, of friendſhip, of honour, of intereſt, of gratitude and religion, unite their influence, and bind them to purſue the common good of their native country, the welfare of the great whole over which they preſide, and with which they are ſpecially connected. When they act as Legiſlators, or ſet on the Bench to determine cauſes civil or criminal, theſe all operate to produce LAWS the moſt wiſe and ſalutary, and JUDGMENT the moſt righteous and impartial. If they enact Laws for the ſtate in general, or lift their hands to impoſe taxes, they at the ſame time make laws for their neighbours, for their friends, for their children and for themſelves: They impoſe no burden upon others, but what at the ſame time they lay, not only upon their neareſt friends, but even upon themſelves. Every motive, therefore, uniteth it's influence, and operateth with its whole force to ſecure and promote the intereſt of the GREAT WHOLE.

If we view them on the Bench, it is their countryman, their neighbour, as well as fellow-creature, whom they are about to judge. Their neighbour and their country both ſhare in their affections: they would injure neither, but do juſtice to both. They are all attention to evidence, to law and equity, and every thing is ſo circumſtanced, as to effect a righteous deciſion, ſo far as it can be in this imperfect ſtate.

BESIDE, men educated in a country, muſt be ſuppoſed, (caeteris paribus,) to have a much better knowledge of the laws, cuſtoms, manners, genius and intereſt of the people, than any other man can be ſuppoſed to have. A thorough knowledge of theſe is of great importance in a Ruler. A man can hardly govern a family in any tolerable manner, without conſulting the intereſt, genius, and manners of it. Much leſs can a common wealth or kingdom be governed without the knowledge of them. But ſome of theſe are to be learned, rather by acquaintance, obſervation, and experience, than by reading or ſtudy.

THESE conſiderations therefore, at once, ſhew us, in a ſtriking point of light, that the government of a people by their free-born ſons hath the happieſt tendency to maintain and perpetuate all their valuable rights and privileges.

ON the other hand, all theſe things, in the caſe of a foreigner, or of one who is independent of the people whom he governeth, and wholly dependent on others, unite their influence to make him a tyrant, to render his government intolerable, and to make the people ſervile and wretched.

SUCH Rulers are blinded by the foreign ſupport and honours they receive, by the foreign friendſhips and connections, which they have made, by the partial regard they have imbibed for their native land, and they are, by theſe, as it were bribed and bought off from the intereſts of the people whom they govern. They by no means view things impartially: and it is but an ill chance, which people have of being governed in a mild and righteous manner, or of having their conduct and grievances fairly repreſented to courts abroad, on whom they are dependent, and whom to deceive it is but too often their great intereſt.

IT may be well obſerved here, That if rulers are made independent of the people whom they govern▪ and wholly dependent on others, in a diſtant country, if their connections, friendſhips, and intereſts are there, the effects will be much the ſame, as in the caſe of a foreigner in the largeſt ſenſe. The circumſtance of their being born within the empire, in ſome other country, many thouſand miles diſtant from the people over whom they bear rule, will not greatly help the matter. The circumſtances and cauſes being nearly the ſame, the effects will be ſimilar.

THE miſrepreſentations which have been made of the American Colonies, at the Court of GREAT BRITAIN, and the great partiality with which the Americans have been treated, in the late ſtruggles for liberty, will evince the truth of theſe obſervations. How have diſorders merely trifling, in America, been magnified and ſwelled into high Treaſon, by the partial repreſentations of ſuch rulers and their baſe minions? How have the diſturbances of a few children or imprudent ſallies of a young rabble, which a grand juror or common conſtable might have ſtilled, and a common juſtice of the peace have ſeverely puniſhed, been magnified into open rebellion, become matters of ſerious concern and deliberation in the Privy-Council of a great Nation? Britiſh ſleets have been diſmiſſed a thouſand leagues, and troops collected from various parts of the globe to curb and chaſtiſe the rebels.

IS not all this done without giving the party accuſed, though whole towns, yea whole communities of people, the leaſt hearing or trial? How unlike to this is the treatment which Britons receive in the Parent State? Do not ſuch riots and mobs as Americans never ſaw, and even inſults of Majeſty itſelf, paſs often there unnoticed by adminiſtration? Not a ſlave can be puniſhed there, but upon a verdict of twelve jurors of the neighbourhood, on a fair trial. But alas! Are not Americans, at the diſtance of three thouſand miles, in effect, condemned unheard and treated as rebels? If Americans are ſuppoſed to be guilty of a miſdemeanour towards the Parent State, are not their towns inveſted with ſhips of War, and muſt not examination of the matter be had under the mouths of cannon, and before the points of ſword and bayonet? If under theſe diſtreſsful circumſtances, any grounds of proceſs can be found, is it not ordered that the ſuppoſed criminal ſhall be dragged acroſs the Atlantic, be at the expenſe of tranſporting evidences to GREAT BRITAIN, and undergo a trial, even for life before ſtrangers? What a wretched chance indeed hath a man for his life, though ever ſo innocent, in circumſtances like theſe! On the moſt favourable ſuppoſition that he is at laſt acquitted, he and his family are reduced to beggary: to be ſure unleſs his fortune be more affluent than Americans can commonly boaſt. At any rate, condemned or acquitted, he is undone. Are Britons thus uſed in the Parent State? Would they brook ſuch treatment as this?—Yet alas! is not all this right and conſtitutional with regard to their American brethren?

FURTHER, it may be obſerved, that when a people are governed by their own country men, choſen by the ſuffrages of the free-men whom they govern, they are ordinarily ſome of the moſt able, religious, faithful men in the land, and they will be careful to fill the places of all inferior officers, with men of good abilities, and of good lives.

BUT on the other hand, when this is not the caſe, they are but too often of an ill character: either the dependents of the great, ſhifted off to governments abroad, to eaſe them of the trouble of their ſupport; or they are reduced Officers, exalted to government to get a piece of bread and advance their fortunes. Men too often trained to vice, ſkilful in butchering the Human Species, deſtitute of the tender feelings of the human heart, maſters of intrigue and corruption, as unpractiſed in virtue as they are accuſtomed to vice, as untaught to govern, as they are artful at intrigue and corruption. Too often are they children in abilities to thoſe they govern: men whom the ſuffrages of a religious and free people would never advance to the loweſt office in a ſtate: and through their influence men of the like character are introduced to all places of inferior truſt. When this is the caſe, how dreadful are the conſequences? The chief rulers are the great examples and patterns of vice and oppreſſion. While they are in power the people mourn: they ſcorn and hate them, they can place no confidence in their abilities or in their integrity; nor can they with any pleaſure ſubmit to their authority; but almoſt every thing contributeth its influence, to make the government unhappy, and the people ſervile and miſerable. And what maketh the caſe ſtill more deplorable, is, That if by oppreſſion and injuſtice, the people are provoked to unwarrantable and ſeditious meaſures, inſtead of redreſſing their grievances, and quieting their ſpirits, by the impartial adminiſtration of juſtice, the ſword is drawn againſt them, and they are butchered by hundreds, with the ſame fierceneſs and barbarity, with which men trained to revenge, ſlaughter and blood, deſtroy their moſt implacable enemies.

BUT in colonies governed by their native rulers, no ſuch inſurrections are raiſed, no ſuch bloody ſcenes are perpetrated. The people love and venerate their rulers. They are their friends and neighbours, known and approved among them, for ability, integrity, juſtice and mercy, The people rejoice in their honours, venerate their counſels, and ſubmit with cheerfulneſs to their authority. The rulers and the ruled ſeek the honour and happineſs of each other, and mutually rejoice in the common weal.

THUS we have clear and ſtriking evidence, That the government of a people by their own country-men and neighbours, choſen by common conſent, hath the happieſt tendency to ſecure and perpetuate the privileges, freedom and happineſs or communities; and that the introduction of foreigners, or of perſons independent of the people whom they govern, is calculated, at once, to ſtrip them of every valuable enjoyment, and to render them ſervile and miſerable.

IT will be neceſſary, before I improve the ſubject, juſt to obſerve, That when perſons become entirely naturalized, & have fixed their intereſts, connections, alliances, & friendſhips in a country, and become equally connected with it, and dependent upon it, with the natives themſelves; as is often the caſe, they are no more to be conſidered as foreigners: and it is far from the deſign of this diſcourſe to maintain or inſinuate, that they may not, with the ſame ſafety, as any other men whatſoever, be choſen into places or truſt, if in other reſpects they are equally qualified. Where a man was rocked in his cradle, whether north or ſouth of the Tweed, whether in Europe or America it matters not, if he have proper qualifications for government.

AGAIN it may be obſerved, That it will be an objection of little weight, againſt the preceding reaſoning. That foreigners have ſome times governed well: For there can be no juſt arguing from particulars to generals, from extraordinary and exempt caſes, to what may generally be expected.

THE ſentiments before us naturally furniſh us with this remark: That the people of CONNECTICUT enjoy the greateſt FREEDOM and PRIVILEGES, and are particularly and ſingularly HAPPY.

IF to be governed by their own conſent, by their native ſons, choſen by their free ſuffrages, if to enjoy the moſt happy form of civil government, can make a people free; if theſe things have the greateſt tendency to make them brave, proſperous and happy, and to perpetuate every dear enjoyment, then great indeed is the FREEDOM, great the PRIVILEGES and HAPPINESS of this COLONY. Such FREEDOM, ſuch PRIVILEGES, ſuch HAPPINESS, through the good providence of GOD, we amply enjoy. That great Bleſſing promiſed to Iſrael, That their NOBLES ſhould be of themſelves, and that their GOVERNOUR ſhould proceed from the midſt of them Jer. 30.21., is vouchſafed unto us. Our Rulers are our country-men, our neighbours and friends. They love our country, as the place of their birth and education. It is the country of their friends and brethren; to which they are united by all the alliances of friendſhip and of blood; with which they have formed a thouſand tender and powerful connections. Their intereſts are inſeperably connected with our own. They are not only members of our civil, but of our religious communities: members of our churches, bound by baptiſm, by a perſonal profeſſion of CHRISTIANITY, by ſacramental vows, and the moſt ſacred engagements to GOD and men, to ſeek their good, and the general good of their fellow men. They are bound by all the bands of nature, friendſhip, honour, intereſt and religion, to promote the public Weal. They are "able men," intimately acquainted with the laws, cuſtoms, manners, genius and great intereſts of the people. They love our country, our churches, and our religion. Their experience, ſuperior wiſdom and penetration have compiled for us a moſt excellent ſyſtem of LAWS, founded on the great principles of liberty, juſtice, and religion. Their government is mild and righteous: and as they do not govern to get their bread and advance their fortunes, at the ruin of ours, and as they can lay no burdens on us, without bearing the ſame weight themſelves, their government is as remarkable for the little expence of it, as it is for it's gentleneſs, impartiality and righteouſneſs. All our expences, by way of ſalary The whole amount of the ſalaries paid annually by the government is only £. 580. The Salary of the Governor is £. 300, of the Deputy Governour £. 100, of the Secretary £. 20, and of the Treaſurer £ 160. The Judges of the Superior Court have no ſalary from the government. The Chief Judge is allowed 18 ſhillings per day, and the four ſide Judges have 17 ſhillings each per day. This court is obliged by law, to ſet 14 weeks annually, and commonly ſetteth, by adjournment, much longer, and the coſt of it is about £. 600 per annum. The expence of it for three years and a half paſt, upon a careful examination, appeareth to be about £. 2100, juſt £. 600 per annum. The avails of it, together with the forfeitures, for the ſame term, with proper allowances for ſuch as may not be recovered, amount to £. 2200: So that the Superior Court is of no coſt, at preſent, to the Colony, conſidered as a Government. In ſhort the whole expence of government in Connecticut is trifling. The coſt of the General Aſſembly annually is about £. 1500. A rate of one penny on the pound, on the Grand Liſt, which raiſeth about £. 6000 per Annum, near the one half of which is annually taken out of the Treaſury for Schooling, hath of late years been ſufficient to defray all our publick charges as a Government. to civil officers, do not, I imagine, amount annually, by conſiderable, to the one half of the ſalary of a king's governour, in any of the neighbouring Provinces. Our lives and fortunes, all our privileges civil and religious are in a very happy manner ſecured.

WE have the greateſt religious, as well as civil privileges. We enjoy liberty of conſcience in the compleateſt ſenſe. No man is perſecuted for his religion: we all enjoy our Bibles, may read and think for ourſelves. Happy indeed would it be, did we read them more, underſtand them better, and build our faith and practice more entirely on the excellent doctrines and maxims which they preſcribe.

THE Goſpel is preached among us with light and power. We enjoy our Sabbaths and all goſpel ordinances and privileges. Happy indeed ſhall we be if we "receive not" this "GRACE of GOD in vain."

BESIDES, we have a good land like Canaan of old, a land flowing with milk and honey; in which we may eat bread to the full, whoſe ſtones are iron and out of whoſe hills thou mayeſt dig braſs. It is alſo a land under good advantages for a ſea-trade; ſo that we may ſuck of the abundance of the ſeas and of treaſures hid in the ſand. The lines are fallen unto us "in pleaſant places: yea" we have a goodly heritage.

WHILE therefore we conſider how great are our privileges and enjoyments, and from whom they are all derived, can we but reflect, How great are our obligations to the moſt grateful ſentiments, even on the bended knees of our hearts, to offer our devouteſt acknowledgments of praiſe and thankſgiving to GOD, the great author and giver of them? And that theſe ſtreams of his beneficence and mercy ſhould lead us to him, and engage us conſtantly, and forever in his ſervice?

YEA, can we but reflect again, That our ſin and ingratitude will be great indeed, moſt inexcuſable and abominable, if under all theſe privileges and advantages we continue in ſin, and do not become, in very deed, an obedient and holy people?—That as we are exalted up to Heaven, in point of privileges, ſo we ſhall be caſt down even to the loweſt Hell, if we abuſe and miſimprove them?—That it will be more tolerable for the land of Sodom and Gomorrah, in the day of Judgment Luke 10.15., than for us.

ANOTHER thought which the preceeding ſentiments ſuggeſt, is this, That all poſſible care, and every proper meaſure, ſhould be taken to prevent foreigners, and all others, who are independent of a people, from having any part in government, and to keep civil rulers, as much as poſſible dependent on the people whom they govern, and intimately connected with them.

NOT only the repreſentations made, and horrible deeds related in this diſcourſe, but the hiſtory of all nations and ages will teach us, that nothing can be more fatal to the civil rights and happineſs of a people than the government of ſtrangers, and of rulers independent of the people whom they govern. When the government of a ſtate is put into the hands of men unconnected with them, unſupported by them, whoſe intimate friends and ſpecial connections, are in a different country, and who receive ample ſupport from another quarter, they may well expect oppreſſion, injuſtice, the loſs of liberty, and almoſt every civil miſchief. As this becometh the caſe with America, or with her ſeveral provinces and governments, may not SHE, and THEY expect to bid farewel to that liberty, to thoſe happy times and days, which we and our fathers have ſeen? As things are verging towards this, are not our liberties, by little and little, crumbling away, and is not our happineſs drawing to a cloſe?

EVERY free ſtate therefore ſhould maintain a moſt vigilant care and guard againſt foreign, or independent rulers, and againſt all ſuch meaſures as are calculated to introduce them, and impoſe them upon a people. The very firſt ſtep this way, ought thoroughly to rouſe, thoroughly to alarm them.

IT ſhould alſo be the particular care of every civil community to keep their rulers as much as poſſible dependent on them, and intimately connected with them. For this purpoſe it will be highly politic, in every free ſtate, to keep property as equally divided among the inhabitants as poſſible, and not to ſuffer a few perſons to amaſs all the riches and wealth of a country: and alſo to have a ſpecial care how they adopt any laws, cuſtoms, or precedents, which have a tendency this way. For when men become poſſeſſors of the Wealth of a ſtate, it will be in their power to purchaſe, or by undue influence, which, in ſuch circumſtances, they may have ways almoſt innumerable, to thruſt themſelves into all places of honour and truſt. This will put it in their power, by fraud or force to keep themſelves in thoſe important poſts, and to oppreſs and tyrannize over their fellow men. It will teach the people to look up to them, as to lords and maſters, make them ſervile, and by little and little it will deſpoil them of all true liberty and freedom. But on the other hand, the keeping of property, as equally divided as poſſible among a people, will make elections more free, the rulers more dependent, and the liberty and privileges of the ruled vaſtly more ſecure.

FURTHERMORE, will not our ſubject direct us to this enquiry, Whether the erecting of Courts, and the making of civil rulers independent of the people, whom they reſpect and govern, are not inconſiſtent with the original great deſign of Government, inconſiſtent with the great and unchangeable RULES of RIGHTEOUSNESS, and incompatible with the important RIGHTS, which GOD and Nature have given, in common, to mankind?

Is it not the dictate of reaſon and of the will of GOD, That the original great deſign of civil Government is the good of the community? The maintaining and ſecuring the rights, liberties, privileges and immunities of mankind? The impartial and faithful adminiſtration of juſtice? Muſt not whatſoever therefore, tendeth to deprive mankind of theſe important rights, and to prevent the impartial adminiſtration of juſtice, be contrary to the great deſign of government, and ſubverſive of it's noble inſtitution? But is not this the caſe, when rulers are made wholly independent of the people, when ſtrangers unconnected with them, and independent of them, are appointed to rule over them? Is not this calculated to deprive a people of liberty and juſtice; —to render life, property, and every dear enjoyment very precarious; and to reduce them to a ſtate of ſlavery and miſery, inſtead of making them free and happy? Is it not an infraction of the great and unchangeable LAWS of Nature, Reaſon, and Religion?— Incompatible with the eſſential rights of mankind? How inconſiſtent is this with the conſtitution of the SUPREME LAWGIVER for the good of his choſen people? Did he not command, That all their rulers ſhould be dependent upon their brethren and moſt intimately connected with them? HE ſaid alſo, Thou ſhalt take no gift; for the gift blindeth the wiſe, and perverteth the Words of the righteousExod. 23.8.. But if any gift tendeth to pervert judgment, if ſo ſmall a gift as one neighbour may ordinarily beſtow on another, is a precious ſtone in the eyes, will not hundreds or thouſands ſterling much more have this tendency? Will not ſuch ſhowers of gold and ſilver overwhelm reaſon, confound the judgment, and prove not only a ſtone in the eyes, but even render them totally dark and blind? Have not Courts and civil rulers conſtituted, in a manner, wholly independent of the people, ever been the public fountains of oppreſſion and injuſtice? Have they not, inſtead of defending the lives and liberties of mankind, wantonly deprived them of both? And can this be more conſiſtent with the Britiſh conſtitution and the rights of Engliſhmen, than 〈◊〉 the laws of juſtice, and with the unalienable rights of mankind in general? Have not Britons and Americans too, gloried in this, as a privilege, which they might all claim, To be judged by their countrymen and neighbours, who were intimately connected with them, and dependent on them? Have not thouſands bravely bled to procure and maintain it? Have not the whole nation thought it well ſecured to them, for ſeveral hundred years, by MAGNA CHARTA? Have they all been miſtaken? Or is the conſtitution of courts and rulers independent of the people, and the granting them large penſions or ſalaries from abroad, a flagrant violation of the eſſential right of Britiſh ſubjects?

OUR ſubject will further inſtruct us what men we ought, this day, to elect into places of civil truſt; "Able men," men of truly great and noble minds, poſſeſſed of reſolution, courage, conſtancy, and firmneſs; excellent preſervatives againſt partiality and corruption, to which men of little minds, narrow and contracted ſouls, are eaſily ſwayed, by threats, fears, hopes or gifts. They ſhould be men of genius, of great wiſdom and abilities, who can diſcern both time and judgment; well acquainted with the laws, cuſtoms, manners, genius, and great intereſts of the government:—Men of prudence, of real piety and religion, of invincible integrity, veracity and faithfulneſs; ſuch as fear GOD, men of truth, hating covetouſneſs Exod. 18.21.. Rulers ſhould, by no means, be men of deceit and intrigue, or of a covetous narrow ſpirit, meanly coiling themſelves up in their own dirty ſhell, and making ſelf the grand end of all their purſuits. They ſhould be men of a public ſpirit; men, who moſt ſenſibly feel the ſacred ties of religion, and the awful bonds and ſolemnities of an oath: Men who love their country—love the churches of our LORD JESUS CHRIST—and for their brethren and companions ſakes will ſeek the peace and proſperity of JERUSALEM, and becauſe of the HOUSE of the LORD our GOD, will ſeek HER "GOOD"Pſalm 122.7, 8, 9.. They ought to be men moſt keenly penetrated with a ſenſe of the vaſt worth and high importance of our privileges, and of the force and energy of thoſe endearing motives, by which they are bound to promote the COMMON-WEAL.

FURTHER, what hath been ſaid may not unnaturally introduce an addreſs to the civil authority of this town, and to the gentlemen who ſhall be choſen to repreſent us, in the General Aſſembly.

Reſpected and worthy FATHERS and GENTLEMEN,

IT is with a very ſenſible pleaſure and ſatisfaction, that we behold GENTLEMEN exalted to rule over us, to protect our lives and fortunes, all our privileges and dear enjoyments, and to promote our common happineſs, who are our countrymen, our neighbours, our friends, our brethren, and fathers: Men to whom their country is endeared by all the ties of Nature, who are united with our churches, by all the ſolemn and ſacred bonds of our Holy religion; and connected with the community, in general, both by friendſhip and intereſt: Who, by our free conſent, and by the influence of our eſteem and friendſhip enjoy their places of honour and truſt. Great, worthy and dear GENTLEMEN, is the truſt we and the public repoſe in you. More valuable far than gold, yea, more precious than our blood, are the privileges, which, under GOD, we commit to you. We perſuade ourſelves you are ſenſible of their value, feel the importance of your truſt, and are not ſtrangers to the influence of thoſe efficacious motives which bind you to ſeek and promote our intereſt and happineſs. Under the influence of theſe, we truſt, you have lately unanimouſly entered upon meaſures to ſuppreſs vice, and to incourage and promote order, virtue, and religion, in the town The civil Authority of the Town of New Haven, obſerving with ſerious concern the growing immoralities and vices of it, towards the cloſe of the laſt year, entered upon ſome new and ſpirited meaſures to ſuppreſs them. On the 27th of November 1772, they addreſſed the whole town on the ſubject, giving them the ſtrongeſt aſſurance, that they would unitedly exert all their power to ſuppreſs the immoralities prevailing in it: at the ſame time inviting them to "unite" their "moſt vigorous endeavours with" them "in this important affair." At a Town-meeting, Dec. 14th. 1772. It was voted, That the thanks of the Town be returned to the civil Authority for their late ſpirited addreſs, &c.—"And for their good endeavour," &c.. For theſe you have already received the thanks of the inhabitants; and, on the ſame account, in the name of my reverend fathers and brethren, in the miniſtry, I return you publick thanks: and aſſure you, that we ſhall cheerfully contribute what in us lieth, to encourage, ſupport and aſſiſt you, in carrying into execution whatſoever may be neceſſary for the peace, order and happineſs of this town, and of the ſeveral parts of it. Theſe public teſtimonials of a general approbation of your conduct, we perſuade ourſelves, will encourage you with unwearied diligence, unremitting zeal and ardour, to perſevere in every ſalutary meaſure you have taken for the publick good, and that they will afford an argument, of no little weight, with you, to go into a prudent and vigorous exertion of all your authority, abilities and influence, to ſuppreſs all kind of vice, immorality and diſorder, and to promote order, virtue, and religion. You cannot be inſenſible, that this will have a charming aſpect upon ſociety, that the happy effects and conſequences of it may, through the bleſſing of GOD, not only be felt by the preſent generation, but extend themſelves to ages unborn, yea, to all eternity. Good government and religion have a favourable aſpect not only upon the preſent, but future Times. No more can you be inſenſible, That it is the duty, and an important branch of the character of civil rulers, That they bear not the civil ſword in vain, that they be "miniſters of GOD"Rom. 13.4., revengers "to execute wrath upon him that doth evil," and that they be miniſters "of GOD for good." This, certainly, is a character, which GOD and men may reaſonably expect you will well ſupport. All the ſacred bands of religion, and the ſolemnities of OATHS are upon you, and plead for the faithful diſcharge of your important truſt. The temporal and eternal welfare of your neighbours, of your brethren, and of your children; the good of this town and government, together with all the tender and efficacious endearments, by which you are bound to us and to your native land, plead for it with a united force and energy. Unite then, in a vigorous exertion of all your powers, to ſtem the torrent of vice, which is rolling in upon us: To ſuppreſs and puniſh idleneſs, tavernhaunting, ſwearing, lying, intemperance, debauchery, unrighteouſneſs and injuſtice; profanation of the LORD's-DAY, and every other ſpecies of vice, which may be cognizable by law, and fall within your province. Exert yourſelves with true zeal and patriotiſm for the general good. Let all the intereſts of your country and nation, eſpecially the intereſts of this TOWN, the great intereſts of our COLLEGE, and of this COMMON-WEALTH, be ever dear to you. Particularly, may they be dear to, ſpecially cared for and promoted by, the GENTLEMEN, who ſhall now be elected, to repreſent us in the General Aſſembly of this Colony. We imagine the publick teſtimonials we ſhall give you of our friendſhip and eſteem, of our confidence in your abilities, integrity and faithfulneſs, will, with an efficacious energy perſuade and engage you moſt laboriouſly and faithfully to promote our great intereſts. You will not fail to conſider you are acting for the country which gave you birth, and for the people, who have nurſed and protected your tender years: The country which your fathers have purchaſed and defended at a vaſt expence both of treaſure and blood: That you are acting for the community where you have been trained to ſcience, and formed to think, and act great and noble things; and to which, under GOD, you owe all your honours, privileges and immunities both civiland religious:—That you are acting for your neighbours, your friends, yea, your brethren, not barely by the ties of nature, but by the more ſacred bonds of our COMMON CHRISTIANITY:—That if under all theſe ſacred bands and endearments, you betray your truſt, you muſt be perſidious and vile, beyond all deſcription; and that your names will deſerve to be handed down to poſterity, loaded with execrations, and ſtrongly marked with eternal infamy and ſhame. You will not fail to reflect, That to act up to your high character, as chriſtians and good rulers, ſerving GOD and your generation according to his Will, is the higheſt honour and nobleſt happineſs, to which you can aſpire on this ſide Heaven:—That this will give ſurer demonſtrations of the greatneſs of your names, and of the goodneſs of your hearts, and add to them a far greater and more unperiſhing luſtre and glory, than monuments of braſs or marble: That while you faithfully exert yourſelves for the common weal, all good men will rejoice in your honours, and bid you God-ſpeed: —That this will give you the nobleſt comfort and pleaſure in life, the ſweeteſt ſupports and moſt glorious proſpects in death:—That this will embalm your names, and hand them down to futurity with honour and applauſe, and that unborn ages will riſe up and pronounce their bleſſings on your memory. Under the influence of theſe GRAND MOTIVES, we perſuade ourſelves you will, by no means, betray our great intereſts, but will act worthy of the honour and truſt we ſhall confer upon you.

I ſhall conclude with a word to the freemen of this free and honourable corporation.

MEN AND BRETHREN,

WHILE I congratulate you on the account of your great and diſtinguiſhing privileges, and on the return of this joyful anniverſary, which affordeth us an ocular demonſtration that we are a free people, you will allow me to remind you, that you are all bound by ſacred bonds and engagements warmly to unite, with our civil rulers, in promoting the welfare of this town, the good of our churches, and of this common-wealth. The ſame ſacred ties, in general, which bind them to faithfulneſs, in their ſuperior ſphere of action, lie alſo upon us, and ſhould engage us with united zeal to exert ourſelves, in our ſeveral places and relations, by all proper means, to advance the common happineſs. Let us then feel the weight and influence of them. Let us prize the privileges we enjoy, and be truly thankful for them, and carefully avoid all thoſe ſins and vices which may endanger them, and provoke GOD to take them from us. Let us not only "ceaſe to do evil" but learn to do well, to "fear GOD, honour the KING 1 Pet. 2.17.," and cheerfully ſubmit to the laws and authority of the colony. Let us be ſtrict in family religion and government, inculcate on the riſing generation the vaſt neceſſity, high importance, and unſpeakable happineſs of becoming truly religious:—Teach them to venerate civil authority and government: to reverence the ſabbath, houſe, worſhip, and ordinances of GOD. Let us be careful to give them living examples of theſe things in our own conduct. Let us all ſtrive to excel in the practice of righteouſneſs, juſtice, honeſty, ſobriety, temperance, chaſtity, induſtry, loyalty, frugality, and all the ſocial and chriſtian virtues. Let us act conſcientiouſly in the choice of our civil rulers, with an awful regard to the oath of GOD, which is upon us, knowing, that when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule the people mournProv. 29.2.. Let love to GOD, and love to men reign in our hearts, and from this higheſt, nobleſt, divineſt principle, let us ſerve GOD and one another, and as we have opportunity do good to all menGal. 6.10..

AND may "the LORD bleſs" us and "keep" us; the LORD make his "face ſhine upon" us,Numb. 6.24▪ 25. and be gracious unto us. AMEN.