IT will be thought strange, no doubt, at least at first view, that the preacher should make choice of a Text like this, upon such an occasion as the present. The audience will say, ‘What relation can the story of Joseph, and the history of the Egyptian kings, have to the important business on which we are assembled? What remarks can be made on Pharaoh's ignorance of Joseph, on his cruel oppres­sion of the Hebrews, or on his despotic government of his Egyptian subjects, which can afford instruc­tion or entertainment suited to the circumstances of this free meeting?’ However if we view the words more accurately, and enter fully into the story of which they are a part, we may, perhaps, judge, that none could have been more proper: That no topick could have given a finer lead to such sentiments, as are pe­culiarly adapted to an occasion like the present.

THE Egyptians seem to have been particularly hap­py, in along succession of native kings, from the reign of Misraim or Menes, the founder of the kingdom of Egypt, to the reign of Concharis or Timaeus, the twenty fifth king of Tanis or of the lower division of [Page 6] Egypt, for the term of about six centuries and a half^*. During this long period the Egyptians, (as did most nations in these early times,) enjoyed great freedom, noble immunities and privileges. Especially, was this the case, until the latter part of the reign of Thusi­mares, the twentieth king of Tanis or of the lower division of Egypt. About the thirteenth year of his reign Joseph the Hebrew was advanced to the office of prime minister in the court of Pharaoh. Near thir­teen years after his advancement, towards the close of that remarkable famine, which then prevailed over Egypt, and all the neighbouring kingdoms, he bought the Egyptians themselves, as he had their lands and cattle before. From this time they became the ser­vants and tenants of Pharaoh, and their former privi­leges suffered a great eclipse. They now held their lands of the crown, tilled them for Pharaoh, and gave a fifth of their increase, as an annual acknowledgement and tribute to their prince.

JOSEPH, who had been a father to Pharaoh, and to his subjects, seemeth to have supported his character, not only during the reign of Thusimares, but also during the three succeeding reigns: and to have been prime minister, in the courts of four princes succes­sively, for the term of about eighty years.

THE government under his administration, seemeth to have been wise and gentle: and the people, though abridged of some, yet had many privileges left them.

THE great abilities and integrity of Joseph, with the eminent services he had done in Egypt, rendered [Page 7] his name and memory dear, both to the princes whom he had served, and to the people whose saviour, as well as ruler he had been. He had advanced the crown of Egypt to a state of grandeur and oppulence, which, before this time, had been unknown in that, and, perhaps, in every other kingdom.

LONG, no doubt, had the memory of Joseph and of his services been precious, and his name been honour­ed by the Egyptian princes and their subjects, had a succession of native kings continued to hold the sceptre. Long, no doubt, the children of Jacob would, not only, have continued to flourish, but would, for his sake, have obtained protection.

BUT about fifty years after his death, the kingdom was transferred to a foreigner. ‘Now there arose up a new King over Egypt, which knew not Joseph.’ That is, a king of another family and nation^*. This new or foreign king, is supposed to have been Salatis, the first of the Shepherd kings, as they are commonly called. He, about the fifth year of the reign of Con­charis or Timaeus, led a numerous army of foreigners, (probably the ancient Horites, whom the children of Esau, about this time, expelled from Mount Seir,) against Egypt. They marked their way with terrible slaughter and devastation. The inhabitants were slain, their cities and houses laid in ashes, and the country, unable to resist the fury and valour of these bloody invaders, soon made its submission. The conquerors, advanced Salatis, their principal leader, to the throne. HE knew not JOSEPH. He was a stranger to his per­son and services. He had no particular connections [Page 8] with the Egyptians or Hebrews. He had contracted no particular friendship or regard for either. How dear soever the benefactors and saviours of their coun­try were to the native inhabitants, it little affected him Their good services to a country, for whose welfare, he cared nothing, could have little influence indeed with him. To maintain himself upon the throne, to which he had waded through blood and slaughter, to reward his friends, and fix them in his interest, (as is usually the case in such revolutions,) was his special care. He therefore distributed the lands among his soldiers, enslaved the ancient inhabitants, subjected the country to tribute, and garrisoned it at pleasure^*.

HAD he been a native of the country, the interest of it would have been dear to him. A thousand ten­der connections would have been formed with his countrymen. The interests and happiness of the na­tion would have been connected with his own, and in many respects inseperable from them. To the coun­sels of the wise men of his country, to the religion, customs, benefactors, and saviours of it, he would have naturally paid a particular veneration and regard. These would have all united their influence in favour of a mild and happy government. But now they were all cast into the opposite scale, and operated to aggrandize the conquerors, to enslave and ruin the native inhabitants.

THE HEBREWS, who were settled chiefly in the lower Egypt, and were a brave, numerous, and flou­rishing people, and bid the fairest to give trouble to the usurper, and to restore the country to its ancient freedom, he took particular care to enslave: and by every species of tyranny to oppress and keep low. In a word, by these foreigners, the ancient form of go­vernment was wholly subverted, and the Egyptians from a free, flourishing and happy people, were reduc­ed to a state of slavery and wretchedness.

[Page 9]FROM this historical sketch of the new king it will not be unnatural to remark,

THAT as the government of a people, by their free-born sons, hath the happiest tendency to main­tain and perpetuate their valuable rights and privi­leges; so the introduction of foreigners, to civil rule, hath the most efficacious tendency to subvert their constitution, and to reduce them to a state of slavery and wretchedness.

THE illustration of this observation will naturally conduct me into such a field of discourse, as, I flatter myself, could it be executed, in any measure, equal to the nature and importance of the subject, would by no means fail to fix the attention of my audience, and agreeably to entertain them, on this joyful anni­versary.

THE provision made, by the infinitely wise LAW­GIVER, for the government of his chosen people, by their brethren, who were trained up among them, and to prevent foreigners having any share in the govern­ment, cannot fail to throw light on this subject. He expressly commanded: ‘Thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee, whom the LORD thy GOD shall choose: one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee: thou mayest not set a strang­er over thee, who is not thy brother’ ^‖. The principal reasons of this precept were, no doubt, That their king might always be a person united and con­nected with his subjects, by all the bonds of nature, religion, and friendship: That his interests and hap­piness might be inseperably connected with the inte­rests and happiness of his subjects:—That from love to his country, to the religion and laws of it, and from a natural regard to his subjects, as brethren, he might rule for the general good:—That he might maintain and promote the true religion, sway the scep­tre [Page 10] in righteousness, with gentleness and brotherly kind­ness, towards all his subjects.

THE alwise and perfect GOVERNOR determined that such a person would be most likely to answer the great ends of government: And that the constituting of such a person to rule and govern had the happi­est tendency to promote the common weal, and trans­mit the privileges of his chosen people entire to fu­ture times.

HE saw that the introduction of a foreigner would have a tendency directly the reverse. Therefore the Jewish Monarch might be no stranger, no usurper, but a native Jew, elected according to divine appoint­ment, by the general consent and suffrages of his brethren, whom he was to govern.

MOREOVER, the SUPREME LAWGIVER taught his people, That their Prince should be a man of truth, "hating covetousness," of known and approved a­bilities, "just ruling in the fear of God"^*. He was prohibited to multiply horses or chariots, or greatly to hoard up silver and gold ^§. GOD saw that this would have a tendency to lift up his heart in pride, make him independent of his subjects, and put it in his hands to oppress and tyrannize over them.

FROM this view of the constitution of the Jewish KING, by the SUPREME LAWGIVER, it is most evi­dent, that He viewed it as a matter of great and high importance that those who bear rule over others, should be their brethren, born among them; bound by all the ties of nature, friendship, interest, and re­ligion, to rule in righteousness: and to maintain, pro­mote, and perpetuate the privileges, immunities, and happiness of their subjects. This He judged to have the most happy tendency to promote and subserve these noble ends. Nor could he think the privileges and happiness of his people secure under the government [Page 11] of my foreigner or usurper. Therefore He expressly forbiddeth the appointment of a stranger, who was not an Israelite, to be their king. He knew, that the bonds of nature, the alliances of friendship, that love and fondness for their native country, which, in a greater or less degree possess all men, would, in the case of foreign princes, all unite their influence, with innumerable attendant circumstances and consequen­ces, to render them oppressors and tyrants, and to re­duce their subjects to a state the most wretched and miserable.

FURTHERMORE the same regulations were to be at­tended in the constitution of all subordinate officers. It was commanded, ‘Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear GOD, men of truth, hating covetousness: and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, and rulers of hundreds, ru­lers of fifties, and rulers of tens. And Moses chose able men out of all Israel and made them heads over the people, rulers of thousands, &c’ ^*. Moses seemeth to have been first directed to this by his fa­ther in Law; but it is evident from several Parts of the Scripture ^‡, that it was done at the commandment of the LORD, by the general choice and suffrage of the people. ‘Take ye wise men and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. And ye answered me and said, The thing which thou hast spoken, is good for us to do. So I took the chief of your tribes, wise men, and known, and made them heads over you, cap­tains over thousands, and captains over hundreds, captains over fifties, and captains over tens, and officers among your tribes’ ^‖. Their officers were all to be of themselves, men of great abilities, known and approved in their several tribes and cities, as men of real piety, of invincible veracity and integrity, [Page 12] of found wisdom and real largeness of heart: Men who knew what Israel ought to do, and who would faithfully pursue the welfare of the people of God.

FROM this view of the Jewish constitution, so far as it was of a civil nature, it is most evident, that such, and such only, were to be appointed to rule over them, from time to time, as were their brethren, acquainted with their genius and character, connected with them by nature, friendship, interest and religion: and every way so circumstanced, as that they should not only be the best able to promote the common good of the people of God; but as that they should be under the influence and constraint, of all imaginable engage­ments and motives, to use all their abilities, opportu­nities, and advantages to make them great, religious, and happy.

FURTHER, as this was an appointment of the SU­PREME LAWGIVER, for the good of that favourite people whose GOD and KING He was, it is most cer­tain that the appointment of such men to civil rule hath the most efficacious tendency to maintain and secure the rights of a people, and to transmit them en­tire to posterity:—The noblest tendency to make them a well governed, a free, a brave, a great, and flourish­ing people.

ON the other hand, as the choice of a stranger is peremptorily forbidden, it is equally certain, that the appointment of foreigners hath directly the opposite tendency: and is calculated, at once, to strip a com­mon-wealth of every thing dear and valuable, and to reduce them to a state of slavery and wretchedness.

THIS subject will receive further light, if we con­sider, That it was threatened as a terrible curse ^§ up­on Israel, that strangers should rule over them: and that it is mentioned as a lamentable case indeed, when there were none to lead them among all the sons whom [Page 13] they had brought up ^‖. On the other hand, it is pro­mised as a rich blessing, That ‘their nobles should be of themselves, and that their governour should proceed from the midst of them’ ^*. But in what respects can the one be considered as a curse, or the other as a blessing, in any view but this, That the tendency of the one was to make them miserable, and to deprive them of every thing dear and valuable, and of the other to make them free, prosperous and happy?

AGAIN, the general thirst of nations and communi­ties to be governed by their own sons, and their great aversion to rulers of foreign extract demonstrate the observation, I am attempting to illustrate, and shew it to be agreeable to the common sense and experience of mankind.

THAT there is a strong and universal thirst in all nations and communities to be governed by their coun­trymen and acquaintance, is indisputably evident from the struggles, which they have universally made to support their native princes and rulers, and to expel others. Where is the nation which hath not run to arms, and disputed this matter at the point of the sword? How did the ancient nations of the east con­tend with blood and fire for the privilege of being go­verned by their native princes? When the Romans began to extend their conquests in Italy, and when afterwards they alarmed the European nations with the terrour of their arms, how warmly did the various independent states and nations dispute this privilege at the expence of their lives and fortunes? When foiled or vanquished in one terrible engagement, how soon did they rally again, and with a bravery and heroism peculiar to free and independent nations rush to new battles? Esteeming the privilege of being governed by their friends dearer than their treasures or blood. [Page 14] Saith a fine modern writer, ‘These defended their ancient possessions with obstinate valour. It was by the superiority of their discipline rather than of their courage, that the Romans gained any advantage over them. The vanquished people resumed their arms with fresh spirit and their undisciplined valour animated by the love of liberty, supplied the want of conduct as well as of union’ ^†. How warm and bloody were the struggles of the ancient Britons for these privileges when Julius Caesar ^* made his discent upon the British Island?—And afterwards, with the Saxons, Danes and Normans? How bravely did the Barons of England take up arms in the Reigns of King John, and of Henry the III, to drive foreigners from the courts of the nation, and to fill the seats of Justice with their acquaintance and free-born sons? But what can be the language of all these bloody strug­gles, of this universal thirst of nations to be governed by their own children, but this, That the government of states and nations, by their own sons and neigh­bours, hath the happiest tendency to maintain and per­petuate their privileges: and that the introduction of [Page 15] foreigners to civil government hath the most efficaci­ous tendency, to subvert their constitution, to enslave and make them miserable? This then is agreeable to the universal sense and experience of mankind. These are sentiments written not in letters of gold, but in the far more expressive characters of Human BLOOD.

FURTHERMORE, the history of ancient, as well as of later ages will reflect light upon this subject. No sooner did foreigners possess themselves of civil Rule in Egypt, than the ancient inhabitants, Egyptians, as well as Hebrews, lost their former freedom and sunk into a state of slavery and wretchedness hardly to be described. To shew instances of the like nature, in most of the eastern, as well as of the European na­tions, would not be hard or difficult. But our own nation will furnish us with so many affecting instances of this nature, that we need not search for them in foreign countries. To mention a few; How intole­rable were the sufferings, abuses and oppressions of the ancient Britons, at turns, under the Roman govern­ment, and especially under the Government of the Saxons and Danes? What uneasiness, universal discontent and [Page 16] misery did the introduction of foreigners to civil rule breed in the nation, in the reign of EDWARD the Con­fessor? Foreigners occupied all the great places of trust and importance in the kingdom, whether civil or religious. Saith a modern writer, ‘The Normans intercepted all the rays of regal favours, and bask­ed in the splendours, which were caused by the mu­nificence and revenues of the English.’ Their per­nicious counsels and influence, had, more than once, well nigh plunged the nation in all the calamities and horrours of a civil war.

THE dreadful effects of the government of foreign­ers, were still more terribly felt in the reign of WIL­LIAM the Conqueror. Though he took the most so­lemn oaths, and swore upon the relicks of the dead, to confirm to the nation all their ancient privileges, and to govern them by the laws of the land, yet, how were the ancient inhabitants, without the least colour of law or justice, deprived both of their lives and for­tunes? By him the native inhabitants were almost universally deprived of every place of honour and trust, and Normans in every part of the kingdom in­troduced to civil rule, who paid little regard to law or justice, and practised almost every species of op­pression and tyranny. Inferior officers treated the English gentry and nobility with insolence, loaded the people with grievous exactions, and, in time of peace, plundered their houses, and ravished their women, even with a savage and brutal wantonness. And what is still worse, this scene of violence, outrage, and hor­rour, which nothing but cruelty could countenance, nothing but the most barbarous savageness could to­lerate, was connived at, if not favoured by the guar­dians of the realm. The perpetrators of these vio­lences were protected, and the complaints of the suf­ferers treated with insult and outrage ^*.

THE people, mad with oppression, ran to arms, [Page 17] and WILLIAM, instead of redressing their wrongs, wast­ed the country with fire and sword. The lands and arms of the Natives were taken from them, their hou­ses and churches consumed with fire, and even the in­struments of husbandry were wrested from their hands. Some parts of the country, for sixty miles together, became a perfect waste and desart, for many years. All the horrors of a dreadful famine succeded this more than human wantonness of cruelty and rage. Not less than an hundred thousand souls are supposed to have perished for want of the necessaries of life. Parents and children raving with hunger, expired in the arms of each other, and lay all about the country rotting above ground, and having none to bury them ^‖. The Nobles and friends of the nation, who survived the dreadful catastrophe, were obliged, almost to a man, to abandon every dear interest and enjoyment in their native land, and to seek refuge in foreign Courts: while out-landish monsters licked up all the wealth and engrossed all the honours of the nation. This scene of distress and horror lasted for years: nor is there the least intimation that WILLIAM ever felt any relentings for his wretched subjects, or took a single step to relieve the starving inhabitants. Could this have been expected from a native Prince? Was the conduct of WILLIAM like this towards his own countrymen? By no means. While he appeared not only destitute of all justice, but of all humanity to­wards the Britons, he loaded them with every royal favour ^*.

[Page 18]NOR are these the only instances, in which rulers of foreign extract have reduced the nation to the most wretched circumstances. To what distress and per­plexity did foreigners, foreign counsels, and influence reduce it in the reign of King JOHN, and in the suc­ceeding reign of HENRY the III? Especially, the reign of the latter is strongly marked with the bale­ful consequences of the government and influence of foreigners, who were the Prime Ministers and Confi­dents of this misguided, base and unhappy Prince.

BUT to pass over other instances of such as have, in the most large and strict sense, been foreigners, how terrible have been the consequences of Governors from abroad, who have been independent of the people, to the New-England Colonies, and to the neighbouring Provinces? How did New-England groan under the [Page 19] intolerable tyranny and injustice of Sir Edmund An­dros and his creatures? How insufferable were the grievances of New-Jersey under the despotic admini­stration of Lord Cornby? How perplexing, how ob­stinate, how pernicious, and almost perpetual have been the disputes of the Governors of the Massachu­setts and of New-York with their respective Assem­blies? How are governours, who are not natives of the country, and who are independent of the people whom they govern, harassing and plaguing their re­spective Assemblies, with prorogations, dissolutions, and almost every low-lived artifice, to worry them into measures fatal to the liberties and happiness of their Constituents? On the other hand, what uninterrupted peace and tranquility, what a steady and faithful ad­ministration of justice, for a long succession of years, do Colonies enjoy, which are governed by their own sons, elected by the free suffrages of their constituents?

ONCE MORE, the provision long since made in our nation, that every man should be judged by twelve jurors of the neighbourhood, in all cases of property, as well as of Life and Death, and that every man should be judged by his peers, may serve further to illustrate the point in hand.

THE appointment of Juries, in the British nation seemeth to have been as early as the reign of ALFRED THE GREAT, about the close of the ninth century. So vigilant was that excellent prince against the least in­fringment of this noble institution, that he hanged one of his judges for sentencing a man to death without the assent of the twelve jurors. The right of trials by juries hath been esteemed as a privilege of inesti­mable worth, and as the very bulwark of British Li­berty, for many hundred years. The nation, at turns, contended for this privilege at the point of the sword, until the grant of MAGNA CHARTA, by King JOHN about the commencement of the thirteenth century ^*. [Page 20] By this the privilege of trials by peers and ju­ries was put upon a more firm and permanent foot­ing. In this Britons glory and think themselves hap­py above any other nation. But wherein lieth the mighty advantage, unless it be in this, That it secureth to every man a judgment by his countrymen and neighbours; in which, he may expect all the favour and protection, which his character and circumstances in life, and which the laws of his country will justly admit; and is delivered from the intrigues and par­tial determinations of foreigners: with whom his cha­racter and manner of life would have little or no in­fluence, to whom the laws of his country might be less known, and by whom they might be far less re­garded?

LASTLY, this point may receive still further light, from a consideration of the esteem, veneration, con­nections and friendships, which men contract for their native country, and from a consideration of the conse­quences of such friendships and connections.

SUCH is human nature, that every man hath a pe­culiar regard for his own nation and country. All men seem to glory in the riches, valour, honour, li­terary accomplishments, and various excellencies of their own country and nation. They feel themselves sensibly interested in their welfare, and it is not easily that such a regard for their native land is obliterated, and the influence of it destroyed. They consider it as the nation to which they are related by the ties of blood, as the country which gave them birth and nurs­ed their tender years. It is the country which hath extended to them the breasts of science, and enlightened their eyes with the knowledge of men and things. It [Page 21] is the country of their forefathers, which hath libe­rally poured it's favours on them and on their poste­rity. It is the country under whose laws and immu­nities, the religion, lives, fortunes, and every thing dear to their ancestors or to themselves, have been pro­tected and defended. It is the country in the defence of which they have expended both their treasures and their blood. To the religion, to the laws, customs, and manners of it they have been trained from the tender years of Infancy. For them, by long use, they have contracted a particular regard and veneration. Here are the companions, the guides and protectors of their youth. Here are their neighbours, their friends, their honours, and all their great Interests. Here are the people from whom they expect prefer­ment: The people for whose counsel, esteem, and friendship, above all others they have a particular re­gard, and to whose interests and service they are most ready to be devoted. Here are the Graves and Bones of their Fathers; here they expect to leave their own, with all their friends and dear enjoyments on this side Heaven. Besides, if they are exalted to the seats of Legislature or of Judgment, in a free state, the es­teem friendship and suffrages of their neighbours have fixed them in those places of honour and trust. The friendship of their constituents, the confidence they place in their abilities, their dependance on their in­tegrity and faithfulness, the public manifestations of honour and esteem given them, cannot fail to influ­ence noble minds, to conciliate favour and engage fi­delity. Therefore all the ties of nature, of friendship, of honour, of interest, of gratitude and religion, unite their influence, and bind them to pursue the common good of their native country, the welfare of the great whole over which they preside, and with which they are specially connected. When they act as Legisla­tors, or set on the Bench to determine causes civil or criminal, these all operate to produce LAWS the most [Page 22] wise and salutary, and JUDGMENT the most righteous and impartial. If they enact Laws for the state in general, or lift their hands to impose taxes, they at the same time make laws for their neighbours, for their friends, for their children and for themselves: They impose no burden upon others, but what at the same time they lay, not only upon their nearest friends, but even upon themselves. Every motive, therefore, unit­eth it's influence, and operateth with its whole force to secure and promote the interest of the GREAT WHOLE.

If we view them on the Bench, it is their country­man, their neighbour, as well as fellow-creature, whom they are about to judge. Their neighbour and their country both share in their affections: they would injure neither, but do justice to both. They are all attention to evidence, to law and equity, and every thing is so circumstanced, as to effect a righteous de­cision, so far as it can be in this imperfect state.

BESIDE, men educated in a country, must be sup­posed, (caeteris paribus,) to have a much better know­ledge of the laws, customs, manners, genius and inte­rest of the people, than any other man can be sup­posed to have. A thorough knowledge of these is of great importance in a Ruler. A man can hardly govern a family in any tolerable manner, without con­sulting the interest, genius, and manners of it. Much less can a common wealth or kingdom be govern­ed without the knowledge of them. But some of these are to be learned, rather by acquaintance, observation, and experience, than by reading or study.

THESE considerations therefore, at once, shew us, in a striking point of light, that the government of a people by their free-born sons hath the happiest tendency to maintain and perpetuate all their valuable rights and privileges.

ON the other hand, all these things, in the case of a foreigner, or of one who is independent of the peo­ple whom he governeth, and wholly dependent on o­thers, [Page 23] unite their influence to make him a tyrant, to render his government intolerable, and to make the people servile and wretched.

SUCH Rulers are blinded by the foreign support and honours they receive, by the foreign friendships and connections, which they have made, by the parti­al regard they have imbibed for their native land, and they are, by these, as it were bribed and bought off from the interests of the people whom they go­vern. They by no means view things impartially: and it is but an ill chance, which people have of being governed in a mild and righteous manner, or of hav­ing their conduct and grievances fairly represented to courts abroad, on whom they are dependent, and whom to deceive it is but too often their great in­terest.

IT may be well observed here, That if rulers are made independent of the people whom they govern▪ and wholly dependent on others, in a distant country, if their connections, friendships, and interests are there, the effects will be much the same, as in the case of a foreigner in the largest sense. The circumstance of their being born within the empire, in some other country, many thousand miles distant from the peo­ple over whom they bear rule, will not greatly help the matter. The circumstances and causes being near­ly the same, the effects will be similar.

THE misrepresentations which have been made of the American Colonies, at the Court of GREAT BRI­TAIN, and the great partiality with which the Ame­ricans have been treated, in the late struggles for li­berty, will evince the truth of these observations. How have disorders merely trifling, in America, been magnified and swelled into high Treason, by the par­tial representations of such rulers and their base mi­nions? How have the disturbances of a few children or imprudent sallies of a young rabble, which a grand juror or common constable might have stilled, and a [Page 24] common justice of the peace have severely punished, been magnified into open rebellion, become matters of serious concern and deliberation in the Privy-Coun­cil of a great Nation? British sleets have been dis­missed a thousand leagues, and troops collected from various parts of the globe to curb and chastise the rebels.

IS not all this done without giving the party accu­sed, though whole towns, yea whole communities of people, the least hearing or trial? How unlike to this is the treatment which Britons receive in the Parent State? Do not such riots and mobs as Americans ne­ver saw, and even insults of Majesty itself, pass often there unnoticed by administration? Not a slave can be punished there, but upon a verdict of twelve jurors of the neighbourhood, on a fair trial. But alas! Are not Americans, at the distance of three thousand miles, in effect, condemned unheard and treated as rebels? If Americans are supposed to be guilty of a misdemean­our towards the Parent State, are not their towns in­vested with ships of War, and must not examination of the matter be had under the mouths of cannon, and before the points of sword and bayonet? If under these distressful circumstances, any grounds of pro­cess can be found, is it not ordered that the supposed criminal shall be dragged across the Atlantic, be at the expense of transporting evidences to GREAT BRI­TAIN, and undergo a trial, even for life before strang­ers? What a wretched chance indeed hath a man for his life, though ever so innocent, in circumstances like these! On the most favourable supposition that he is at last acquitted, he and his family are reduced to beggary: to be sure unless his fortune be more affluent than Americans can commonly boast. At any rate, condemned or acquitted, he is undone. Are Britons thus used in the Parent State? Would they brook such treatment as this?—Yet alas! is not all this right and constitutional with regard to their Ame­rican brethren?

[Page 25]FURTHER, it may be observed, that when a peo­ple are governed by their own country men, chosen by the suffrages of the free-men whom they govern, they are ordinarily some of the most able, religious, faith­ful men in the land, and they will be careful to fill the places of all inferior officers, with men of good abilities, and of good lives.

BUT on the other hand, when this is not the case, they are but too often of an ill character: either the dependents of the great, shifted off to governments a­broad, to ease them of the trouble of their support; or they are reduced Officers, exalted to government to get a piece of bread and advance their for­tunes. Men too often trained to vice, skilful in butchering the Human Species, destitute of the tender feelings of the human heart, masters of intrigue and corruption, as unpractised in virtue as they are ac­customed to vice, as untaught to govern, as they are artful at intrigue and corruption. Too often are they children in abilities to those they govern: men whom the suffrages of a religious and free people would ne­ver advance to the lowest office in a state: and through their influence men of the like character are introduc­ed to all places of inferior trust. When this is the case, how dreadful are the consequences? The chief rulers are the great examples and patterns of vice and op­pression. While they are in power the people mourn: they scorn and hate them, they can place no confidence in their abilities or in their integrity; nor can they with any pleasure submit to their authority; but al­most every thing contributeth its influence, to make the government unhappy, and the people servile and mi­serable. And what maketh the case still more deplor­able, is, That if by oppression and injustice, the peo­ple are provoked to unwarrantable and seditious mea­sures, instead of redressing their grievances, and quiet­ing their spirits, by the impartial administration of justice, the sword is drawn against them, and they are [Page 26] butchered by hundreds, with the same fierceness and barbarity, with which men trained to revenge, slaugh­ter and blood, destroy their most implacable enemies.

BUT in colonies governed by their native rulers, no such insurrections are raised, no such bloody scenes are perpetrated. The people love and venerate their ru­lers. They are their friends and neighbours, known and approved among them, for ability, integrity, jus­tice and mercy, The people rejoice in their honours, venerate their counsels, and submit with cheerfulness to their authority. The rulers and the ruled seek the honour and happiness of each other, and mutually re­joice in the common weal.

THUS we have clear and striking evidence, That the government of a people by their own country-men and neighbours, chosen by common consent, hath the happiest tendency to secure and perpetuate the privi­leges, freedom and happiness or communities; and that the introduction of foreigners, or of persons in­dependent of the people whom they govern, is calcu­lated, at once, to strip them of every valuable enjoy­ment, and to render them servile and miserable.

IT will be necessary, before I improve the subject, just to observe, That when persons become entirely naturali­zed, & have fixed their interests, connections, alliances, & friendships in a country, and become equally connected with it, and dependent upon it, with the natives them­selves; as is often the case, they are no more to be consi­dered as foreigners: and it is far from the design of this discourse to maintain or insinuate, that they may not, with the same safety, as any other men whatsoever, be chosen into places or trust, if in other respects they are equally qualified. Where a man was rocked in his cradle, whether north or south of the Tweed, whether in Europe or America it matters not, if he have pro­per qualifications for government.

AGAIN it may be observed, That it will be an ob­jection of little weight, against the preceding reasoning. [Page 27] That foreigners have some times governed well: For there can be no just arguing from particulars to gene­rals, from extraordinary and exempt cases, to what may generally be expected.

THE sentiments before us naturally furnish us with this remark: That the people of CONNECTICUT enjoy the greatest FREEDOM and PRIVILEGES, and are parti­cularly and singularly HAPPY.

IF to be governed by their own consent, by their na­tive sons, chosen by their free suffrages, if to enjoy the most happy form of civil government, can make a people free; if these things have the greatest tendency to make them brave, prosperous and happy, and to perpetuate every dear enjoyment, then great indeed is the FREEDOM, great the PRIVILEGES and HAPPINESS of this COLONY. Such FREEDOM, such PRIVILEGES, such HAPPINESS, through the good providence of GOD, we amply enjoy. That great Blessing promised to Israel, That their NOBLES should be of themselves, and that their GOVERNOUR should proceed from the midst of them ^‖, is vouchsafed unto us. Our Rulers are our country-men, our neighbours and friends. They love our country, as the place of their birth and educa­tion. It is the country of their friends and brethren; to which they are united by all the alliances of friend­ship and of blood; with which they have formed a thousand tender and powerful connections. Their in­terests are inseperably connected with our own. They are not only members of our civil, but of our re­ligious communities: members of our churches, bound by baptism, by a personal profession of CHRISTIANI­TY, by sacramental vows, and the most sacred engage­ments to GOD and men, to seek their good, and the general good of their fellow men. They are bound by all the bands of nature, friendship, honour, interest and religion, to promote the public Weal. They are "a­ble men," intimately acquainted with the laws, customs, [Page 28] manners, genius and great interests of the people. They love our country, our churches, and our religion. Their experience, superior wisdom and penetration have compiled for us a most excellent system of LAWS, founded on the great principles of liberty, justice, and religion. Their government is mild and righteous: and as they do not govern to get their bread and ad­vance their fortunes, at the ruin of ours, and as they can lay no burdens on us, without bearing the same weight themselves, their government is as remarkable for the little expence of it, as it is for it's gentleness, impartiality and righteousness. All our expences, by way of salary ^‖ to civil officers, do not, I imagine, a­mount annually, by considerable, to the one half of the salary of a king's governour, in any of the neighbour­ing Provinces. Our lives and fortunes, all our privi­leges civil and religious are in a very happy manner secured.

WE have the greatest religious, as well as civil pri­vileges. We enjoy liberty of conscience in the com­pleatest sense. No man is persecuted for his religion: [Page 29] we all enjoy our Bibles, may read and think for our­selves. Happy indeed would it be, did we read them more, understand them better, and build our faith and practice more entirely on the excellent doctrines and maxims which they prescribe.

THE Gospel is preached among us with light and power. We enjoy our Sabbaths and all gospel or­dinances and privileges. Happy indeed shall we be if we "receive not" this "GRACE of GOD in vain."

BESIDES, we have a good land like Canaan of old, a land flowing with milk and honey; in which we may eat bread to the full, ‘whose stones are iron and out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass.’ It is al­so a land under good advantages for a sea-trade; so that we may ‘suck of the abundance of the seas and of treasures hid in the sand. The lines are fallen unto’ us "in pleasant places: yea" we ‘have a goodly he­ritage.’

WHILE therefore we consider how great are our pri­vileges and enjoyments, and from whom they are all derived, can we but reflect, How great are our obliga­tions to the most grateful sentiments, even on the bend­ed knees of our hearts, to offer our devoutest acknow­ledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD, the great author and giver of them? And that these streams of his beneficence and mercy should lead us to him, and engage us constantly, and forever in his service?

YEA, can we but reflect again, That our sin and in­gratitude will be great indeed, most inexcusable and abominable, if under all these privileges and advanta­ges we continue in sin, and do not become, in very deed, an obedient and holy people?—That as we are exalt­ed up to Heaven, in point of privileges, so we shall be cast down even to the lowest Hell, if we abuse and mis­improve them?—That it will ‘be more tolerable for the land of Sodom and Gomorrah, in the day of Judgment ^*,’ than for us.

[Page 30]ANOTHER thought which the preceeding sentiments suggest, is this, That all possible care, and every pro­per measure, should be taken to prevent foreigners, and all others, who are independent of a people, from hav­ing any part in government, and to keep civil rulers, as much as possible dependent on the people whom they govern, and intimately connected with them.

NOT only the representations made, and horrible deeds related in this discourse, but the history of all na­tions and ages will teach us, that nothing can be more fatal to the civil rights and happiness of a people than the government of strangers, and of rulers independent of the people whom they govern. When the govern­ment of a state is put into the hands of men unconnect­ed with them, unsupported by them, whose intimate friends and special connections, are in a different coun­try, and who receive ample support from another quarter, they may well expect oppression, injustice, the loss of liberty, and almost every civil mischief. As this becometh the case with America, or with her several provinces and governments, may not SHE, and THEY expect to bid farewel to that liberty, to those happy times and days, which we and our fathers have seen? As things are verging towards this, are not our liber­ties, by little and little, crumbling away, and is not our happiness drawing to a close?

EVERY free state therefore should maintain a most vigilant care and guard against foreign, or independent rulers, and against all such measures as are calculated to introduce them, and impose them upon a people. The very first step this way, ought thoroughly to rouse, thoroughly to alarm them.

IT should also be the particular care of every civil community to keep their rulers as much as possible de­pendent on them, and intimately connected with them. For this purpose it will be highly politic, in every free state, to keep property as equally divided among the inhabitants as possible, and not to suffer a few persons [Page 31] to amass all the riches and wealth of a country: and al­so to have a special care how they adopt any laws, cus­toms, or precedents, which have a tendency this way. For when men become possessors of the Wealth of a state, it will be in their power to purchase, or by undue influence, which, in such circumstances, they may have ways almost innumerable, to thrust themselves into all places of honour and trust. This will put it in their power, by fraud or force to keep themselves in those important posts, and to oppress and tyrannize over their fellow men. It will teach the people to look up to them, as to lords and masters, make them servile, and by little and little it will despoil them of all true liber­ty and freedom. But on the other hand, the keeping of property, as equally divided as possible among a people, will make elections more free, the rulers more dependent, and the liberty and privileges of the ruled vastly more secure.

FURTHERMORE, will not our subject direct us to this enquiry, Whether the erecting of Courts, and the mak­ing of civil rulers independent of the people, whom they respect and govern, are not inconsistent with the original great design of Government, inconsistent with the great and unchangeable RULES of RIGHTEOUSNESS, and incompatible with the important RIGHTS, which GOD and Nature have given, in common, to mankind?

Is it not the dictate of reason and of the will of GOD, That the original great design of civil Government is the good of the community? The maintaining and se­curing the rights, liberties, privileges and immunities of mankind? The impartial and faithful administra­tion of justice? Must not whatsoever therefore, tendeth to deprive mankind of these important rights, and to prevent the impartial administration of justice, be con­trary to the great design of government, and subversive of it's noble institution? But is not this the case, when rulers are made wholly independent of the people, when strangers unconnected with them, and indepen­dent [Page 32] of them, are appointed to rule over them? Is not this calculated to deprive a people of liberty and jus­tice; —to render life, property, and every dear enjoy­ment very precarious; and to reduce them to a state of slavery and misery, instead of making them free and happy? Is it not an infraction of the great and un­changeable LAWS of Nature, Reason, and Religion?— Incompatible with the essential rights of mankind? How inconsistent is this with the constitution of the SUPREME LAWGIVER for the good of his chosen peo­ple? Did he not command, That all their rulers should be dependent upon their brethren and most intimately connected with them? HE said also, ‘Thou shalt take no gift; for the gift blindeth the wise, and pervert­eth the Words of the righteous^*.’ But if any gift tendeth to pervert judgment, if so small a gift as one neighbour may ordinarily bestow on another, is a pre­cious stone in the eyes, will not hundreds or thousands sterling much more have this tendency? Will not such showers of gold and silver overwhelm reason, con­found the judgment, and prove not only a stone in the eyes, but even render them totally dark and blind? Have not Courts and civil rulers constituted, in a manner, wholly independent of the people, ever been the public fountains of oppression and injustice? Have they not, instead of defending the lives and liberties of mankind, wantonly deprived them of both? And can this be more consistent with the British constitution and the rights of Englishmen, than [...] the laws of justice, and with the unalienable rights of mankind in general? Have not Britons and Americans too, glori­ed in this, as a privilege, which they might all claim, To be judged by their countrymen and neighbours, who were intimately connected with them, and depen­dent on them? Have not thousands bravely bled to procure and maintain it? Have not the whole nation thought it well secured to them, for several hundred [Page 33] years, by MAGNA CHARTA? Have they all been mis­taken? Or is the constitution of courts and rulers in­dependent of the people, and the granting them large pensions or salaries from abroad, a flagrant violation of the essential right of British subjects?

OUR subject will further instruct us what men we ought, this day, to elect into places of civil trust; "Able men," men of truly great and noble minds, possessed of resolution, courage, constancy, and firm­ness; excellent preservatives against partiality and cor­ruption, to which men of little minds, narrow and contracted souls, are easily swayed, by threats, fears, hopes or gifts. They should be men of genius, of great wisdom and abilities, who can discern both time and judgment; well acquainted with the laws, customs, manners, genius, and great interests of the government:—Men of prudence, of real piety and religion, of invincible integrity, veracity and faithful­ness; ‘such as fear GOD, men of truth, hating co­vetousness’ ^*. Rulers should, by no means, be men of deceit and intrigue, or of a covetous narrow spirit, meanly coiling themselves up in their own dirty shell, and making self the grand end of all their pursuits. They should be men of a public spirit; men, who most sensibly feel the sacred ties of religion, and the awful bonds and solemnities of an oath: Men who love their country—love the churches of our LORD JESUS CHRIST—and for their brethren and compani­ons sakes will seek the peace and prosperity of JERU­SALEM, and ‘because of the HOUSE of the LORD our GOD, will seek’ HER "GOOD"^†. They ought to be men most keenly penetrated with a sense of the vast worth and high importance of our privileges, and of the force and energy of those endearing motives, by which they are bound to promote the COMMON-WEAL.

FURTHER, what hath been said may not unnatural­ly introduce an address to the civil authority of this [Page 34] town, and to the gentlemen who shall be chosen to represent us, in the General Assembly.

Respected and worthy FATHERS and GENTLEMEN,

IT is with a very sensible pleasure and satisfaction, that we behold GENTLEMEN exalted to rule over us, to protect our lives and fortunes, all our privileges and dear enjoyments, and to promote our common happi­ness, who are our countrymen, our neighbours, our friends, our brethren, and fathers: Men to whom their country is endeared by all the ties of Nature, who are united with our churches, by all the solemn and sa­cred bonds of our Holy religion; and connected with the community, in general, both by friendship and in­terest: Who, by our free consent, and by the influ­ence of our esteem and friendship enjoy their places of honour and trust. Great, worthy and dear GENTLE­MEN, is the trust we and the public repose in you. More valuable far than gold, yea, more precious than our blood, are the privileges, which, under GOD, we commit to you. We persuade ourselves you are sen­sible of their value, feel the importance of your trust, and are not strangers to the influence of those efficaci­ous motives which bind you to seek and promote our interest and happiness. Under the influence of these, we trust, you have lately unanimously entered upon measures to suppress vice, and to incourage and pro­mote order, virtue, and religion, in the town ^*. For [Page 35] these you have already received the thanks of the in­habitants; and, on the same account, in the name of my reverend fathers and brethren, in the ministry, I return you publick thanks: and assure you, that we shall cheerfully contribute what in us lieth, to encou­rage, support and assist you, in carrying into execution whatsoever may be necessary for the peace, order and happiness of this town, and of the several parts of it. These public testimonials of a general approbation of your conduct, we persuade ourselves, will encourage you with unwearied diligence, unremitting zeal and ardour, to persevere in every salutary measure you have taken for the publick good, and that they will afford an argument, of no little weight, with you, to go into a prudent and vigorous exertion of all your authority, abilities and influence, to suppress all kind of vice, immorality and disorder, and to promote order, virtue, and religion. You cannot be insensible, that this will have a charming aspect upon society, that the happy effects and consequences of it may, through the blessing of GOD, not only be felt by the present gene­ration, but extend themselves to ages unborn, yea, to all eternity. Good government and religion have a favourable aspect not only upon the present, but future Times. No more can you be insensible, That it is the duty, and an important branch of the charac­ter of civil rulers, That they bear not the civil ‘sword in vain,’ that they be "ministers of GOD"^‡, re­vengers "to execute wrath upon him that doth evil," and that they be ministers "of GOD for good." This, certainly, is a character, which GOD and men may rea­sonably expect you will well support. All the sacred bands of religion, and the solemnities of OATHS are up­on you, and plead for the faithful discharge of your important trust. The temporal and eternal welfare of your neighbours, of your brethren, and of your chil­dren; the good of this town and government, toge­ther [Page 36] with all the tender and efficacious endearments, by which you are bound to us and to your native land, plead for it with a united force and energy. Unite then, in a vigorous exertion of all your powers, to stem the torrent of vice, which is rolling in upon us: To suppress and punish idleness, tavern­haunting, swearing, lying, intemperance, debauchery, unrighteousness and injustice; profanation of the LORD's-DAY, and every other species of vice, which may be cognizable by law, and fall within your pro­vince. Exert yourselves with true zeal and patriotism for the general good. Let all the interests of your country and nation, especially the interests of this TOWN, the great interests of our COLLEGE, and of this COMMON-WEALTH, be ever dear to you. Particular­ly, may they be dear to, specially cared for and pro­moted by, the GENTLEMEN, who shall now be elected, to represent us in the General Assembly of this Colo­ny. We imagine the publick testimonials we shall give you of our friendship and esteem, of our confi­dence in your abilities, integrity and faithfulness, will, with an efficacious energy persuade and engage you most laboriously and faithfully to promote our great inte­rests. You will not fail to consider you are acting for the country which gave you birth, and for the peo­ple, who have nursed and protected your tender years: The country which your fathers have purchased and defended at a vast expence both of treasure and blood: That you are acting for the community where you have been trained to science, and formed to think, and act great and noble things; and to which, under GOD, you owe all your honours, privileges and immunities both civiland religious:—That you are acting for your neigh­bours, your friends, yea, your brethren, not barely by the ties of nature, but by the more sacred bonds of our COMMON CHRISTIANITY:—That if under all these sacred bands and endearments, you betray your trust, you must be persidious and vile, beyond all descripti­on; [Page 37] and that your names will deserve to be handed down to posterity, loaded with execrations, and strongly mark­ed with eternal infamy and shame. You will not fail to reflect, That to act up to your high character, as christians and good rulers, serving GOD and your gene­ration according to his Will, is the highest honour and noblest happiness, to which you can aspire on this side Heaven:—That this will give surer demonstrations of the greatness of your names, and of the goodness of your hearts, and add to them a far greater and more unperishing lustre and glory, than monuments of brass or marble: That while you faithfully ex­ert yourselves for the common weal, all good men will rejoice in your honours, and bid you God-speed: —That this will give you the noblest comfort and plea­sure in life, the sweetest supports and most glorious prospects in death:—That this will embalm your names, and hand them down to futurity with honour and applause, and that unborn ages will rise up and pronounce their blessings on your memory. Under the influence of these GRAND MOTIVES, we persuade ourselves you will, by no means, betray our great interests, but will act worthy of the honour and trust we shall confer upon you.

I shall conclude with a word to the freemen of this free and honourable corporation.

MEN AND BRETHREN,

WHILE I congratulate you on the account of your great and distinguishing privileges, and on the return of this joyful anniversary, which affordeth us an o­cular demonstration that we are a free people, you will allow me to remind you, that you are all bound by sacred bonds and engagements warmly to unite, with our civil rulers, in promoting the welfare of this town, the good of our churches, and of this common-wealth. The same sacred ties, in general, [Page 38] which bind them to faithfulness, in their superior sphere of action, lie also upon us, and should engage us with united zeal to exert ourselves, in our several places and relations, by all proper means, to advance the common happiness. Let us then feel the weight and influence of them. Let us prize the privileges we enjoy, and be truly thankful for them, and care­fully avoid all those sins and vices which may en­danger them, and provoke GOD to take them from us. Let us not only "cease to do evil" but ‘learn to do well,’ to "fear GOD, honour the KING ^‖," and cheerfully submit to the laws and authority of the colony. Let us be strict in family religion and government, inculcate on the rising generation the vast necessity, high importance, and unspeakable hap­piness of becoming truly religious:—Teach them to venerate civil authority and government: to re­verence the sabbath, house, worship, and ordinances of GOD. Let us be careful to give them living ex­amples of these things in our own conduct. Let us all strive to excel in the practice of righteousness, jus­tice, honesty, sobriety, temperance, chastity, industry, loyalty, frugality, and all the social and christian virtues. Let us act conscientiously in the choice of our civil rulers, with an awful regard to the oath of GOD, which is upon us, knowing, that ‘when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn^§.’ Let love to GOD, and love to men reign in our hearts, and from this highest, noblest, divinest prin­ciple, let us serve GOD and one another, and ‘as we have opportunity do good to all men^*.’

AND may "the LORD bless" us and "keep" us; the LORD make his "face shine upon" us,^† ‘and be gracious unto’ us. AMEN.