THE gospel of Jesus Christ breathes a spirit of the purest benevolence; and if it were universally believed and obeyed, it would so renew the heart, soften the temper and rectify the behaviour of mankind, as to make this world an habitation of peace and harmony. But, alas, how little influence has this divine religion upon the hearts of men, even those among whom it is known and pro­fessed! Instead of that mild and pacific disposition which the Prince of Peace requires in all his subjects, do we not see boisterous and malignant passions usurp­ing the empire of the soul, violating the most sacred obligations, trampling on reason and conscience, and setting at defiance the vengeance of heaven? Instead of that love which should reign among creatures of the same God, inhabitants of the same earth, do not hatred and revenge swell their bosoms and operate to the de­struction of all order and safety?—or, sometimes in a more silent, but not less destructive manner, do not subtilty and deceit undermine the foundations of civil peace, and break those bonds of union, on the strength [Page 6] of which the happiness of society depends? To restrain the disordered passions, and render life and property more secure, government and subordination have taken place, and the inhabitants of the world are by the wisdom of the great providential Ruler formed into various nations and kingdoms, which have each their distinct laws and rules, founded on reason and experience; and the "powers that be" in these several political bodies ‘are ordained of God for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well’:^* He has wisely delegated to the civil magistrate the power of vengeance which belongeth only to himself.

But even this wise and benevolent institution is not always sufficient to secure the peace and welfare of society; for the same lusts which produce jealousies, hatred and quarrels among individuals, do sometimes operate in a larger sphere, and cause nation to rise up against nation, and kingdom against kingdom. The heads and rulers of societies are men of like passions and infirmities with their subjects; they are apt to be blinded by self-interest, wedded to particular schemes of policy, inflamed with pride and vain glory, misled by artful deceivers, and precipitated into measures which time and reason will condemn: Innumerable are the seeds of jealousy and discord which are sown by the grand enemy of mankind, who fails not to improve every opportunity to raise heats and animosities, to stir up the depraved passions, which are all in his service, ready to do his destructive work; and when public disputes arise between any of the powers of the earth which cannot be quelled by the voice of reason, nor sa­crificed to the love of peace; when public insults are committed, and the safety of the commonwealth threat­ened by hostile invasion, where can the injured body appeal for a decision of the controversy, but to the su­preme Ruler of the world, who ‘sits in the throne, judging right?’ And how must this appeal be made? [Page 7] God does not interpose in a miraculous way to rectify the disorders of states and kingdoms; but as he has implanted in men the principle of self-preservation, and given them the means of defence, so he allows them to repel injuries by violence, and take all prudent ways to guard themselves against destruction; while he pre­sides over the events of war, keeping them sometimes long in suspense, and making each party instrumental of punishing the other, often bringing about revolutions quite different from the intention of the combatants, making the wrath of man to praise him and accomplish the just and wise designs of his holy providence.^*

The necessity of self-defence in the kingdoms of this world is evident from the very nature and design of society, which in this tumultuous and disordered state of things cannot subsist without being sufficiently guard­ed against external injuries. Has the all-wise and mer­ciful Parent of the universe furnished the brute and reptile creation with the necessary instruments of de­fence? and does the instinct which he has implanted in them prompt them to make use of these weapons for their own subsistence and security? and has he not im­planted in mankind a natural courage, a martial spirit, and given them skill and power to provide themselves with all the necessary instruments of defence? and can it be supposed that we must make no use of these gifts of nature, even when providence points out the necessity? Do we guard our fields from devouring beasts, our houses and our bodies from the injuries of the weather? and shall we not have the privilege of defending our lives, our liberties, our property, our families, our civil government from hostile invaders? Must we tamely yield to every lawless usurper, and suffer tyrants to sport with the lives and estates of mankind? Must all those laws, which the wisdom and experience of ages have founded; must the sacred bonds of society, the peace, the welfare, the happiness of mankind, be sacrificed to [Page 8] the impetuous rage of a foreign conqueror? Forbid it, reason and conscience; forbid it, ye heroic worthies of old, ‘who through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, stopped the mouths of lions, quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens.’ ^*

The meek and compassionate Redeemer of the world, who "came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them,"^† though he commands his disciples to "live peaceably with all men,"^‡ "to be tender-hearted and forgiving even toward their bitterest personal enemies,"^§ yet does not expect that, considered as members of civil societies, they should tamely submit to such injuries as tend to overthrow the peace and safety of the kingdoms of this world in which they dwell.

What a striking proof of the lawfulness of self-defence has our blessed Lord given us in that noble testimony which he bore to "the truth" when he stood unjustly arraigned before Pilate's bar, explaining and vindicating his claim to the kingdom of Israel. In answer to Pilate's demands, "whether he was King of the Jews," and "what he had done," our Lord declares, ‘My king­dom is not of this world; if my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my king­dom not from hence.’ By this "good confession"^‖ he cleared himself of the charge of being an enemy to Caesar, and proved that he had no design to set up as a rival to the Roman government, yet still holding his claim to the title of King, and declaring the nature of his kingdom to be entirely different from all the king­doms of this world, which cannot subsist without the means of self-defence. It is plain that Christ did not [Page 9] allow his disciples to fight in his defence; for he had just before reproved Peter for drawing his sword and smiting the High Priest's servant;^* and it is as plain from our Lord's own declaration, that if his kingdom had been of this world he would have allowed them to fight for him.

In these remarkable words he distinguishes the king­dom, at the head of which he was now placed, not only from all the kingdoms of this world in general, but from the national church or kingdom of Israel in particular, and this he does by taking away from his spiritual kingdom, that, without which no kingdom of this world can sub­sist, the power of self-defence.

That Christ makes a distinction between his new kingdom, and the ancient kingdom of Israel, appears from this clause, ‘but now is my kingdom not from hence’; the word now implies that there was some alteration made in the nature of his kingdom, or that what was before his kingdom did now cease to be so, and give way to a more pure and spiritual dispensation.^† The ancient church of Israel was the kingdom of God, a kingdom in which God exercised a peculiar kind of government, being their Lord and Sovereign in a sense distinct from that in which he is the providential Governor of the world: and as we read of God's making himself visible at divers times to some of that favourite nation, with a particular view to the setting up and maintaining of a temporal kingdom; so, we must understand these as well as all other appearances of the Deity, which are represented as visible, to have been made by Him who is ‘the brightness of his glory and the express image of his person ^‡;’ for ‘no man hath seen God at any time; the only begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, he hath declared him’ ^§; and as God dwelt in him, and manifested [Page 10] himself by him both before^* and after his incarnation, so they who had seen him might truly be said to have seen God the Father.^{† {inverted †}} It was this Glorious Person who appeared to the Patriarch Abraham, and discoursed with him concerning Sarah's conception and the de­struction of Sodom^‡: It was He with whom Jacob wrestled, and of whom he truly said ‘I have seen God face to face’ ^‖: It was He whom Moses saw in the burning bush, who demanded such peculiar homage, and who then first manifested himself by his name JEHOVAH ^§: It was He whom Moses and Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, and the seventy Elders of Israel, saw on the top of Mount Sinai, who is there called the God of Israel ^¶: It was He who stood before Joshua when leading "the Lord's host" into the Land of promise, and assumed the title of their Captain ^**: It was He whom Isaiah beheld sitting on his throne, high and lifted up, whose train filled the temple ^††: It was He who was, as Nathaniel saluted him, ‘the Son of God and the King of Israel.’ ^‡‡

The grand reason why this ancient kingdom of Israel was kept so distinct from other kingdoms of the world, and governed by JEHOVAH in such a peculiar man­ner, was, that it might be a figurative representation of the elect church or spiritual kingdom of true believers, who are ‘a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people’ ^§§, who are under the spiritual government of Jesus Christ; and therefore when the time of his humiliation was expiring, and he was going to be exalted at the right hand of the Father, ‘to be a Prince and a Saviour, to give repentance to [his spiritual] Israel and remission of sins’ ^¶¶, he made a plain declaration, that the nature of his kingdom [Page 11] was changed; that whereas it had subsisted under the form of a temporal kingdom, being confined to one particular nation; now it was assuming a spiritual form, and going to be manifested in its true nature and glory: Whereas before it had been not only lawful but ne­cessary that his kingdom should be defended by arms, like all other kingdoms of this world; now it was ap­pearing to be of such a nature as not to be defended by temporal power and weapons: Whereas before, the seat of his kingdom and the place of his royal residence had been the city of Jerusalem and the temple which was built therein; now the seat of his kingdom and the place of his residence was the heaven of heavens, where all sincere worshippers were to meet by faith, round the throne of grace, and where the triumphant company of the redeemed will finally celebrate the victory which their glorious Lord has gained over all his enemies.

We are then to consider our Lord's words as holding forth to us these two contrasted truths: ‘That when God's kingdom subsisted under a tem­poral form, as a kingdom of this world, it was both lawful and necessary that it should be de­fended by the sword.’ But ‘That that ancient constitution is now dissolved, and the kingdom of God is a spiritual kingdom, not of this world, and therefore not capable of being de­fended by the sword.’

The reason why God's kingdom, under the former appearance of it, was to be defended by the sword, was, that it was a kingdom of this world, containing a mixt­ure of civil and ecclesiastical polity, calculated as well for the temporal prosperity as the spiritual improvement of the subjects: It was liable to be invaded and destroyed by temporal enemies, as it was by Nebuchadnezzar, who destroyed Jerusalem and the temple, and caused an [Page 12] interruption of seventy years in the theocratical go­vernment: And it was also by God's permission finally destroyed by the Roman army under Titus Vespasian, from which it has never recovered.

As this was its state, and as it was liable to such cala­mities as other kingdoms of this world are; so it was highly necessary that it should be guarded and defend­ed in the same manner as they are. Accordingly, we find the nation of Israel combined together in a military form from the beginning of their becoming a separate people, and the Lord who was their Sovereign bore the stile of "a Man of War," and "God of the armies of Israel:" They went up "harnessed out of the land of Egypt," and kept themselves in a warlike posture, under the conduct of their divine Leader, all the time of their march through the wilderness, where they had to encounter divers mighty nations who opposed them: They were led in martial array into the Land of pro­mise by their brave and faithful Joshua, (whose cha­racter is one of the most noble and unspotted in the Old Testament) and divers of the Judges who succeeded him were heroes of renown, and rendered the nation formi­dable against its enemies. Numerous are the battles, sieges and victories recorded in the book of God from the days of Moses to the death of Josiah; but among them all, the reign of David stands distinguished as the time when God granted the greatest successes: He was "a man after God's own heart," raised up to fulfil his purposes, to give his people rest, by subduing all their enemies, and leaving the kingdom in peace to his son Solomon; and herein he was a remarkable type of Jesus Christ, whom God has anointed King on his holy hill of Zion, where ‘he must reign till he hath sub­dued all enemies under his feet.’

Many of the wars recorded in the Jewish history were undertaken at the express command of the God of Israel:^* In all cases of difficulty, direction was sought [Page 13] of him by the High Priest, who presented the Urim and Thummim in his breast-plate before the oracle, and re­ceived the divine answer to the petition of the enquirer: Yea, the warlike actions of the ancient worthies are said to have been performed "through faith," and by ‘the spirit of the Lord coming upon them’ ^*; from whence we conclude not barely that war was permitted, like poli­gamy and divorce, but that it was lawful and necessary in the kingdom of Israel, which was a kingdom of this world. God not only allowed, but commanded it in particular cases, and he has no where forbidden it to the kingdoms of this world, nor even to his own people as subjects of such kingdoms, nor indeed could he have done it without destroying the very existence of political bodies: If then it be God's will that government and order be kept up, and that the kingdoms of this world should subsist as such, then it is his will that they should use the means of self-defence when his providence points out the necessity.

The mild and forgiving precepts of the gospel might as fairly be pleaded against the execution of penal laws on malefactors, as against preserving the peace of so­ciety by repelling foreign invaders, and destroying those who would destroy the foundations of government and property; and it deserves to be seriously considered, whether the suffering an enemy to invade our country and destroy the lives of our friends and neighbours when it is in our power to defend them, would not render us as guilty, in the sight of God, as if we actually murdered them ourselves? What a solemn curse was denounced by "the angel of the Lord" in the days of Deborah and Barak, against ‘the inhabitants of Mer [...]z, because they came not to the help of the Lord against the mighty ^†’? And, no less awful was that curse delivered by the prophet Jeremy in the name of the Lord, on a like occasion, ‘Cursed be he that doeth [Page 14] the work of the Lord deceitfully, cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood.’ ^*

A mistaken conclusion has been drawn from the words of our text— ‘Because Christ said that his king­dom is not of this world, and therefore that his ser­vants shall not fight, therefore those that fight are not his disciples nor servants’ ^†. But, Christ does not say absolutely that his servants shall not fight— "then would my servants fight," for what? ‘that I should not be delivered to the Jews.’ It is readily allowed that Christ here discountenances all attempts to defend him and his kingdom by the sword—but to say that it implies that his servants shall not fight at all, and that those that fight are not his servants, is more than can be proved. Whoever understands the nature of Christ's kingdom must be sensible that an attempt to defend it by arms would be equally rash and ridiculous, it being absolutely impossible to do it. Men may de­fend what they call the kingdom of Christ, they may defend a form of Christianity which has been inter­woven with their civil government, and makes a part of their constitution; such establishments may be de­fended, and may be destroyed by the sword; and if every such establishment was actually destroyed the kingdom of Christ would still subsist unhurt; for it is not in the power of men nor devils to abolish that glorious constitution which is ‘built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone.’ The seat of Christ's kingdom is the heaven of heavens, this cannot even be attacked by the proudest assaults of temporal or spiritual enemies; and if they should kill the bodies of the subjects of this kingdom, which is the utmost they can do, their souls would be immediately received into the heavenly Zion, and glorified with their exalted Head: Should all the forms of Christianity now subsisting in the world be [Page 15] abolished; should Christians be driven from the society of one another, and scattered singly through the earth, Christ's spiritual kingdom would sustain no injury; while he is the head and bridegroom of his church, ‘neither tribulation nor distress, nor persecution, nor famine, nor nakedness, nor peril, nor sword—neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature shall be able to separate them from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.’ ^*

It is in vain then to think of using the sword in de­fence of Christ's kingdom; it is so spiritual and heavenly in its nature, that no weapon formed against it shall prosper, nor can any weapon used in its defence be of the least avail: It is able to subsist in the world not only without any help from the kingdoms of the world, but even in defiance of all their art and strength, all their malice and enmity against it. And as it receives no support from, so it does no injury to them: It does not interfere with any of their natural rights and privi­leges: It makes no alteration in their constitutions: It does not deprive the Prince of the allegiance of his subjects, nor the subjects of the protection of their So­vereign; but it leaves all matters relating to civil so­ciety and government in the same state as it found them, only enforcing the natural duty of subjection and obe­dience to the higher powers, from the noblest motives; and as to the natural right which all the kingdoms of this world have to defend themselves by the sword, Christ has never made the least alteration, but has ra­ther implicitly recognized and allowed it.

From what has been said I hope it appears sufficiently plain, that to defend and maintain the peace of civil society against foreign invasion is not only allowable, but is a necessary and important duty; and it may justly be considered as a branch of that power which God has [Page 16] given the ruler for the welfare of his subjects, for ‘he beareth not the sword in vain, but is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath on him that doeth evil’ ^*; if the evil doer be within the bounds of his jurisdiction the proceedings against him must be ac­cording to the established laws of the land; but if a foreigner should invade the rights and property of his subjects, and aim to overthrow his government, the ruler, who is the natural guardian of his people's rights, must have recourse to the Law of Arms, and in the use of those means appeal to heaven for a decision of the controversy.

Having stated this matter as a point of duty, let us go a little further, and see what may be done in a way of prudence, to maintain the peace and happiness of human society. And I think it is a very clear consequence from what has been said, that it is the part of a wise government to take such measures as shall have the best tendency to prevent any encroachments being made on the natural rights and property of the subject: If it is lawful to arm against an invading foe, it is certainly prudent to keep that foe at a distance, and ourselves in such a posture of defence as shall intimidate him and prevent his attacks; then, if he is so hardy as to assault us we shall be the better able to repel him, and if he perishes in his attempt he is really his own executioner. All this may be done with a very good temper, and in the exercise of that benevolence which we are to enter­tain toward an enemy, and which is never inconsistent with our own security. If it be known that an house is well guarded and defended, the probability is far greater that the owner will sleep in peace, than if it was exposed to be robbed; the case is just the same with regard to a nation or kingdom as an individual; if there be proper care taken to render it formidable against foreign invasion, it is more likely that the peace of that kingdom will be preserved, than if it was defenceless, [Page 17] especially if it be an object of desire in the eyes of a fo­reign Prince. A sudden call to arms on the surprize of an enemy's first appearance is so terrifying, that, if the use of arms be not previously known, it will pro­duce as many bad consequences as the enemy's attack itself: It is better therefore to understand the art of war, though it should serve only for an amusement, than by neglecting it to expose ourselves to the hazard of an invasion, the consequences of which must be dread­ful to an unguarded and unprepared people: And as other nations, and those in particular whom we have most reason to fear, are expert in the use of arms, it must be a great piece of carelessness if we suffer our­selves to remain ignorant of an art so essentially necessary to our own safety.

The British continent is now swiftly advancing to­ward such a degree of opulence as must render it an object worthy to be coveted by some ambitious foe: The European nations cannot but be envious at the vast increase and prosperity of our empire; and as it is well known that some of them are as superior to us in the cabinet as they are inferior in the field, it is far from impossible that intrigues may be formed to en­tangle our mother country in some war upon the Eu­ropean continent, in support of her allies, and divide her maritime forces by raising alarms in distant parts of the globe where we have connexions; and when a suit­able opportunity offers, a descent may be made on our coasts, and our friends at home not being able to grant us the necessary succours, we must be left to defend our­selves: Then, unless we know the use of arms, of what avail will be our natural courage? it will only expose us to be more easily marked out as objects of destruction.

We have known what it is to contend with a savage enemy where military art and skill availed nothing, and vigilance could be our only security; but we have never yet had to encounter with regular troops who have [Page 18] made the art of war their study and exercise: To op­pose them, is not a work that can be learnt in a moment, but must be the result of experience and address, under the influence of that natural fortitude which distinguishes the inhabitants of British America, and of New-England in particular, the descendants of an hardy race, who, animated by the noblest principles, encountered every adversity with unremitting ardour to leave this land a sacred legacy to their posterity.

But to discourage an enemy from attempting an in­vasion must in the eye of reason be a more desirable advantage than to repel the invasion when it is actually begun. It was a sensible remark which was made by a French prisoner of distinction^* in the year 174 [...], ‘That it was bad policy in the French officers of Louisbourg, to hinder the English from viewing at all times the strength of their fortifications; because if the English had been well informed of their strength, the most sanguine rash person in the world could not have imagined such a reduction, without regular troops and artillery. And, further, that our allowing the French officers, prisoners, freely to view Boston and the country of New-England, would effectually discourage any French attempt to invade a country so well peopled.’ As this country is now become an object of curiosity, and is visited by many foreigners, who doubtless make just observations, and carry them home for the information of their own countrymen, should they have occasion to observe a martial spirit and military knowledge prevailing among us, the report thereof spread among distant nations would be a much greater security to us, than merely the knowledge of our country being 'well peopled;' for then they would [Page 19] not dare to think of disturbing our repose without equal numbers, skill and courage; and what European na­tion could furnish and support an army equal to the vast attempt, without exposing herself defenceless to her rival neighbours, and to the just resentment of our in­jured mother country?

For several years past, Great-Britain has experienced the advantage of a regular standing militia, in raising the spirit of the people, and rendering them formidable against their neighbours. In the beginning of the last war a general panic run through the nation, upon the news of an intended invasion, and the preparations that were made from year to year in the ports of France; the numbers of vessels that were said to be constructed for a speedy disembarkation of troops raised a terrible alarm, and made the nation anxious for their security; but when the genius of Britain awoke and gave birth to the new militia laws, they begun to feel their own strength, dismissed their foreign allies, and very soon the idea of an invasion from the flat-bottomed boats of France became as ridiculous as it had been dreadful.^*

[Page 20]Such a general and vigorous attention to the mili­tary art as now makes the British nation the most for­midable kingdom in Europe, would by God's blessing be the best means that can be used either to defend or secure this valuable country. The slothful herd who lie basking in the sun-shine of prosperity, regardless of future evils, may perhaps treat this as a matter of in­difference and idle amusement; but men of penetra­tion and foresight cannot but see the necessity of our making it an object of more general attention: And, if we consider—the undoubted right which we have to the possession of this land—the many instances of a defenceless and secure people falling an easy prey to foreign conquerors—and, the value of our civil constitution, our friends, our estates, and in short, our temporal all, we have so many cogent arguments to enforce our atten­tion to this important duty.

The right which we have to the possession of this country is as clear and incontestible as any right that can be imagined. The God of nature, who has deter­mined the bounds of every man's habitation, was pleased in his just and wise providence to make room for our forefathers in this wilderness by causing a mortal sick­ness to prevail among the savage natives, which swept off such numbers of them that the living were not suffi­cient to bury the dead:^* Some parts of this country were then destitute of inhabitants, and might justly have been occupied by any other people who were obliged to [Page 21] seek an habitation. But our forefathers did not content themselves with this title; they also fairly and honestly purchased the soil of the remaining natives, so that if they had any just title by pre-occupancy, it was expresly transferred to our ancestors. And, if the crown of Great-Britain had any right by priority of discovery or otherwise, the grants which have been made under the royal sanction from time to time, have imparted that right to the present occupants. If any right can be claimed by us in consequence of the dereliction of the former possessors; those territories from which they have been forced, either by the necessity of seeking sub­sistence elsewhere, or by an utter extinction of their po­litical existence, are undoubtedly ours. And, lastly, if we ought in justice to be recompenced for the number­less injuries we have suffered from them in past years, we have a clear title to the possession of those wilds which served as lurking places, from which they issued forth to commit their depredations. Such being our uncontroverted right to this country, which is now daily becoming more valuable and important, it is certainly our duty to defend and secure it; and if we neglect the necessary means thereof we shall prove ourselves un­worthy our relation to those noble adventurers who first planted it.

Another argument arises from the many instances of a defenceless and secure people falling an easy prey to the ra­pacity of foreign invaders. The limits of this discourse will not allow me to be particular in recounting all the instances that might be produced; but I may not omit the mention of those, the remembrance of which is suggested by the place where we are now assembled:— This very spot was once a scene of blood and devasta­tion.—An unaccountable security reigning among the ancient inhabitants of this town, occasioned their being surprized in one fatal night by an artful and vindictive enemy, who sacrificed many of them to their implacable [Page 22] resentment; and within a few years after two neigh­bouring plantations suffered like dreadful effects of their fury.^*

[Page 23]The memory of these bloody transactions should be presented, not to excite our rage against the inhuman perpetrators or any of their savage brethren, but to teach us the necessity of being always on our guard, even in time of the most profound peace, against the attacks of an enemy: In these cases nothing was wanting but vigilance; fortitude and military skill were wholly use­less against an enemy whose chief strength lay in their secret arts of dissimulation and treachery; but when we have reason to fear such attempts as require martial art and courage to repel, we must fortify ourselves in an answerable manner.

Finally, if we set a just value on the happy constitu­tion of government under which we live; if we regard [Page 24] our lawful property, the prosperity of our friends and families; if we esteem the blessings of peace and the happiness of human society; if we prize the undisturb­ed enjoyment of our religious liberty, that precious na­tural right which no people under heaven enjoy in fuller perfection than we do, and which we cannot expect would be allowed us by any but a Protestant govern­ment; if we wish to see America the asylum of liberty, the repository of learning, and the mansion of plenty and peace; let us use the means which God has put into our hands to guard ourselves against those evils, which, the lust of power or fame, or the haughty re­sentment of foreign potentates may hereafter occasion; and in so doing we shall discharge an important trust committed to us by our Creator, and a duty which we owe to our King, to ourselves and to our posterity.

The presence of our Captain-General, and other gen­tlemen of rank and figure, on this occasion, adds a dig­nity to the transactions of the day, and serves as a strong confirmation of the truth and importance of what has now been inculcated.

We congratulate ourselves, May it please your Excel­lency, on the happiness we have hitherto enjoyed under your mild administration: We behold with satisfaction your endeavours to unite the true interest of our gra­cious Sovereign, and that of a free and loyal people, into one indivisible object: We rejoice to see this province, long stinted in its growth, harrassed by repeated and cruel wars, exposed as the barrier against a merciless and savage foe, now expanding and flourishing, under the auspicious patronage which your Excellency has afforded to our agriculture, and by the wise and gene­rous institution of a seminary of learning: While these happy events distinguish the annals of your administra­tion, permit us also to hope, that the defence of this territory by a regular militia will employ your Excel­lency's [Page 25] attention in proportion to your thorough know­ledge of the beneficial effects of a similar institution in our mother kingdom, and to your ardent zeal to pro­mote the true interest of this your native country.

May the Sovereign Ruler of the world incline the heart of our King still to continue your Excellency a [...]ch and lasting blessing to this province: May the wisdom which is from above direct and regulate your endeavours for the public good: And, may the sancti­fying grace of God's holy spirit so influence your pub­lic services, that they may not only promote our happi­ness, but may receive a gracious and eternal reward in a better world.

The Gentlemen who are commissioned to the several Offices in this regiment will we hope distinguish them­selves, and do honour to their stations by their diligent and united attention to the duty assigned them.— Gentlemen, the cause in which you are engaged is good; the fear of the God of armies, the love of your country, of its civil and religious Liberty, are noble principles to animate you; these will render the duty of furnishing your own minds, and instructing your countrymen in the art of war, a pleasing employment, and if you are ever called to action will serve to alleviate the burdens of duty, and inspire you with true courage and resolu­tion. We trust, therefore, that the same generous and manly spirit which you have already discovered, will not suffer you to be content with enjoying the honour of a title, but will make you studious to deserve well of your country, so that the respect shewn you by others may be not merely the effect of complaisance, but a just tribute to your real merit.

No man I presume will think it beneath him to be a Soldier, in defence of his family, his interest, his civil and religious liberty. My Brethren, many of you have in time past girded on the harness, and proved [Page 26] yourselves good servants of your King and country in the late wars; and those of you who have not been in actual service have the same natural intrepidity and alertness which are essential qualifications of a good soldier, and by which the men of these northern colo­nies have been always remarkably distinguished. You will not therefore need to be urged to a vigorous and graceful exertion of these gifts, in the military service; you are not to be subject to the rigour and severity of a standing army, but to that easy discipline which is suffi­cient among neighbours united together for their own safety; your officers are not a set of strangers, who might have ideas of rank & subjection different from yourselves; but they are your friends and neighbours, who value your interest and reputation as dearly as their own, and would expose you to no difficulties but what they would cheer­fully endure themselves: You know, that in all socie­ties there is a necessity for order and subjection, or the valuable ends in view cannot be answered: As your duty is, therefore, so easy, and will be but little interruption to your necessary business; as the end of military know­ledge and service is the good of the community, the defence and protection of your dearest interests; so, we trust you will unanimously and cheerfully address yourselves to the duty, and render yourselves in this as well as other ways useful and ornamental members of society.

To conclude, Let us all remember that though the knowledge and practice of military duty are so necessary to our defence and security as subjects of the kingdoms of this world; yet all these improvements are of a tem­poral nature, and the knowledge and utility of them will cease with our present form of existence. Soon, very soon shall we get into the world of Spirits, where we shall live and converse in a manner vastly different from what we do here; and our eternal state will be [Page 27] determined according to our behaviour in the present life. If we would then obtain the crown of immortal glory, we must as good soldiers of Jesus Christ fight [...] the banner of his cross against all the enemies of our souls: We must look to the Great Captain of salvation for strength and assistance, and depend on his [...] and righteousness for the acceptance of our ser­vices and our reward: May he therefore enable us to be faithful unto death, and then give us a crown of life.

AMEN.