The Farmer's and Monitor's letters, to the inhabitants of the British colonies. Approx. 376 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI : [2014]. N08798 N08798 Evans 11239 APW5970 11239 99012101

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 11239. (Evans-TCP ; no. N08798) Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 11239) Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 11239) The Farmer's and Monitor's letters, to the inhabitants of the British colonies. Dickinson, John, 1732-1808. Lee, Arthur, 1740-1792. Lee, Richard Henry, 1732-1794. [2], iii, [1], 97 [i.e. 101], [1] p. ; 18 cm. (4to) Printed by William Rind,, Williamsburg [Va.]: : MDCCLXIX. [1769] A reprint of John Dickinson's "Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania," together with Arthur Lee's "Monitor's letters," no. 1-10. The preface is attributed to Richard Henry Lee by the Library of Congress. Error in paging: page numbers 33-36 repeated. "The Liberty song."--p. [98]; by John Dickinson.

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eng Great Britain -- Colonies -- America. United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Causes. United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Songs and music. National songs. 2006-01 Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 Keyed and coded from Readex/Newsbank page images 2006-11 Sampled and proofread Left unreviewed.

THE FARMER'S and MONITOR'S LETTERS, TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE BRITISH COLONIES.

WILLIAMSBURG: Printed by WILLIAM RIND, MDCCLXIX.

THE PREFACE.

IT may perhaps ſeem ſtrange to ſlight conſideration, that theſe LETTERS which have already paſſed through all America, ſhould now a ſecond time be produced before the Public in their preſent form. But a little further reflection will ſhew the UTILITY of this WORK. The ſacred cauſe of liberty is of too great conſequence, and the neceſſity of freedom for the ſecurity of human happineſs too obvious, not to render every precaution wiſe, that tends to prevent the introduction of ſlavery. Notwithſtanding therefore, theſe letters have been already publiſhed, yet here, they have been ſeen only in the Gazettes, which, from the incertainty of their diſperſion, and the length of time paſſing between the reception of newſpapers in the country, may probably have prevented much of the benefit to be derived from a collective, uninterrupted view of the manly reaſoning, the timely information, and the true conſtitutional principles of liberty with which theſe letters every where abound. Whoever conſiders again that the nature of men in authority is inclined rather to commit two errors than to retract oneClarendon's Hiſtory of the Rebellion., will not be ſurpriſed to ſee the Stamp-Act followed by a Bill of Right, declaring the power of Parliament to bind us in all caſes whatſoever; and this act followed again by another, impoſing a duty on paper, paint, glaſs, &c. imported into theſe colonies. But however unbounded may be the wiſh of power to extend itſelf, however unwilling it may be to acknowledge miſtakes, 'tis ſurely the duty of every wiſe and worthy American, who at once wiſhes the proſperity of the Mother country and the colonies, to point out all invaſions of the public liberty, and to ſhew the proper methods of obtaining redreſs. This has been done by the Authors of the following LETTERS with a force and ſpirit becoming freemen, Engliſh freemen, contending for our juſt and legal poſſeſſion of property and freedom. A poſſeſſion that has its foundation on the cleareſt principles of the law of nature, the moſt evident declarations of the Engliſh conſtitution, the plaineſt contract made between the Crown and our forefathers, and all theſe ſealed and ſanctified by the uſage of near two hundred years. American rights thus reſting on the beſt and ſtrongeſt ground, it behoves all her inhabitants with united heads, hearts, and hands, to guard the ſacred depoſit committed by their fathers to their care, as well to bleſs poſterity as to ſecure the happineſs of the preſent generation. In vain 'tis for ſome few (and very few I hope they are) who, governed either by baſe principles of fear, or led by vile hopes of gain, the reward of proſtituted virtue, to ſay, "your rights are indeed invaded, but Great-Britain is too ſtrong. What can we do againſt ſuperior ſtrength?" Let theſe evil deſigning men remember what the higheſt authority has told us, "that the race is not always to the ſwift, nor the battle to the ſtrong." And if inſpiration needed to receive aſſiſtance from genius, Shakeſpeare ſays, "thrice is he armed that has his quarrel juſt, and he but naked, tho' lock'd up in ſteel, whoſe conſcience, with injuſtice, is oppreſſed." Hiſtory alſo informs us, that Xerxes with his armed millions could not accompliſh his purpoſe of reducing to ſlavery the much weaker but free States of Greece. Three hundred brave men at Thermophyl e, contending for liberty, deſtroyed twenty thouſand who attempted its ruin. In later times we ſee the States of Holland free, and the generous Corſicans likely to be ſo, although the far greater powers of Spain, Germany, and France, have at different periods combined to enſlave theſe noble nations.

THE truth is, that the great Author of nature has created nothing in vain, and having with the life of man joined liberty, the virtuous enjoyment and free poſſeſſion of property honeſtly gained, has undoubtedly furniſhed all nations with the means of defending their natural rights, if they have but wiſdom and fortitude to make the proper uſe of ſuch means. In this inſtance we find ourſelves three thouſand miles removed from Great-Britain, we poſſeſs a country abounding with woods in all parts, and in many with mountains of difficult and dangerous acceſs. The eaſe with which the ſtaple colonies could put an entire ſtop to the exportation of their commodities, and the peaceable but vital injury that this would convey to thoſe who might inſiſt on oppreſſing them, are truths ſo plain as to require no further animadverſion. Ver um ſapienti ſat eſt. The nature of the climate, the ſoil, and its various produce, point out the eaſe and extent with which manufactures may be conducted here. Theſe things are mentioned as a proof of what is above aſſerted, that the bountiful Author of nature has furniſhed his creatures with the means of ſecuring their proper rights, and that the event depends much upon their own wiſe and brave determinations. A benevolent mind indeed, cannot but lament that either ambition, avarice, or ill-placed reſentment, ſhould ever be ſo exerciſed as to force men into the inveſtigation of thoſe methods by whi •• they may be ſecured from the operation of theſe bad paſſions. For certain it is, that there is nothing more becoming to human nature than well ordered government, or more valuable than liberty: How ignominious then muſt his conduct be who turns the firſt into confuſion, and the latter into ſlavery? But whatever may be the opinion, or the deſign of a rapacious ill-adviſed Miniſter, the Americans have in their view this happy proſpect; that the people of Great-Britain are generous and brave, they know the value of liberty, becauſe they have purchaſed that knowledge with much of their blood: and therefore they cannot but eſteem us their children for venerating the good old cauſe which they themſelves have contended for in many a well-fought field. It is really wonderful that this unhappy diſpute between Great-Britain and her colonies ſhould ever have exiſted, when a moment's retroſpection ſhews the Mother country for near two centuries exerciſing legiſlative authority here without complaint, while ſhe abſtained from that ſingle deſtructive claim of taking our money from us without the conſent of our repreſentatives. The exerciſe of which claim, would indeed reduce America, to a ſtate of ſlavery more deplorable and more ignominious than has ever yet been known in the world. But to what purpoſe this ſhould be deſired is ſtill more amazing, when Britain from her excluſive trade to theſe colonies, and from the manner in which ſhe tied up our manufacturing hands, not only received the entire produce of the lands and labour of theſe countries, but has beſides involved the people here in a heavy debt, which agriculture, without arts, and a trade ſo confined, will probably never pay. Mr. Grenville it ſeems had the honour of deviſing this new ſyſtem of American policy.

—Till one ſhall riſe Of proud ambitious heart, who not content With fair equality, fraternal ſtate, Will arrogate dominion undeſerved Over his brethren, and quite diſpoſſeſs Concord and the law of nature from the earth, Hunting— With war and hoſtile ſnare ſuch as refuſe Subjection to his empire tyrannous. —O execrable ſon ſo to aſpire Above his brethren, to himſelf aſſuming Authority uſurped, from God not given: He gave us only over beaſt, fiſh, fowl, Dominion abſolute; that right we hold By his donation; but man over men He made not lord; ſuch title to himſelf Reſerving, human left from human free. —Juſtly thou abhorreſt That ſon, who on the quiet ſtate of men Such trouble brough .— MILTON'S PARADISE LOST, B. XII. L. 24. et ſeq.
LETTERS FROM A FARMER.
LETTER I. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

I AM a Farmer, ſettled, after a variety of fortunes, near the banks of the river Delaware, in the province of Pennſylvania. I received a liberal education, and have been engaged in the buſy ſcenes of life; but am now convinced, that a man may be as happy without buſtle, as with it. My farm is ſmall; my ſervants are few, and good; I have a little money at intereſt; I wiſh for no more my employment in my own affairs is eaſy; and with a contented grateful mind, undiſturbed by worldly hopes or fears, relating to myſelf, I am compleating the number of days allotted to me by Divine goodneſs.

BEING generally maſter of my time, I ſpend a good deal of it in library, which I think the moſt valuable part of my ſmall eſtate; and being acquainted with two or three Gentlemen of abilities and learning, who honour me with their friendſhip, I have acquired, I believe, a greater knowledge in hiſtory, and the laws and conſtitution of my country, than is generally attained by men of my claſs, many of them not being ſo fortunate as I have been in the opportunities of getting information.

FROM my infancy I was taught to love humanity and liberty. Enquiry and experience have ſince confirmed my reverence for the leſſons then given me, by convincing me more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind, excites wiſhes for their welfare, and ſuch wiſhes endear the means of fulfilling them. Th ſe can be found in liberty only, and therefore her ſacred cauſe ought to be eſpouſed by every man, on every occaſion, to the utmoſt of his power. As a charitable, but poor perſon does not withhold his mite, becauſe he cannot relieve all the diſtreſſes of the miſerable, ſo ſhould not any honeſt man ſuppreſs his ſentiments concerning freedom, however ſmall their influence is likely to be. Perhaps he "may touch ſome wheelPOPE., " that will have an effect greater than he could reaſonably expect.

THESE being my ſentiments, I am encouraged to offer to you, my countrymen, my thoughts on ſome late tranſactions, that appear to me to be of the utmoſt importance to you. Conſcious of my own defects, I have waited ſome time, in expectation of ſeeing the ſubject treated by perſons much better qualified for the taſk; but being therein diſappointed, and apprehenſive that longer delays will be injurious, I venture at length to requeſt the attention of the public, praying, that theſe lines may be read with the ſame zeal for the happineſs of Britiſh America, with which they were wrote.

WITH a good deal of ſurprize I have obſerved, that little notice has been taken of an act of Parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of theſe colonies, as the Stamp-Act was: I mean the act for ſuſpending the legiſlation of New-York.

THE Aſſembly of that government complied with a former act of Parliament, requiring certain proviſions to be made for the troops in America, in every particular, I think, except the articles of ſalt, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they acted imprudently, conſidering all circumſtances, in not complying ſo far as would have given ſatisfaction, as ſeveral colonies did: But my diſlike of their conduct in that inſtance, has not blinded me ſo much, that I cannot plainly perceive, that they have been puniſhed in a manner pernicious to American freedom, and juſtly alarming to all the colonies.

IF the Britiſh Parliament has a legal authority to iſſue an order, that we ſhall furniſh a ſingle article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order, they have the ſame right to iſſue an order for us to ſupply thoſe troops with arms, cloaths, and every neceſſary; and to compel obedience to that order alſo; in ſhort, to lay any burthens they pleaſe upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain ſum, and leaving to us only the manner of raiſing it? How is this mode more tolerable than the Stamp-Act? Would that act have appeared more pleaſing to Americans, if being ordered thereby to raiſe the ſum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left to them, of ſaying how much ſhould be paid for an inſtrument of writing on paper, and how much for another on parchment?

AN act of Parliament, commanding us to do a certain thing, if it has any validity, is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues in complying with it; and for this reaſon, I believe, every colony on the continent, that choſe to give a mark of their reſpect for Great-Britain, in complying with the act relating to the troops, cautiouſly avoided the mention of that act, leſt their conduct ſhould be attributed to its ſuppoſed obligation.

THE matter being thus ſtated, the Aſſembly of New-York either had, or had not, a right to refuſe ſubmiſſion to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will ſay they had not, then the Parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not this right, they had no right to puniſh them for not executing it; and therefore no right to ſuſpend their legiſlation, which is a puniſhment. In fact, if the people of New-York cannot be legally texed but by their own repreſentatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legiſlation, only for inſiſting on that excluſive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in ſuch a caſe, of the privilege of legiſlation, why may they not, with equal reaſon, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the ſame manner, when any of them ſhall dare to deny their aſſent to any impoſitions, that ſhall be directed? Or what ſignifies the repeal of the Stamp-Act, if theſe colonies are to loſe their other privileges, by not tamely ſurrendering that of taxation?

THERE is one conſideration ariſing from this ſuſpenſion, which is not generally attended to, but ſhews its importance very clearly. It was not neceſſary that this ſuſpenſion ſhould be cauſed by an act of Parliament. The Crown might have reſtrained the Governor of New-York, even from calling the Aſſembly together, by its prerogative in the Royal governments. This ſtep, I ſuppoſe, would have been taken, if the conduct of the Aſſembly of New-York had been regarded as an act of diſobedience to the Crown alone: but it is regarded as an act ofSee the act of ſuſpenſion. "diſobedience to the authority of the Britiſh legiſlature." This gives the ſuſpenſion a conſequence vaſtly more affecting. It is a Parliamentary aſſertion of the ſupreme authority of the Britiſh legiſlature over theſe colonies, in the point of taxation, and is intended to COMPEL New-York into a ſubmiſſion to that authority. It ſeems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberties of the people of that province, and conſequently of all thoſe colonies, as if the Parliament had ſent a number of regiments to be quartered upon them till they ſhould comply. For it is evident, that the ſuſpenſion is meant as a compulſion; and the method of compelling is totally indifferent. It is indeed probable, that the ſight of red coats, and the hearing of drums, would have been moſt alarming; becauſe people are generally more influenced by their eyes and ears, than by their reaſon. But whoever ſeriouſly conſiders the matter, muſt perceive, that a dreadful ſtroke is aimed at the liberty of theſe colonies. I ſay, of theſe colonies; for the cauſe of one is the cauſe of all. If the Parliament may lawfully deprive New-York of any of her rights, it may deprive any, or all the other colonies of their rights; and nothing can poſſibly ſo much encourage ſuch attempts, as a mutual inattention to the intereſts of each other. To divide, and thus to deſtroy, is the firſt political maxim in attacking thoſe, who are powerful by their union. He certainly is not a wiſe man, who folds his arms, and repoſes himſelf at home, viewing, with unconcern, the flames that have invaded his neighbour's houſe, without uſing any endeavours to extinguiſh them. When Mr. Hampden's ſhip-money cauſe, for Three Shillings and Four Pence, was tried, all the people of England, with anxious expectation, intereſted themſelves in the important deciſion; and when the ſlighteſt point, touching the freedom of one colony, is agitated, I earneſtly wiſh, that all the reſt may, with equal ardour, ſupport their ſiſter. Very much may be ſaid on this ſubject; but I hope, more at preſent is unneceſſary.

WITH concern I have obſerved, that two Aſſemblies of this province have ſat and adjourned, without taking any notice of this act. It may perhaps be aſked, what would have been proper for them to do? I am by no means fond of inflammatory meaſures; I deteſt them. I ſhould be ſorry that any thing ſhould be done, which might juſtly diſpleaſe our Sovereign, or our Mother country: But a firm, modeſt exertion of a free ſpirit, ſhould never be wanting on public occaſions. It appears to me, that it would have been ſufficient for the Aſſembly, to have ordered our agents to repreſent to the King's Miniſters, their ſenſe of the ſuſpending act, and to pray for its repeal. Thus we ſhould have borne our teſtimony againſt it; and might therefore reaſonably expect that, on a like occaſion, we might receive the ſame aſſiſtance from the other colonies.

Concordia res parvae creſ unt. Small things grow great by concord. November 5. The day of King WILLIAM the Third's landing. A FARMER.
LETTER II. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

THERE is another late act of Parliament, which appears to me to be unconſtitutional, and as deſtructive to the liberty of theſe colonies, as that mentioned in my laſt letter; that is, the act for granting the duties on paper, glaſs, &c.

THE Parliament unqueſtionably poſſeſſes a legal authority to regulate the trade of Great-Britain, and all her colonies. Such an authority is eſſential to the relation between a Mother country and her colonies; and neceſſary for the common good of all. He, who conſiders theſe provinces as ſtates diſtinct from the Britiſh empire, has very ſlender notions of juſtice, or of their intereſts. We are but parts of a whole; and therefore there muſt exiſt a power ſomewhere, to preſide, and preſerve the connection in due order. This power is lodged in the Parliament; and we are as much dependant on Great-Britain, as a perfectly free people can be on another.

I HAVE looked over every ſtatute relating to theſe colonies, from their firſt ſettlement to this time; and I find every one of them founded on this principle, till the Stamp-Act adminiſtration.

For the ſatiſfaction of the reader, recitals from the former acts of Parliament relating to theſe colonies are added. By comparing theſe with the modern acts, he will perceive their great difference in expreſſion and intention.

The 12th Charles, Chap. 18, which forms the foundation of the laws-relating to our trade; by enacting that certain productions of the colonies ſhould be carried o England only, and that no goods ſhall be imported from the plantations but in ſhips belonging to England, Ireland, Wales, Berwick, or the Plantations, &c. begins thus: "For the increaſe of ſhipping, and encouragement of the navigation of this nation, wherein, under the good providence and protection of GOD, the wealth, ſafety, and ſtrength of this kingdom is ſo much concerned, "&c.

The 15th Charles II. Chap. 7. enforcing the ſame regulation, aſſigns theſe reaſons for it. "In regard his Majeſty's plantations, beyond the ſeas, are inhabited and peopled by his ſubjects of this his kingdom of England; for the maintaining a greater correſpondence and kindneſs between them, and keeping them in a firmer dependance upon it, and rendering them yet more beneficial and advantageous unto it, in the further employment and increaſe of Engliſh ſhipping and ſeamen, vent of Engliſh woollen, and other manufactures and commodities, rendering the navigation to and from the ſame more ſafe and cheap, and making this kingdom a ſtaple, not only of the commodities of thoſe plantations, but alſo of the commodities of other countries and places for the ſupplying of them; and it being the uſage of other nations to keep their plantations trade to themſelves, "&c.

The 25th Charles II. Chap. 7, made expreſsly "for the better ſecuring the plantation trade, " which impoſes duties on certain commodities exported from one colony to another, mentions this cauſe for impoſing them: "Whereas by one act, paſſed in the 12th year of your Majeſty's reign, intituled, An act for encouragement of ſhipping and navigation, and by ſeveral other laws, paſſed ſince that time. It is permitted to ſhip, &c. ſugars, tobacco, &c. of the growth, &c. of any of your Majeſty's plantations in America, &c. from the places of their growth, &c. to any other of your Majeſty's plantations in thoſe parts, &c. and that without paying cuſtom for the ſame, either at the lading or unlading the ſaid commodities, by means whereof the trade and navigation in thoſe commodities, from one plantation to another, is greatly increaſed, and the inhabitants of divers of thoſe colonies, not conten in themſelves with being ſupplied with thoſe commodities for their own uſe, free from all 〈◊〉 (while the ſubjects of this your kingdom of England have paid great cuſtoms and impoſitions for what of them have been ſpent here) but contrary to the expreſs letter of the aforeſaid laws, have brought into divers parts of Europe great quantities thereof, and do alſo vend great quantities thereof to the ſhipping of other nations, who bring them into divers parts of Europe, to the great hurt and dimination of your Majeſty's cuſtoms, and of the trade and navigation of this your kingdom; for the prevention thereof, &c.

The 7th and 8th William III. Chap. 22, intituled, "An act for preventing frauds, and regulating abuſes in the plantation trade," recites that, "notwithſtanding divers acts, &c. great abuſes are daily committed, to the prejudice of the Engliſh navigation, and the loſs of a great part of the plantation trade to this kingdom, by the artifice and cunning of ill diſpoſed perſons; for remedy whereof, &c. And whereas in ſome of his Majeſty's American plantations, a doubt or miſconſtruction has ar ſen upon the before mentioned act, made in the 25th year of the reign of King Charles II. whereby certain duties are laid upon the commodities therein enumerated (which by law may be tranſported from one plantation to another, for the ſupply of each others wants) as if the ſame were, by the payment of thoſe duties in one plantation, diſcharged from giving the ſecurities intended by the aforeſaid acts, made in the 12th, 22d and 23d years of the reign of King Charles II. and conſequently be at liberty to go to any foreign market in Europe," &c.

The 6th Anne, Chap. 37. reciting the advancement of trade, and encouragement of ſhips of war, &c. grants to the captors the property of all prizes carried into America, ſubject to ſuch cuſtoms and duties, as if the ſame had been firſt imported into any part of Great-Britain, and from thence exported, &c.

This was a gift to perſons acting under commiſſions from the Crown, and therefore it was reaſonable that the terms preſcribed in that gift, ſhould be complied with—more eſpecially as the payment of ſuch duties was intended to give a preference to the productions of Britiſh colonies, over thoſe of other colonies. However, being found inconvenient to the colonies, about four years afterwards, this act was, for that reaſon, ſo far repealed, that by another act "all prize goods, imported into any part of Great-Britain, from any of the plantations, were made liable to ſuch duties only in Great-Britain, as in caſe they had been of the growth and produce of the plantations."

The 6th George II. Chap. 13, which impoſes duties on foreign rum, ſugar and melaſſes, imported into the colonies, ſhews the reaſons thus—"Whereas the welfare and proſperity of your Majeſty's ſugar colonies in America, are of the greateſt conſequence and importance to the trade, navigation and ſtrength of this kingdom; and whereas the planters of the ſaid ſugar colonies, have of late years fallen into ſuch great diſcouragements, that they are unable to improve or carry on the ſugar trade, upon an equal footing with the foreign ſugar colonies, without ſome advantage and relief be given to them from Great-Britain; for remedy whereof, and for the good and welfare of your Majeſty's ſubjects," &c.

The 29th George II. Chap. 26, and the 1ſt George III. Chap. 9. which continue the 6th George II. Chap. 13, declare, that the ſaid act hath, by experience, been found uſeful and beneficial, &c. Theſe are all the moſt conſiderable ſtatutes relating to the commerce of the colonies; and it is thought to be utterly unneceſſary to add any obſervations to theſe extracts, to prove that they were all intended ſolely as regulations of trade.

All before, are calculated to regulate trade, and preſerve or promote a mutually beneficial intercourſe between the ſeveral conſtituent parts of the empire; and though many of them impoſed duties on trade, yet thoſe duties were always impoſed with deſign to reſtrain the commerce of one part, that was injurious to another, and thus to promote the general welfare. The raising a revenue thereby was never intended. Thus the King, by his Judges in his courts of juſtice, impoſes fines, which all together amount to a very conſiderable ſum, and contribute to the ſupport of government: But this is merely a conſequence ariſing from reſtrictions, that only meant to keep peace, and prevent confuſion; and ſurely a man would argue very looſely, who ſhould conclude from hence, that the King has a right to levy money in general upon his ſubjects. Never did the Britiſh Parliament, till the period abovementioned, think of impoſing duties in America, for the purpoſe of raiſing a revenue. Mr. Grenville firſt introduced this language, in the preamble to the 4th of George III. Chap. 15, which has theſe words, "And whereas it is juſt and neceſſary that a revenue be raiſed in your Majeſty's ſaid dominions in America, for defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and ſecuring the ſame: We your Majeſty's moſt dutiful and loyal ſubjects, the Commons of Great-Britain, in Parliament aſſembled, being deſirous to make ſome proviſion in this preſent ſeſſion of Parliament, towards raiſing the ſaid revenue in America, have reſolved to give and grant unto your Majeſty the ſeveral rates and duties herein after mentioned, &c.

A FEW months after came the Samp-Act, which reciting this, proceeds in the ſame ſtrange mode of expreſſion, thus—And whereas it is juſt and neceſſary, that proviſion be made for raiſing a further revenue within your Majeſty's dominions in America, towards defraying the ſaid expences, we your Majeſty's moſt dutiful and loyal ſubjects, the Commons of Great-Britain, &c. give and grant," &c. as before.

THE laſt act, granting duties upon paper, &c. carefully purſues theſe modern precedents. The preamble is, "Whereas it is expedient that a revenue ſhould be raiſed in your Majeſty's dominions in America, for making a more certain and adequate proviſion for defraying the charge of the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of civil government in ſuch provinces, where it ſhall be ſound neceſſary; and towards the further defraying the expences of deſending, protecting and ſecuring the ſaid dominions, we your Majeſty's moſt dutiful and loyal ſubjects, the Commons of Great-Britain, &c. give and grant, &c." as before.

HERE we may obſerve an authority expreſsly claimed and exerted to impoſe duties on theſe colonies; not for the regulation of trade; not for the preſervation or promotion of a mutually beneficial intercourſe between the ſeveral conſtituent parts of the empire, heretofore the ſole objects of Parliamentary inſtitutions; but for the ſingle purpoſe of levying money upon us.

THIS I call an innovation

"It is worthy obſervation how quietly ſubſidies, granted in forms uſual and accuſtomable (though heavy) are borne; ſuch a power hath uſe and cuſtom. On the other ſide, what diſcontentments and diſturbances ſubſidies framed in a new mould do raiſe (ſuch an inbred hatred novelty doth hatch) is evident by examples of former times."

— Lord Coke's 2d Inſtitute, p. 33.

; and a moſt dangerous innovation. It may perhaps be objected, that Great-Britain has a right to lay what duties ſhe pleaſes upon her exportsSome people think that Great-Britain has the ſame right to impoſe duties on the exports to theſe colonies, as on the exports to Spain and Portugal, &c. Such perſons attend ſo much to the idea of exportation, that they entirely drop that of the connection between the Mother country and her colonies. If Great-Britain had always claimed, and exerciſed an authority to compel Spain and Portugal to import manufactures from her only, the caſes would be parallel: But as ſhe never pretended to ſuch a right, they are at liberty to get them where they pleaſe; and if they chuſe to take them from her, rather than from other nations, they voluntarily conſent to pay the duties impoſed on them., and it makes no difference to us, whether they are paid here or there.

To this I anſwer. Theſe colonies require many things for their uſe, which the laws of Great-Britain prohibit them from getting any where but from her. Such are paper and glaſs.

THAT we may legally be bound to pay any general duties on theſe commodities, relative to the regulation of trade, is granted; but we being obliged by her laws to take them from Great-Britain, any ſpecial duties impoſed on their exportation to us only, with intention to raiſe a revenue from us only, are as much taxes upon us, as thoſe impoſed by the Stamp-Act.

WHAT is the difference in ſubſtance and right, whether the ſame ſum is raiſed upon us by the rates mentioned in the Stamp-Act, on the uſe of paper, or by theſe duties, on the importation of it. It is only the edition of a former book, ſhi ting a ſentence from the end to the beginning.

SUPPOSE the duties were made payable in Great-Britain?

IT ſignifies nothing to us, whether they are to be paid here or there. Had the Stamp-Act directed, that all the paper ſhould be landed at Floriad, and the duties paid there, before it was brought to the Britiſh colonies, would the act have raiſed leſs money upon us, or have been leſs deſtructive of our rights? By no means: or as we were under a neceſſity of uſing the paper, we ſhould have been under the neceſſity of paying the duties. Thus, in the preſent caſe, a like neceſſity will ſubject us, if this act continues in force, to the payment of the duties now impoſed.

WHY was the Stamp-Act then ſo pernicious to freedom? It did not enact, that every man in the colonies ſhould buy a certain quantity of paper—No: It only directed, that no inſtrument of writing ſhould be valid in law, if not made on ſtamped paper, &c.

THE makers of that act knew full well, that the confuſions that would ariſe from the diſuſe of writings, would compel the colonies to uſe the ſtamped paper, and therefore to pay the taxes impoſed. For this reaſon the Stamp-Act was ſaid to be a law that would execute itſelf. For the very ſame reaſon, the laſt act of Parliament, if it is granted to have any force here, will execute itſelf, and will be attended with the very ſame conſequences to American liberty.

SOME perſons perhaps may ſay, that this act lays us under no neceſſity to pay the duties impoſed, becauſe we may ourſelves manufacture the articles on which they are laid; whereas by the Stamp-Act no inſtrument of writing could be good, unleſs made on Britiſh paper and that too ſtamped.

SUCH an objection amounts to no more than this, that the injury reſulting to theſe colonies, from the total diſuſe of Britiſh paper and glaſs, will not be ſo afflicting as that which would have reſulted from the total diſuſe of writing among them; for by that means even the Stamp-Act might have been eluded. Why then was it univerſally deteſted by them as ſlavery itſelf? Becauſe it preſented to theſe devoted provinces nothing but a choiceEither the diſuſe of writing, or the payment of taxes impoſed by others without our conſent. of calamities, imbittered by indignities, each of which it was unworthy of freemen to bear. But is no injury a violation of right but the greateſt injury? If the eluding the payment of the taxes impoſed by the Stamp-Act, would have ſubjected us to a more dreadful inconvenience, than the eluding the payment of thoſe impoſed by the late act; does it therefore follow, that the laſt is no violation of our rights, though it is calculated for the ſame purpoſe the other was, that is, to raiſe money upon us, without our conſent?

THIS would be making right to conſiſt, not in an exemption from injury, but from a certain degree of injury.

BUT the objectors may further ſay, that we ſhall ſuffer no injury at all by the diſuſe of Britiſh paper and glaſs. We might not, if we could make as much as we want. But can any man, acquainted with America, believe this poſſible? I am told there are but two or three Glaſs-Houſes on this continent, and but very few Paper-Mills; and ſuppoſe more ſhould be erected, a long courſe of years muſt clapſe, before they can be brought to perfection. This continent is a country of planters, farmers, and fiſhermen not of manufacturers. The difficulty of eſtabliſhing particular manufactures in ſuch a country, is almoſt inſuperable. For one manufacture is connected with others in ſuch a manner, that it may be ſaid to be impoſſible to eſtabliſh one or two, without eſtabliſhing ſeveral others. The experience of many nations may convince us of this truth.

INEXPRESSIBLE therefore muſt be our diſtreſſes in evading the late acts, by the diſuſe of Britiſh paper and glaſs. Nor will this be the extent of our misfortune, if we admit the legality of that act.

GREAT-BRITAIN has prohibited the manufacturing iron and ſteel in theſe colonies, without any objection being made to her right of doing it. The like right ſhe muſt have to prohibit any other manufacture among us. Thus ſhe is poſſeſſed of an undiſputed precedent on that point. This auhtority, ſhe will ſay, is founded on the original intention of ſettling theſe colonies; that is, that ſhe ſhould manufacture for them, and that they ſhould ſupply her with materials. The equity of this policy, ſhe will alſo ſay, has been univerſally acknowledged by the colonies, who never have made the leaſt objection to ſtatutes for that purpoſe; and will further appear by the mutual benefits flowing from this uſage, ever ſince the ſettlement of theſe colonies.

OUR great advocate, Mr. Pitt, in his ſpeeches on the debate concerning the repeal of the Stamp-Act, acknowledged, that Great-Britain could reſtrain our manufactures. His words are theſe—"This kingdom, as the ſupreme governing and legiſlative power, has always bound the colonies by her regulations and reſtrictions in trade, in navigation, in manufactures—in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their pockets, without their conſent." Again he ſays, "We may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exerciſe every power whatever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets, without their conſent."

HERE then, my dear countrymen, rouſe yourſelves, and behold the ruin hanging over your heads. If you ONCE admit, that Great-Britain may lay duties upon her exportations to us, for the purpoſe of levying money on us only, ſhe then will have nothing to do, but to lay thoſe duties on the articles which ſhe prohibits us to manufacture—and the tragedy of American liberty is finiſhed. We have been prohibited from procuring manufactures, in all caſes, any where but from Great-Britain (excepting linens, which we are permitted to import directly from Ireland.) We have been prohibited, in ſome caſes, from manufacturing for ourſelves; and may be prohibited in others. We are therefore exactly in the ſituation of a city beſieged, which is ſurrounded by the works of the beſiegers in every part but one. If that is cloſed up, no ſtep can be taken, but to ſurrender at diſcretion. If Great-Britain can order us to come to her for neceſſaries we want, and can order us to pay what taxes ſhe pleaſes before we take them away, or when we land them here, we are as abject ſlaves as France and Poland can ſhew in wooden ſhoes, and with uncombed hairThe peaſants of France wear wooden ſhoes; and the vaſſals of Poland are remarkable for matted hair, which never can be combed..

PERHAPS the nature of the neceſſities of dependant ſtates, cauſed by the policy of a governing one, for her own benefit, may be elucidated by a fact mentioned in hiſtory. When the Carthaginians were poſſeſſed of the iſland of Sardinia, they made a decree, that the Sardinians ſhould not raiſe corn, nor get it any other way than from the Carthaginians. Then, by impoſing any duties they would upon it, they drained from the miſerable Sardinians any ſums they pleaſed; and whenever that oppreſſed people made the leaſt movement to aſſert their liberty, their tyrants ſtarved them to death or ſubmiſſion. This may be called the moſt perfect kind of political neceſſity.

FROM what has been ſaid, I think this uncontrovertible concluſion may be deduced, that when a ruling ſtate obliges a dependant ſtate to take certain commodities from her alone, it is implied in the nature of that obligation; is eſſentially requiſite to give it the leaſt degree of juſtice; and is inſeparably united with it, in order to preſerve any ſhare of freedom to the dependant ſtate; that thoſe commodities ſhould never be loaded with duties, for the ſole purpoſe of levying money on the dependant ſtate.

UPON the whole, the ſingle queſtion is, whether the Parliament can legally impoſe duties to be paid by the people of theſe colonies only, for the ſole purpoſe of raiſing a revenue, on commodities which ſhe obliges us to take from her alone, or, in other words, whether the Parliament can legally take money out of our pockets, without our conſent. If they can, our boaſted liberty is but Vox et praeterea nihil. A ſound and nothing elſe.

A FARMER.
LETTER III. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

I REJOICE to find that my two former letters to you, have been generally received with ſo much favour by ſuch of you, whoſe ſentiments I have had an opportunity of knowing. Could you look into my heart, you would inſtantly perceive a zealous attachment to your intereſts, and a lively reſentment of every inſult and injury offered to you, to be the motives that have engaged me to addreſs you.

I AM no further concerned in any thing affecting America, than any one of you; and when liberty leaves it, I can quit it much more conveniently than moſt of you: But while Divine Providence that gave me exiſtence in a land of freedom, permits my head to think, my lips to ſpeak, and my hand to move, I ſhall ſo highly and gratefully value the bleſſing received, as to take care, that my ſilence and inactivity ſhall not give my implied aſſent to any act, degrading my brethren and myſelf from the birthright, wherewith Heaven itſelf "hath made us free GAL. V. I."

SORRY I am to learn, that there are ſome few perſons, who ſhake their heads with ſolemn motion, and pretend to wonder, what can be the meaning of theſe letters. "Great-Britain, " they ſay, "is too powerful to contend with; ſhe is determined to oppreſs us; it is in vain to ſpeak of right on one ſide, when there is power on the other; when we are ſtrong enough to reſiſt, we ſhall attempt it; but now we are not ſtrong enough, and therefore we had better be quiet; it ſignifies nothing to convince us that our rights are invaded, when we cannot defend them; and if we ſhould get into riots and tumults about the late act, it will only draw down heavier diſpleaſure upon us."

WHAT can ſuch men deſign? What do their grave obſervations amount to, but this—"that theſe colonies, totally regardleſs of their liberties, ſhould commit them, with humble reſignation, to chance, time, and the tender mercies of Miniſters."

ARE theſe men ignorant, that uſurpations, which might have been ſucceſsfully oppoſed at firſt, acquire ſtrength by continuance, and thus become irreſiſtable? Do they condemn the conduct of theſe colonies, concerning the Stamp-Act? Or have they forgot its ſucceſsful iſſue? Ought the colonies at that time, inſtead of acting as they did, to have truſted for relief, to the fortuitous events of futurity? If it is needleſs "to ſpeak of rights" now, it was as needleſs then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and glorious then, and ſucceſsful too; it will be equally prudent and glorious to act in the ſame manner now, if our rights are equally invaded, and may be as ſucceſsful. Therefore it becomes neceſſary to enquire, whether our rights are invaded." To talk of "defending" them, as if they could be no otherwiſe "defended" than by arms, is as much out of the way, as if a man having a choice of ſeveral roads to reach his journey's end, ſhould prefer the worſt, for no other reaſon, but becauſe it is the worſt.

As to "riots and tumults, " the Gentlemen who are ſo apprehenſive of them, are much miſtaken, if they think, that grievances cannot be redreſſed without ſuch aſſiſtance.

I WILL now tell the Gentlemen, what is "the meaning of theſe letters." The meaning of them is, to convince the people of th ſe colonies, that they are at this moment expoſed to the moſt imminent dangers; and to perſuade them immediately, vigorouſly, and unanimouſly, to exert themſelves, in the moſt firm, but moſt peaceable manner, for obtaining relief.

THE cauſe of liberty is a cauſe of too much dignity, to be fullied by turbulence and tumult. It ought to be maintained in a manner ſuitable to her nature. Thoſe who engage in it, ſhould breathe a ſedate, yet ſervent ſpirit, animating them to actions of prudence, juſtice, modeſty, bravery, humanity and magnanimity.

To ſuch a wonderful degree were the antient Spartans, as brave and free a people as ever exiſted, inſpired by this happy temperature of ſoul, that rejecting even in their battles the uſe of trumpets, and other inſtruments for exciting heat and rage, they marched up to ſcenes of havock and horror Plutarch in the life of Lyourgus. Archbiſhop P tter's Archaeologia Graeca., with the ſound of flutes, to the tunes of which their ſteps kept pace—"exhibiting," as Plutarch ſays, "at once a terrible and delightful light, and proceeding with a deliberate valour, full of hope and 〈◊〉 aſſurance, as if ſome Divinity had ſenſibly aſſiſted them."

I HOPE, my dear countrymen, that you will, in every colony, be upon your guard againſt thoſe, who may at any time endeavour to ſtir you up, under pretences of patriotiſm, to any meaſures diſreſpectful to our ſovereign and our Mother country. Hot, raſh, diſorderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people, as to wiſdom, valour, and virtue, without procuring them the leaſt benefit. I pray GOD, that he may be pleaſed to inſpire you and your poſterity, to the lateſt ages, with a ſpirit of which I have an idea, that I find a difficulty to expreſs. To expreſs it in the beſt manner I can, I mean a ſpirit, that ſhall ſo guide you, that it will be impoſſible to determine whether an American's character is moſt diſtinguiſhable, for his loyalty to his Sovereign, his duty to his Mother country, his love of freedom, or his affection for his native ſoil.

EVERY government at ſome time or other falls into wrong meaſures. This may proceed from miſtake or paſſion. But every ſuch meaſure does not diſſolve the obligation between the governors and the governed. The miſtake may be corrected; the paſſion may ſubſide. It is the duty of the governed to endeavour to rectify the miſtake, and to appeaſe the paſſion. They have not at firſt any other right, than to repreſent their grievances, and to pray for redreſs, unleſs an emergence is ſo preſſing, as not to allow time for receiving an anſwer to their applications, which rarely happens. If their applications are diſregarded, then that kind of oppoſition becomes juſtifiable, which can be made without breaking the laws, or diſturbing the public peace. This conſiſts in the prevention of the oppreſſors reaping advantage from their oppreſſions, and not in their puniſhment. For experience may teach them, what reaſon did not; and harſh methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.

IF at length it becomes undoubted, that an inveterate reſolution is formed to annihilate the liberties of the governed, the Engliſh hiſtory affords frequent examples of reſiſtance by force. What particular circumſtances will in any future caſe juſtify ſuch reſiſtance, can never be aſcertained, till they happen. Perhaps it may be allowable to ſay generally, that it never can be juſtifiable, until the people are fully convinced, that any further ſubmiſſion will be deſtructive to their happineſs.

WHEN the appeal is made to the ſword, highly probable is it, that the puniſhment will exceed the offence; and the calamities attending on war out-weigh thoſe preceding it. Theſe conſiderations of juſtice and prudence, will always have great influence with good and wiſe men.

To theſe reflections on this ſubject, it remains to be added, and ought for ever to be remembered, that reſiſtance, in the caſe of colonies againſt their Mother country, is extremely different from the reſiſtance of a people againſt their Prince. A nation may change their King, or race of Kings, and, retaining their antient form of government, be gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, under the illuſtrious houſe of Brunſwick, a houſe that ſeems to flouriſh for the happineſs of mankind, has found a felicity, unknown in the reigns of the Stewarts. But if once we are ſeparated from our Mother country, what new form of government ſhall we adopt, or where ſhall we find another Britain, to ſupply our loſs? Torn from the body, to which we are united by religion, liberty, laws, affections, relation, language and commerce, we muſt bleed at every vein.

IN truth—the proſperity of theſe provinces is founded in their dependance on Great-Britain; and when ſhe returns to her "old good humour, and her old good nature, " as Lord Clarendon expreſſes it, I hope they will always think it their duty and intereſt, as it moſt certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the means in their power.

WE cannot act with too much caution in our diſputes. Anger produces anger; and differences, that might be accommodated by kind and reſpectful behaviour, may, by imprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. In quarrels between countries, as well as in thoſe between individuals, when they have riſen to a certain height, the firſt cauſe of diſſenſion is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties being wholly engaged in recollecting and reſenting the mutual expreſſions of their diſlike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, all conſiderations of reaſon and equity vaniſh; and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regards their intereſt, but the gratification of their wrath. The ſway of the Cleons Cleon was a popular fireband of Athens, and Clodius of Rome; each of whom plunged his country into the deepeſt calamities. and Clodius's, the deſigning and deteſtable flatterers of the prevailing paſſion, becomes confirmed. Wiſe and good men in vain oppoſe the ſtorm, and may think themſelves fortunate, if, in attempting to preſerve their ungrateful fellow citizens, they do not ruin themſelves. Their prudence will be called baſeneſs; their moderation will be called guilt; and if their virtue does not lead them to deſtruction, as that of many other great and excellent perſons has done, they may ſurvive to receive from their expiring country the mournful glory of her acknowledgment, that their counſels, if regarded, would have ſaved her.

THE conſtitutional modes of obtaining relief, are thoſe which I wiſh to ſee purſued on the preſent occaſion; that is, by petitions of our Aſſemblies, or where they are not permitted to meet, of the people, to the powers that can afford us relief.

WE have an excellent Prince, in whoſe good diſpoſitions towards us we may conſide. We have a generous, ſenſible and humane nation, to whom we may apply. They may be deceived, they may by artful men, be provoked to anger againſt us. I cannot believe they will be cruel or unjuſt; or that their anger will be implacable. Let us behave like dutiful children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Let us complain to our parent; but let our complaints ſpeak at the ſame time the language of affliction and veneration.

IF, however, it ſhall happen, by an unfortunate courſe of affairs, that our applications to his Majeſty and the Parliament for redreſs, prove ineffectual, let us then take another ſtep, by withholding from Great-Britain all the advantages ſhe has been uſed to receive from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, induſtry, and frugality, will not give weight to our remonſtrances. Let us all be united with one ſpirit, in one cauſe. Let us invent—let us work—let us ſave—let us, continually, keep up our claim, and inceſſantly repeat our complaints—But, above all, let us implore the protection of that infinitely good and gracious Being, "by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree juſticePROV. viii. 15.."

Nil deſperandum. Nothing is to be deſpaired of. A FARMER.
LETTER IV. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

AN objection, I hear, has been made againſt my ſecond letter, which I would willingly clear up before I proceed. "There is, " ſay theſe objectors, "a material difference between the Stamp-Act and the late act for laying a duty on paper, &c. that juſtifies the conduct of thoſe who oppoſed the former, and yet are willing to ſubmit to the latter. The duties impoſed by the Stamp-Act were internal taxes; but the preſent are external, and therefore the Parliament may have a right to impoſe them."

To this I anſwer, with a total denial of the power of Parliament to lay upon theſe colonies any "tax" whatever.

THIS point, being ſo important to this, and to ſucceeding generations, I wiſh to be clearly underſtood.

To the word "tax, " I annex that meaning which the conſtitution and hiſtory of England require to be annexed to it; that is—that it is an impoſition on the ſubject, for the ſole purpoſe of levying money.

IN the early ages of our monarchy, certain ſervices were rendered to the Crown for the general good. Theſe were perſonalIt is very worthy of remark, how watchful our wiſe anceſtors were, leſt their ſervices ſhould be encreaſed beyond what the law allowed. No man was bound to go out of the realm to ſerve the King. Therefore, even in the conquering reign of Henry the Fifth, when the martial ſpirit of the nation was highly enflamed by the heroic courage of their Prince, and by his great ſucceſs, they ſtill carefully guarded againſt the eſtabliſhment of illegal ſervices. "When this point (ſays Lord Chief Juſtice Coke) concerning maintenance of wars out of England, came in queſtion, the Commons did make their continual claim of their antient freedom and birthright, as in the firſt of Henry the Fifth, and in the ſeventh of Henry the Fifth, &c. the Commons made a PROTEST, that they were not bound to the maintenance of war in Scotland, Ireland, Calice, France, Normandy, or other foreign parts, and cauſed their PROTESTS to be entered into the Parliament rolls, where they yet remain; which, in effect, agreeth with that which, upon like occaſion, was made in the Parliament of 25th Edward 1." 2d Inſt. p. 528. But, in proceſs of time, ſuch inſtitutions being ſound inconvenient, gifts and grants of their own property were made by the people, under the ſeveral names of aids, tallages, taſks, taxes and ſubſidies, &c. Theſe were made, as may be collected even from the names, for public ſervice upon "need and neceſſity4th Inſt. p. 28.." All theſe ſums were levied upon the people by virtue of their voluntary gift

Reges Angliae, nihil tale, niſi convocatis primis ordinibus, et aſſentiente populo ſuſcipiunt. Phil. Comines. 2d Inſt.

Theſe gifts entirely depending on the pleaſure of the donors, were proportioned to the abilities of the ſeveral ranks of people who gave, and were regulated by their opinion of the public neceſſities. Thus Edward I, had in his 11th year a thirtieth from the Laity, a twentieth from the Clergy; in his 22d year a tenth from the Laity, a ſixth from London, and other corporate towns, half of their benefices from the Clergy; in his 23d year an eleventh from the Barons and others, a tenth from the Clergy, a ſeventh from the Burgeſſes, &c. Hume's Hiſt of England.

The ſame difference in the grants of the ſeveral ranks is obſervable in other reigns.

In the famous ſtatute de tallagio non concedendo, the King enumerates the ſeveral claſſes, without whoſe conſent, he and his heirs never ſhould ſet or levy any tax—"nullum tallaguium, vel auxilium per nos, vel haeredes noſtros in regno noſtro ponatur ſeu levetur, ſine voluntate t aſſenſu archiepiſcoporum, epiſcoporum, comitum, baronum, militum, burgenſium, et aliorum liberorum com de regno noſtro." 34th Edward I.

Lord Chief Juſtice Coke, in his comment on theſe words, ſays—"for the quieting of the Commons, and for a perpetual and conſtant law for ever after, both in this and other like caſes, this act was made." Theſe words are plain, without any ſcruple, abſolute, without any ſaving." 2d Coke's Inſt. p. 532, 533. Little did the venerable judge imagine, that "other like caſes" would happen, in which the ſpirit of this law would be deſpiſed by Engliſhmen, the poſterity of thoſe who made it.

. Their deſign was to ſupport the national honour and intereſt. Some of thoſe grants comprehended duties ariſing from trade; being impoſts on merchandizes. Theſe Lord Chief Juſtice Coke claſſes under "ſubſidies, " and "Parliamentary aids." They are alſo called "cuſtoms." But whatever he name was, they were always conſidered as giſts of the people to the Crown, to be employed for public uſes.

COMMERCE was at a low ebb, and ſurprizing inſtances might be produced how little it was attended to for a ſucceſſion of ages. The terms that have been mentioned, and, among the reſt, that of "tax, " had obtained a national, Parliamentary meaning, drawn from the principles of the conſtitution, long before any Englishman thought of impoſition of duties, for the regulation of trade.

WHENEVER we ſpeak of "taxes" among Engliſhmen, let us therefore ſpeak of them with reference to the principles on which, and the intentions with which they have been eſtabliſhed. This will give certainty to our expreſſion, and ſafety to our conduct: But if, when we have in view the liberty of theſe colonies, we proceed in any other courſe, we purſue a Juno The Goddeſs of Empire, in the Heathen Mythology; according to an antient fable, Ixion purſued her, but ſhe eſcaped in a cloud. indeed, but ſhall only catch a cloud.

IN the national, Parliamentary ſenſe inſiſted on, the word "taxIn this ſenſe Monteſquieu uſes the word "tax," in his 13th book of Spirit of Laws. " was certainly underſtood by the congreſs at New-York, whoſe reſolves may be ſaid to form the American" bill of rights."

The third, fourth, fifth, and ſixth reſolves are thus expreſſed.

III. "THAT it is inſeparably eſſential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Engliſhmen, that NO TAXThe rough draught of the reſolves of the congreſs at New-York are now in my hands, and from ſome notes on that draught, and other particular reaſons, I am ſatiſfied, that the congreſs underſtood the word "tax" in the ſenſe here contended for. be impoſed on them, but with their own conſent, given perſonally, or by their repreſentatives."

IV. "THAT the people of the colonies are not, and from their local circumſtances, cannot be repreſented in the Houſe of Commons in Great-Britain."

V. "THAT the only repreſentatives of the people of the colonies, are the perſons choſen therein by themſelves; and that NO TAXES ever have been, or can be conſtitutionally impoſed on them, but by their reſpective legiſlatures."

VI. "THAT all ſupplies to the Crown, being free gifts of the people, it is unreaſonable, and inconſiſtent with the principles and ſpirit of the Britiſh conſtitution, for the people of Great-Britain to grant to his Majeſty the property of the colonies."

HERE is no diſtinction made between internal and external taxes. It is evident from the ſhort reaſoning thrown into theſe reſolves, that every impoſition "to grant to his Majeſty the property of the colonies," was thought a "tax;" and that every ſuch impoſition, if laid any other way, than "with their conſent, given perſonally, or by their repreſentatives, " was not only "unreaſonable, and inconſiſtent with the principles and ſpirit of the Britiſh conſtitution, " but deſtructive "to the freedom of a people."

THIS language is clear and important. A "tax" means an impoſition to raiſe money. Such perſons therefore as ſpeak of internal and external "taxes, " I pray may pardon me, if I object to that expreſſion, as applied to the privileges and intereſts of theſe colonies. There may be internal and external impoſitions, founded on different principles, and having different tendencies; every "tax" being an impoſition, though every impoſition is not a "tax." But all taxes are founded on the ſame principle; and have the ſame tendency.

EXTERNAL impoſitions, for the regulation of our trade, do not "grant to his Majeſty the property of the colonies." They only prevent the colonies acquiring property, in things not neceſſary, in a manner judged to be injurious to the welfare of the whole empire. But the laſt ſtatute reſpecting us, "grants to his Majeſty the property of the colonies," by laying duties on the manufactures of Great-Britain which they muſt take, and which ſhe ſettled them, on purpoſe that they ſhould take.

WHAT "tax

It ſeems to be evident, that Mr. Pitt, in his defence of America, during the debate concerning the repeal of the Stamp-Act, by "internal taxes, " meant any duties "for the purpoſe of raiſing a revenue;" and by "external taxes, " meant duties impoſed "for the regulation of trade." His expreſſions are theſe—"If the Gentleman does not underſtand the difference between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it; but there is a plain diſtinction between taxes levied for the purpoſes of raiſing a revenue, and duties impoſed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the ſubject, altho', in the conſequences, ſome revenue might incidentally ariſe from the latter."

Theſe words were in Mr. Pitt's reply to Mr. Grenville, who ſaid he could not underſtand the difference between external and internal taxes.

In every other part of his ſpeeches on that occaſion, his words confirm this conſtruction of his expreſſions. The following extracts will ſhew how poſitive and general were his aſſertions of our right.

"It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies."—"The Americans are the ſons, not the baſtards of England. Taxation is no part of the governing or legiſlative power."—"The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the Commons alone. In legiſlation the three eſtates of the realm are alike concerned, but the concurrence of the Peers and the Crown to a tax, is only neceſſary to cloſe with the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the Commons alone.""The diſtinction between legiſlation and taxation is eſſentially neceſſary to liberty."—"The Commons of America, repreſented in their ſeveral Aſſemblies, have ever been in poſſeſſion of the exerciſe of this their conſtitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been SLAVES, if they had not enjoyed it." "The idea of a virtual repreſentation of America in this Houſe, is the moſt contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of man.—It does not deſerve a ſerious refutation."

He afterwards ſhews the unreaſonableneſs of Great-Britain taxing America, thus—"When I had the honour of ſerving his Majeſty, I availed myſelf of the means of information, which I derived from my office, I ſpeak therefore from knowledge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect, to digeſt, to conſider them; and I will be old to affirm, that the profit to Great-Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the laſt war. The eſtates that were rented at two thouſand pounds a year, threeſcore years ago, are three thouſand pounds at preſent. Thoſe eſtates fold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchaſe; the ſame may now be ſold for thirty. You owe this to America. This is the price that America pays you for her protection."—"I dare not ſay how much higher theſe profits may be augmented."—"Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the Houſe what is really my opinion; it is, that the Stamp-Act be repealed abſolutely, totally, and immediately. That the reaſon for the repeal be aſſigned, becauſe it was founded on an er oneous principle."

" can be more internal than this? Here is money drawn, without their conſent, from a ſociety, who have conſtantly enjoyed a conſtitutional mode of raiſing all money among themſelves. The payment of this tax they have no poſſible method of avoiding; as they cannot do without the commodities on which it is laid, and they cannot manufacture theſe commodities themſelves. Beſides, if this unhappy country ſhould be ſo lucky as to clude this act, by getting parchment enough, in the place of paper, or by reviving the antient method of writing on wax and bark, and by inventing ſomething to ſerve inſtead of glaſs, her ingenuity would ſtand her in little ſtead; for then the Parliament would have nothing to do but to prohibit ſuch manufactures, or to lay a tax on ha s and woollen cloths, which they have already prohibited the colonies from ſupplying each other with; or on inſtruments and tools of ſteel and iron, which they have prohibited the provincials from manufacturing at all "And that pig and bar iron, made in his Majeſty's colonies in America, may be further manufactured in this kingdom, be it further enacted by the authority aforeſaid, that from and after the twenty fourth day of June, 1750, no mill, or other engine, for ſlitting or rolling of iron, or any plating forge, to work with a tilt hammer, or any furnace for making ſteel, ſhall be erected: o , after ſuch erection, continued in any of his Majeſty's colonies in America." 23d George II. Chap. 29, Sect 9.: And then, what little gold and ſilver they have, muſt be torn from their hands, or they will not be able, in a ſhort time, to get an axTho' theſe particular are mentioned as being abſolutely neceſſary, yet perhaps they are not more ſo than glaſs in our ſevere winters, to keep out the cold from our houſes; or than paper, without which ſuch inexpreſſible confuſions muſt enſue., for cutting their firewood, nor a plough, for raiſing their food In what reſpect, therefore, I beg leave to aſk, is the late act preferable to the Stamp-Act, or more conſiſtent with the liberties of the colonies? For my own part, I regard them both with equal apprehenſion; and think they ought to be in the ſame manner oppoſed.

〈◊〉 quidem ſenatus conſultum,tanquam gladium in vagina repoſitum. We have a ſtatute, laid up for future uſe, like a ſword in the ſcabbard. A FARMER.
LETTER V. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

PERHAPS the objection to the late act, impoſing duties upon paper, &c. might have been ſafely reſted on the argument drawn from the univerſal conduct of Parliaments and Miniſters, from the firſt exiſtence of theſe colonies, to the adminiſtration of Mr. Grenville.

WHAT but the indiſputable, the acknowledged excluſive right of the colonies to tax themſelves, could be the reaſon, that in this long period of more than one hundred and fifty years, no ſtatute was ever paſſed for the ſole purpoſe of raiſing a revenue on the colonies? And how clear, how cogent muſt that reaſon be, to which every Parliament, and every Miniſter, for ſo long a time ſubmitted, without a ſingle attempt to innovate?

ENGLAND, in part of that courſe of years, and Great-Britain, in other parts, was engaged in ſeveral fierce and expenſive wars; troubled with ſome tumultuous and bold Parliaments; governed by many daring and wicked Miniſters; yet none of them ever ventured to touch the Palladium of American liberty. Ambition, avarice, faction, tyranny, all revered it. Whenever it was neceſſary to raiſe money on the colonies, the requiſitions of the Crown were made, and dutifully complied with. The Parliament, from time to time, regulated their trade, and that of the reſt of the empire, to preſerve their dependence, and the connection of the whole in good order.

THE people of Great-Britain, in ſupport of their privileges, boaſt much of their antiquity. It is true they are antient; yet it may well be queſtioned, if there is a ſingle privilege of a Britiſh ſubject, ſupported by longer, more ſolemn, or more uninterrupted teſtimony, than the excluſive right of taxation in theſe colonies. The people of Great-Britain conſider that kingdom as the ſovereign of theſe colonies, and would now annex to that ſovereignty a prerogative never heard of before. How would they bear this, was the caſe their own? What would they think of a new prerogative claimed by the Crown? We may gueſs what their conduct would be, from the tranſports of paſſion into which they fell about the late embargo, though laid to relieve the moſt emergent neceſſities of ſtate, admitting of no delay; and for which there were numerous precedents. Let our liberties be treated with the ſame tenderneſs, and it is all we deſire.

EXPLICIT as the conduct of Parliaments, for ſo many ages, is, to prove that no money can be levied on theſe colonies by Parliaments, for the purpoſe of raiſing a revenue, yet it is not the only evidence in our favour.

EVERY one of the moſt material arguments againſt the legality of the Stamp-Act, operates with equal force againſt the act now objected to; but as they are well known, it ſeems unneceſſary to repeat them here.

THIS general one only ſhall be conſidered at preſent: That though theſe colonies are dependent on Great-Britain; and though ſhe has a legal power to make laws for preſerving that dependence; yet it is not neceſſary for this purpoſe, nor eſſential to the relation between a Mother country and her colonies, as was eagerly contended by the advocates for the Stamp-Act, that ſhe ſhould raiſe money on them without their conſent.

COLONIES were formerly planted by warlike nations, to keep their enemies in awe; to relieve their country, overburthened with inhabitants; or to diſcharge a number of diſcontented and troubleſome citizens. But in more modern ages, the ſpirit of violence being, in ſome meaſure, if the expreſſion may be allowed, ſheathed in commerce, colonies have been ſettled by the nations of Europe for the purpoſes of trade. Theſe purpoſes were to be attained, by the colonies raiſing for their Mother country thoſe things which ſhe did not produce herſelf; and by ſupplying themſelves from her with things they wanted. Theſe were the national objects in the commencement of our colonies, and have been uniformly ſo in their promotion.

To anſwer theſe grand purpoſes, perfect liberty was known to be neceſſary; all hiſtory proving, that trade and freedom are nearly related to each other. By a due regard to this wiſe and juſt plan, the infant colonies, expoſed in the unknown climates and unexplored wilderneſſes of this new world, lived, grew, and flouriſhed.

THE Parent country, with undeviating prudence and virtue, attentive to the firſt principles of colonization, drew to herſelf the benefits ſhe might reaſonably expect, and preſerved to her children the bleſſings, on which thoſe benefits were founded. She made laws, obliging her colonies to carry to her all thoſe products which ſhe wanted for her own uſe; and all thoſe raw materials which ſhe choſe herſelf to work up. Beſides this reſtriction, ſhe forbad them to procure manufactures from any other part of the globe, or even the products of European countries, which alone could rival her, without being firſt brought to her. In ſhort, by a variety of laws, ſhe regulated their trade in ſuch a manner as ſhe thought moſt conducive to their mutual advantage, and her own welfare. A power was reſerved to the Crown of repealing any laws that ſhould be enacted: The executive authority of government was alſo lodged in the Crown, and its repreſentatives; and an appeal was ſecured to the Crown from all judgments in the adminiſtration of juſtice.

FOR all theſe powers, eſtabliſhed by the Mother country over the colonies; for all theſe immenſe emoluments derived by her from them; for all their difficulties and diſtreſſes in fixing themſelves, what was the recompence made them? A communication of her rights in general, and particularly of that great one, the foundation of all the reſt—that their property, acquired with ſo much pain and hazard, ſhould be diſpoſed of by none but themſelvesThe power of taxing themſelves, was the privilege of which the Engliſh were, "with reaſon, " particularly jealous. HUME's Hiſt. of England. —or, to uſe the beautiful and emphatic language of the ſacred ſcriptures, "that they ſhould ſit every man under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and none ſhould make them afraid. Mic. iv. 4."

CAN any man of candour and knowledge deny, that theſe inſtitutions form an affinity between Great-Britain and her colonies, that ſufficiently ſecures their dependence upon her? Or that for her to levy taxes upon them, is to reverſe the nature of things? Or that ſhe can purſue ſuch a meaſure, without reducing them to a ſtate of vaſſalage?

IF any perſon cannot conceive the ſupremacy of Great-Britain to exiſt, without the power of laying taxes to levy money upon us, the hiſtory of the colonies, and of Great-Britain, ſince their ſettlement, will prove the contrary. He will there find the amazing advantages ariſing to her from them—the conſtant exerciſe of her ſupremacy—and their filial ſubmiſſion to it, without a ſingle rebellion, or even the thought of one, from their firſt emigration to this moment—And all theſe things have happened, without one inſtance of Great-Britain's laying taxes to levy money upon them.

How many Britiſh authors

It has been ſaid in the Houſe of Commons, when complaints have been made of the decay of trade to any part of Europe," That ſuch things were not worth regard, as Great-Britain was poſſeſſed of colonies that could conſume more of her manufactures than ſhe was able to ſupply them with.

"As the caſe now ſtands, we ſhall ſhew that the plantations are a ſpring of wealth to this nation, that they work for us, that their treaſure centers all here, and that the laws have tied them faſt enough to us; ſo that it muſt be through our own fault and miſmanagement, if they become independent of England."

DAVENANT on the Plantation Trade.

"It is better that the iſlands ſhould be ſupplied from the Northern colonies than from England; for this reaſon, the proviſions we might ſend to Barbados, Jamaica, &c. would be unimproved product of the earth, as grain of all kinds, or ſuch product where there is little got by the improvement, as ma •• , ſalt, beef and pork; indeed the exportation of ſalt fiſh thither would be more advantage •• s, but the goods which we ſend to the Northern colonies, are ſuch, whoſe improvement may be juſtly ſaid, one with another, to be near four fifths of the value of the whole commodity, as apparel, houſhold furniture, and many other things."

Idem.

"New-England is the moſt prejudicial plantation to the kingdom of England; and yet, to do right to that moſt induſtrious Engliſh colony, I muſt confeſs, that though we loſe by their unlimited trade with other foreign plantations, yet we are very great gainers by their direct trade to and from Old England. Our yearly exportations of Engliſh manufactures, malt and other goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opinion, to ten times the value of what is imported from thence; which calculation I do not make at random, but upon mature conſideration, and peradventure, upon as much experience in this very trade, as any other perſon will pretend to; and therefore, whenever reformation of our correſpondency in trade with that people ſhall be thought on, it will, in my poor judgment, require great tenderneſs, and very ſerious circumſpection."

Sir JOSIAH CHILD's Diſcourſe on Trade.

"Our plantations ſpend moſtly our Engliſh manufactures, and thoſe of all ſorts almoſt imaginable, in egregious quantities, and employ near two thirds of all our Engliſh ſhipping; ſo that we have more people in England, by reaſon of our plantations in America."

Idem.

Sir JOSIAH CHILD ſays, in another part of his work, "That not more than fifty families are maintained in England by the refining of ſugar." From whence, and from what Davenant ſays, it is plain, that the advantages here ſaid to be derived from the plantations by England, muſt be meant chi •• ly of the continental colonies.

"I ſhall ſum up my whole remarks on our American colonies, with this obſervation, that as they are a certain annual revenue of ſeveral millions ſterling to their Mother country, they ought carefully to be protected, duly encouraged, and every opportunity that preſents, improved for their increment and advantage, as every one they an poſſibly reap, muſt at laſt return to us with intereſt."

BEAWES's Lex Merc. Red.

"We may ſafely advance, that our trade and navigation are greatly encreaſed by our colonies, and that they really are a ſource of treaſure and naval power to this kingdom, ſince they work for us, and their treaſure centers here. Before their ſettlement, our manufactures were few, and thoſe but indifferent; the number of Engliſh merchants were very ſmall, and the whole ſhipping of the nation much inferior to what now belongs to the Northern colonies only. Theſe are certain facts. But ſince their eſtabliſhment, our condition has altered for the better, almoſt to a degree beyond credibility. Our manufactures are prodigiouſly encreaſed, chiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, where they at leaſt take off one half, and ſupply us with many valuable commodities for exportation, which is as great an emolument to the Mother kingdom, as to the plantations themſelves."

— POSTLETHWAYT's Univ. Dict. of Trade and Commerce.

"Moſt of the nations of Europe have interfered with us, more or leſs, in divers of our ſtaple manufactures, within half a century, not only in our woollen, but in our lead and tin manufactures, as well as our fiſheries."

— POSTLETHWAYT, ibid.

"The inhabitants of our colonies, by carrying on a trade with their foreign neighbours, do not only occaſion a greater quantity of the goods and merchandizes of Europe being ſent from hence to them, and a greater quantity of the product of America to be ſent from them hither, which would otherwiſe be carried from, and brought to Europe by foreigners, but an increaſe of the ſeamen and navigation in thoſe parts, which is of great ſtrength and ſecurity, as well as of great advantage to our plantations in general. And though ſome of our colonies are not only for preventing the importations of all goods of the ſame ſpecies they produce, but ſuffer particular planters to keep great runs of land in their poſſeſſion uncultivated, with deſign to prevent new ſettlements, whereby they imagine the prices of their commodities may be affected; yet if it be conſidered, that the markets of Great-Britain depend on the markets of ALL Europe in general, and that the European markets in general depend on the proportion between the annual conſumption and the whole quantity of each ſpecies annually produced by ALL nations; it muſt follow, that whether we or foreigners are the producers, carriers, importers and exporters of American produce, yet their reſpective prices in each colony (the difference of freight, cuſtoms and importations conſidered) will always bear proportion to the general conſumption of the whole quantity of each ſort, produced in all colonies, and in all parts, allowing only for the uſual contingencies that trade and commerce, agriculture and manufactures, are liable to in all countries."

— POSTLETHWAYT, ibid.

"It is certain, that from the very time Sir Walter Releigh, the father of our Engliſh colonies, and his aſſociates, firſt projected theſe eſtabliſhments, there have been perſons who have found an intereſt, in miſrepreſenting, or leſſening the value of them—The attempts were called chimerical and dangerous. Afterwards many malignant ſuggeſtions were made about ſacrificing ſo many Engliſhmen to the obſtinate deſire of ſettling colonies in countries which then produced very little advantage. But as theſe difficulties were gradually ſurmounted, thoſe complaints vaniſhed. No ſooner were theſe lamentations over, but others aroſe in their ſtead; when it could be no longer ſaid, that the colonies were uſeleſs, it was alledged that they were not uſeful enough to their Mother Country; that while we were loaded with taxes, they were abſolutely free; that the planters lived like Princes, while the inhabitants of England laboured hard for a tolerable ſubſiſtence."

— POSTLETHWAYT, i id.

"Before the ſettlement of theſe colonies," ſays Poſtlethwayt, "our manufactures were few, and thoſe but indifferent. In thoſe days we had not only our naval ſtores, but our ſhips from our neighbours. Germany furniſhed us with all things made of metal, even to nails. Wine, paper, linens, and a thouſand other things came from France. Portugal ſupplied us with ſugar; all the products of America were poured into us from Spain; and the Venetians and Genoeſe retailed to us the commodities of the Eaſt-Indies, at their own price.

"If it be aſked, whether foreigners, for what goods they take of us, do not pay on that conſumption a great portion of our taxes? It is admitted they do."

— POSTLETHWAYT's Great-Britain's True Syſtem.

"If we are afraid that one day or other the colonies will revolt, and ſet up for themſelves, as ſome ſeem to apprehend, let us not drive them to a neceſſity to feel themſelves independent of us; as they will do, the moment they perceive that "they can be ſupplied with all things from within themſelves, " and do not need our aſſiſtance. If we would keep them ſtill dependent upon their Mother country, and, in ſome reſpects, ſubſervient to her views and welfare; let us make it their intereſt always to be ſo."

— TUCKER on Trade.

"Our colonies, while they have Engliſh blood in their veins, and have relations in England, and while they can get by trading with us, the ſtronger and greater they grow, the more this Crown and kingdom will get by them; and nothing but ſuch an arbitrary power as ſhall make them deſperate, can bring them to rebel."

— DAVENANT on the Plantation Trade.

"The Northern colonies are not upon the ſame footing as thoſe of the South; and having a worſe ſoil to improve, they muſt find the recompence ſome other way, which only can be in property and dominion: Upon which ſcore, any innovations in the form of government there, ſhould be cautiouſly examined, for fear of entering upon meaſures, by which the induſtry of the inhabitants be quite diſcouraged. 'Tis always unfortunate for a people, either by conſent, or upon compulſion, to depart from their primitive inſtitutions, and thoſe fundamentals, by which they were firſt united together."

Idem.

"The moſt effectual way of uniting the colonies, is to make it their common intereſt to oppoſe the deſigns and attempts of Great-Britain.

"All wiſe ſtates will well conſider how to preſerve the advantages ariſing from colonies, and avoid the evils. And I conceive that there can be but two ways in nature to hinder them from throwing off their dependence; one to keep it out of their power, and the other, out of their will. The firſt muſt be by force; and the latter, by uſing them well, and keeping them employed in ſuch productions, and making ſuch manufactures, as will ſupport themſelves and families comfortably, and procure them wealth too, and at leaſt not prejudice their Mother country.

"Force can never be uſed effectually to anſwer the end, without deſtroying the colonies themſelves. Liberty and encouragement are neceſſary to carry people thither, 〈◊◊〉 keep them together when they are there; and violence will hinder both. Any body of troops, conſiderable enough to awe them, and keep them in ſubjection, under the direction too of a needy Governor, often ſent thither to make his fortune, and at ſuch a diſtance from any application for redreſs, will ſoon put an end to all planting, and leave the country to the ſoldiers alone, and if it did not, would eat up all the profit of the colony. For this reaſon, arbitrary countries have not been equally ſucceſsful in planting colonies with free ones; and what they have done in that kind, has either been by force, at a vaſt expence, or by departing from the nature of their government, and giving ſuch privileges to planters as were denied to their other ſubjects. And I dare ſay, that a few prudent laws, and a little prudent conduct, would ſoon give us far the greateſt ſhare of the riches of all America, perhaps drive many of other nations out of it, or into our colonies for ſhelter.

"There are ſo many exigencies in all ſtates, ſo many foreign wars, and domeſtic diſturbances, that theſe colonies can never want opportunities, if they watch for them, to do what they ſhall find their intereſt to do: and therefore we ought to take all the precautions in our power, that it ſhall never be their intereſt to act againſt that of their native country; an evil which can no otherwiſe be averted, than by keeping them fully employed in ſuch trades as will increaſe their own, as well as our wealth; for it is much to be feared, if we do not find employment for them, they may find it for us; the intereſt of the Mother country, is always to keep them dependent, and ſo employed; and it requires all her addreſs to do it; and it is certainly more eaſily and effectually done by gentle and inſenſible methods, than by power alone." — CATO's Letters.

have demonſtrated, that the preſent wealth, power and glory of their country, are founded upon theſe colonies? As conſtantly as ſtreams tend to the ocean, have they been pouring the fruits of all their labours into their mother's lap. Good Heaven! and ſhall a total oblivion of former tenderneſſes and bleſſings, be ſpread over the minds of a good and wiſe nation, by the fordid arts of intriguing men, who, covering their ſelfiſh projects under pretences of public good, firſt enrage their countrymen into a frenzy of paſſion, and then advance their own influence and intereſt, by gratifying the paſſion, which they themſelves have baſely excited.

HITHERTO Great-Britain has been contented with her proſperity. Moderation has been the rule of her conduct. But now, a generous humane people, that ſo often has protected the liberty of ſtrangers, is enflamed into an attempt to tear a privilege from her own children, which, if executed, muſt, in their opinion, ſink them into ſlaves: And for what? For a pernicious power, not neceſſary to her, as her own experience may convince her; but horribly dreadful and deteſtable to them.

IT ſeems extremely probable, that when cool, diſpaſſionate poſterity, ſhall conſider the affectionate intercourſe, the reciprocal benefits, and the unſuſpecting confidence, that have ſubſiſted between theſe colonies and their Parent country, for ſuch a length of time, they will execrate, with the bittereſt curſes, the infamous memory of thoſe men, whoſe peſtilential ambition unneceſſarily, wantonly, cruelly, firſt opened the ſources of civil diſcord between them; firſt turned their love into jealouſy; and firſt taught theſe provinces, filled with grief and anxiety, to enquire— Mens ubi materna eſt? Where is maternal affection?

A FARMER.
LETTER VI. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

IT may perhaps be objected againſt the arguments that have been offered to the Public, concerning the legal power of the Parliament, "that it has always exerciſed the power of impoſing duties, for the purpoſes of raiſing a revenue on the productions of theſe colonies carried to Great-Britain, which may be called a tax on them." To this objection I anſwer, that this is no violation of the rights of the colonies, it being implied in the relation between and Great-Britain, that they ſhould not carry ſuch commodities to other nations, as ſhould enable them to interfere with the Mother country. The impoſition of duties on theſe commodities, when brought to her, is only a conſequence of her parental right; and if the point is thoroughly examined, the duties will be found to be laid on the people of the Mother country. Whatever they are, they muſt proportionably raiſe the price of the goods, and conſequently muſt be paid by the conſumers. In this light they were conſidered by the Parliament in the 25th Charles II. Chap. 7, Sect. 2, which ſays, that the productions of the plantations were carried from one to another free from all cuſtoms, "while the ſubjects of this your kingdom of England have paid great cuſtoms and impoſitions for what of them have been ſpent here, &c.

BESIDES, if Great-Britain exports theſe commodities again, the duties will injure her own trade, ſo that ſhe cannot hurt us, without plainly and immediately hurting herſelf; and this is our check againſt her acting arbitrarily in this reſpect.

If any one ſhould obſerve that no oppoſition has been made to the legality of the 4th George III. Chap. 15, which is the firſt act of Parliament that ever impoſed duties on the importations into America, for the expreſſed purpoſe of raiſing a revenue there; I anſwer—Firſt, That though the act expreſsly mentions the raiſing a revenue in America, yet it ſeems that it had as much in view the "improving and ſecuring the trade between the ſame and Great-Britain," which words are part of its title: And the preamble ſays, "Whereas it is expedient that new proviſions and regulations ſhould be eſtabliſhed for improving the revenue of this kingdom, and for extending and ſecuring the navigation and commerce between Great-Britain and your Majeſty's dominions in America, which by the peace have been ſo happily extended and enlarged, "&c. Secondly, All the duties mentioned in that act are impoſed ſolely on the productions and manufactures of foreign countries, and not a ſingle duty laid on any production or manufacture of our Mother country. Thirdly, The authority of the provincial Aſſemblies is not therein ſo plainly attacked as by the laſt act, which makes proviſion for defraying the charges of the "adminiſtration of juſtice," and the "ſupport of civil government." Fourthly, That it being doubtful, whether the intention of the 4th Geroge III. Chap. 15. was not as much to regulate trade, as to raiſe a revenue, the minds of the people here were wholly engroſſed by the terror of the Stamp-Act, then impending over them, about the intention of which there could be no doubt.

Theſe reaſons ſo far diſtinguiſh the 4th George III. Chap. 15, from the laſt act, that it is not to be wondered at, that the firſt ſhould have been ſubmitted to, though the laſt ſhould excite the moſt univerſal and ſpirited oppoſition. For this will be found, on the ſtricteſt examination, to be, in the principle on which it is founded, and in the conſequences that muſt attend it, if poſſible, more deſtructive than the Stamp-Act. It is, to ſpeak plainly, a prodigy in our laws; not having one Britiſh feature.

IT may be perhaps further objected, "that it being granted that ſtatutes made for regulating trade, are binding upon us, it will be difficult for any perſons, but the makers of the laws, to determine, which of them are made for the regulating of trade, and which for raiſing a revenue; and that from hence may ariſe confuſion."

To this I anſwer, that the objection is of no force in the preſent caſe, or ſuch as reſemble it; becauſe the act now in queſtion, is formed expreſsly "for the ſole purpoſe of raiſing a revenue."

HOWEVER, ſuppoſing the deſign of Parliament had not been expreſſed, the objection ſeems to me of no weight, with regard to the influence which thoſe who may make it might expect it ought to have on the conduct of theſe colonies.

IT is true, that impoſitions for raiſing a revenue, may be hereafter called regulations of trade: But names will not change the nature of things. Indeed we ought firmly to believe, what is an undoubted truth, confirmed by the unhappy experience of many ſtates heretofore free, that unleſs the moſt watchful attention be exerted, a new ſervitude may be ſlipped upon us, under the ſanction of uſual and reſpectable terms.

THUS the Caeſars ruined the Roman liberty, under the titles of tribunicial and dictatorial authorities—old and venerable dignities, known in the moſt flouriſhing times of freedom. In imitation of the ſame policy, James II. when he meant to eſtabliſh popery talked of liberty of conſcience, the moſt ſacred of all liberties; and had thereby almoſt deceived the Diſſenters into deſtruction.

ALL artful rulers, who ſtrive to extend their power beyond its juſt limits, endeavour to give to their attempts as much ſemblance of legality as poſſible. Thoſe who ſucceed them may venture to go a little further; for each new encroachment will be ſtrengthened by a former. "That which is now ſupported by examples, growing old, will become an example itſelf, Tacitus. " and thus ſupport freſh uſurpations.

A FREE people therefore can never be too quick in obſerving, nor too firm in oppoſing the beginnings of alteration either in form or reality, reſpecting inſtitutions formed for their ſecurity. The firſt kind of alteration leads to the laſt: Yet, on the other hand, nothing is more certain, than that the forms of liberty may be retained, when the ſubſtance is gone. In government, as well as in religion, "the letter killeth, but the ſpirit giveth life.2 Cor. iii. 6."

I WILL beg leave to enforce this remark by a few inſtances. The Crown, by the conſtitution, has the prerogative of creating Peers. The exiſtence of that order, in due number and dignity, is eſſential to the conſtitution; and if the Crown did not exerciſe that prerogative, the peerage muſt have long ſince decreaſed ſo much as to have loſt its proper influence. Suppoſe a Prince, for ſome unjuſt purpoſes, ſhould from time to time, advance ſo many needy, profligate wretches to that rank, that all the independence of the Houſe of Lords ſhould be deſtroyed: there would then be a manifeſt violation of the conſtitution, under the appearance of uſing legal prerogative.

THE Houſe of Commons claims the privilege of forming all money bills, and will not ſuffer either of the other branches of the legiſlature to add to, or alter them; contending that their power ſimply extends to an acceptance or rejection of them. This privilege appears to be juſt: But under pretence of this juſt privilege, the Houſe of Commons has claimed a licence of tacking to money bills, clauſes relating to things of a totally different kind, and thus forcing them in a manner on the King and Lords. This ſeems to be an abuſe of that privilege, and it may be vaſtly more abuſed. Suppoſe a future Houſe, influenced by ſome diſplaced, diſcontented demagogues, in a time of danger, ſhould tack to a money bill, ſomething ſo injurious to the King and Peers, that they would not aſſent to it, and yet the Commons ſhould obſtinately inſiſt on it; the whole kingdom would be expoſed to ruin by them, under the appearance of maintaining a valuable privilege.

IN theſe caſes it might be difficult for a while to determine, whether the King intended to exerciſe his prerogative in a conſtitutional manner or not; or whether the Commons inſiſted on their demand ſactiouſly, or for the public good: But ſurely the conduct of the Crown, or of the Houſe, would in time ſufficiently explain itſelf.

OUGHT not the people therefore to watch? to obſerve facts? to ſearch into cauſes? to inveſtigate deſigns? And have they not a right of judging from the evidence before them, on no ſlighter points than their liberty and happineſs? It would be leſs than trifling, wherever a Britiſh government is eſtabliſhed, to make uſe of any arguments to prove ſuch a right. It is ſufficient to remind the reader of the day, on the anniverſary of which the firſt of theſe letters is dated.

I WILL now apply what has been ſaid to the preſent queſtion.

THE nature of any impoſitions laid by Parliament on theſe colonies, muſt determine the deſign in laying them. It may not be eaſy in every inſtance to diſcover that deſign. Wherever it is doubtful, I think ſubmiſſion cannot be dangerous; nay, it muſt be right; for, in my opinion, there is no privilege theſe colonies claim, which they ought in duty and prudence more earneſtly to maintain and defend, than the authority of the Britiſh Parliament to regulate the trade of all her dominions. Without this authority, the benefits ſhe enjoys from our commerce, muſt be loſt to her: The bleſſings we enjoy from our dependence upon her, muſt be loſt to us. Her ſtrength muſt decay; her glory vaniſh; and ſhe cannot ſuffer without our partaking in her miſfortune. Let us therefore cheriſh her intereſts as our own, and give her every thing that it becomes freemen to give or to receive.

THE nature of any impoſitions ſhe may lay upon us may, in general, be known, by conſidering how far they relate to the preſerving, in due order, the connection between the ſeveral parts of the Britiſh empire. One thing we may be aſſured of, which is this—Whenever ſhe impoſes duties on commodities, to be paid only upon their exportation from Great-Britain to theſe colonies, it is not a regulation of trade, but a deſign to raiſe a revenue upon us. Other inſtances may happen, which it may not be neceſſary at preſent to dwell on. I hope theſe colonies will never, to their lateſt exiſtence, want underſtanding ſufficient to diſcover the intentions of thoſe who rule over them, nor the reſolution neceſſary for aſſerting their intereſts. They will always have the ſame rights, that all free ſtates have, of judging when their privileges are invaded, and of uſing all prudent meaſures for preſerving them.

Quocirca vivite fortes Fortiaque adverſis opponite pectora rebus. Wherefore keep up your ſpirits, and gallently oppoſe this adverſe courſe of affairs. A FARMER.
LETTER VII. My dear Countrymen,

THIS letter is intended more particularly for ſuch of you, whoſe employments in life may have prevented your attending to the conſideration of ſome points that are of great and public importance: For many ſuch perſons there muſt be even in theſe colonies, where the inhabitants in general are more intelligent than any other people whatever, as has been remarked by ſtrangers, and it ſeems with reaſon.

SOME of you, perhaps, filled, as I know your breaſts are, with loyalty to our moſt excellent Prince, and with love to our dear Mother country, may feel yourſelves inclined, by the affections of your hearts, to approve every action of thoſe whom you ſo much venerate and eſteem. A prejudice thus flowing from goodneſs of diſpoſition, is amiable indeed. I wiſh it could be indulged without danger. Did I think this poſſible, the error ſhould have been adopted, and not oppoſed by me. But in truth, all men are ſubject to the frailties of nature; and therefore whatever regard we entertain for the perſons of thoſe who govern us, we ſhould always remember that their conduct, as rulers, may be influenced by human infirmities.

WHEN any laws, injurious to theſe colonies, are paſſed, we cannot ſuppoſe, that any injury was intended us by his Majeſty, or the Lords. For the aſſent of the Crown and Peers to laws, ſeems, as far as I am able to judge, to have been veſted in them, more for their own ſecurity, than for any other purpoſe. On the other hand, it is the particular buſineſs of the people, to enquire and diſcover what regulations are uſeful for themſelves, and to digeſt and preſent them in the form of bills, to the other orders, to have them enacted into laws. Where theſe laws are to bind themſelves, it may be expected, that the Houſe of Commons will very carefully conſider them: But when they are making laws that are not deſigned to bind themſelves, we cannot imagine that their deliberations will be as

Many remarkable inſtances might be produced of the extraordinary inattention with which bills of great importance, concerning theſe colonies, hafe paſſed in Parliament; which is owing, as it is ſuppoſed, to the bills being brought in by the perſons who have haſte of buſineſs, to diſcover their tendency.

The following inſtances ſhew the truth of this remark. When Mr. Grenville, in the violence of reformation, formed the 4th of George III. Chap. 15th, for regulating the American trade, the word "Ireland" was dropt in the clauſe relating to our iron and lumber, ſo that we could ſend theſe articles to no part of Europe, but to Great-Britain. This was ſo unreaſonable a reſtriction, and ſo contrary to the ſentiments of the legiſlature For many years before, that it is ſurpriſing it ſhould not have been taken notice of in the Houſe. However the bill paſſed into a law. But when the matter was explained, this reſtriction was taken off by a ſubſequent act. I cannot poſitively ſay how long after the taking off this reſtriction, as I have not the act, but I think, in leſs than 18 months, another act of Parliament paſſed, in which the word "Ireland" was left out, juſt as it had been before. The matter being a ſecond time explained, was a ſecond time regulated.

Now if it be conſidered, that the omiſſion mentioned ſtruck off with one word ſo very great a part of our trade, it muſt appear remarkable; and equally ſo is the method, by which rice becauſe an enumerated commodity.

"The enumeration was obtained (ſays Mr. [a] Gee) by one Cole, a Captain of a ſhip, employed by a company then trading to Carolina; for ſeveral ſhips going from England thither, and purchaſing rice for Portugal, prevented the aforeſaid Captain of a loading. Upon his coming home, he poſſeſſed one Mr. Lowndes, a member of Parliament (who was very frequently employed to prepare bills) with an opinion, that carrying rice directly to Portugal, was a prejudice to the trade of England, and privately got a clauſe into an act, to make it an enumerated commodity; by which means he ſecured a freight to himſelf. But the conſequence proved a vaſt loſs to the nation."

I find that this clauſe, "privately got into an act, "for the benefit of Captain Cole, to the "vaſt loſs of the nation, " is foiſted into the 3d and 4th Anne, Chap. 5th, intituled, An act for granting to her Majeſty a further ſubſidy on wines and merchandizes imported, with which it has no more connection, than with 34th Edward I. the 34th and 35th of Henry VIII. and the 25th of Charles II. which provide, that no perſon ſhall be taxed but by himſelf or his repreſentative.

[a] Gee on Trade, page 32.

cautious and ſcrupulous, as in their own caſe.

I AM told, that there is a wonderful addreſs frequently uſed in carrying points in the Houſe of Commons, by perſons experienced in theſe affairs.—That opportunities are watched—and ſometimes votes are paſſed, that if all the members had been preſent, would have been rejected by a great majority. Certain it is, that when a powerful and artful man has determined on any meaſure againſt theſe colonies, he has always ſucceeded in his attempt. Perhaps therefore it will be proper for us, whenever any oppreſſive act affecting us is paſſed, to attribute it to the inattention of the members of the Houſe of Commons, and to the malevolence or ambition of ſome factious great man, rather than to any other cauſe.

Now I do verily believe, that the late act of Parliament, impoſing duties on paper, &c. was formed by Mr. Grenville, and his party, becauſe it is evidently a part of that plan, by which he endeavoured to render himſelf popular at home; and I do alſo believe, that not one half of the members of the Houſe of Commons, even of thoſe who heard it read, did perceive how deſtructive it was to American freedom. For this reaſon, as it is uſual in Great-Britain, to conſider the King's ſpeech as the ſpeech of the Miniſtry, it may be right here to conſider this act as the act of a party, perhaps I ſhould ſpeak more properly, if I was to uſe another term.

THERE are two ways of laying taxes. One is, by impoſing a certain ſum on particular kinds of property, to be paid by the uſer or conſumer, or by rating the perſon at a certain ſum. The other is, by impoſing a certain ſum on particular kinds of property, to be paid by the ſ ller.

WHEN a man pays the firſt ſort of tax, he knows with certainty that he pays ſo much money for a tax. The conſideration for which he pays it, is remote, and it may be, does not occur to him. He is ſenſible too, that he is commanded and obliged to pay it as a tax; and therefore people are apt to be diſpleaſed with this ſort of tax.

THE other ſort of tax is ſubmitted to in a very different manner. The purchaſer of any article, very ſeldom reflects that the ſeller raiſes his price, ſo as to indemnify himſelf for the tax he has paid. He knows that the prices of things are continually fluctuating, and if he thinks about the tax, he thinks at the ſame time, that he might have paid as much, if the article he buys had not been taxed. He gets ſomething viſible and agreeable for his money; and tax and price are ſo confounded together, that he cannot ſeparate, or does not chuſe to take the trouble of ſeparating them.

THIS mode of taxation therefore is the mode ſuited to arbitrary and oppreſſive governments. The love of liberty is ſo natural to the human heart, that unfeeling tyrants think themſelves obliged to accommodate their ſchemes as much as they can to the appearance of juſtice and reaſon, and to deceive thoſe whom they reſolve to deſtroy, or oppreſs, by preſenting to them a miſerable picture of freedom, when the ineſtimable original is loſt.

THIS policy did not eſcape the cruel and rapacious Nero. That monſter, apprehenſive that his crimes might endanger his authority and life, thought proper to do ſome popular acts, to ſecure the obedience of his ſubjects. Among other things, ſays Tacitus," he remitted the twenty-fifth part of the price on the ſale of ſlaves, but rather in ſhew than reality; for the ſeller being ordered to pay it, it became part of the price to the buyer Tacitus's Ann. Book 13. § 31..

THIS is the reflection of the judicious hiſtorian; but the deluded people gave their infamous Emperor full credit for his falſe generoſity. Other nations have been treated in the ſame manner the Romans were. The honeſt, induſtrious Germans, who are ſettled in different parts of this continent, can inform us, that it was this ſort of tax that drove them from their native land to our woods, at that time the ſeats of perfect and undiſturbed freedom.

THEIR Princes, enflamed by the luſt of power, and the luſt of avarice, two furies that the more they are gorged, the more hungry they grow, tranſgreſſed the bounds they ought, in regard to themſelves, to have obſerved. To keep up the deception in the minds of ſubjects, "there muſt be," ſays a very learned author Monteſquieu's Spirit of Laws, Book 13, Chap. 8., "ſome proportion between the impoſt and the value of the commodity; wherefore there ought not to be an exceſſive duty upon merchandizes of little value. There are countries in which the duty exceeds ſeventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity. In this caſe the Prince removes the illuſion. His ſubjects plainly ſee they are dealt with in an unreaſonable manner, which renders them moſt exquiſitely ſenſible of their ſlaviſh ſituation." From 〈◊〉 it appears, that ſubjects may be ground down into miſery by this ſort of taxation, as well 〈◊◊〉 former. They will be as much impoveriſhed, if their money is taken from 〈◊◊〉 this way as in the other; and that it will be taken, may be more evident, by attending to a few more conſiderations.

THE merchant or importer, who pays the duty at firſt, will not conſent to be ſo much money out of pocket. He therefore proportionably raiſes the price of his goods. It may then be ſaid to be a conteſt between him and the perſon offering to buy, who ſhall loſe the duty. This muſt be decided by the nature of the commodities, and the purchaſer's demand for them. If they are mere luxuries, he is at liberty to do as he pleaſes, and if he buys, he does it voluntarily: But if they are abſolute neceſſaries, or conveniences, which uſe and cuſtom have made requiſite for the comfort of life, and which he is not permitted, by the power impoſing the duty, to get elſewhere, there the ſeller has a plain advantage, and the buyer muſt pay the duty. In fact, the ſeller is nothing leſs than a collector of the tax for the power that impoſed it. If theſe duties then are extended to the neceſſaries and conveniences of life in general, and enormouſly increaſed, the people muſt at length become indeed "moſt exquiſitely ſenſible of their ſlaviſh ſituation." Their happineſs therefore entirely depends on the moderation of thoſe who have authority to impoſe the duties.

I SHALL now apply theſe obſervations to the late act of Parliament. Certain duties are thereby impoſed on paper and glaſs imported into theſe colonies. By the laws of Great-Britain we are prohibited to get theſe articles from any other part of the world. We cannot at preſent, nor for many years to come, though we ſhould apply ourſelves to theſe manufactures with the 〈◊〉 induſtry, make enough ourſelves for our own uſe. That paper and glaſs 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 convenient, but abſolutely neceſſary for us, I imagine very few will contend. Some perhaps, who think mankind grew wicked and luxurious, as ſoon as they found out another way of communicating their ſentiments than by ſpeech, and another way of dwelling than in caves, may advance ſo whimſical an opinion. But I preſume no body will take the unneceſſary trouble of refuting them.

FROM theſe remarks I think it evident, that we muſt uſe paper and glaſs; that what we uſe, muſt be Britiſh; and that we muſt pay the duties impoſed, unleſs thoſe who ſell theſe articles, are ſo generous as to make us preſents of the duties they pay.

SOME perſons may think this act of no conſequence, becauſe the duties are ſo ſmall. A fatal error. That is the very circumſtance moſt alarming to me. For I am convinced, that the authors of this law would never have obtained an act to raiſe ſo trifling a ſum as it muſt do, had they not intended by it to eſtabliſh a precedent for future uſe. To that is ſet for us, praiſing the neatneſs of the workmanſhip. Suppoſe the duties impoſed by the late act could be paid by theſe diſtreſſed colonies with the utmoſt eaſe, and that the purpoſes to which they are to be applied, were the moſt reaſonable and equitable that can be convinced, the contrary of which I hope to demonſtrate before theſe letters are concluded; yet even in ſuch a ſuppoſed caſe, theſe colonies ought to regard the act with abhorrence. For who are a free people? Not thoſe, over whom government is reaſonably and equitably exerciſed, but thoſe, who live under a government ſo conſtitutionally checked and controuled, that proper proviſion is made againſt its being otherwiſe exerciſed.

THE late act is founded on the deſtruction of this conſtitutional ſecurity. If the Parliament have a right to lay a duty of Four Shillings and Eight-Pence on a hundred weight of glaſs, or a ream of paper, they have a right to lay a duty of any other ſum on either. They may raiſe the duty, as the author before quoted ſays has been done in ſome countries, till it "exceeds ſeventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity." In ſhort, if they have a right to levy a tax of one penny upon us, they have a right to levy a million upon us: For where does their right ſtop? At any given number of Pence, Shillings or Pounds? To attempt to limit their right, after granting it to exiſt at all, is as contrary to reaſon—as granting it to exiſt at all, is contrary to juſtice. If they have any right to tax us—then, whether our own money ſhall continue in our own pockets or not, depends no longer on us, but on them. "There is nothing which" we "can call our own; or, to uſe the words of Mr. Lockewhat property have we in that, which another may, by right, take, when he pleaſes, to himſelf?" Lord Camden's ſpeech.

THESE duties, which will inevitably be levied upon us—which are now levying upon us—are expreſsly laid for the ſole purpoſe of taking money. This is the true definition of "taxes." They are therefore taxes. This money is to be taken from us. We are therefore taxed. Thoſe who are taxed without their own conſent, expreſſed by themſelves or their repreſentatives, are ſlaves. We are taxed without our own conſent, expreſſed by ourſelves or our repreſentatives. We are therefore—SLAVES.

"It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies."—"The Americans are the ſons, not the baſtards of England."—"The diſtinction between legiſlation and taxation is eſſentially neceſſary to liberty."—"The Commons of America, repreſented in their ſeveral Aſſemblies, have ever been in poſſeſſion of this their conſtitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They would have been ſlaves, if they had not enjoyed it." "The idea of a virtual repreſentation of America in this Houſe, is the moſt contemptible idea, that ever entered into the head of man.—It does not deſerve a ſerious refutation." — Mr. Pitt's ſpeech on the Stamp-Act.

That great and excellent man Lord Camden, maintains the ſame opinion. His ſpeech in the Houſe of Peers, on the declaratory bill of the ſovereignty of Great-Britain over the colonies, has lately appeared in our papers. The following extracts ſo perfectly agree with, and confirm the ſentiments avowed in theſe letters, that it is hoped the inforting them in this note will be excuſed.

"As the affair is of the utmoſt importance, and in its conſequences may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the ſtricteſt review of my arguments; I re-examined all my authorities; fully determined, if I found myſelf miſtaken publicly to own my miſtake, and give up my opinion: But my ſoarches have more and more convinced me, that the Britiſh Parliament have "no right to tax" the Americans.""—"Nor is the doctrine new; it is as old as the conſtitution; it grew up with it; indeed it is its ſupport."—"Taxation and repreſentation are inſeparably united. GOD hath joined them: No Britiſh Parliament can ſeparate them: To endeavour to do it is to ſtab our vitals."

"My poſition is this—I repeat it—I will maintain it to my laſt hour—taxation and repreſentation are inſeparable—this poſition is founded on the laws of nature; it is more, it is itſelf an eternal law of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is abſolutely his own; no man hath a right to take it from him without his conſent, either expreſſed by himſelf or repreſentative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery; he throws down the diſtinction between liberty and ſlavery."—"There is not a blade of graſs, in the moſt obſcure corner of the kingdom, which is not, which was not ever repreſented, ſince the conſtitution began: There is not a blade of graſs, which, when taxed, was not taxed by the conſent of the proprietor." "The forefathers of the Americans did not leave their native country, and ſubject themſelves to every danger and diſtreſs, to be reduced to a ſtate of ſlavery. They did not give up their rights: They looked for protection, and not for chains, from their Mother country. By her they expected to be defended in the poſſeſſion of their property, and not to be deprived of it: For ſhould the preſent power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own; or, to uſe the words of Mr. Locke, "what property have they in that, which another may, by right, take, when he pleaſes, to himſelf?"

It is impoſſible to read this ſpeech, and Mr. Pitt's, and not be charmed with the generous zeal for the rights of mankind that glows in every ſentence. Theſe great and good men, animated by the ſubject they ſpeak upon, ſeem to riſe above all the former glorious exertions of their abilities. A foreigner might be tempted to think they are Americans, aſſerting, with all the ardour of pratriotiſm, and all the anxiety of apprehenſion, the cauſe of their native land—and not Britons, ſtriving to ſtop their miſtaken countrymen from oppreſſing others. Their reaſoning is not only juſt—it is, as Mr. Hume ſays of the eloquence of Demoſthenes," vehement." It is diſdain, anger, boldneſs, freedom, involved in a continual ſtream of argument.

Miſerabile vulgus. A miſerable tribe. A FARMER.
LETTER VIII. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

IN my opinion, a dangerous example is ſet in the laſt act relating to theſe colonies. The power of Parliament to levy money upon us for raiſing a revenue, is therein avowed and exerted. Regarding the act upon this ſingle principle. I muſt again repeat, and I think it my duty to repeat, that to me it appears to be unconſtitutional.

No man, who conſiders the conduct of the Parliament ſince the repeal of the Stamp-Act, and the diſpoſition of many people at home, can doubt, that the chief object of attention there, is to uſe Mr. Grenville's expreſſion, "providing that the dependence and obedience of the colonies be aſſerted and maintained."

UNDER the influence of this notion, inſtantly on repealing the Stamp-Act, an act paſſed declaring the power of Parliament to bind theſe colonies in all caſes whatever. This however was only planting a barren tree, that caſt a ſhade indeed over the colonies, but yielded no fruit. It being determined to enforce the authority on which the Stamp-Act was founded, the Parliament having never renounced the right, as Mr. Pitt adviſed them to do; and it being thought proper to diſguiſe that authority in ſuch a manner, as not again to alarm the colonies; ſome little time was required to find a method, by which both theſe points ſhould be united. At laſt the ingenuity of Mr. Grenville and his party accompliſhed the matter, as it was thought, in "an act for granting certain duties in the Britiſh colonies and plantations in America, for allowing drawbacks, "&c. which is the title of the act laying duties on paper, &c.

THE Parliament having ſeveral times before impoſed duties to be paid in America, it was expected, no doubt, that the repetition of ſuch a meaſure would be paſſed over, as an uſual thing. But to have done this, without expreſsly "aſſerting and maintaining" the power of Parliament to take our money without our conſent, and to apply it as they pleaſe, would not have been, in Mr. Grenville's opinion, ſufficiently declarative of its ſupremacy, nor ſufficiently depreſſive of American freedom.

THEREFORE it is, that in this memorable act we find it expreſsly" provided," that money ſhall be levied upon us without our conſent, for purpoſes, that render it, if poſſible, more dreadful than the Stamp-Act.

THAT act, alarming as it was, declared, the money thereby to be raiſed, ſhould be applied "towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting and ſecuring the Britiſh colonies and plantations in America:" And it is evident from the whole act, that by the word "Britiſh," were intended colonies and plantations ſettled by Britiſh people, and not generally, thoſe ſubject to the Britiſh crown. That act therefore ſeemed to have ſomething gentle and kind in its intention, and to aim only at our own welfare: But the act now objected to, impoſes duties upon the Britiſh colonies, "to defray the expences of defending, protecting and ſecuring his Majeſty's dominions in America."

WHAT a change of words! What an incomputable addition to the expences intended by the Stamp-Act! "His Majeſty's dominions" comprehend not only the Britiſh colonies, but alſo the conquered provinces of Canada and Florida, and the Britiſh garriſons of Nova-Scotia; for theſe do not deſerve the name of colonies.

WHAT juſtice is there in making US pay for "defending, protecting and ſecuring" theſe places? What benefit can WE, or have WE ever derived from them? None of them was conquered for US; nor will "be defended, protected or ſecured" for US.

IN fact, however advantageous the ſubduing or keeping any of theſe countries may be to Great-Britain, the acquiſition is greatly injurious to theſe colonies. Our chief property conſiſts in lands. Theſe would have been of much greater value, if ſuch prodigious additions had not been made to the Britiſh territories on this continent. The natural increaſe of our own people, if confined within the colonies, would have raiſed the value ſtill higher every fifteen or twenty years: Beſides, we ſhould have lived more compactly together, and have been therefore more able to reſiſt any enemy. But now the inhabitants will be thinly ſcattered over an immenſe region, as thoſe who want ſettlements, will chuſe to make new ones, rather than pay great prices for old ones.

THESE 〈◊〉 the conſequences to the colonies, of the hearty aſſiſtance they gave to Great-Britain in the late war—a war undertaken ſolely for her own benefit. The objects of it were, the ſecuring to herſelf the rich tracts of land on the back of theſe colonies, with the Indian trade; and Nova Scotia, with the fiſhery. Theſe, and much more, has that kingdom gained; but the inferior animals, that hunted with the lion, have been amply rewarded for all the ſweat and blood their loyalty coſt them, by the honour of having ſweated and bled in ſuch company.

I WILL not go ſo far as to ſay, that Canada and Nova Scotia are curbs on New-England; the chain of forts through the back woods on the Middle Provinces; and Florida on the reſt: But I will venture to ſay, that if the products of Canada, Nova Scotia and Florida deſerve any conſideration, the two firſt of them are only rivals of our northern colonies, and the other of our ſouthern.

IT has been ſaid, that without the conqueſt of theſe countries, the colonies could not have been "protected, defended and ſecured." If that is true, it may with as much propriety be ſaid, that Great-Britain could not have been "defended, protected and ſecured," without that conqueſt: For the colonies are parts of her empire, which it as much concerns her as them to keep out of the hands of any other power.

BUT theſe colonies, when they were much weaker, defended themſelves, before this conqueſt was made, and could again do it, againſt any that might properly be called their ememies. If France and Spain indeed ſhould attack them, as members of the Britiſh empire, perhaps they might be diſtreſſed; but it would be in a Britiſh quarrel.

THE largeſt account I have ſeen of the number of people in Canada, does not make them exceed 90, 000. Florida can hardly be ſaid to have any inhabitants. It is computed that there are in our colonies 3, 000, 000. Our force therefore muſt increaſe with a diſproportion to the growth of their ſtrength, that would render us very ſafe.

THIS being the ſtate of the caſe, I cannot think it juſt that theſe colonies, labouring under ſo many misfortunes, ſhould be loaded with taxes, to maintain countries, not only not uſeful, but hurtful to them. The ſupport of Canada and Florida coſt yearly it is ſaid, half a million ſterling. From hence we may make ſome gueſs of the load that is to be laid upon US; for WE are not only to "defend, protect and ſecure" them, but alſo to make "an adequate proviſion for defraying the charge of the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of civil government, in ſuch provinces where it ſhall be found neceſſary."

NOT one of the provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, or Florida, has ever defrayed theſe expences within itſelf: And if the duties impoſed by the laſt ſtatute are collected, all of them together, according to the beſt information I can get, will not pay one quarter as much as Pennſylvania alone. So that the Britiſh colonies are to be drained of the rewards of their labour, to cheriſh the ſcorching ſands of Florida, and the icy rocks of Canada and Nova-Scotia, which never will return to us one farthing that we ſend to them.

GREAT-BRITAIN—I mean, the Miniſtry in Great-Britain, has cantoned Canada and Florida out into five or ſix governments, and may form as many more. There now are fourteen or fifteen regiments on this continent; and there ſoon may be as many more. To make "an adequate proviſion" for all theſe expences, is, no doubt, to be the inheritance of the colonies.

CAN any man believe that the duties upon paper, &c. are the laſt that will be laid for theſe purpoſes? It is in vain to hope, that becauſe it is imprudent to lay duties on the exportation of manufactures from a Mother country to colonies, as it may promote manufactures among them, that this conſideration will prevent ſuch a meaſure.

AMBITIOUS artful men have made it popular, and whatever injuſtice or deſtruction will attend it in the opinion of the coloniſts, at home it will be thought juſt and ſalutary."So credulous as well as obſtinate, are the people in believing every thing, which flatters their prevailing paſſion.

THE people of Great-Britain will be told, and have been told, that they are ſinking under an immenſe debt—that great part of this has been contracted in defending the colonies—that theſe are ſo ungrateful and undutiful, that they will not contribute one mite to its payment—nor even to the ſupport of the army now kept up for their "defence and ſecurity"—that they are rolling in wealth, and are of ſo bold and republican a ſpirit, that they are aiming at independence—that the only way to retain them in "obedience," is to keep a ſtrict watch over them, and to draw off part of their riches in taxes—and that every burden laid upon them, is taking off ſo much from Great-Britain.—Theſe aſſertions will be generally believed, and the people will be perſuaded that they cannot be too angry with their colonies, as that anger will be profitable to themſelves.

IN truth, Great-Britain alone receives any benefit from Canada, Nova-Scotia, and Florida; and therefore ſhe alone ought to maintain them. The old maxim of the law is drawn from eaſon and juſtice, and never could be more properly applied, than in this caſe.

Qui ſentit commodum, ſentire debet et onus. They who feel the benefit, ought to feel the burden.
LETTER IX. My dear Countrymen,

I HAVE made ſome obſervations on the purpoſes for which money is to be levied upon us by the late act of Parliament. I ſhall now offer to your conſideration ſome further reflections on that ſubject: And unleſs I am greatly miſtaken, if theſe purpoſes are accompliſhed according to the expreſſed intention of the act, they will be found effectually to ſuperſede that authority in our reſpective Aſſemblies, which is eſſential to liberty. The queſtion is not "whether ſome branches ſhall be lopped off—The axe is laid to the root of the tree; and the whole body muſt infallibly periſh, if we remain idle ſpectators of the work.

No free people ever exiſted, or can ever exiſt, without keeping, to uſe a common, but ſtrong expreſſion, "the purſe ſtrings," in their own hands. Where this is the caſe, they have a conſtitutional check upon the Adminiſtration, which may thereby be brought into order without violence: But where ſuch a power is not lodged in the people, oppreſſion proceeds uncontrouled in its career, till the governed, tranſported into rage, ſeek redreſs in the midſt of blood and confuſion.

THE elegant and ingenious Mr. Hume, ſpeaking of the Anglo Norman government, ſays—"Princes and Miniſters were too ignorant, to be themſelves ſenſible of the advantage attending an equitable adminiſtration, and there was no eſtabliſhed Council or Aſſembly, which could protect the people, and by withdrawing ſupplies, regularly and peaceably admoniſh the King of his duty, and enſure the execution of the laws."

THUS this great man, whoſe political reflections are ſo much admired, makes this power one of the foundations of liberty.

THE Engliſh hiſtory abounds with inſtances, proving that this is the proper and ſucceſsful way to obtain redreſs of grievances. How often have Kings and Miniſters endeavoured to throw off this legal curb upon them, by attempting to raiſe money by a variety of inventions, under pretence of law, without having recourſe to Parliament? And how often have they been brought to reaſon, and peaceably obliged to do juſtice, by the exertion of this conſtitutional authority of the people, veſted in their repreſentatives?

THE inhabitants of theſe colonies have, on numberleſs occaſions, reaped the benefit of this authority lodged in their Aſſemblies.

IT has been for a long time, and now is, a conſtant inſtruction to all Governors, to obtain a PERMANENT ſupport for the offices of government. But as the author of The Adminiſtration of the Colonies ſays, "this order of the Crown is generally, if not univerſally, rejected by the legiſlatures of the colonies."

THEY perfectly know how much their grievances would be regarded, if they had no other method of engaging attention, than by complaining. Thoſe who rule, are extremely apt to think well of the conſtructions made by themſelves in ſupport of their own power. Theſe are frequently erroneous, and pernicious to thoſe they govern. Dry remonſtrances, to ſhew that ſuch conſtructions are wrong and oppreſſive, carry very little weight with them, in the opinion of perſons who gratify their own inclinations in making theſe conſtructions. They CANNOT underſtand the reaſoning that oppoſes their power and deſires. But let it be made their intereſt to underſtand ſuch reaſoning—and a wonderful light is inſtantly thrown upon the matter; and then, rejected remonſtrances become as clear as "proofs of holy writ. Shakeſpeare. "

THE three moſt important articles that our Aſſemblies, or any legiſlatures can provide for, are, Firſt—the defence of the ſociety: Secondly—the adminiſtration of juſtice: And thirdly—the ſupport of civil government.

NOTHING can properly regulate the expence of making proviſion for theſe occaſions, but the neceſſities of the ſociety; its abilities; the conveniency of the modes of levying money in it; the manner in which the laws have been executed; and the conduct of the officers of government: All which are circumſtance, that cannot poſſibly be properly known, but by the ſociety itſelf; or if they ſhould be known, will not probably be properly conſidered but by that ſociety.

IF money be raiſed upon us by others, without our conſent, for our "defence," thoſe who are the judges in levying it, muſt alſo be the judges in applying it. Of conſequence the money ſaid to be taken from us for our defence, may be employed to our injury. We may be chained in by a line of fortifications—obliged to pay for the building and maintaining them—and be told, that they are for our defence. With what face can we diſpute the fact, after having granted that thoſe who apply the money, had a right to levy it? For ſurely, it is much eaſier for their wiſdom to underſtand how to apply it in the beſt manner, than how to levy it in the beſt manner. Beſides, the right of levying is of infinitely more conſequence, than that of applying. The people of England, who would burſt out into fury, if the Crown ſhould attempt to levy money by its own authority, have always aſſigned to the Crown the application of money.

As to the "adminiſtration of juſtice"—the judges ought, in a well regulated ſtate, to be equally independent of the executive and legiſlative powers. Thus in England judges hold their commiſſions from the Crown "during good behaviour," and have ſalaries, ſuitable to their dignity, ſettled on them by Parliament. The purity of the courts of law ſince this eſtabliſhment, is a proof of the wiſdom with which it was made.

BUT in theſe colonies, how fruitleſs has been every attempt to have the judges appointed "during good behaviour?" Yet whoever conſiders the matter will ſoon perceive, that ſuch commiſſions are beyond all compariſon more neceſſary in theſe colonies, than they were in England.

THE chief danger to the ſubject there, aroſe from the arbitrary deſigns of the Crown; but here, the time may come, when we may have to contend with the deſigns of the Crown, and of a mighty kingdom. What then muſt be chance, when the laws of life and death are to be ſpoken by judges totally dependent on that Crown, and that kingdom—ſent over perhaps from thence—filled with Britiſh prejudices—and backed by a STANDING army—ſupported out of OUR OWN pockets, to "aſſert and maintain" OUR OWN "dependence and obedience."

BUT ſuppoſing that through the extreme lenity that will prevail in the government through all future ages, theſe colonies will never behold any thing like the campaign of Chief Juſtice Jeffreys, yet what innumerable acts of injuſtice may be committed, and how fatally may the principles of liberty be ſapped, by a ſucceſſion of judges utterly independent of the people? Before ſuch judges, the ſupple wretches, who cheerfully join in avowing ſentiments inconſiſtent with freedom, will always meet with ſmiles; while the honeſt and brave men, who diſdain to ſacrifice their native land to their own advantage, but on every occaſion boldly vindicate her cauſe, will conſtantly be regarded with frowns.

THERE are two other conſiderations relating to this head, that deſerve the moſt ſerious attention.

BY the late act, the officers of the cuſtoms are "impowered to enter into any HOUSE, warehouſe, ſhop, cellar, or other place, in the Britiſh colonies or plantations in America, to ſearch for or ſeize prohibited or unaccuſtomed goods, "&c. on "writs granted by the ſuperior or ſupreme court of juſtice, having juriſdiction within ſuch colony or plantation reſpectively."

IF we only reflect, that the judges of theſe courts are to be during pleaſure—that they are to have "adequate proviſion" made for them, which is to continue during their complaiſant behaviour—that they may be ſtrangers to theſe colonies—what an engine of oppreſſion may this authority be in ſuch hands?

I AM well aware, that writs of this kind may be granted at home, under the ſeal of the Court of Exchequer: But I know alſo, that the greateſt aſſerters of the rights of Engliſhmen have always ſtrenuouſly contended, that ſuch a power was dangerous to freedom, and expreſsly contrary to the common law, which ever regarded a man's houſe as his caſtle, or a place of perfect ſecurity.

IF ſuch power was in the leaſt degree dangerous there, it muſt be utterly deſtructive to liberty here. For the people there have two ſecurities againſt the undue exerciſe of this power by the Crown, which are wanting with us, if the late act takes place. In the firſt place, if any injuſtice is done there, the perſon injured may bring his action againſt the offender, and have it tried before independent judges, who areThe writs for ſearching houſes in England, are to be granted "under the ſeal of the Court of Exchequer," according to the ſtatute—and that ſeal is kept by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. 4 th Inſt. page 104. no parties in committing the injury. Here he muſt have it tried before dependent judges, being the men who granted the writ.

To ſay, that the cauſe is to be tried by a jury, can never reconcile men who have any idea of freedom, to ſuch a power. For we know that ſheriffs in almoſt every colony on this continent, are totally dependent on the Crown; and packing of juries has been frequently practiſed even in the capital of the Britiſh empire. Even if juries are well inclined, we have too many inſtances of the influence of over-bearing unjuſt judges upon them. The brave and wiſe men who accompliſhed the revolution, thought the independency of judges eſſential to freedom.

THE other ſecurity which the people have at home, but which we ſhall want here, is this.

IF this power is abuſed there, the Parliament, the grand reſource of the oppreſſed people, is ready to afford relief. Redreſs of grievances muſt precede grants of money. But what regard can we expect to have paid to our Aſſemblies, when they will not hold even the puny privilege of French Parliaments—that of regiſtering, before they are put in execution, the edicts that take away our money.

THE ſecond conſideration above hinted at, is this. There is a confuſion in our laws, that is quite unknown in Great-Britain. As this cannot be deſcribed in a more 〈◊〉 or exact manner, than has been done by the ingenious author of the hiſtory of New York, I beg leave to uſe his words. "The ſtate of our laws opens a door to much controverſy. The uncertainty, with reſpect to them, renders property precarious, and greatly expoſes us to the arbitrary deciſion of bad judges. The common law of England is generally received, together with ſuch ſtatutes as were enacted before we had a legiſlature of our own; but our courts exerciſe a ſovereign authority, in determining what parts of the common and ſtatute law ought to be extended: For it muſt be admitted, that the difference of circumſtances neceſſarily requires us, in ſome caſes, to REJECT the determination of both. In many inſtances, they have alſo extended even acts of Parliament, paſſed ſince we had a diſtinct legiſlature, which is greatly adding to our confuſion. The practice of our courts is no leſs uncertain than the law. Some of the Engliſh rules are adopted, others rejected. Two things therefore ſeem to be abſolutely neceſſary for the public ſecurity. Firſt, the paſſing an act for ſettling the extent of the Engliſh laws. Secondly, that the courts ordain a general ſet of rules for the regulation of the practice."

How eaſy it will be, under this "ſtate of our laws," for an artful judge, to act in the moſt arbitrary manner, and yet cover his conduct under ſpecious pretences; and how difficult it will be for the injured people to obtain relief, may be readily perceived. We may take a voyage of 3000 miles to complain; and after the trouble and hazard we have undergone, we may be told, that the collection of the revenue, and maintenance of the prerogative, muſt not be diſcouraged—and if the miſbehaviour is ſo groſs as to admit of no juſtification, it may be ſaid, that it was an error in judgment only, ariſing from the confuſion of our laws, and the zeal of the King's ſervants to do their duty.

IF the commiſſions of judges are during the pleaſure of the Crown, yet if their ſalaries are during the pleaſure of the people, there will be ſome check upon their conduct. Few men will conſent to draw on themſelves the hatred and contempt of thoſe among whom they live, for the empty honour of being judges. It is the forbid love of gain, that tempts men to turn their backs on virtue, and pay their homage where they ought not.

As to the third particular, "the ſupport of civil government,"—few words will be ſufficient. Every man of the leaſt underſtanding muſt know, that the executive power may be exerciſed in a manner ſo diſagreeable and harraſſing to the people, that it is abſolutely requiſite, that they ſhould be enabled by the gentleſt method which human policy has yet been ingenious enough to invent, that is, by ſhutting their hands, to "ADMONISH" (as Mr. Hume ſays) certain perſons "of their duty."

WHAT ſhall we now think when, upon looking into the late act, we find the Aſſemblies of theſe provinces thereby ſtript of their authority on theſe ſeveral heads? The declared intention of the act is, "that a revenue ſhould be raiſed in his Majeſty's DOMINIONS in America, for making a more certain and adequate proviſion for defraying the charge of the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of civil government in ſuch provinces where it ſhall be found neceſſary, and towards further defraying the expences of defending, protecting and ſecuring the SAID DOMINIONS."

LET the reader pauſe here one moment—and reflect—whether the colony in which he lives, has not made ſuch "certain and adequate proviſion" for theſe purpoſes, as is by the colony judged suitable to its abilties, and all other circumstances. Then let him reflect—whether if this act takes place, money is not to be raiſed on that colony without its conſent, to make "proviſion" for theſe purpoſes, which it does not judge to be ſuitable to its abilities, and all other circumſtances. Laſtly, let him reflect—whether be taken from them under the notion of right, when they have refuſed to give it.

FOR my part, I think I have good reaſon for vindicating the honour of the Aſſemblies on this continent, by publicly aſſerting, that THEY have made as "certain and adequate proviſion" for the purpoſes abovementioned, as they ought to have made, and that it ſhould not be preſumed, that they will not do it hereafter. Why then ſhould theſe moſt important truſts be wreſted out of their hands? Why ſhould they not now be permitted to enjoy that authority, which they have exerciſed from the firſt ſettlement of theſe colonies? Why ſhould they be ſcandalized by this innovation, when their reſpective provinces are now, and will be, for ſeveral years, labouring under loads of debt, impoſed on them for the very purpoſe now ſpoken of? Why ſhould all the inhabitants of theſe colonies be, with the utmoſt indignity, treated as a herd of deſpicable ſtupid wretches, ſo utterly void of common ſenſe, that they will not even make "adequate proviſion" for the "adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of civil government" among them, or for their own "defence"—though without ſuch "proviſion" every people muſt inevitably be overwhelmed with anarchy and deſtruction? Is it poſſible to form an idea of a ſlavery more compleat, more miſerable, more diſgraceful than that of a people, where juſtice is adminiſtered, government exerciſed, and a ſtanding army maintained, at the expence of the people, and yet without the leaſt dependence upon them? If we can find to relief from this infamous ſituation, it will be fortunate for us, if Mr. Grenville, ſetting his fertile fancy again at work, can, as by one exertion of it he has ſtript us of our property and liberty, by another deprive us of ſo much of our underſtanding, that, unconſcious of what we have been or are, and ungoaded by tormenting reflections, we may bow down our necks, with all the ſtupid ſerenity of ſervitude, to any drudgery, which our lords and maſters ſhall pleaſe to command.

WHEN the charges of the "adminiſtration of juſtice," the "ſupport of civil government," and the expences of "defending, protecting and ſecuring" us, are provided for, I ſhould be glad to know, upon what occaſions the Crown will ever call our Aſſemblies together. Some few of them may meet of their own accord, by virtue of their charters. But what will they have to do, when they are met? To what ſhadows will they be reduced? The men, whoſe deliberations heretofore had an influence on every matter relating to the liberty and happineſs of themſelves and their conſtituents, and whoſe authority in domeſtic affairs at leaſt, might well be compared to that of Roman ſenators, will now find their deliberations of no more conſequence, than thoſe of conſtables They may perhaps be allowed to make laws for the yoking of hogs, or pounding of ſtray cattle. Their influence will hardly be permitted to extend ſo high, as the keeping roads in repair, as that buſineſs may more properly be executed by thoſe who receive the public caſh.

ONE moſt memorable example in hiſtory is ſo applicable to the point now inſiſted on, that it will form a juſt concluſion of the obſervations that have been made.

SPAIN was once free. Their Cortes reſembled our Parliaments. No money could be raiſed on the ſubject, without their conſent. One of their Kings having received a grant from them to maintain a war againſt the Moors, deſired, that if the ſum which they had given, ſhould not be ſufficient, he might be allowed, for that emergency only, to raiſe more money without aſſembling the Cortes. The requeſt was violently oppoſed by the beſt and wiſeſt men in the Aſſembly. It was, however, complied with by the votes of a majority; and this ſingle conceſſion was a PRECEDENT for other conceſſions of the like kind, until at laſt the Crown obtained a general power of raiſing money, in caſes of neceſſity. From that period the Cortes ceaſed to be uſeful,—the people ceaſed to be free.

Venienti occurrite morbo. Oppoſe a diſeaſe at its beginning. A FARMER.
LETTER X. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

THE conſequences, mentioned in the laſt letter, will not be the utmoſt limits of our miſery and infamy, if the late act is acknowledged to be binding upon us. We feel too ſenſibly, that any Miniſterial meaſures "The Gentleman muſt not wonder he was not contradicted, when, as Miniſter, he aſſerted the right of Parliament to tax America. I know not how it is, but there is a modeſty in this Houſe, which does not chooſe to contradict a Miniſter. I wiſh Gentlemen would get the better of this modeſty. If they do not, perhaps the collective body may begin to abate of its reſpect for the repreſentative."Mr. Pitt's ſpeech.relating to theſe colonies, are ſoon carried ſucceſsfully through the Parliament. Certain prejudices operate there ſo ſtrongly againſt us, that it may be juſtly queſtioned, whether all the provinces united, will ever be able effectually, to call to an account before the Parliament, any Miniſter who ſhall abuſe the power by the late act given to the Crown in America. He may divide the ſpoils torn from us in what manner he pleaſes, and we ſhall have no way of making him reſponſible. If he ſhould order, that every Governor ſhall have a yearly ſalary of 5000l. ſterling; every Chief juſtice of 3000l. every inferior officer in proportion; and ſhould then reward the moſt pro ••• gate, ignorant, or needy dependents on himſelf or his friends, with places of the greateſt truſt, becauſe they were of the greateſt profit, this would be called an arrangement in conſequence of the "adequate proviſion for defraying the charge of the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of the civil government:" And if the taxes ſhould prove at any time inſufficient to anſwer all the expences of the numberleſs offices, which Miniſters may pleaſe to create, ſurely the members of the Houſe of Commons will be ſo "modeſt, " as not to "contradict a Miniſter, " who ſhall tell them, it is become neceſſary to lay a new tax upon the colonies, for the laudable purpoſes of defraying the charges of the "adminiſtration of juſtice, and ſupport of civil government" among them. Thus, in fact, we ſhall be taxed"Within this act (ſtatute de tallagio non concedendo) are all new offices erected with new fees, or old offices with new fees, for that is a rallage put upon the ſubject, which cannot be done without common aſſent by act of Parliament. And this doth notably appear by a petition in Parliament in anno 13 Henry IV. where the Commons complain, that an office was erected for meaſurage of cloths and canvas, with a new fee for the ſame, by colour of the King's letters patent, and pray that theſe letters patent may be revoked, for that the King could erect no offices with new fees to be taken of the people, who may not ſo be charged but by Parliament." — 2d Inſt. p. 533. by Miniſters. In ſhort, it will be in their power to ſettle upon us any civil, eccleſiaſtical, or military eſtabliſhment, which they chooſe.

WE may perceive, by the example of Ireland, how eager Miniſters are to ſeize upon any ſettled revenue, and apply it in ſupporting their own power. Happy are the men, and happy the people who grow wiſe by the misfortunes of others. Earneſtly, my dear countrymen, do I beſeech the author of all good gifts, that you may grow wiſe in this manner; and if I may be allowed to take ſuch a liberty, I beg leave to recommend to you in general, as the beſt method of attaining this wiſdom, diligently to ſtudy the hiſtories of other countries. You will there find all the arts, that can poſſibly be practiſed by cunning rulers, or falſe patriots among yourſelves, ſo fully delineated, that, changing names, the account would ſerve for your own times.

IT is pretty well known on this continent, that Ireland has, with a regular conſiſtency of injuſtice, been cruelly treated by Miniſters in the article of penſions; but there are ſome alarming circumſtances relating to that ſubject, which I wiſh to have better known among us.

An enquiry into the legality of penſions on the Iriſh eſtabliſhment, by Alexander M'Auly, Eſq; one of the King's Council, &c.

Mr. M'Auly concludes his piece in the following beautiful manner. "If any penſions have been obtained on that eſtabliſhment, to ſerve the corrupt purpoſes of ambitious men.—If his Majeſty's revenues of Ireland have been employed in penſions, to debauch his Majeſty's ſubjects of both kingdoms.—If the treaſure of Ireland has been expended in penſions, for corrupting men of that kingdom to betray their country; and men of the neighbouring kingdom, to betray both.—If Iriſh penſions have been procured, to ſupport gameſters and gaming-houſes; promoting a vice which threatens national ruin.—If penſions have been purloined out of the national treaſure of Ireland, under the maſk of ſalaries annexed to public offices, uſeleſs to the nation; newly invented, for the purpoſes of corruption.—If Ireland, juſt beginning to recover from the devaſtations of maſſacre and rebellion, be obſtructed in the progreſs of her cure, by ſwarms of penſionary vultures preying on her vitals.—If, by ſquandering the national ſubſtance of Ireland, in a licentious, unbounded profuſion of penſions, inſtead of employing it in nouriſhing and improving her infant agriculture, trade and manufactures, or in enlightening and reforming her poor, ignorant, deluded, miſerable natives (by nature moſt amiable, moſt valuable, moſt worthy of public attention)—If, by ſuch abuſe of the national ſubſtance, ſloth and naſtineſs, cold and hunger, nakedneſs and wretchedneſs, popery, depopulation and barbariſm, ſtill maintain their ground; ſtill deform a country, abounding with all the riches of nature, yet hitherto deſtined to beggary.—If ſuch penſions be found on the Iriſh eſtabliſhment; let ſuch be cut off: And let the perfidious adviſers be branded with indelible characters of public infamy; adequate, if poſſible, to the diſhonour of their crime."

THE revenue of the Crown there ariſes principally from the Exciſe granted "for pay of the army, and defraying other PUBLIC charges, in defence and preſervation of the kingdom"—from the tonnage and additional poundage granted "for protecting the trade of the kingdom at ſea, and augmenting the PUBLIC revenue"—from the hearth money granted—as a "PUBLIC revenue, for PUBLIC charges and expences." There are ſome other branches of the revenue, concerning which there is not any expreſs appropriation of them for PUBLIC ſervice, but which were plainly ſo intended.

OF theſe branches of the revenue the Crown is only truſtee for the Public. They are unalienable. They are inapplicable to any other purpoſes, but thoſe for which they were eſtabliſhed; and therefore are not legally chargeable with penſions.

THERE is another kind of revenue, which is a private revenue. This is not limited to any public uſes; but the Crown has the ſame property in it, that any perſon has in his eſtate. This does not amount, at the moſt, to fifteen thouſand pounds a year, probably not to ſeven, and is the only revenue, that can be legally charged with penſions.

IF Miniſters were accuſtomed to regard the rights or happineſs of the people, the penſions in Ireland would not exceed the ſum juſt mentioned: But long ſince have they exceeded that limit; and in December 1765, a motion was made in the Houſe of Commons in that kingdom, to addreſs his Majeſty on the great increaſe of penſions on the Iriſh eſtabliſhment, amounting to the ſum of 158, 685 l. in the laſt two years.

ATTEMPTS have been made to gloſs over theſe groſs encroachments, by this ſpecious argument—"That expending a competent part of the public revenue in penſions, from a principle of charity or generoſity, adds to the dignity of the Crown; and is therefore uſeful to the public." To give this argument any weight, it muſt appear, that the penſions proceed from "charity or generoſity only"—and that it "adds to the dignity of the Crown," to act directly contrary to law.

FROM this conduct towards Ireland, in open violation of law, we may eaſily foreſee what we may expect, when a Miniſter will have the whole revenue of America in his own hands, to be diſpoſed of at his own pleaſure: For all the monies raiſed by the late act are to be "applied by virtue of warrants under the ſign manual, counterſigned by the High Treaſurer, or any three of the commiſſioners of the Treaſury." The RESIDUE indeed is to be "paid into the receipt of the Exchequer, and to be diſpoſed of by Parliament." So that a Miniſter will have nothing to do, but to take care, that there ſhall be no reſidue, and he is ſuperior to all controul.

BESIDES the burden of penſions in Ireland, which have enormouſly encreaſed within theſe few years, almoſt all the offices in that poor kingdom, have been, ſince the commencement of the preſent century, and now are beſtowed upon ſtrangers. For though the merit of perſons born there, juſtly raiſes them to places of high truſt when they go abroad, as all Europe can witneſs, yet he is an uncommonly lucky Iriſhman, who can get a good poſt in his NATIVE country.

WHEN I conſider the manner

In Charles the Second's time, the Houſe of Commons, influenced by ſome factious demagogues, were reſolved to prohibit the importation of Iriſh cattle into England. Among other arguments in favour of Ireland it was inſiſted—"That by cutting off almoſt entirely the trade between the kingdoms, all the natural bands of union were diſſolved, and nothing remained to keep the Iriſh in their duty, but force and violence."

"The King (ſays Mr. Hume, in his Hiſtory of England) was ſo convinced of the juſtneſs of theſe reaſons, that he uſed all his intereſt to oppoſe the bill, and he openly declared, that he could not give his aſſent to it with a ſafe conſcience. But the Commons were reſolute in their purpoſe."—"And the ſpirit of tyranny, of which nations are as ſuſceptible as individuals, had animated the Engliſh extremely to exert their ſuperiority over their dependent ſtate. No affair could be conducted with greater violence than this by the Commons. They even went ſo far in the preamble of the bill, as to declare the importation of Iriſh cattle to be a nuſance. By this expreſſion they gave ſcope to their paſſion, and at the ſame time barred the King's prerogative, by which he might think himſelf intitled to diſpenſe with a law, ſo full of injuſtice and bad policy. The Lords expunged the word, but as the King was ſenſible that no ſupply would be given by the Commons, unleſs they were gratified in all their prejudices, he was obliged both to employ his intereſt with the Peers, to make the bill paſs, and to give the Royal aſſent to it. He could not, however, forbear expreſſing his diſpleaſure, at the jealouſy entertained againſt him, and at the intention which the Commons diſcovered, of retrenching his prerogative.

This law brought great diſtreſs for ſome time upon Ireland, but it has occaſioned their applying with greater induſtry to manufactures, and has proved in the iſſue beneficial to that kingdom."

Perhaps the ſame reaſon occaſioned the "barring the King's prerogative" in the late act ſuſpending the legiſlation of New-York.

This we may be aſſured of, that we are as dear to his Majeſty, as the people of Great-Britain are. We are his ſubjects as well as they, and as faithful ſubjects; and his Majeſty has given too many, too conſtant proofs of his piety and virtue, for any man to think it poſſible, that ſuch a Prince can make any unjuſt diſtinction between ſuch ſubjects. It makes no difference to his Majeſty, whether ſupplies are raiſed in Great-Britain, or America; but it makes ſome difference to the Commons of that kingdom.

To ſpeak plainly, as becomes an honeſt man on ſuch important occaſions, all our miſfortunes are owing to a luſt of power in men of abilities and influence. This prompts them to ſeek popularity by expedients profitable to themſelves, though ever ſo deſtructive to their country.

Such is the accurſed nature of lawleſs ambition, and yet—What heart but melts at the thought!—Such falſe, deteſtable patriots, in every ſtate, have led their blind, con iding country, ſhouting their applauſes, into the jaws of ſhame and ruin. May the wiſdom and goodneſs of the people of Great-Britain, ſave them from the uſual fate of nations.

"—mentem mortalia angant."

in which that iſland has been uniformly depreſſed for ſo many years paſt, with this pernicious particularity of their Parliament The laſt Iriſh Parliament continued 33 years, during all the late King's reign. The preſent Parliament there has continued from the beginning of this reign, and probably will continue till this reign ends. continuing as long as the Crown pleaſes, I am aſtoniſhed to obſerve ſuch a love of liberty ſtill animating that loyal and generous nation; and nothing can raiſe higher my idea of the integrity and public ſpirit

I am informed, that within theſe few years, a petition was preſented to the Houſe of Commons, ſetting forth "that herrings were imported into Ireland from ſome foreign parts of the north ſo cheap, as to diſcourage the Britiſh herring fiſhery, and therefore praying that ſome remedy might be applied in that behalf by Parliament."—

That upon this petition, the Houſe came to a reſolution, to impoſe a duty of Two Shillings ſterling on every barrel of foreign herrings imported into Ireland; but afterwards dropt the affair, for fear of engaging in a diſpute with Ireland about the right of TAXING her.

So much higher was the opinion, which the Houſe entertained of the ſpirit of Ireland, than of that of theſe colonies.

I find, in the laſt Engliſh papers, that the reſolution and firmneſs with which the people of Ireland have lately aſſerted their freedom, have been ſo alarming in Great-Britain, that the Lord Lieutenant, in his ſpeech on the 20th of laſt October, "recommended to that Parliament, that ſuch proviſion may be made for ſecuring the Judges in the enjoyment of their offices and appointments, during their good behaviour, as ſhall be thought moſt expedient."

What an important conceſſion is thus obtained, by making demands becoming freemen, with a courage and perſeverance becoming freemen!

of a people, who have preſerved the ſacred fire of freedom from being extinguiſhed, though the altar on which it burnt, has been overturned.

IN the ſame manner ſhall we unqueſtionably be treated, as ſoon as the late taxes laid upon us, ſhall make poſts in the "government," and the "adminiſtration of juſtice" here, worth the attention of perſons of influence in Great-Britain. We know enough already to ſatisfy us of this truth. But this will not be the worſt part of our caſe.

THE principals, in all great offices, will reſide in England, making ſome paltry allowance to deputies for doing the buſineſs here. Let any man conſider what an exhauſting drain this muſt be upon us, when Miniſters are poſſeſſed of the power of creating what poſts they pleaſe, and of affixing to ſuch poſts what ſalaries they pleaſe, and he muſt be convinced how deſtructive the late act will be. The injured kingdom lately mentioned, can tell us the miſchiefs of ABSENTEES; and we may perceive already the ſame diſpoſition taking place with us. The government of New-York has been exerciſed by a deputy. That of Virginia is now held ſo; and we know of a number of ſecretary-ſhips, collectorſhips, and other offices, held in the ſame manner.

TRUE it is, that if the people of Great-Britain were not too much blinded by the paſſions, that have been artfully excited in their breaſts, againſt their dutiful children the coloniſts, theſe conſiderations would be nearly as alarming to them as to us. The influence of the Crown was thought by wiſe men, many years ago, too great, by reaſon of the multitude of penſions and places beſtowed by it. Theſe have been vaſtly encreaſed ſince

One of the reaſons urged by that great and honeſt ſtateſman, Sir William Temple, to Charles the Second, in his famous remonſtrance, to diſſuade him from aiming at arbitrary power, was, that the King "had few offices to beſtow."Hume's Hiſt. of England.

"Tho' the wings of prerogative have been clipt, the influence of the Crown is greater than ever it was in any period of our hiſtory. For when we conſider in how many boroughs the government has the votes at command; when we conſider the vaſt body of perſons employed in the collection of the revenue, in every part of the kingdom, the inconceivable number of placemen, and candidates for places in the cuſtoms, in the exciſe, in the poſt-office, in the dock-yards, in the ordnance, in the ſalt-office, in the ſtamps, in the navy and victualling offices, and in a variety of other departments; when we conſider again the extenſive influence of the money corporations, ſubſcription jobbers and contractors, the endleſs dependencies created by the obligations conferred on the bulk of the Gentlemens families throughout the kingdom, who have relations preferred in our navy and numerous ſtanding army; when I ſay, we conſider how wide, how binding a dependence on the Crown is created by the above enumerated particulars, and the great, the enormous weight and influence which the Crown derives from this extenſive dependence upon its favour and power, any Lord in waiting, any Lord of the Bedchamber, any man may be appointed Miniſter."

A doctrine to this effect is ſaid to have been the advice of L—H—. Late Newſpaper.

, and perhaps it would be no difficult matter to prove that the people have decreaſed.

SURELY therefore, thoſe who wiſh the welfare of their country, ought ſeriouſly to reflect, what may be the conſequence of ſuch a new creation of offices, in the diſpoſal of the Crown. The army, the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the civil government here, with ſuch ſalaries as the Crown ſhall pleaſe to annex, will extend Miniſterial influence as much beyond its former bounds, as the late war did the Britiſh dominions.

BUT whatever the people of Great-Britain may think on this occaſion, I hope the people of theſe colonies will unanimouſly join in this ſentiment, that the late act of Parliament is injurious to their liberty, and that this ſentiment will unite them in a firm oppoſition to it, in the ſame manner as the dread of the Stamp-Act did.

SOME perſons may imagine the ſums to be raiſed by it, are but ſmall, and therefore may be inclined to acquieſce under it. A conduct more dangerous to freedom, as before has been obſerved, can never be adopted. Nothing is wanted at home but a PRECEDENT

"Here may be obſerved, that when any ancient law or cuſtom of Parliament is broken, and the Crown poſſeſſed of a precedent, how difficult a thing it is to reſtore the ſubject again to his former freedom and ſafety." — 2 d Coke's Inſt. page 529.

"It is not almoſt credible to foreſee, when any maxim or fundamental law of this realm is altered (as elſewhere hath been obſerved) what dangerous inconveniencies do follow." — 4 th Coke's Inſt. page 41.

, the force of which ſhall be eſtabliſhed, by the tacit ſubmiſſion of the colonies. With what zeal was the ſtatute erecting the poſt-office, and another relating to the recovery of debts in America, urged and tortured, as precedents in ſupport of the Stamp-Act, though wholly inapplicable. If the Parliament ſucceeds in this attempt other ſtatutes will impoſe other duties. Inſtead of taxing ourſelves, as we have 〈◊〉 accuſtomed to do, from the firſt ſettlement of theſe provinces, all our uſual taxes will be converted into Parliamentary taxes on our importations; and thus the Parliament will levy upon us ſuch ſums of money as they chuſe to take, without any other limitation than their pleaſure.

WE know how much labour and care have been beſtowed by th ſe colonies, in laying taxes in ſuch a maner, that they ſhould be moſt eaſy to the people, by being laid on the proper articles; moſt equal, by being proportioned to every man's circumſtances; and cheapeſt, by the method directed for collecting them.

BUT Parliamentary taxes will be laid on us, without any conſideration, whether there is any eaſier mode. The only point regarded will be, the certainty of levying the taxes, and not the convenience of the people on whom they are to be levied; and therefore all ſtatutes on this head will be ſuch as will be moſt likely, according to the favourite phraſe, "to execute themſelves."

TAXES in every free ſtate have been, and ought to be, as exactly proportioned as is poſſible to the abilities of thoſe who are to pay them. They cannot otherwiſe be juſt. Even a Hottentot would comprehend the unreaſonableneſs of making a poor man pay as much for "defending" the property of a rich man, as the rich man pays himſelf.

LET any perſon look into the late act of Parliament, and he will immediately perceive, that the immenſe eſtates of Lord Fairfax, Lord Baltimore Maryland and Pennſylvania have been engaged in the warmeſt diſputes, in order to obtain an equal and juſt taxation of their Proprietors eſtates: But this late act of Parliament does more for thoſe Proprietors, than they themſelves would venture to demand. It totally exempts them from taxation—tho' their vaſt eſtates are to be "ſecured" by the taxes of other people., and our Proprietaries, which are amongſt his Majeſty's other DOMINIONS to be "defended, protected and ſecured" by the act, will not pay a ſingle farthing for the duties thereby impoſed, except Lord Fairfax wants ſome of his windows glazed; Lord Baltimore and our Proprietaries are quite ſecure, as they live in England.

I MENTION theſe particular caſes, as ſtriking inſtances how far the late act is a deviation from that principle of juſtice, which has ſo conſtantly diſtinguiſhed our own laws on this continent, and ought to be regarded in all laws.

THE third conſideration with our continental Aſſemblies in laying taxes, has been the method of collecting them. This has been done by a few officers, with moderate allowances, under the inſpection of the reſpective Aſſemblies. No more was raiſed from the ſubject, than was uſed for the intended purpoſes. But by the late act, a Miniſter may appoint as many officers as he pleaſes for collecting the taxes; may aſſign them what ſalaries he thinks "adequate;" and they are ſubject to no inſpection but his own.

IN ſhort, if the late act of Parliament takes effect, theſe colonies muſt dwindle down into "common corporations, " as their enemies, in the debates concerning the repeal of the Stamp-Act, ſtrenuouſly inſiſted they were; and it ſeems not improbable that ſome future hiſtorian may thus record our fall.

"THE eighth year of this reign was diſtinguiſhed by a very memorable event, the American colonies then ſubmitting, for the FIRST time, to be taxed by the Britiſh Parliament. An attempt of this kind had been made about two years before, but was defeated by the vigorous exertions of the ſeveral provinces, in defence of their liberties. Their behaviour on that occaſion rendered their name very celebrated for a ſhort time all over Europe; all ſtates being extremely attentive to a diſpute between Great-Britain, and ſo conſiderable a part of her dominions. For as ſhe was thought to be grown too powerful, by the ſucceſsful concluſion of the late war ſhe had been engaged in, it was hoped, by many, that as it had happened before to other kingdoms, civil diſcords would afford opportunities of revenging all the injuries ſuppoſed to be received from her. However, the cauſe of diſſention was removed, by a repeal of the ſtatute that had given offence. This affair rendered the ſubmiſſive conduct of the colonies ſo ſoon after, the more extraordinary; there being no difference between the mode of taxation which they oppoſed, and that to which they ſubmitted, but this, that by the firſt, they were to be continually reminded that they were taxed, by certain marks ſtamped on every piece of paper or parchment they uſed. The authors of that ſtatute triumphed greatly on this conduct of the colonies, and inſiſted, that if the people of Great-Britain had perſiſted in enforcing it, the Americans would have been, in a few months, ſo fatigued with the efforts of patriotiſm, that they would have yielded obedience.

"CERTAIN it is, that though they had before their eyes ſo many illuſtrious examples in their Mother country, of the conſtant ſucceſs attending firmneſs and perſeverance, in oppoſition to dangerous encroachments on liberty, yet they quietly gave up a point of the "laſt importance." From thence the decline of their freedom began, and its decay was extremely rapid; for as money was always raiſed upon them by the Parliament, their Aſſemblies grew immediately uſeleſs, and in a ſhort time contemptible: And in leſs than one hundred years, the people ſunk down into that tameneſs and ſupineneſs of ſpirit, by which they ſtill continue to be diſtinguiſhed."

Ét majores veſtros & poſteros cogitate. Remember your anceſtors and your poſterity. A FARMER.
LETTER XI. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

I HAVE ſeveral times, in the courſe of th ſe letters, mentioned the late act of Parliament, as being the foundation of future meaſures injurious to theſe colonies; and the belief of this truth I wiſh to prevail, becauſe I think it neceſſary to our ſafety.

A PERPETUAL jealouſy, reſpecting liberty, is abſolutely requiſite in all free ſtates. The very texture of their conſtitution, in mixt governments, demands it. For the cautions with which power is diſtributed among the ſeveral orders, imply that each 〈◊〉 that ſhare which is proper for the general welfare, and therefore that any further acquiſition muſt be pernicious. Machiavel Machiavel's DiſcourſesBook 3. Chap. I. employs a whole chapter in his diſcourſes, to prove that a ſtate, to be long lived, muſt be frequently corrected, and reduced to its firſt principles. But of all ſtates that have exiſted, there never was any, in which this jealouſy could be more proper than in theſe colonies. For the government here is not only mixt, but dependent, which circumſtance occaſions a peculiarity in its form, of a very delicate nature.

Two reaſons induce me to deſire, that this ſpirit of apprehenſion may be always kept up among us, in its utmoſt vigilance. The firſt is this—that as the happineſs of theſe provinces indubitably conſiſts in their connection with Great-Britain, any ſeparation between them is leſs likely to be occaſioned by civil diſcords, if every diſguſting meaſure is oppoſed ſingly, and while it is new: For in this manner of proceeding, every ſuch meaſure is moſt likely to be rectified. On the other hand, oppreſſions and diſſatisfactions being permitted to accumulate—if ever the governed throw off the load, they will do more. A people does not reform with moderation. The rights of the ſubject therefore cannot be too often conſidered, explained or aſſerted: And whoever attempts to do this, ſhews himſelf, whatever may be the raſh and peeviſh reflections of pretended wiſdom, and pretended duty, a friend to thoſe who injudiciouſly exerciſe their power, as well as to them, over whom it is ſo exerciſed.

HAD all the points of prerogative claimed by Charles the Firſt, been ſeparately conteſted and ſettled in preceding reigns, his fate would in all probability have been very different; and the people would have been content with that liberty which is compatible with regal authority. ButThe author is ſenſible that this is putting the gentleſt conſtruction on Charles's conduct; and that is one reaſon why he chooſes it. Allowances ought to be made for the errors of thoſe men, who are acknowledged to have been poſſeſſed of many virtues. The education of this unhappy prince, and his confidence in men not ſo good or wiſe as himſelf, had probably filled him with miſtaken notions of his own authority, and of the conſequences that would attend conceſſions of any kind to a people, who were repreſented to him, as aiming at too much power. he thought, it would be as dangerous for him to give up the powers which at any time had been by uſurpation exerciſed by the Crown, as thoſe that were legally veſted in it. This produced an equal exceſs on the part of the people. For when their paſſions were excited by multiplied grievances, they thought it would be as dangerous for them to allow the powers that were legally veſted in the Crown, as thoſe which at any time had been by uſurpation exerciſed by it. Acts, that might by themſelves have been upon many conſiderations excuſed or extenuated, derived a contagious malignancy and odium from other acts, with which they were connected. They were not regarded according to the ſimple force of each, but as parts of a ſyſtem of oppreſſion. Every one therefore, however ſmall in itſelf, became alarming, as an additional evidence of tyrannical deſigns. It was in vain for prudent and moderate men to inſiſt, that there was no neceſſity to aboliſh Royalty. Nothing leſs than the utter deſtruction of monarchy, could ſatisfy thoſe who had ſuffered, and thought they had reaſon to believe, they always ſhould ſuffer under it.

THE conſequences of theſe mutual diſtruſts are well known: But there is no other people mentioned in hiſtory, that I recollect, who have been ſo conſtantly watchful of their liberty, and ſo ſucceſsful in their ſtruggles for it, as the Engliſh. This conſideration leads me to the ſecond reaſon, why I "deſire that the ſpirit of apprehenſion may be always kept up among us in its utmoſt vigilance."

THE firſt principles of government are to be looked for in human nature. Some of the beſt writers have aſſerted, and it ſeems with good reaſon, that "government is founded on

Opinion is of two kinds, viz. opinion of INTEREST, and opinion of RIGHT. By opinion of intereſt, I chiefly underſtand, the ſenſe of the public advantage which is reaped from government; together with the perſuaſion, that the particular government which is eſtabliſhed, is equally advantageous with any other, that could be eaſily ſettled

"Right is of two kinds, right to power, and right to property. What prevalence opinion of the firſt kind has over mankind, may eaſily be underſtood, by obſerving the attachment which all nations have to their antient government, and even to thoſe names which have had the ſanction of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right."—"It is ſufficiently underſtood, that the opinion of right to property, is of the greateſt moment in all matters of government. — "Hume's Eſſays.

opinion."

CUSTOM undoubtedly has a mighty force in producing opinion, and reigns in nothing more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It gradually reconciles us to objects even of dread and deteſtation; and I cannot but think theſe lines of Mr. Pope as applicable to vice in politics, as to vice in ethics. "Vice is a monſter of ſo horrid mien, "As to be hated, needs but to be ſeen; "Yet ſeen too oft, familiar with her face, "We firſt endure, then pity, then embrace." When an act injurious to freedom has been once done, and the people bear it, the repetition of it is moſt likely to meet with ſubmiſſion. For as the miſchief of the one was found to be tolerable, they will hope that of the ſecond will prove ſo too; and they will not regard the infamy of the laſt, becauſe they are ſtained with that of the firſt.

INDEED nations, in general, are not apt to think until they feel; and therefore nations in general have loſt their liberty; For as violations of the rights of the governed, are commonly not onlyOmnia mala exempla ex bonis initiis orta ſunt — SALLUST, Bell, Cat. S. 50. ſpecious, but ſmall at the beginning, they ſpread over the multitude in ſuch a manner, as to touch individuals but ſlightly.

"The republic is always attacked with greater vigour, than it is defended: For the audacious and profligate, prompted by their natural enmity to it, are eaſily impelled to act by the leaſt nod of their leaders: Whereas the HONEST, I know not why, are generally ſlow and unwilling to ſtir; and neglecting always the BEGINNINGS of things, are never rouſed to exert themſelves, but by the laſt neceſſity: So that through PRESOLUTION and DELAY, when they would be glad to compound at laſt for their QUIET, at the expence even of their HONOUR, they commonly loſe them BOTH."

— CICERO'S Orat. for SEXTIUS.

Such were the ſentiments of this great and excellent man, whoſe vaſt abilities, and the calamities of his country during his time, enabled him, by mournful experience, to form a juſt judgment on the conduct of the friends and enemies of liberty.

Thus they are diſregarded. The power or profit that ariſes from theſe violations, centering in few perſons, is to them conſiderable. For this reaſon the governors, having in view their particular purpoſes, ſucceſſively preſerve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them. They regularly encreaſe the firſt injuries, till at length the inattentive people are compelled to perceive the heavineſs of their burthens.—They begin to complain and enquire—but too late. They find their oppreſſors ſo ſtrengthened by ſucceſs, and themſelves ſo entangled in examples of expreſs authority on the part of their rulers, and of tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded: For millions entertain no other idea of the legality of power, than that it is founded on the exerciſe of power. They voluntarily faſten their chains, by adopting a puſillanimous opinion, "that there will be too much danger in attempting a remedy,"—or another opinion no leſs fatal,—"that the government has a right to treat them as it does." They then ſeek a wretched relief for their minds, by perſuading themſelves, that to yield their odedience, is to diſcharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of ſpirit, that proſtrates all the dignity beſtowed by Divine Providence on our nature—of courſe ſucceeds.

FROM theſe reflections I conclude, that every free ſtate ſhould inceſſantly watch, and inſtantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power exerciſed over them. Innumerable inſtances might be produced to ſhew, from what ſlight beginnings the moſt extenſive conſequences have flowed: But I ſhall ſelect two only from the hiſtory of England.

HENRY the Seventh was the firſt monarch of that kingdom, who eſtabliſhed a ſtanding body of armed men. This was a band of fifty archers, called Yeomen of the Guard: And this inſtitution, notwithſtanding the ſmallneſs of the number, was, to prevent diſcontent, Rapin's Hiſtory of England. "diſguiſed under pretence of majeſty and grandeur." In 1684 the ſtanding forces were ſo much augmented, that Rapin ſays—"The King, in order to make his people fully ſenſible of their new ſlavery, affected to muſter his troops, which amounted to 4000 well armed and diſciplined men." I think our army, at this time, conſiſts of more than ſeventy regiments.

THE method of taxing by EXCISE was firſt introduced amidſt the convulſions of the civil wars. Extreme neceſſity was pretended for it, and its ſhort continuance promiſed. After the reſtoration an exciſe upon beer, ale and other liquors, was granted to the12 Char. II. Chap. 23 and 24. King, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court of wards. Upon James the Second's acceſſion, the Parliament1 James II. Chap. 1 and 4. gave him the firſt exciſe, with an additional duty on wine, tobacco, and ſome other things. Since the revolution it has been extended to ſalt, candles, leather, hides, hops, ſoap, paper, paſteboards, mill-boards, ſcaleboards, vellum, parchment, ſtarch, ſilks, calicoes, linens, ſtuffs, printed, ſtained, &c. wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, chocolate, &c.

THUS a ſtanding army and exciſe have, from their firſt ſlender origins, though always hated, always feared, always oppoſed, at length ſwelled up to their vaſt preſent bulk.

THESE facts are ſufficient to ſupport what I have ſaid. 'Tis true, that all the miſchiefs apprehended by our anceſtors from a ſtanding army and exciſe, have not yet happened: But it does not follow from thence, that they will not happen. The inſide of a houſe may catch fire, and the moſt valuable apartments be ruined, before the flames burſt out. The queſtion in theſe caſes is not, what evil has actually attended particular meaſures—but what evil, in the nature of things, is likely to attend them. Certain circumſtances may for ſome time delay effects, that were reaſonably expected, and that muſt enſue. There was a long period, after the Romans had prorogued his command to

In the year of the city 428, "Duo ſingularia haec ei viro primum contigerc; prorogatio imp rii non ante in u lo facta, et acto honore triumphus."Liv. B. 8. Chap. 23. 26.

"Had the reſt of the Roman citizens imitated the example of L. Quintius, who refuſed to have his conſulſhip continued to him, they had never admitted that cuſtom of proroguing of Magiſtrates, and then the prolongation of their commands in the army had never been introduced, which very thing was at length the ruin of that commonwealth."

Machiavel's Diſcourſes, B. 3. Chap. 24.

Q. Publilius Philo, before that example deſtroyed their liberty. All our Kings from the revolution to the preſent reign, have been foreigners. Their Miniſters generally continued but a ſhort time in authorityI don't know but it may be ſaid, with a good deal of reaſon, that a quick rotation of Miniſters is very deſirable in Great-Britain. A Miniſter there has a vaſt ſtore of materials to work with. Long adminiſtrations are rather favourable to the reputation of a people abroad, than to then liberty. ; and they themſelves were mild and virtuous princes.

A BOLD, ambitious Prince, poſſeſſed of great abilities, firmly fixed in his throne by deſcent, ſerved by miniſters like himſelf, and rendered either venerable or terrible by the glory of his ſucceſſes, may execute what his predeceſſors did not dare to attempt. Henry the Fourth tottered in his ſeat during his whole reign. Henry the Fifth drew the ſtrength of that kingdom into France, to carry on his wars there, and left the Commons at home, proteſting, "that the people were not bound to ſerve out of the realm."

IT is true, that a ſtrong ſpirit of liberty ſubſiſts at preſent in Great-Britain; but what reliance is to be placed in the temper of a people, when the Prince is poſſeſſed of an unconſtitional power, our own hiſtory can ſufficiently inform us. When Charles the ſecond had ſtrengthened himſelf by the return of the garriſon of Tangier, England (ſays Rapin) ſaw on a ſudden an amazing revolution; ſaw herſelf ſtripped of all her rights and privileges excepting ſuch as the King ſhould vouchſafe to grant her: And what is more aſtoniſhing, the Engliſh themſelves, delivered up theſe very rights and privileges to Charles the Second, which they had ſo paſſionately, and, if I may ſay it, furiouſly defended againſt the deſigns of Charles the Firſt." This happened only thirty-ſix years after this laſt Prince had been beheaded.

SOME perſons are of opinion, that liberty is not violated, but by ſuch open acts of force; but they ſeem to be greatly miſtaken. I could mention a period within theſe forty years, when almoſt as great a change of diſpoſition was produced by the SECRE meaſures of a long adminiſtration, as by Charles's violence. Liberty, perhaps, is neve expoſed to ſo much danger, as when the people believe there is the leaſt; for it may be ſubverted, and yet they not think ſo.

PUBLIC diſguſting acts are ſeldom practiſed by the ambitious, at the beginning of their deſigns. Such conduct ſilences and diſcourages the weak, and the wicked, who would otherwiſe have been their advocates or accomplices. It is of great conſequence, to allow thoſe who, upon any account, are inclined to favour them, ſomething ſpecious to ſay in their defence. Their power may be fully eſtabliſhed, though it would not be ſafe for them to do whatever they pleaſe. For there are things, which, at ſome times, even them to do whatever they pleaſe. For there are things, which, at ſome times, even ſlaves will not bear. Julius Caeſar, and Oliver Cromwell, did not dare to aſſume the title of King. The Grand Seignor dares not lay a new tax. The King of France dares not be a proteſtant. Certain popular points may be left untouched, and yet freedom be extinguiſhed. The commonalty of Venice imagine themſelves free, becauſe they are permitted to do what they ought not. But I quit a ſubject, that would lead me too far from my purpoſe.

BY the late act of Parliament, taxes are to be levied upon us, for "defraying the charge of the adminiſtration of juſtice—the ſupport of civil government—and the expences of defending his Majeſty's dominions in America."

IF any man doubts what ought to be the conduct of theſe colonies on this occaſion, I would aſk him theſe queſtions.

Has not the Parliament expreſsly AVOWED their INTENTION of raiſing money from us for certain purpoſes? Is not this ſcheme popular in Great-Britain? Will the taxes, impoſed by the late act, anſwer thoſe purpoſes? If it will, muſt it not take an immenſe ſum from us? If it will not, is it to be expected, that the Parliament will not fully execute their INTENTION when it is pleaſing at home, and not oppoſed here? Muſt not this be done by impoſing NEW taxes? Will not every addition, thus made to our taxes, be an addition to the power of the Britiſh legiſlature, by increaſing the number of officers employed in the collection? Will not every additional tax therefore render it more difficult to abrogate any of them? When a branch of revenue is once eſtabliſhed, does it not appear to many people invidious and undutiful, to attempt to aboliſh it? If taxes, ſufficient to accompliſh the INTENTION of the Parliament, are impoſed by the Parliament, what taxes will remain to be impoſed by our Aſſemblies? If no material taxes remain to be impoſed by them, what muſt become of them, and the people they repreſent?

Demoſthenes's 2d Philippic. "If any perſon conſiders theſe things, and yet thinks our liberties are in no danger, I wonder at that perſon's ſecurity."

ONE other argument is to be added, which, by itſelf, I hope, will be ſufficient to convince the moſt incredulous man on this continent, that the late act of Parliament is only deſigned to be a PRECEDENT, whereon the future vaſſalage of theſe colonies may be eſtabliſhed.

EVERY duty thereby laid on articles of Britiſh manufacture, is laid on ſome commodity, upon the exportation of which from Great-Britain, a drawback is payable. Thoſe drawbacks, in moſt of the articles, are exactly double to the duties given by the late 〈◊〉 . The Parliament therefore might, in half a dozen lines, have raiſed much more money, only by ſtopping the drawbacks in the hands of the officers at home, on exportation to theſe colonies, than by this ſolemn impoſition of taxes upon us, to be collected here. Probably, the artful contrivers of this act formed it in this manner; in order to reſerve to themſelves, in caſe of any objections being made to it, this ſpecious pretence—"that the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies, and that the late act only leſſens thoſe gifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encouragement and promotion of Britiſh manufactures and commerce, and are allowed on exportation to any foreign parts, as well as on exportation to theſe provinces. Beſides, care has been taken to ſlide into the act, ſome articles on which there are no drawbacks. However, the whole duties laid by the late act on all the articles therein ſpecified are ſo ſmall, that they will not amount to as much as the drawbacks which are allowed on part of them only. If therefore, the ſum to be obtained by the late act, had been the ſole object in forming it, there would not have been any occaſion for "the Commons of Great-Britain, to give and grant to his Majeſty rates and duties for raiſing a revenue IN his Majeſty's dominions in America, for making a more certain and adequate proviſion for defraying the charges of the adminiſtration of juſtice, the ſupport of civil government, and the expence of defending the ſaid dominions;"—nor would there have been any occaſion for an

The expence of this Board, I am informed, is between Four and Five Thouſand Pounds ſterling a year. The eſtabliſhment of officers, for collecting the revenue in America, amounted before to Seven Thouſand Six Hundred Pounds per annum; and yet, ſays the author of "The regulation of the colonies," "the whole remittance from all the taxes in the colonies, at an average of thirty years, has not amounted to One Thouſand Nine Hundred Pounds a year, and in that ſum Seven or Eight Hundred Pounds per annum only, have been remitted from North-America.

The ſmallneſs of the revenue ariſing from the duties in America, demonſtrates;that they were intended only as regulations of trade: And can any perſon be ſo blind to truth, ſo dull of apprehenſion in a matter of unſpeakable importance to his country, as to imagine, that the Board of Commiſſioners lately eſtabliſhed at ſuch a charge, is inſtituted to aſſiſt in collecting One Thouſand Nine Hundred Pounds a year, or the trifling duties impoſed by the the late act? Surely every man on this continent muſt perceive, that they are eſtabliſhed for the care of a new ſyſtem of revenue, which is but now begun.

expenſive Board of Commiſſioners, and all the other new charges to which we are made liable.

UPON the whole, for my part, I regard the late act as an experiment made of our diſpoſition. It is a bird ſent out over the waters, to diſcover, whether the waves, that lately agitated this part of the world with ſuch violence, are yet ſubſided. If this adventurer gets footing here, we ſhall quickly find it to be of the"Dira caelaeno, "&c. Virgil, AEneid 3. kind deſcribed by the poet.— "Infelix vates." A direful foreteller of future calamities.

A FARMER.
LETTER XII. My dear COUNTRYMEN,

SOME ſtates have loſt their liberty, by particular accidents: But this calamity is generally owing to the decay of virtue. A people is travelling faſt to deſtruction, when individuals conſider their intereſts as diſtinct from thoſe of the public. Such notions are fatal to their country, and to themſelves. Yet how many are there, ſo weak and ſordid as to think they perform all the offices of life, if they earneſtly endeavour to encreaſe their own wealth, power, and credit, without the leaſt regard for the ſociety, under the protection of which they live; who, if they can make an immediate profit to themſelves, by lending their aſſiſtance to thoſe, whoſe projects plainly tend to the injury of their country, rejoice in their dexterity, and believe themſelves entitled to the character of able politicians. Miſerable men! Of whom it is hard to ſay, whether they ought to be moſt the objects of pity or contempt. But whoſe opinions are certainly as deteſtable, as their practices are deſtructive.

THOUGH I always reflect, with a high pleaſure, on the integrity and underſtanding of my countrymen, which, joined with a pure and humble devotion to the great and gracious author of every bleſſing they enjoy, will, I hope, enſure to them, and their poſterity, all temporal and eternal happineſs; yet when I conſider, that in every age and country there have been bad men, my heart, at this threatening period, is ſo full of apprehenſions, as not to permit me to believe, but that there may be ſome on this continent, againſt whom you ought to be upon your guard—Men, who either

It is not intended, by theſe words, to throw any reflection upon Gentlemen, becauſe they are poſſeſſed of offices: For many of them are certainly men of virtue, and lovers of their country. But ſuppoſed obligations of gratitude, and honour, may induce them to be ſilent. Whether theſe obligations ought to be regarded or not, is not ſo much to be conſidered by others, in the judgment they form of theſe Gentlemen, as whether they think they ought to be regarded. Perhaps, therefore, we ſhall act in the propereſt manner towards them, if we neither reproach nor imitate them. The perſons meant in this letter, are the baſe ſpirited wretches, who may endeavour to diſtinguiſh themſelves, by their fordid zeal in defending and promoting meaſures, which they know, beyond all queſtion, to be deſtructive to the juſt rights and true intereſts of their country. It is ſcarcely poſſible to s;peak of theſe men with any degree of patience—It is ſcarcely poſſible to ſpeak of them with any degree of propriety—For no words can truly deſcribe their guilt and meanneſs—But every honeſt boſom, on their being mentioned, will feel what cannot be expreſſed.

If their wickedneſs did not blind them, they might perceive along the coaſt of theſe colonies, many men, remarkable inſtances of wrecked ambition, who, after diſtinguiſhing themſelves in the ſupport of the Stamp-Act, by a courageous contempt of their country, and of juſtice, have been left to linger out their miſerable exiſtence, without a government, collectorſhip, ſecretaryſhip, or any other commiſſion, to conſole them as well as it could, for loſs of virtue and reputation—while numberleſs offices have been beſtowed in theſe colonies on people from Great-Britain, and new ones are continually invented, to be thus beſtowed. As a few great prizes are put into a lottery to tempt multitudes to loſe, ſo here and there an American has been raiſed to a good poſt.— "Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vaſto." Mr. Grenville, indeed, in order to recommend the Stamp-Act, had the unequalled generoſity, to pour down a golden ſhower of offices upon Americans; and yet theſe ungrateful colonies did not thank Mr. Grenville for ſhewing his kindneſs to their countrymen, nor them for accepting it. How muſt that great ſtateſman have been ſurpriſed, to find, that the unpoliſhed colonies could not be reconciled to infamy by treachery? Such a bountiful diſpoſition towards us never appeared in any Miniſter before him, and probably never will appear again: For it is evident, that ſuch a ſyſtem of policy is to be eſtabliſhed on this continent, as, in a ſhort time, is to render it utterly unneceſſary to uſe the leaſt art in order to conciliate our approbation of any meaſures. Some of our countrymen may be employed to fix chains upon us, but they will never be permitted to hold them afterwards. So that the utmoſt, that any of them can expect, is only a temporary proviſion, that may expire in their own time; but which, they may be aſſured, will preclude their children from having any conſideration paid to them. Natives of America muſt ſink into total neglect and contempt, the moment that their country loſes the conſtitutional powers ſhe now poſſeſſes.

hold, or expect to hold certain advantages, by ſetting examples of ſervility to their countrymen—Men, who trained to the employment, or ſelf taught by a natural verſatility of genius, ſerve as decoys for drawing the innocent and unwary into ſnares. It is not to be doubted but that ſuch men will diligently beſtir themſelves on this and every like occaſion, to ſpread the infection of their meanneſs as far as they can. On the plans they have adopted, this is their courſe. This is the method to recommend themſelves to their patrons.

FROM them we ſhall learn, how pleaſant and profitable a thing it is, to be for our SUBMISSIVE behaviour well ſpoken of at St. James's, or St. Stephen's; at Guildhall, or the Royal Exchange. Specious fallacies will be dreſt up with all the arts of deluſion, to perſuade one colony to diſtinguiſh herſelf from another, by unbecoming condeſcentions, which will ſerve the ambitious purpoſes of great men at home, and therefore will be thought by them to entitle their aſſiſtants in obtaining them to conſiderable rewards.

OUR fears will be excited. Our hopes will be awakened. It will be inſinuated to us, with a plauſible affectation of wiſdom and concern, how prudent it is to pleaſe the powerful—how dangerous to provoke them—and then comes in the perpetual incantation that freezes up every generous purpoſe of the ſoul in cold, inactive expectation—"that if there is any requeſt to be made, compliance will obtain a favourable attention."

OUR vigilance and our union are ſucceſs and ſafety. Our negligence and our diviſion are diſtreſs and death. They are worſe—They are ſhame and ſlavery. Let us equally ſhun the benumbing ſtillneſs of overweening ſloth, and the feveriſh activity of that ill informed zeal, which buſies itſelf in maintaining little, mean and narrow opinions. Let us, with a truly wiſe generoſity and charity, baniſh and diſcourage all illiberal diſtinctions, which may ariſe from differences in ſituation, forms of government, or modes of religion. Let us conſider ourſelves as menfreemenchriſtian freemenſeparated from the reſt of the world, and firmly bound together by the ſame rights, intereſts and dangers. Let theſe keep our attention inflexibly fixed on the great objects, which we muſt continually regard, in order to preſerve thoſe rights, to promote thoſe intereſts, and to avert thoſe dangers.

LET theſe truths be indelibly impreſſed on our minds—that we cannot be HAPPY, without being FREE—that we cannot be free, without being ſecure in our property—that we cannot be ſecure in our property, if, without our conſent, others may, as by right, take it away—that taxes impoſed on us by Parliament, do thus take it away—that duties laid for the ſole purpoſe of raiſing money, are taxes—that attempts to lay ſuch duties ſhould be inſtantly and firmly oppoſed—that this oppoſition can never be effectual, unleſs it is the united effort of theſe provinces—that therefore BENEVOLENCE of temper towards each other, and UNANIMITY of counſels, are eſſential to the welfare of the whole—and laſtly, that for this reaſon, every man amongſt us, who in any manner would encourage either diſſention, di •• idence, or indifference, between theſe colonies, is an enemy to himſelf, and to his country.

THE belief of theſe truths, I verily think, my countrymen, is indiſpenſibly neceſſary to your happineſs. I beſeech you, therefore,Deuteron. vi. 7. "teach them diligently unto your children, and talk of them when you ſit in your houſes, and when you walk by the way, and when you lie down, and when you riſe up."

WHAT have theſe colonies to aſk, while they continue free? Or what have they to dread, but inſidious attempts to ſubvert their freedom? Their proſperity does not depend on miniſterial favours doled out to particular provinces. They form one political body, of which each colony is a member. Their happineſs is founded on their conſtitution; and is to be promoted, by preſerving that conſtitution in unabated vigour, throughout every part. A ſpot, a ſpeck of decay, however ſmall the limb on which it appears, and however remote it may ſeem from the vitals, ſhould be alarming. We have all the rights requiſite for our proſperity. The legal authority of Great-Britain may indeed lay hard reſtrictions upon us; but, like the ſpear of Telephus, it will cure as well as wound. Her unkindneſs will inſtruct and compel us, after ſome time, to diſcover, in our induſtry and frugality, ſurpriſing remedies—if our rights continue unviolated: For as long as the products of our labour, and the rewards of our care, can properly be called our own, ſo long it will be worth our while to be induſtrious and frugal. But if when we plow—ſow—reap—gather—and threſh—we find, that we plow—ſow—reap—gather—and threſh for others, whoſe PLEASURE is to be the SOLE LIMITATION how much they ſhall take, and how much they ſhall leave, WHY ſhould we repeat the unprofitable toil? Horſes and oxen are content with that portion of the fruits of their work, which their owners aſſign them, in order to keep them ſtrong enough to raiſe ſucceſſive crops; but even theſe beaſts will not ſubmit to draw for their maſters, until they are ſubdued by whips and goads

LET us take care of our rights, and we therein take care of our proſperity. Monteſquieu's Spirit of Laws, Book 14, Chap. 13. "SLAVERY IS EVER PRECEDED BY SLEEP."Individuals may be dependent on Miniſters, if they pleaſe. States ſhould ſcorn it;—and if you are not wanting to yourſelves, you will have a proper regard paid you by thoſe, to whom if you are not reſpectable, you will be contemptible. But—if we have already forgot the reaſons that urged us, with unexampled unanimity, to exert ourſelves two years ago—if our zeal for the public good is worn out before the homeſpun cloaths, which it cauſed us to have made—if our reſolutions are ſo faint, as by our preſent conduct to condemn our own late ſucceſsful example—if we are not affected by any reverence for the memory of our anceſtors, who tranſmitted to us that freedom in which they had been bleſt—if we are not animated by any regard for poſterity, to whom, by the moſt ſacred obligations, we are bound to deliver down the invaluable inheritance—THEN, indeed, any Miniſter—or any tool of a Miniſter—or any creature of a tool of a Miniſter—or any lower "Inſtrumenta regni, "Tacitus's Ann. Book 12, § 66. inſtrument of

If any perſon ſhall imagine that he diſcovers, in theſe letters, the leaſt diſlike of the dependence of theſe colonies on Great-Britain, I beg that ſuch perſon will not form any judgment on particular expreſſions, but will conſider the tenor of all the letters taken together. In that caſe, I flatter myſelf, that every unprejudiced reader will be convinced, that the true intereſts of Great-Britain are as dear to me, as they ought to be to every good ſubject.

If I am an Enthuſiaſt in any thing, it is in my zeal for the perpetual dependence of theſe colonies on their Mother country.—A dependence founded on mutual benefits, the continuance of which can be ſecured only by mutual affections. Therefore it is, that with extreme apprehenſion I view the ſmalleſt ſeeds of diſcontent, which are unwarily ſcattered abroad. Fifty or Sixty years will make aſtoniſhing alterations in theſe colonies; and this conſideration ſhould render it the buſineſs of Great-Britain more and more to cultivate our good diſpoſitions towards her: But the miſfortune is, that thoſe great men, who are wreſtling for power at home, think themſelves very ſlightly intereſted in the proſperity of their country Fifty or Sixty years hence, but are deeply concerned in blowing up a popular clamor for ſuppoſed immediate advantages.

For my part, I regard Great-Britain as a bulwark, happily fixed between theſe colonies and the powerful nations of Europe. That kingdom remaining ſafe, we, under its protection, enjoying peace, may diffuſe the bleſſings of religion, ſcience, and liberty, thro' remote wilderneſſes. It is therefore inconteſtibly our duty, and our intereſt, to ſupport the ſtrength of Great-Britain. When conſiding in that ſtrength, ſhe begins to forget from whence it aroſe, it will be an eaſy thing to ſhew the ſource. She may readily be reminded of the loud alarm ſpread among her merchants and tradeſmen, by the univerſal aſſociation of theſe colonies, at the time of the Stamp-Act, not to import any of her manufactures.

In the year 1718, the Ruſſians and Swedes entered into an agreement, not to ſuffer Great-Britain to export any naval ſtores from their dominions but in Ruſſian or Swediſh ſhips, and at their own prices. Great-Britain was diſtreſſed. Pitch and tar roſe to Three Pounds a barrel. At length ſhe thought of getting theſe articles from the colonies; and the attempt ſucceeding, they fell down to Fifteen Shillings. In the year 1756, Great-Britain was threatened with an invaſion. An eaſterly wind blowing for ſix weeks, ſhe could not man her fleet, and the whole nation was thrown into the utmoſt conſternation. The wind changed. The American ſhips arrived. The fleet ſailed in ten or fifteen days. There are ſome other reflections on this ſubject, worthy of the moſt deliberate attention of the Britiſh Parliament; but they are of ſuch a nature, that I do not chooſe to mention them publicly. I thought it my duty, in the year 1765, while the Stamp-Act was in ſuſpence, to write my ſentiments to a Gentleman of great influence at home, who afterwards diſtinguiſhed himſelf, by eſpouſing our cauſe, in the debates concerning the repeal of that act.

adminiſtration, if lower there be, is a perſonage whom it may be dangerous to offend.

I SHALL be extremely ſorry, if any man miſtakes my meaning in any thing I have ſaid. Officers employed by the Crown, are, while according to the laws they condu •• themſelves, intitled to legal obedience and ſincere reſpect. Theſe it is a duty to rende them; and theſe no good or prudent perſon will withhold. But when theſe officers, through raſhneſs or deſign, deſire to enlarge their authority beyond its due limits, and expect improper conceſſions to be made to them, from regard for the employments they bear, their attempts ſhould be conſidered as equal injuries to the Crown and People, and ſhould be courageouſly and conſtantly oppoſed. To ſuffer our ideas to be confounded by names on ſuch occaſions, would certainly be an inexcuſable weakneſs, and probably an irrem diable error.

WE have reaſon to believe, that ſeveral of his Majeſty's preſent Miniſters are good men, and friends to our country; and it ſeems not unlikely, that by a particular concurrence of events, we have been treated a little more ſeverely than they wiſhed we ſhould be. They might not think it prudent to ſtem a torrent. But what is the difference to us, whether arbitrary acts take their riſe from Miniſters, or are permitted by them? Ought any point to be allowed to a good MiniſterUbi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit; novum illud exemplum, ab dignis & idoneis, ad indignos & non idoneos transfertur. — Sall. Bell. Cat. § 50., that ſhould be denied to a bad one? The mortality of Miniſters, is a very frail mortality. A—may ſucceed a Shelburne—A—may ſucceed a Conway.

WE find a new kind of Miniſter lately ſpoken of at home—"THE MINISTER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS." The term ſeems to have peculiar propriety when referred to theſe colonies, with a different meaning annexed to it, from that in which it is taken there. By the word "Miniſter" we may underſtand not only a ſervant of the Crown, but a man of influence among the Commons, who regard themſelves as having a ſhare in the ſovereignty over us. The "Miniſter OF the Houſe" may, in a point reſpecting the colonies, be ſo ſtrong, that the Miniſter of the Crown in the Houſe, if he is a diſtinct perſon, may not chooſe, even where his ſentiments are favourable to us, to come to a pitched battle upon our account. For though I have the higheſt opinion of the deference of the Houſe for the King's Miniſter, yet he may be ſo good-natured, as not to put it to the teſt, except it be for the mere and immediate profit of his maſter or himſelf.

BUT whatever kind of Miniſter he is, that attempts to innovate a ſingle iota in the privileges of theſe colonies, him I hope you will undauntedly oppoſe; and that you will never ſuffer yourſelves to be either cheated or frightened into any unworthy obſequiouſneſs. On ſuch emergencies you may ſurely, without preſumption, believe, that ALMIGHTY GOD himſelf will look down upon your righteous conteſt with gracious approbation. You will be a "band of brothers," cemented by the deareſt ties,—and ſtrengthened with inconceivable ſupplies of force and conſtancy, by that ſympathetic ardor, which animates good men, confederated in a good cauſe. Your honour and welfare will be, as they now are, moſt intimately concerned; and beſides—you are aſſigned by Divine Providence, in the appointed order of things, the protectors of unborn ages, whoſe fate depends upon your virtue. Whether they ſhall ariſe the generous and indiſputable heirs of the nobleſt patrimonies, or the daſtardly and hereditary drudges of imperious taſk-maſters, YOU MUST DETERMINE.

To diſcharge this double duty to yourſelves, and to your poſterity, you have nothing to do, but to call forth into uſe the good ſenſe and ſpirit of which you are poſſeſſed. You have nothing to do, but to conduct your affairs peaceablyprudentlyfirmlyjointly. By theſe means you will ſupport the character of freemen, without loſing that of faithful ſubjects—a good character in any government—one of the beſt under a Britiſh government.—You will prove, that Americans have that true magnanimity of ſoul, that can reſent injuries, without falling into rage; and that though your devotion to Great Britain is the moſt affectionate, yet you can make proper diſtinctions, and know what you owe to yourſelves, as well as to her—You will, at the ſame time that you advance your intereſts, advance your reputation—You will convince the world of the juſtice of your demands, and the purity of your intentions.—While all mankind muſt, with unceaſing applauſes, confeſs, that you indeed deſerve liberty, who ſo well underſtand it, ſo paſſionately love it, ſo temperately enjoy it, and ſo wiſely, bravely, and virtuouſly aſſert, maintain, and defend it.

"Certe ego libertatem, quoe mihi a parente meo tradita eſt, experiar: Verum id fruſtra an ob rem faciam, in veſtra manu ſitum eſt, quirites."

FOR my part, I am reſolved to contend for the liberty delivered down to me by my anceſtors; but whether I ſhall do it effectually or not, depends on you, my countrymen.

"How little ſoever one is able to write, yet when the liberties of one's country are threatened, it is ſtill more difficult to be ſilent."

A FARMER. D.

Is there not the ſtrongeſt probability, that if the univerſal ſenſe of theſe colonies is immediately expreſſed by Reſolves of the aſſemblies, in ſupport of their rights, by Inſtructions to their agents on the ſubject, and by Petitions to the Crown and Parliament for redreſs, theſe meaſures will have the ſame ſucceſs now, that they had in the time of the Stamp-Act.

THE END OF THE FARMER's LETTERS.

THE MONITOR.

THE MONITOR.
NUMBER I. DIVIDE & IMPERA. DIVIDE and TYRANNIZE.

WOULD to Heaven I could hang a comet on every letter of this motto, to warn my countrymen of the danger that threatens their liberties from the adoption of this maxim into the Britiſh counſels reſpecting America. When the Stamp-Act had raiſed ſo univerſal an oppoſition both in America and Great-Britain, that the execution of it was impracticable, it was repealed; and however joyous that event might be, yet in its effects it may be fatal. It is but too evident that the enemies to our liberties have drawn from it this dangerous leſſon, to change the mode of that act, not the meaſures which dictated it; that is to ſap, not to ſtorm, our freedom. To accompliſh this, two things were neceſſary; to divide us among ourſelves, and to divide us from thoſe who declared themſelves our friends in Great-Britain. In purſuance of this plan, implicit obedience was required in one colony only at firſt to an act of Parliament which touched their internal polity, and was effectually a tax. It was hoped that the reſt of the colonies would not intereſt themſelves in the fate of one; but look with ſilence a d unconcern on this violation of American freedom, in the Britiſh Parliament's diſpoſing of the property of the people of New-York, and ſuſpending their government.

THUS were we to be divided, and our liberties ſeized upon by ſuch degrees, as ſhould not alarm us into oppoſition, till it was too late; and as they well knew, that the majority of thoſe who oppoſed the Stamp-Act in Great-Britain, did it not from any friendſhip to our liberties and rights (a ground of oppoſition confined to Mr. Pitt, and a few others) but from a perſuaſion that it would operate injuriouſly to their own intereſts; theſe were to be drawn off by the never failing cord of ſelf-intereſt; for which purpoſe a duty was laid on thoſe Britiſh manufactures, which we were ſuppoſed to be under a neceſſity of uſing, for the purpoſes of a revenue; that is, to ſave the money of the people of Great-Britain, who muſt otherwiſe be taxed to furniſh this revenue. Well might Mr. Townſhend ſay, when he preſented this bill to the Houſe, that the Americans would raiſe no ſtatues to him; for he knew the baleful tendency of it to their deareſt rights. His words, however, furniſh us a very ſalutary hint, which we ſhould not neglect. They manifeſt his expectation, that we ſhould feel its injuries ſo as to make us execrate its author.

IN this manner was the great plan of diviſion accompliſhed, in this manner our enemies have purpoſed our final ruin. For to ſpeak in the words of the great Sir Thomas Wentworth, on a ſimilar occaſion, in the time of Charles, the Firſt, They have taken from us, what? What ſhall I ſay? Indeed what have they left us? They have raviſhed from us all means of ſupplying the King, and ingratiating ourſelves with him, taking up the root of all property. If the Parliament of Great-Britain, over which we have no earthly reſtriction, may give and grant our property for the purpoſe of a revenue, in whatever manner it be affected, the root of all our property is effectually taken up, and we at beſt are but tenants at will. But I deſiſt from any farther expoſi tion of the unconſtitutional oppreſſion and injuſtice of theſe proceedings; taking it for granted, that no one can be unacquainted with what has been ſo often and ſo fully ſet forth, particularly in the late excellent and unanſwerable LETTERS of the FARMER.

THE evil being known, what ſhall be the remedy? I ſhall offer my ſentiments in a few words. Let us, as a patriot ſaid when the liberties of England were in like danger from James the Firſt, petition and petition the King again, as we uſually do to God, and without ceaſing till be hear us. Petit's Jus. Pa liam. P. 281..

LET us ſtudy to purſue the plan of theſe great men who firſt formed the petition, and then the bill of rights. A noble Duke, in a late debate on American freedom, ſaid, the Americans were not mentioned in the bill of rights. Let us then frame a petition of rights, and never deſiſt from the ſolicitation till it be confirmed into a charter of liberty.

Hu parvi properemus et ampli Si patr •• e volumus ſi nobis vivere ca i.

〈◊〉 every colony contend which ſhall ſtand foremoſt in petitioning our moſt gracious Sovereign againſt the billeting act, and the ſuſpenſion of the legiſlature of New-York; ſhewing that we conſider theſe as wounds to American liberties, through that of one colony. Let us petition againſt the giving away our money by the Britiſh Parliament, as did the county of Durham, and the palatinate of Cheſter. Let us, in the mean time, by our ••• gality and induſtry in manufacturing for ourſelves convince our adverſaries of their miſtake in one grand point, that we are under a neceſſity of uſing the manufactures of Britain. To accompliſh theſe noble and neceſſary purpoſes, let the people of every county inſtruct their members to petition, and let aſſociations e formed to promote manufactures; that we may manifeſt to all the world, how unanimouſly we are determined, both with hand and heart, to maintain our freedom, and fruſtrate the deſigns of thoſe, who, by dividing, would enſlave us.

NUMBER II. Servitus, malorum omnium poſtremum, non modo bello, ſed morte etiam repellendum.

A SENTIMENT which breathes ſo pure and exalted a ſenſe of freedom, and deteſtation of ſlavery, could hardly have ariſen in a mind not enobled by the influence of liberty, in a free ſtate. Cicero, in this our motto, calls ſlavery the worſt of all evils; for in his ſhort acquaintance with it, he had ſeen it extinguiſh all thoſe virtues, which had made Rome the habitation of heroes, and the miſtreſs of the world; nouriſhing in their place ſuch vices as were moſt deteſtable, and plainly ominous of that deſtruction to the Roman empire, which they ſpeedily produced.

It would be the greateſt happineſs to which I could attain, to impreſs upon the minds of my countrymen, a love of liberty, and hatred of ſlavery, ſo indelible as to render it impoſſible to ſix chains upon them, by whomſoever forged. And though the poorneſs of my abilities, inadequate, very inadequate to ſo glorious an end, ſhould fruſtrate the completion of my wiſh, yet will the intention, I hope, paſs uncenſured. Pulchrum eſt benifacere reipublicoe, etiam benedicere haud abſurdum. It is noble to ſerve the community, neither is it amiſs to wiſh it well. — SALLUST. Nor let it be deemed enthuſiaſtic to imagine, that though we are a weak people, yet the principles of liberty fully infuſed into us, will render it impoſſible to enſlave us. For, does not liberty give unwonted vigour to the arm, and fill the heart with a ſpirit that is invincible? Does it not give birth to every noble ſentiment, and energy to every hardy exploit? Where then is the power that ſhall ſubdue thoſe who are truly animated with this unconquerable virtue? "It appears, ſays Herodotus, not from one inſtance only, but from all hiſtory, how noble is the virtue of liberty; ſo the Athenians when under the tyranny of Piſiſtratus were of no excellency in war, but when they had expelled the tyrants, they became the firſt in martial proweſs

On vit manefeſtment pendant le peu de tems que dura la tyrannie des Decemvirs a quel point aggrandiſſement de Rome dependoit de ſa liberte. L'etat ſembla avoir perda ame qui le •• iſoit mouvoir. — MONTESQUIEU.

It was evident, during the ſhort tyranny of the Decemvirs, how greatly the aggrandizement of Rome depended on her liberty; the ſtate ſeemed to have loſt the ſoul which ſhould have animated it.

." Was it not this all-conquering ſpirit of liberty that ſuſtained three hundred Spartans againſt the might of Xerxes and his innumerable hoſt? Was it not this ſpirit that made the whole Athenian people quit their city, and truſt to their ſhips, rather than ſubmit to a tyrantWe find this anecdote related by Cicero in his offices, that one Cyrſillus having adviſed the Athenians, on that occaſion, to remain in the city and ſubmit to Xerxes, the people inſtantly overwhelmed him with ſtones: An action worthy a free and ſpirited people; a death worthy of ſuch baſeneſs: One might have foretold that Xerxes could never conquer ſuch a people.? Was it not this that animated the ſingle arm of ••• les to maintain a bridge againſt the whole Tuſcan army, that lifting the daring hand of S ••• vola, to ſtab the invader of their liberties in the midſt of his troops, that dictated this anſwer from the Roman people (already reduced to famine) to a powerful invader, "That Porſenna might ſpare his interpoſition, and his efforts for the Tarquins, ſince they were firmly reſolved to undergo every ſpecies of miſery rather than receive the tyrant and his race." Was it not this ſpirit that, in later times, vindicated the liberties of the unwarlike people of Flanders See Cardinal Bentivoglio's hiſtoria de Fiandra. , againſt the braveſt troops and moſt powerful Monarch in Europe? Such are the heroes, whom liberty inſpires, devota morti pectora liberoe Horace. Souls determined on liberty or death.; ſuch are the immortal deeds which ſhe has effected; what then ſhall ſhe not accompliſh?

The more I reflect on the nature of man, or read the hiſtories of nations; the more fully am I convinced of the truth of this obſervation of the illuſtrious Sidney's, That liberty produces virtue, order and ſtability; while ſlavery is of neceſſity accompanied with vice, weakneſs and miſery.

L'aime des grands travaux, l'objet des nobles voeux. La liberte Lettres de Voltaire. !

LIBERTY, the life and ſoul of great purſuits, of noble actions, enlarges the heart and ſtimulates the underſtanding. In times of liberty, a man depends upon himſelf, his eloquence, integrity, ſpirit, ingenuity, and every virtue have incentives to kindle and enflame them, a proper field to diſplay themſelves, and to operate to his own emolument and his country's glory. Whether his natural inclination be to the field or the cabinet, to philoſophy, or arts, he purſues it with an ardour, which conſcious freedom always inſpires, and which cannot but crown him with diſtinguiſhed ſucceſs. But when ſlavery has ſpread its baneful influence over a people, the minds of men are ſubdued and enervated; they depend on their tyrants for what they are pleaſed to grant them, property, or life or honours, to which they aſpire, not by virtue, but by cunning, ſervility and wickedneſs Les grandes vertus ſe cachent ou ſe perdent ordinairement dans la ſervitude.— MONTESQUIEU., from whence they ſoon become habitually vicious, weak and miſerable.

It is with perfect propriety then, that Ariſtotle hath ſaid, a ſlave can have no virtue; that Longinus has called ſlavery the priſon of the ſoul, and a public dungeon; that Sir Walter Raleigh, that illuſtrious ornament of human nature, conſidered it as a conditi •• 〈◊〉 much below that of brutes, as to act againſt reaſon is worſe than to act without See his very excellent letter to Prince Henry. it, in fine, that Cicero, Cato, Caſſius and Brutus, thought it an evil, non modo bello, ſed morte etiam repellendum

To be ſhunned not only by war, but by death itſelf. Timoleon had his brother, whom he had before ſaved in battle at the riſk of his own life, put to death for attempting to enſlave his country. Brutus uſed to ſay he would ſtab his own father, if a tyrant; and he, with Cato and Caſſius, killed themſelves rather than ſurvive the liberty of their country. Cicero ſays Quid ſi tyrannidem occupare, ſi patriam prodere conabitur pater, ſilibitne filius? imo vero obſecrabit patrem ne id faciat; ſi nihil proficiat, accuſabit, minabitur; ad extremum ſi ad perniciem patrioe res ſpectabit, patrioe. Salutem anteponat ſaluti patris. Such grandeur and dignity of ſentiment animated theſe freeborn patriots.—

Inter quos utinam heroas natum me prima tuliſſet tellus!

.

While the ſun of liberty ſhone on Thebes, it diſpelled even the fogs of Boeotia, and ripened into greatneſs of ſoul a Pelopidas, an Epaminondas, and a Pindar; and if in 500 years of ſlavery a Stilico and a Beliſarius did ariſe in that Italy, fertile of heroes while free, they ſerve but to deepen the horrors of tyranny, the one having been aſſaſſinated by his jealous Emperor, the other compelled, by the ungrateful tyrant, to beg better bread through realms his valour ſaved. During the three centuries from the death of Piſiſtratus to the time of Alexander, at what a glorious height, in arts and arms, did the Athenians, under the happy influence of liberty, arrive; but how few were the years of ſlavery which reduced them to weakneſs, miſery and contempt Les Ateniens ſans force par eux-memes et ſans allies n'etonnoient plus le monde que par leurs flatteries envers les Rois, et on ne montoit plus ſur la tribune, ou avoit parle Demoſtene, que pour propoſer les decrets les plus laches et les plus ſcandeleux. — MONTESQUIEU.! From the birth of Roman liberty, at the expulſion of the Tarquins, to its total extinction by the death of Brutus, was little more than 500 years. In this period, how glorious was the empire which freedom eſtabliſhed, how firm, how happy! What an illuſtrious train of heroes did this free ſpirit produce, the Fabii, Fabricii, Decii, Metelli, Scipiones, AEmelii, and others, without number! The immortal Cato has informed us what were the characteriſtics of this potent republic. Domi induſtria foris juſtum imperium, animus in conſulendo liber neque delicto neque lubidini obnoxius Induſtry at home, juſtice abroad, minds unconſtrained in debate, unſeduced by pleaſure, and untainted by crimes.. Such was the virtue, order, and ſtability, which liberty produced, ſuch vital energy did it infuſe through the whole body of the ſtate, that it baffled every attempt to overthrow it; ſtood the impetuous aſſaults of ſuch dreadful foes as Hannibal and Pyrr us, firm and unſhaken; a battle loſt, ſerved but to arouſe ſtill greater exertions of that vigour, which, animated by a ſenſe of freedom, was invincible. How ſhall we view the ſad reverſe which ſlavery produced, without tears—without deteſtation! Behold that ſenate, which appeared to the Ambaſſador of King Pyrrhus like an Aſſembly of Gods, whoſe word ſet nations free, and quelled the tyranny of KingsThe Romans uſed to eſtabliſh their own form of government, as near as poſſible, among thoſe they conquered. They offered the Cappadocians their freedom; but they were baſe enough to refuſe it., reduced to be the ſervile Miniſters of arbitrary power over their fellow citizens Quo ! ce Senat n'avoit fait evanouir tant des Rois, que pour tomber lui-meme dans le plus bas eſclavage de quelqueſunes de ſes plus indignes citoyens; et s'exterminer par ſes propres arrets? — MONTESQUIEU., to be the wretched ſpectators and applauders of low obſcene ſhews Quid ſi ſcripſiſſem mimos obſcoena jocantes, Qui femper vetiti crimen amoris habet. In quibus aſſidue cultus procedit adulter, Verbaque dat ſtulto callida nupta viro. Nuhilis, hos virgo, matronaque, virque, puerque, Spectat, et e magna parte ſenatus adeſt. Nec ſatis inceſtis temerari vocibus aures, Adſueſcunt oculi multa pudenda pati Cumque fefellit amans aliqua novitate maritum Plauditur et magno palma, favore datur. , without power, virtue, dignity or worth. Even ſo early as the reign of Auguſtus, had ſlavery operated with this baneful influence on the ſenate, nor was the whole Roman people leſs infected. For now, as an author of inſinite erudition obſerves, "idleneſs, trifling amuſements, tumblers, dancers, races, and wild beaſts, occupied the minds of thoſe who had been wont to think of honours, triumphs and laborious virtuesMemoirs of the Court of Auguſtus. ."

The Roman name was now no more Victor gentium populus, et donare regna conſuetus, ſays FLORUS., no more that hardy and incorruptible virtue, that called a Cincinnatus from the plough, to be dictator of Rome Si quidem aranti lucio quint io Cincinnato nuntiatum eſt eum dictatorum eſſe factum. — CICERO.. The Fabricii and Catones were no more; the epicurean Apicii and Naſideini had occupied their places, feaſts and debauchery were ſubſtituted for arts and arms. Foecunda culpoe ſecula, nuptias Primium inquinavere et genus et domos Hac fonte derivata clades In patriam, populumque fluxit. HORACE. . The Roman people were already wickedNor is it wonderful, ſince Seneca himſelf confeſſes that on Coeſar's approach, all that were virtuous and worthy quitted Rome; and all theſe periſhed afterwards in defence of liberty., they were ſoon to be weak and miſerable; they were ſoon to groan under the moſt execrable monſters that ever blackened human nature; Tiberius, Nero, Caligula, Commodus, Caracalla and Domitian. They were to be harraſſed with perpetual contentions, under what tyrant they ſhould bleed L'hiſtoire de l'empire Grec, c'eſt ainſi que nous nommerons dores navant l'empire Romain, n'eſt plus qu'un tiſſu de revoltes, de ſeditions, et de perfidies. — MONTESQUIEU.; their empire, like a reed, was to be ſhaken by every aſſault Dans les guerres civiles de Vitellius et 〈◊〉 Veſpaſian, Rome en proye a tous les ambitieux, et pleine de burgeois timides, trembloit deva t le premiere bande des 〈◊〉 qui pouvoit e'n approcher. Ibid., till, after a few miſerable centuries, it was to be overturned by Barbarians—falling, like Lucifer, never to riſe again; ſerving only as a dreadful and everlaſting monument of the atrocious ills that ſlavery begets, Shall we not then, my countrymen, combine to oppoſe this fiend, whenever he ſhall invade us? Shall we not uſe every caution, work every nerve, to repel his open, or elude his concealed, attacks? Shall we not hold our liberty as the immediate jewel of our ſouls? Hardily did our forefathers venture into this once ſavage wild; what animated their attempts and ſoothed their toils? Liberty: What did they bequeath us? Liberty; Let us then never—never reſign it.

That we may ſecure this valuable bleſſing, and learn the greatneſs of its worth, let me, with all reſpect, earneſtly beg leave to recommend to my countrymen, eſpecially the younger part, a thorough acquaintance with thoſe records of illuſtrious liberty, the hiſtories of Greece and Rome; from whence they will imbibe a juſt hatred of tyranny and zeal for freedom. Let them ſtudy well the godlike actions of thoſe heroes and patriots, whoſe lives are delivered down to us by Plutarch, that they may be inſpired with a glorious emulation of thoſe virtues, which have immortalized their names. Let them examine thoroughly and particularly into our own hiſtory and conſtitution Hume's hiſtory, guarded by Mr. Hurd s dialogues, Lord Coke's inſtitutes, and the Jus Parliament: ſeem beſt adapted to this purpoſe., that they may well underſtand its full force, form and excellence; the methods which bad Princes and wicked Miniſters have taken to deſtroy it, and by what means it has been preſerved H •• illud eſt proecipioe, in cognitione rerum, ſalubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illuſtri poſita monumento, intueri; inde tibi, tu eque reipublicoe, quod imitere capias; inde foedum inceptu, foedum 〈◊〉 quod vites — LIVY.. Theſe things ſhould be thoroughly conſidered, we ſhould entertain one another frequently in converſation on theſe ſubjects; that we may implant in ourſelves a lively ſenſe of liberty and law; and infuſe into all around us a generous love for their country and the Britiſh conſtitution Pro qua, quis bonus dubitet mortem opp t •• e, ſi ei ſit profuturus? — CICERO.. Such a love as dictated this ſpeech, which ought to enroll its author in that ſacred liſt of patriots, where Timoleon, Cato, Brutus, Caſſius, and the firſt Naſſa , ſhine immortal. It is the ſpeech of Sir William Wallace to Bruce, who was ſoliciting him to gain King Edward's favour by giving up the defence of his country. Vos, ſaid the indignant hero, quibus potior eſt turpis cum ſecuritate ſervitus, quam honeſta, cum periculo, libertas; iſtam, quam magni eſtimatis, fortunam amplectameni: Ego, in patria ſoepe defenſa, liber et libens morear; nec me prius ejus caritas quam vita relinquet Ye who prefer ſhameful ſervitude, with ſafety, to becoming freedom, with danger; embrace the lot which you ſo greatly prize: I am determined to die free and freely for my country, which I have often defended; nor will I give up my love for her till I reſign my breath. — See Buchanan's hiſtory of Scotland. . Godlike reſolve, patriot approved! Thy grateful country ſhall unceaſing ceaſing pour bleſſings and praiſes on thy name. Such too was the divine ſpirit which animated our deliverer, the Prince of Orange, when exhorted to make his terms with Lewis XIV. ſince he could not avoid ſeeing his country enſlaved, he replied firmly, yes, I can, thy dying in the laft ditch. See Biſhop Burnet's hiſtory of his own times..

READER, whoe'er thou art, revere theſe names, and emulate their virtues—Remember Thy liſe is not thy own when Rome demands it.

NUMBER III. Salus populi ſuprema lex eſto, is a fundamental law; and ſure I am, the ſafety of the commonwealth is ill provided for, if the liberty be given up. PATRIOT KING.

TO the many and great authorities which I adduced in my laſt, to prove the unavoidable connection between liberty and happineſs in a ſtate, I have now ſubjoined this ſentiment of my Lord Bolingbroke. I therefore preſume no one will queſtion that poſition: Indeed I even hope there are few of my countrymen who want much proof to evince a truth, which is, as it were, graved on the heart of every freeman. The end of government is the good of the majority; and when it is diverted to the emolument of one or a few, it then becomes bad, it then becomes, deteſted be the name, it then becomes a tyranny. When this is veſted in one, as in an unlimited monarchy, it is bad, but much more is it to be dreaded when in the hands of many. Thus the Decemviri at Rome, the Thirty at Athens, the Doge and Senate at Venice, were more woeful tyrannies than even that of the Grand Signior; and the moſt tremendous tyranny that ever exiſted would be the Houſe of Commons in England, if it were independent of the people; that is, if the ſeats were for life; filled up when vacant by the members themſelves, and they not affected by the laws they made. If they made a law to take away the property of the people, their own would be untouched; if to endanger the lives of the people, they themſelves would not feel its ſeverity. From the dreadful calamities of ſuch a form of government, if perſiſted in, there could be no hope of relief but from that which Mr. Locke calls an appeal to Heaven. The people, ſays he, have by a law, antecedent and paramount to all poſitive laws of man, reſerved that ultimate determination to themſelves, which belongs to all mankind, when there lies no appeal on earth, namely, to make their appeal to Heaven, that is, to the ſword; and this judgment they cannot part with. The reader will obſerve, I am ſuppoſing what is called the Houſe of Commons, to be no longer elected by the people, and therefore no longer their repreſentatives; or ſuppoſe the Houſe of Lords ſhould ſay to the people of England, we are your virtual repreſentatives, and therefore have a right to tax you; ſuppoſe they were, upon this declaration, to tax them accordingly; what would the people ſay? They would tell their Lordſhips that they poſſeſſed, and, have ever poſſeſſed, a right by the conſtitution, an unalienable right to chuſe repreſentatives, who are their truſtees, and are bound in duty and intereſt to preſerve their liberty See debates in Parliament, Ann. 1704. p. 221. The rights of the people are ſafer in the hands of their repreſentatives than any other; if they do not like them, they can turn them out, and chuſe new ones; but they cannot do ſo in the caſe of the Lords. Mr. Lowndes's ſpeech, Ibid. p. 66. and property; with theſe therefore, and theſe only, they would truſt their property, and not with their Lordſhips, over whom they had no ſuch reſtriction; ſhould the Lords perſiſt, the people would without doubt make their laſt appeal to Heaven. There would not be wanting ſome, who would ſtile this rebellion; but (I ſpeak the words of Mr. Sidney) they who ſeek after truth will find, that there can be no ſuch thing in the world as the rebellion of a whole nation againſt its magiſtrates.

BUT I have dwelt too long, perhaps, in ſuppoſing miſeries, to which I hope the people of England will never be reduced; that is, I hope they never will taſte of the bitter cup of ſlavery, which they are forcing upon us. When I began this paper, it was with an intention of admoniſhing my countrymen, or rather lamenting with them on the woeful proſpect before us. Our privileges are all virtual, our ſufferings are real. We have freeholds, and I read, in the addreſs of the Lords to Queen Anne, that "the right of election, is a legal intereſt, incident to the freehold, or founded upon cuſtom, or the letters patent of your Majeſty's Royal anceſtors, or upon particular acts of Parliament

Now nobody can think, but that the right to elect a Parliament man, which is a diſtinguiſhing character from the vulgar, and hath its weight in the legiſlature, is a privilege; and therefore to be deprived of it, is to be deprived not only of a burden or ſervice, but of a very valuable privilege: And I believe any Engliſhman would think we dealt very hardly by him, to deprive him of it, though we ſhould tell him at the ſame time we deprived him only of a ſervice or burden, not of a valuable privilege.

Cowper's (afterwards Lord Chancellor) ſpeech.

;" but our freeholds are all virtually included in the manor of Greenwich; is then the authority exerciſed over the ſame virtual freehold in Greenwich? Alas! No. When we are to be taxed, we are in America; when duties are laid upon the commodities we purchaſe from Great-Britain; when our governments are to be ſuſpended, unleſs we will be humble, complying, unmurmuring, very, very ſlaves, we are then in America; but when we are to chuſe our repreſentatives, our truſtees, who are bound thereby in duty and intereſt to treat us with the ſame juſtice and tenderneſs, with which they would treat themſelves, then, my countrymen, we are unhappily in the manor of Greenwich. Thus, I John Thomas, of the county of Richmond, in Virginia, freeholder, do vote without knowing it, for a burgeſs in the manor of Greenwich, in England; which manor I never ſaw, nor indeed ever heard of before, to lay a duty upon the glaſs I want to mend my windows in my tenement, on my freehold, in Richmond county, Virginia. This, my countrymen, would, in the days of ſuperſtition, have been called witchcraft; but, the gen •• eſt of all ſhepherds, the wiſeſt, virtuouſeſt, diſcreeteſt, beſt of all Miniſters, Mr. Grenville, calls it a virtual repreſentation. We might have flattered ourſelves, that a virtual obedience, would have exactly correſponded with a virtual repreſentation; but it is the ineffable wiſdom of Mr. Grenville, to reconcile, what, to our feeble comprehenſions, appeared to be contradictions; and therefore a real obedience is required to this virtual power. How does this great man ſoar above thoſe weakneſſes that govern mankind on this earth; truth, juſtice, wiſdom, law, and right? It was not until his compleat triumph over theſe human weakneſſes, that he declared America repreſented in the manor of Greenwich; but who is the repreſentative? Does he know us? Or we him? No. Have we any reſtriction over his conduct? No. Is he bound in duty and intereſt to preſerve our liberty and property? No. Is he acquainted with our circumſtances, ſituation, wants, &c.? No. What then are we to expect from him? Nothing but taxes without end. Unhappy people! We are fallen into that deplorable ſtate in which I ſuppoſed the Engliſh would be, were they taxed by thoſe whom they did not elect. So vitally injurious would ſuch a power be to the liberties of that people, that ſuch of their Kings as were tyrannically diſpoſed, have, through the whole courſe of their hiſtory, been endeavouring to accompliſh it; but ſo ſenſible were the people of its importance, that they as conſtantly reclaimed that right by their repreſentatives; till the bill of rights ſuppreſſed entirely all ſuch attempts. Thus, Mr. Petit, in his Jus Parliamentarum, aſſerts that never any impoſition was ſet on by the King out of Parliament, but what was complained of in Parliament; and not one that ever ſtood after ſuch complaint, but remedy was afforded for it. Even when the Britiſh Parliament attempted to tax a part of Britain, which it did not actually repreſent; the violation of liberty was perceived, reclaimed againſt, and redreſſed. And that the injuſtice of ſuch proceedings might ſtand recorded to all futurity, it is ſet forth in the ſtatutes 34 and 5, H. VIII, in theſe words, "that the inhabitants of Durham and Cheſter, having neither Knight ne Burgeſs in the Parliament of Weſtminſter, for the lack thereof have been oftimes touched and grieved with acts and ſtatutes, made within the ſaid court, as well derogatory unto the moſt antient juriſdictions, liberties and privileges of your ſaid county palatine (and of Durham) as prejudicial unto the commonwealth, quietneſs, reſt and peace of your Grace's moſt bounded ſubjects inhabiting in the ſame." Such was the ſacred reverence paid to the rights and liberties of the ſubject! But if the people of the counties of Durham and Cheſter, ſo nearly connected with thoſe who voted for the repreſentative, whoſe circumſtances might ſo eaſily be known, were yet touched and grieved by the acts of that repreſentative; how much more ſhall we be injured, who are remote, unknown, unfriended, unſopported? Shall we not be touched to the quick? Shall we not be grieved to the heart? Will not our juriſdictions, liberties, and privileges, be totally violated? Shall we not ſink into ſlaves? O liberty! O virtue! O my country!

My Lord CAMDEN has juſtly and emphatically obſerved, that there is not a blade of graſs in Great-Britain but what is repreſented; for what unheard of crime is it, that not a blade of graſs in America is repreſented? What can prevent us from being treated with all the ſeverity which the cruel rapacity of a wicked Miniſter may dictate, If we be once ſubjected to an authority unlimited and unreſtrained? Every needy dependent on the Miniſter will be immediately provided for in America, new places will be framed, new, endleſs, and inſupportable taxes will be laid upon us, for their ſupport, rendering us the ſlaves of ſlaves. When Sir Robert Walpole was endeavouring to extend the exciſe in England, Mr. Pulteney, after having ſhewed ow fatal it would be to the liberties of the people, to what miſery and contempt it would reduce them, to what dangerous exceſs it would extend the influence of the Miniſter, adds, "Nay, Sir, I do not know but ſome of us may live to ſee ſome vain overgrown Miniſter of State, driving along the ſtreets, with ſix Members of Parliament behind his coachSee the Parliamentary debates, ann. 1733, p.92.." In like manner I think it not at all improbable, that, under this new ſyſtem, a Miniſter will be waited upon at table by half a dozen American Governor ; while their deputies are exerciſing us with the iron rod of extortion. I can conceive that it would give the malignant heart of Grenville infinite pleaſure, to be thus avenged by ſending his footmen to tread upon the necks, and grind the faces of thoſe people, whoſe ſpirit once diſappointed his oppreſſive purpoſes; and held him up to infamy and cotempt. Some perhaps may flatter themſelves, this will never be the caſe; but I would aſk them, on what ground they cheriſh this hope, or where is the ſecurity in this new model of our conſtitution, againſt all the ignominy and evils of tyranny? For it is moſt certain that wicked Miniſters do frequently exiſt, and that a government (as Mr. Fletcher has before obſerved) is not only a tyranny when tyrannically exerciſed; but alſo when there is no ſufficient caution in the conſtitution that it may not be uſed tyrannicallyPolitical Works, p. 108.. Where is this caution in ours?

LET me then again exhort my countrymen, over the whole continent, that they inſtruct their repreſentatives to draw up a petition of rights, and never deſiſt from the ſollicitation till it be confirmed into a bill of rights. Then, and then only, will there be truly ſuch a thing as American freedom; then oly ſhall we be ſafe from thoſe ills which tyranny pours down upon its wretched vaſſals. From which, may GOD of his infinite mercy, preſerve us.

P. S. As the right of election is the very pillar of our conſtitution; I hope the following explanation of it, by Sir Joſeph Jekyll, a very learned and able lawyer, will not be unacceptable. I take the right, ſays he, of every elector in England to accrue to him by the common law, for he is under one or other theſe qualifications: Either e is a freeholder, and then he has a right to vote for knights of the ſhi e; or he has a right by charter, or a right by preſcription; which two laſt rights take in the right of noting in all cities and boroughs. Now I would be glad to know whether the right of a freeholder is not by the common law? Whether a right by charter is not by common law? Is it not that law that enables the Crown to grant charters and qualifies that power? Whether a right by preſcription is not by the common law? Is not preſcription common uſage? And is the common law any thing but common uſage? The freeholder's right of voting is of the eſſence of his freehold, and you may as well take away his freehold, as take away the right of voting, which he has by virtue of that freehold, &c. Now I proceed to obſerve, that were the Houſe of Commons in England our real repreſentative, they could not, of right, either take away, or did in taking away from us this right; for this right of election, being the very pillar of our conſtitution, it cannot be removed without deſtruction to the conſtitution itſelf, and ſurely the repreſentative is choſen not to ſubvert or aid in ſubverting, but to ſupport the conſtitution; and it manifeſtly is the higheſt inconſiſtency to ſuppoſe the people would chuſe truſtees to take from them that very right by which they choſe them. It is a right which the people cannot give away, it is truly a divine right, prior and paramount to all laws, and which may be modelled, but cannot be reſigned. How truly contemptible then, how throughly wicked is that Grenvillean idea, that a virtual repreſentative can rightfully take the privilege of electing from the people of America?

NUMBER IV. Potior viſa eſt periculoſa libertas, quieto ſervitio. SALLUST. Liberty procured with danger, ſeemed preferable to ſlavery with caſe.

IN my preceding papers, I have endeavoured to warn my countrymen of the danger that threatens their liberties. I have proved, from the ſentiments of the greateſt men of all ages, and from the hiſtories of nations, how neceſſarily virtue, happineſs and ſtrength, attend a free government; and that weakneſs, vice, ignominy and wretchedneſs, are the unavoidable concomitants of ſlavery. I have farther taken the liberty of ſuggeſting to my countrymen, the neceſſity of inſtructing their repreſentatives to petition to our moſt Gracious Sovereign againſt the late acts of the Britiſh Parliament; which are deſtructive of the rights and liberties of the Britiſh colonies in America. And I ſhall now proceed to offer the outlines of the inſtructions, which it is incumbent on the people, as they value the liberty their forefathers bequeathed them, to give their repreſentatives.

1. That we the freeholders or electors of the—country or—borough, are fully ſenſible, that the privilege, which we have always poſſeſſed, of electing our own repreſentatives, to raiſe taxes, or levy money upon us, as the exigencies of government ſhall require, and we are able to ſupply, is eſſentially neceſſary to our freedom: So that without this privilege, we muſt inevitably be ſlaves.

2. That we regard every attempt to take this privilege from us, or to injure us for not reſigning it, as in the higheſt manner oppreſſive and unjuſt.

3. That we conſider ſuch attempts made upon any one colony, equally intereſting to every Britiſh colony in America.

4. We therefore recommend it to you, in the moſt earneſt manner, by the regard you have for our liberties and rights, with which we have now intruſted you, to do your utmoſt in the next Aſſembly, towards having petitions drawn up to our moſt Gracious King againſt the late acts of the Britiſh Parliament, for billeting ſoldiers in America, for ſuſpending the government of New-York and for laying certain duties, for the purpoſe of raiſing money on glaſs, paper, paint, &c. imported into America from GreatBritain.

5. We think, and ſhall always think, that any impoſitions whatever laid upon us by the Britiſh Parliament, which does not and cannot repreſent us, are abſolutely deſtructive of our liberty.

6. We therefore recommend it to you, that you endeavour to have theſe our ſentiments formed into a petition of rights; or in any other manner that ſhall ſeem, to your wiſdom, moſt proper to procure their being eſtabliſhed into a bill of rights; to the end that we may no more be alarmed with invaſions of our liberties, but reſt in peace, each man under his own vine, and each man under his own ig-tree.

7. We again heartily recommend the utmoſt attention to theſe our moſt important concerns; and we promiſe to ſupport you, in the proſecution of theſe meaſures, to the utmoſt of our abilities.

Theſe I think are the neceſſary heads of the inſtructions, which ought to be given to all the repreſentatives of the people in America. They ſpecify what we feel to be our rights, and what have been the invaſions of them; they recommend to our repreſentatives, to petition againſt theſe violations, and to endeavour the preventing them for the future; laſtly, they promiſe them a juſt ſupport in this buſineſs.

It has been objected to this method of petitioning, that it will probably be ineffectual; and this ſuppoſition is founded upon the fate of our petitions and remonſtrances againſt the Stamp-Act. The diſregard they met with, it is thought, will fall upon theſe, But I muſt beg leave to think there is no validity in this objection; becauſe the circumſtances of things is entirely altered. The affairs of America were then neither at all underſtood; nor in the leaſt regarded. I remember to have heard ſome conſiderable members ſay in the lobby, during the debates on the repeal of the Stamp-Act, that, though they were in the Houſe when it firſt paſſed, yet they did not pay ſo much attention to the reading as to hear what the bill contained. It is not ſo now; the affairs of America have become the object of national attention; and I am confident, the American petitions will not be again treated ſo cavalierly, nay, I would venture to aſſert, that no Miniſter will dare to imitate the violence of Mr. Grenville, in ſuppreſſing or withholding theſe petitions. I muſt obſerve further on this head, that two things more contributed to the rendering thoſe petitions abortive; one was, that the colonies were not by any means unanimous in ſending them; the other was, that either through want of proper Inſtructions, or though neglect of them, the affair was not properly managed at home, VIRGI •• A was, I think, the only colony that remonſtrated and petitioned at firſt; few only did ſo at all; and therefore the general ſenſe of the colonies, expreſſed by their Aſſemblies, will hardly meet with the ſame fate. Either no inſtructions were ſent, directing our remonſtrances and petitions to be made public, or they were not complied with in time; and this omiſſion had the fatal effect of prejudicing the people of England againſt our proceedings. They thought us violent and diſreſpectful in making ſuch ſpirited reſolves, and oppoſing the execution of the Stamp-Act, without previouſly petitioning againſt it. Innumerable times did I hear this urged againſt the Americans; which would not have happened, had our remonſtrances and petitions been made public. The people of England are candid, juſt, and generous; under the influence of paſſion, they may act repugnant to this character, but otherwiſe I am confident they never will; I am confident they will applaud our conduct, when they perceive we are vindicating our liberties, in a reſpectful, tho' firm and ſpirited manner, in the manner that they themſelves began to reclaim their own, in the time of James I. The voice of the people of England has that weight with the adminiſtration, which the voice of every free people ought to have; it has great weight; and therefore care ſhould be taken to render it favourable, which a fair appeal to them, will, in conſequence of that nobleneſs of nature which diſtinguiſhes them, generally obtain. I do not wiſh to injure thoſe Gentlemen who ſerve the colonies as agents; but it is notorious, that many of them were our enemies in the affair of the Stamp-Act: ſome of them, I know, were outrageouſly ſuch. I think it my Duty to admoniſh my countrymen of this, that they may not truſt theſe very important concerns to thoſe, who, from the nature of things, cannot be ſufficiently intereſted in them, and of whoſe abilities we cannot be proper judges. I ſubmit it to their conſideration, whether we might not reaſonably expect more ſucceſs from men choſen from among ourſelves; on whoſe known wiſdom, integrity and ſpirit, we might ſafely roly.

I WILL beg the reader to indulge me a little longer, while I touch upon the right of conſtituents to inſtruct their repreſentatives. It has been lately denied that they have ſuch a right. I ſay, lately, that is, ſince the ſyſtem of corruption, which is now arrived at ſo dangerous a heighth, began firſt to predominate in our conſtitution. Then it was, that arbitrary Miniſters, and their proſtituted dependents, began to maintain this doctrine, dangerous to our liberty, that the repreſentatives were independent of the people. This was neceſſary to ſerve their own tyrannical and ſelfiſh purpoſes; it was therefore called by Sir John Barnard and others, a new and wicked Doctrine: "It is, Sir," ſaid Sir William Wyndh em, "not only a new doctrine, but it is the moſt monſtrous, the moſt flaviſh doctrine, that was ever heard, and ſuch a doctrine as I hope no man will ever dare to ſupport within theſe walls.See the debates on the ſeptennial bill, 1734.."

MY Lord Coke, in his inſtitutes, ſays, "it is alſo a law and cuſtom of Parliament, that when any new device is moved in the King's behalf in Parliament, for his aid, or the like, the Commons may anſwer, that they tendered the King's eſtate, and are ready to aid the ſame, only in this new device they dare not agree without conference with their countries; whereby it appeareth that ſuch conference is warrantable by the law and cuſtom of Parliament." He has cited an inſtance of this in the Parliament held the 9th of Edward III. and Mr. Petit, in his Jus Parliamentarium, has given another precedent of it in the 13th year of the ſame reign. It appears then, that by the conſtitution, the repreſentatives ought not to agree to any new device, before they have taken the ſentiments of their conſtituents; and why agree to any old device? Becauſe they are ſuppoſed to have received already the inſtructions of the people. The conſtitution therefore ſuppoſes the Knight or Burgeſs always to receive the inſtructions of his conſtituents, before he acts; and ſurely, when theſe are received, it would be the higheſt abſurdity to ſuppoſe the member was not bound by them, for this would be to ſet the opinion and intereſts of one man againſt thoſe of thouſands; which would be abſurd, ruinous, and unjuſt. It is, without queſtion, but common juſtice, that they who are to feel the effects of any meaſure, ſhould direct in the conduct of it, otherwiſe they would be ſlaves and wretched tools; the repreſentatives are truſtees for their conſtituents, to tranſact for them the buſineſs of government; and therefore I preſume it is, that the writ runs, to ſerve in Parliament; and for this ſervice, they, like all other agents, were paid by their conſtituents; 'til they found it more advantageous to fell their voices in Parliament, and then it was they broached this monſtrous doctrine, and wiſhed to become independent of the people. I hope the origin of this opinion will ſuffice to condemn it; the right of the people to inſtruct, muſt have began with the conſtitution, becauſe it is neceſſary to that freedom which is the eſſence of it, and is founded in the laws of juſtice, which are eternal and immutable; and when this right is taken from us, we may juſtly complain, as Demeſthenes did for the Athenians, "that the repreſentative has now uſurped the right of the people, and exerciſes an arbitrary authority over his antient and natural lordSee his third Olynthian.." Nor is there any one inſtance in which the people have abuſed this right, or reaſon to apprehend they will ever do it; they act from what they feel; and when that feeling is general, it muſt be real:

"The Nobility and Gentry," ſays Mr. Addiſon, "have ſo many private expectations, and particular intereſts, that hang like a falſe b aſs upon their judgments, and may poſſibly diſpoſe them to ſacrifice the good of their country to the advancement of their own fortunes; whereas the groſs of the people can have no other proſpect in changes and revolutions, than of public bleſſings, that are to diffuſe themſelves through the whole ſtate in generalAddiſon's travels.."

FOR theſe reaſons, I hold it to be an antient and unalienable right in the people, to inſtruct their repreſentatives; nor has it any weight with me, that Mr. Blackſtone, in his commentary on the law of England, has aſſerted the contrary; ſince he founds his opinion on that fiction, of a perſon's being, after he is elected, the repreſentative of the whole kingdom, and not of a particular part. The ſophiſtry of this argument is ſufficiently manifeſt, and has been fully exploded. The Britiſh conſtitution is not to be new-modelled by every Court LawyerMr. Blackſtone is Solicitor to the Queen.; any more than the liberties of America are to be reaſoned down, or wafted away from us, by the ſilver tongue, or venal breath of a Court judgeLord M-nsld who ſupported the right of Parliament over America, againſt Lord Camden. .

NUMBER V. Ad reipublic •• firmandas & ſtabiliendas vires, ſanandos populos, omnis noſtra p rgit oratio. CICERO de Legibus. The aim of theſe papers is to eſtabliſh the rights of the colonies, to provide for their ſtrength and welfare, upon a ſure and ſolid foundation.

WHEN I earneſtly recommend to my countrymen in America, the inſtructing their real repreſentatives to petition to our moſt Gracious Sovereign againſt thoſe late acts of the Britiſh Parliament, which infringe our liberties, and for a confirmation of thoſe rights, which we have hitherto uninterruptedly poſſeſſed, I comply perfectly, in my judgment, with the profeſſion made in this motto. For theſe acts tending to make all property among us precarious, to expoſe us to vice, violence and contempt, are but too manifeſtly inconſiſtent with our ſtrength or welfare; and a confirmation of our rights, would eſtabliſh them on a ſure and ſolid foundation, ſo as to merit the title of the Magna Charta Americana. What were the means, by which our forefathers in England obtained their Magna Charta, I do not ſtop here to enquire; it is privileges which they had long enjoyed; and what was therefore in juſtice their due. The rights we claim, have been our uninterrupted poſſeſſion for upwards of an hundred years. I ſay uninterrupted; for otherwiſe our rights are as old as the Britiſh conſtitution, ſince we are the direct and lineal deſcendants of Britons. Our American forefathers had therefore no absolute occaſion for charters to confirm their liberties to us their deſcendants, as it muſt have been concluded that we were in courſe entitled to them; but they juſtly conſidered, that a poſſeſſion ſo dear as liberty could not be guarded with too much ſecurity. This conſideration is a ſufficient anſwer to thoſe, who conclude our privileges to be null and void, becauſe they were held from the Royal charter; which, ſay they, it is not in the power of prerogative to grantSee the Lords proteſt againſt the repeal of the Stamp-Act. theſe charters are not grants of new rights, but in confirmation of old ones; nor is it worth diſputing whether prerogative could grant them; it would be enough for us, that prerogative did grant them, that the Parliament acquieſced in the grant, and that the free people of Britain acted under the ſecurity of that grant. Surely the 〈◊〉 could not be deemed conſiſtent with the laws of honour or juſtice, that the Parliament 〈◊〉 ould ſuffer the people to be deluded by a nugatory grant; that they ſhould 〈◊〉 , at leaſt, theſe charters, under the ſecurity of which, the firſt ſettlers might be tempted to diveſt themſelves of the real liberties they poſſeſſed in Great-Britain. The very ſuppoſition is in the higheſt manner derogatory of the credit, and injurious to the honour of Parliament; and therefore cannot be admitted. But this ſuppoſition, wretched as it is, will become ſtill more contemptible, when we reflect, that the laſt of theſe charters was granted in the reign of George the Second, when there remained little doubt concerning the nature of the Britiſh conſtitution, the liberties of the people, or the power of prerogative, ſince the bill of rigths had, long before that period, fixed them upon the ſame determined principles by which they have ever ſince been governed. And this laſt charter, has reſerved to the Americans the ſame privileges, and in the ſame words, as hath the firſt in the reign of James the Firſt. What? Were all the Parliaments, from that period to this, aſleep, that they ſuffered prerogative thus to uſurp their rights; till Grenville and his patriotic party awakened this Parliament to reclaim them?

OF the ſame leaven is that ſuppoſition, that theſe liberties were never intended or thought of in thoſe chartersSee the proteſt.. Have words then no meaning, or are they to give up their meaning, like we our liberties, to pleaſe the accompliſhed Mr. Grenville? The words are reſerving to the Americans, the privileges, immunities, franchiſes and liberties of Britiſh ſubjects, as if born within the realm of Britain. Could words ſo expreſs, ſo poſitive as theſe, be without meaning? Could they fail being perfectly underſtood, by thoſe who granted and thoſe who received the charters? To imagine then that the firſt ſettlers did not underſtand theſe words, in the ſenſe of giving their property by their own conſent, expreſſed by themſelves, or their repreſentatives, which was the well known ground of Britiſh liberty, when, agreeably to this acceptation, they immediately choſe repreſentatives to tax them, and who have continued ſolely to lay impoſitions upon them, is a ſuppoſition that deſerves only to be mentioned, that it may be deſpiſed. It is like all the reſt of Grenville's ſophiſtry, moſt contemptible; indeed I have often lamented, that Mr. Grenville's ſpeech, in ſupport of the Stamp-Act, was not printed, as well as Mr. Pitt's againſt it. The wretched ſophiſtry, with which he endeavoured to prove the legitimacy of his hideous offspring, ſeemed to me the ſtrongaſt mark of its being ſpurious. How ſtrange, how very ſtrange it is, that a wiſe, a free, a generous people, ſhould ever have been influenced by a man, who never, in any one act of his adminiſtration, ſhewed either wiſdom or virtue; and whoſe chief characteriſtic, is the being obſtinately wedded to his own weak, confined and wicked politics! Strange that they do not ſee their own liberties embarked in the ſ me bottom with ours; and that the violence which ſinks the one, muſt overwhelm the other. When our rights are thus plain and indubitable, our caſe becomes general, and Britain herſelf is intereſted in the ſupport of it: Whenever our liberties are laid low, their rights and privileges will not be be of long duration; whenever any impious man ſhall dare to impoſe ſhackles upon us, their hands will not long remain unſettered.

The liberties then of our forefathers, were coeval with the Britiſh conſtitution, they were confirmed by various Kings, and recognized by various Parliaments; we then my countrymen are free: And let us tell our brethren in Britain, that we are free; let us tell it with a ſpirit becoming thoſe who claim ſo noble a brotherhood; with a Britiſh ſpirit, than which a nobler never yet animated a free people!

IN looking forward, to the very probable conſequences of a peaceable acquieſcence under the late aſſumed authority of the Britiſh Parliament, I ſhudder with apprehenſion. Our money only is ſeized upon now, to relieve the debt of Great-Britain; and will not our youth be ravaged from us next to fight her battles, in the fields of Germany, or in the Indian ocean? Will not a preſs-gang be our next ſcourge? I ſee already men torn from their weeping and diſtreſſed families, without hope, without redreſs, never to return, by an unrelenting, lawleſs crew, unbridled by our own civil and legiſlative authority, and wantonly cruel in the execution of deſpotic power. I ſee every endearing tie of father, huſband, ſon and brother, torn aſunder, unreſpited, unpitied, unreprieved. I ſee my weeping country, worn down with reiterated ſorrows and alarms, imploring aid, peace, reſpite, or revenge: Alas! In vain, her youthful ſons are now no more, fallen in foreign wars and on unhoſpitable ſhores; nothing but feeble age remains to mix his unavailing tears with hers. Gods! Are we men, and ſhall we ſuffer the foundation to be laid for miſeries like theſe; ſhall we look tamely on while the yoke is fixed upon us, under which we muſt for ever groan? We and our poſterity forever. Shall we thus devote ourſelves and them to the malice of private lurking informers, and the hateful inſults of petty authority; to be hunted like beaſts of prey, like murderers and felons; our property, our liberty, our happineſs given up to Miniſters, who having grown ſavage in the exerciſe of deſpotiſm, ſhall contrive for us new hardſhips, new oppreſſions, and tyrannize without meaſure, without fear, without mercy. Even in England, a Miniſter has been found daring and wicked enough to propoſe in Parliament, that authority ſhould be given to the officers of preſs-gangs of break into any houſe, and at any time, and carry off any one who was ſaid to be a ſailor, to make it puniſhable for any one to conceal ſuch men, and to put them to their own oath, to prove the facts for which they were to ſuffer. And this bill, fraught as it was with cruelty and oppreſſion, could hardly be rejected by the univerſal indignation expreſſed againſt it, by all the efforts of patriotiſm and powers of eloquence, ſuch as even Cicero and Demoſthenes never excelled. What ſhall we then, who are unrepreſented, unfriended and unheard expect? Shall we hope a Miniſter ſo wicked and ſo daring will never live? Vain hope, even now he lives. Mr. Pitt's ſpeech informs us that Sir Robert Walpole, daring and wicked as he was, did not dare to tax America. But he who has dared, has wickedly dared to tax her, lives ſtill, he lives to ſee his meaſures adopted, aſſerted and executed; and he may live to propoſe ſucceſsfully an impreſs bill for America. When ſuch a bill, tyrannical in itſelf, and parental of tyranny in others, giving conſidence to the arrogant, and ſecurity to the cruel, ſhall have paſſed; then muſt we prepare to ſee our property raviſhed from us, our houſes broke open, our wives, our daughters, violated, ourſelves torn from the tenderneſs and careſſes of our families, and dragged, with every circumſtance of violence and barbarity, ot hardſhips, labour, inſults, and oppreſſion. So will the tyrant or his minions doom; ſuch are the ills which tyranny invents, and ſlavery muſt bear; ills, which cannot be heard without indignation, nor thought of without horror.If the reader would ſee to what dangerous and daring lengths a tyrannizing Miniſter will go, and how fat the modeſty of a real repreſentative will ſuffer him, he will do well peruſe the debates on the impreſs and exciſe bills. If there be yet any among my countrymen, who doubt whether Grenville himſelf would be capable of ſuch atrocious cruelties, let ſuch bethink them how neceſſary a part of his plan a preſs-bill is, to continue us in that weakneſs, which having once admitted, will always confirm his tyranny. The taking from us our youth, and ſtrength, will rivet the chains, which the giving and granting our property muſt impoſe upon us. Even thoſe who Counſel, ignoble eaſe, and peaceful ſloth, flatter themſelves, that when we grow ſtronger, we ſhall ſhake off the yoke. Deluſive hope! Will the tyrannous miniſter ſuffer us to grow ſtronger? Does ſlavery give ſtrength? Have I not ſhewn that the fabric which liberty rears to beauty, ſtrength and grandeur, by ſlavery is ſoon defaced and ruinedSee Monitor II.? We have indeed grown ſtrong, and flouriſhed to amazement, for our years; but why? Becauſe the unqueſtioned enjoyment of liberty and property, drew emigrants to us in troops: but when theſe attractions are no more, when, in their ſtead, grim tyranny ſhall rear his hideous form, who is it that will approach him? Then, when an American and a ſlave are one, who is it that will voluntarily ſeek bondage in America? If any man be yet inclined to leave his liberty at mercy, and truſt in the juſtice and humanity of great men, let them read the liſt of bribes, for which the Chancellor Bacon ſet juſtice to ſale; let him examine the impeachments of the Chief-Juſtice Treſſilian, and the reſt of the judges, the campaign of Jeſs;rey's and the adminiſtration of Sir Robert Walpole All thoſe invaders of the liberties of the people were afterwards called to an account for it by the real repreſentatives of the people; had they been virtual, they would have aided the tyranny inſtead of impeaching it. Treſſilian, and the judges, were hanged at the inſtance of the Commons, alarmed at the cries, and incenſed at the injuries of their oppreſſed conſtituents; but our virtual repreſentative would neither hear our cries, ſee our oppreſſions, nor redreſs our grievances.; then bluſh at his credulity, and retract his error.

SOME there are, who acknowledging, for who can deny it, the violation of our liberties, yet think there is a neceſſity of ſubmitting to it. Neceſſity, abſolute neceſſity, is a formidable ſound; well calculated to awe the weak into ſilence, and terrify the timid into ſubmiſſion. But, for my part, I cannot conceive the neceſſity of becoming a ſlave, while there remains a ditch in which one may die free; nor can I well imagine a greater neceſſity ever to exiſt, than that which impended over the Athenians, from Xerxes, and his million, over the ſtarving Romans, from a powerful beſieger, over the unwarlike people of Flanders, from veteran troops, and a very potent Monarch, or than that which now operates upon the Corſicans, from the French and Gen eſe, upon the Georgians, from the mighty force of the Turkiſh empire. They who know that the battle is not always to the ſtrong, nor the race to the ſwift, will not pay a very ready acquieſcence to formidable words, and conſident aſſertions. But, where is the neceſſity that withholds us from carrying the ſufferings of the innocent, and the injuries of the oppreſſed, to the foot of the throne? That throne, whoſe ſupports are juſtice and mercy, that throne, from whence our moſt gracious Sovereign has already promiſed us, that he will maintain the liberties and rights of all his ſubjects. I counſel not ſeditions and tumultuous oppoſition, but a clear and reſpectful repreſentation of our rights and grievances, with an humble petition for relief. And I rely on the known grace and juſtice of his Majeſty, for redreſs, on the virtue of the free people of England, for encouragement and approbation. But in no event muſt our liberties be given up; our liberties, which like the hairs of the ſtrong man, are the ſeat of our ſtrength; if theſe therefore be ſhorn away, it will be then in vain to cry out The Philiſtines be upon you.

NUMBER VI. Oppreſſion, tyranny, and power uſurp'd, Draw all the vengeance of his arm upon them. CATO.

WHY, my friend, ſaid a Gentleman the other day, do you employ your time in writing on Liberty, which may poſſibly bring you into ſome difficulties or danger; when you might uſe it ſo much more to your own emolument?—Becauſe Liberty is the very idol of my ſoul, the parent of virtue, the nurſe, of heroes, the diſpenſer of general happineſs; becauſe ſlavery is the monſtrous mother of every abominable vice, and every atrocious ill; becauſe the liberties of my country are invaded, and in danger of entire deſtruction, by the late acts of the Britiſh Parliament; becauſe I would with joy be the ſacrifice to the re-eſtabliſhment of them, upon a ſure and ſolid foundation. Very many there are, infinitely more able than myſelf, to ſupport the rights of their country, and why they comply not with this moſt cogent of all duties, I cannot divine. Perhaps they think not with me, that it is the duty of every man to pay the tribute of ſpeaking out, to his country; to rouſe the ſpirit of Liberty, to proteſt againſt what he cannot prevent, and claim, without ceaſing, what he cannot by his own ſtrength recover. And, ſurely no mortal can aſpire to a higher ſtation, or to greater glory, than that of being, on every occaſion, the ſupport of good, the controul of bad government, and the guardian of public liberty.

WHEN I conſider the willingneſs and alacrity with which the people reſign the greateſt part of the fruits of their labour, for the eaſe and luxury, of their Governors; for which they expect, in neturn, protection to their perſons, and ſecurity in the free uſe of the remaining pittance; I am fired with indignation at the ingratitude and wickedenſs of thoſe who, envying them the free enjoyment even of that pittance, would urge them ſtill further, endeavour arbitrarily to extort from them the laſt farthing, and have their perſons at devotion, who would put ſaddles upon the backs, and bridles in the mouths of the reſt of the community, that they themſelves might ſecurely ſpur and goad them, as the wantonneſs of vice, the inſatiability of avarice, or the atrociouſneſs of cruelty may ſuggeſt. Theſe are the views of yrants and their minions, theſe were the views of him who deviſed the Stamp-Act for America, and the reſt of thoſe acts, of which we are now complaining. We have ever contributed both in men and money, with the utmoſt of our abilities, to the ſupport of government; but we have done it conſtitutionally, by our own conſent, given in our ſeveral aſſmblies to the requiſitions of our Sovereign; what then do theſe new acts aim at, but the extorting from us, as ſlaves, the remainder of that which we gave, as freemen? The aboliſhing, or what is the ſame, the rendering our Aſſemblies nugatory and uſeleſs, by veſting the diſpoſal of our property, and the arbitration of our liberty, and the diſpenſation of juſtice, in a Britiſh Miniſter, and Britiſh Parliament. That we may be reined and ſpurred at will, that our properties, our lives, and every thing that is dear and ſacred among men, may be at the abſolute diſpoſal of thoſe, who, inſtead of being under any controul from us, under any neceſſity to treat us with tenderneſs and prudence, will have all the incitements that can urge men, inflamed by power, miſ ed by folly, and ſtimulated by ambition, to exhauſt us with abſurd or continual exactions, and ſink us down with mercileſs and unremitting oppreſſions.

Is any imagination capable of conceiving a people more abſolute, more abject ſlaves, than when they are taxed, not only without their conſent, but directly contrary to their expreſs will? Yet this muſt be the ſtate of the Americans, if taxed by the Britiſh Parliament, when they chuſe repreſentatives for that purpoſe. The very idea of it is abſurd, is monſtrous, big with iniquity, ſtupidity, and evil; nor is it wonderful, that more than an hundred years ſhould have paſſed away, before the man was born who could deviſe ſo vile a complication of tyranny and folly.

THE attempt of any Miniſter, to take from us the right of giving our money by our own conſent, (of which, from long experience we know the value, and how eſſential it is to our freedom) to annihilate our own repreſentative, and conſtitute an unlimited authority over us, deſerves ſurely no better treatment, than that of being branded as tyrannous and fooliſh. Taxing us againſt our expreſs will, is adding inſult to oppreſſion; doing it without our conſent, is taking from us at once all 〈◊〉 property. For what property can I have in that, which another may take from me, rightfully, without my conſent? "To tax me, without conſent, is little better, if at all, than downright robbing me. I am ſure the great patriots of liberty and property, the free people of England cannot think of ſuch a thing but with abhorrenceTheſe are the words of an able politician and generous patriot, Mr. Molyneux, in his defence of Ireland, againſt its being bound by acts of the Britiſh Parliament; and it is worth remarking, that an anſwer written to it, and dedicated to the Lord Chancellor Somers, diſclaims the right of taxing Ireland, but maintains the juſtice of a ſupreme juriſdiction; it is therefore probable that this was the opinion of my Lord Somers; indeed the idea of taxing without conſent is too monſtrous ever to have entered the head of any one but an abandoned tyrant. With reſpect to America, this remained to be the chef d'oeuvre of Mr. Grenville. ."

THERE are ſome who think, they fully juſtify this oppreſſion on the Americans, by ſaying, there are great numbers of people in Great-Britain, who never vote for a repreſentative, yet are taxed by the Britiſh Parliament. This, as ſophiſtry often does, ſeems to carry weight with it; but it is a mere petitio principio, a begging the queſtion. We are not contending that our rabble, or all unqualified perſons, ſhall have the right of voting, or not be taxed; but that the freeholders, and electors, whoſe right accrues to them from the common law, or from charter, ſhall not be deprived of that right; and, let any man ſhew me one inſtance in Great-Britain, where a man, ſo qualified, does not vote for a repreſentative? Is it not then moſt pitiful, moſt deteſtable ſophiſtry, to tell us, that becauſe there are a number of people in Great-Britain, who are, by the conſtitution, unqualified to vote for a repreſentative, and yet are taxed, therefore all the people in America, who are qualified, ſhall be treated in the ſame manner? This is truly Grenvillian reaſoning, a confuſion of abſurdity and injuſtice, too flagrant to be extenuated, too groſs to admit of exaggeration. When ſuch arguments are uſed, to juſtify the uſurpation of our liberties, it is ſurely time for the people of England to be alarmed, leſt, when tyranny, which, from its nature, knows no bounds, becomes unſatiated with deſpotic rule in America, the ſame argument ſhould be turned upon them, and an arbitrary Miniſter ſhould ſay, that, as one third of the people of Britain have been long taxed, without their conſent, it can be no injury or injuſtice to reduce the reſt to the ſame condition. And, certainly, the having enſlaved America, under the ſhadow of ſuch reaſoning, will be no feeble precedents for trying its efficacy in Great-Britain. It is true, nothing but force will ever accommodate it to our comprehenſions here; and a ſtanding army, artfully increaſed, or maintained in America, may one day give it the ſame weight there. Certain it is, that the Britiſh grandeur and conſtitution, ſtands or falls with us; we are her natural and neceſſary ſupport, and when we fall, it muſt be like the ſtrong man, embracing the pillars of her conſtitution, and its ruins will follow us.

SOME of my countrymen ſeem to think, that as we are weak, we ſhould be ſilent; and endeavour, by manufacturing for ourſelves, to convince Great-Britain of our importance to her proſperity; and therefore induce her to treat us with more tenderneſs, juſtice and reſpect.

BUT they muſt pardon me, for differing with them; for, though I am well ſatisfied that we might ſupply ourſelves with manufactures, and thereby give a very ſenſible wound to the trade of Britain, yet this is but an inadequate method of vindicating our rights. Our view ſhould be to re-eſtabliſh our conſtitution; not to injure or quarrel with the people of Britain: And when I have adviſed the forming aſſociations for the encouragement of manufactures, it was chiefly with this intention, that if the inexorable ſeverity of Britain ſhould refuſe us redreſs, we might not be abſolutely dependent upon her for the neceſſaries of life. The bond of union between Great-Britain and America, is ſupport from us, protection from her; ſhould we no longer continue to ſupply her with raw materials, and conſume her manufactures, that union would be diſſolved. I therefore cannot think this method altogether eligible, neither do I conceive it adequate. For, to what purpoſe ſhall we ſave money, which others may take away at pleaſure?

THE Farmer has already, in his very uſeful letters, developed, with great ſagacity, the deſigns and tendency of the late act concerning America; and he has, with equal perſpicuity, and political learning, warned us of their conſequences, and exhorted us againſt permitting encroachments; which, however ſmall at firſt, will ſoon be drawn into precedents for the moſt dangerous and oppreſſive invaſions of Liberty. Suffer me to add my feeble voice to his, and exhort you to ſuppreſs the diſeaſe in its infancy; leſt it arrive to a degree of violence, dangerous in its effects, and uncertain in its remedy.

IT is eaſy to ſhew, that the right aſſumed by any one of the three acts of Parliament, already ſpecified, if given up, would be ſufficient to enſlave us. As the influence of money and places, generally procures to the Miniſter a majority in Parliament, in the conduct even of Britiſh affairs, it will certainly be ſecure in thoſe of America: This right may therefore be conſidered, as in the Crown and its Miniſter.

LET us ſuppoſe, then, that the Miniſter poſſeſſed the right alone of forming a revenue by duties, upon goods imported from Great-Britain; what would be the conſequence? Either that we muſt ceaſe to take any goods whatever from Britain, and therefore diſſolve the union between us; or, the Miniſter would have it in his power to raiſe money upon us at pleaſure. Our Aſſemblies would then be of no uſe, we ſhould have no reſtraint upon the Crown, no method of ingratiating ourſelves with our Sovereign, by granting him aids; the Crown would have obtained a perpetual revenue from us, which the Commons of Britain know would be ſo injurious to their liberties, that they have ever guarded againſt it with unremitting vigilance. Under the influence of ſuch a right, we ſhould experience the fate of the Roman people, in the deplorable times of their ſlavery, and be ſleeced by every exaction which the ingenuity of tax-gatherers could deviſe Tacitus, after giving a long liſt of taxes, under which they groan'd, adds, et qu •• alia exactionibus illicitis nomina publicani invenerent. ; and we ſhould, like that miſerable people, pay tributes, not by law and reaſon, but at the will of the Miniſter Sub imperatoribus vectigalia, non lege ac ratione, ſed arbitratu imperatorum proceſſerunt. Buling de trib: et vectig: P. R. . We ſhould be ſlaves.

BUT if we poſſeſſed, as we ought, the right of granting money for a revenue, by our own Aſſemblies only; and the Miniſter had either that of ſupporting and quartering troops upon us at will, or of ſuſpending our legiſlature at his pleaſure, we ſhould, in the ſame manner, be reduced to ſlavery; for, unleſs our elections are free, they are uſeleſs; and, how eaſy it would be for a Miniſter to force and form them to his own purpoſes, with troops at his devotion, is ſelf evident. The Parliament of Britain has therefore taken care to enact that no troops ſhall ever be near the places of their election. In a ſimilar manner, would the ſuſpending power operate to force the voice of the repreſentative body, tho' freely choſen, ſo that the Crown and its Miniſter, would, by this ſingle right, be arbitrary in America. It is ſuch a power as this, that renders the Parliament of France uſeleſs to the people, and enables their Monarch to rule without controul. In ſhort, freedom in electing our members, who ſhall, with a free voice, give our conſent to the taxes laid upon us, is an indiſpenſable requiſite to the preſervation of our liberty; it is the eſſence of our conſtitution, and every attempt to violate it, is dangerous and alarming.

WE, therefore, my countrymen, muſt never ceaſe to remonſtrate againſt every ſuch attempt; and to claim our rights without fear or intermiſſion; we muſt imitate the illuſtrious example of the Britiſh Barons, in their Nolumus leges Anglioe mutari. We will not have the conſtitution chang'd.

NUMBER VII. "The legiſlative power muſt not raiſe taxes on the property of the people, without the conſent of the people, given by themſelves, or their deputies." LOCKE on Government, chap. xi.

MR. LOCKE, one of the cleareſt reaſoners the world has yet ſeen, and who ſeems firſt to have taught men preciſion in thinking, has, in the words above, laid down, clearly and explicitly, the principle of freedom in the Britiſh conſtitution; taxation by repreſentation only. This eſſential right, inherent, unalienably inherent, in the people, or their repreſentative, is wreſted from us by the late acts, and, to ſhew how abſolute the ſlavery is, to which we muſt ſubmit, the tax is perpetual, and the produce of it is to be remitted home, there to be diſpoſed of by the Crown, without any controul from the people, by whom it is paid, or by their repreſentative.

OUR property, thus taken from us, without our conſent, nay, contrary to our expreſs will, for ever too, and ſubmitted to the uncountrouled diſpoſal of the Crown, or its Miniſter; what further aggravation can be added? What injury, what indignity, more? The meaſure of ſlavery (as far as money is concerned) is now full; and there wants the humble acquieſcence only of theſe colonies, to pour its bitterneſs upon us, without mercy, and without end.

THE right of the repreſentative of the people, to enquire into the manner in which the taxes raiſed by them on their conſtituents have been diſpoſed of by the executive part of government, that is, by the Crown, or its Miniſter, is alſo eſſential to liberty and good government. Without this right, taxes would more frequently ſerve to make Miniſters wicked, and enable them to vitiate and corrupt the government, than they would anſwer the purpoſes for which they were aiſed. The repreſentative of the people of Great-Britain, do poſſeſs this important privilege; and, why the colonies are not to poſſeſs it, can only be, becauſe they are not to be free.

I SHALL now lay before my countrymen, thoſe parts of the act, for laying duties on the goods we conſume, which demonſtrate the plenitude of that power aſſerted over us.

WE, your Majeſty's moſt dutiful ſubjects, the Commons of Great-Britain, have reſolved to give and grant unto your Majeſty, the ſeveral rates and duties herein after mentioned; and do moſt humbly beſeech your Majeſty, that it may be enacted, and be it enacted, &c. that from and after the twentieth day of November, 1767, there ſhall be raiſed, levied, collected, and paid, unto his Majeſty, his heirs and ſucceſſors, for, and upon the reſpective goods herein after mentioned, which ſhall be imported from Great-Britain, into any colony or plantation in America, which now is, or hereafter may be, under the dominion of his Majeſty, his heirs, or ſucceſſors, the ſeveral rates and duties following, &c. &c. And be it further enacted by the authority aforeſaid, that his Majeſty, and his ſucceſſors, ſhall be, and are hereby empowered, from time to time, by any warrant, or warrants, under his, or their royal ſign manual, or ſign manuals, counterſigned by the high treaſurer, or any three or more of the commiſſioners of the treaſury, for the time being, to cauſe ſuch monies to be applied, out of the produce of the duties granted by this act, as his Majeſty, or his ſucceſſors, ſhall think proper or neceſſary, for the defraying the charges of the adminiſtration of juſtice, and the ſupport of the civil government, within all, or any of the ſaid colonies or plantations.

THE injuries and oppreſſions with which this act alone is fraught, are manifeſt from a bare recital of theſe parts. Has not the adminiſtration of government been always ſufficiently provided for by the colonies themſelves, in a conſtitutional manner: Where then was the propriety of invading our rights, and innovating upon the conſtitution for this purpoſe? Have we given any late inſtances of ſuch folly or ſtupidity, that it might be juſtly concluded, we could not diſcern the exigencies of government; or, diſcerning, would not have capacity or inclination to anſwer them? I think, I may ſafely defy the framers and abettors of theſe acts, to prove this upon us. Why then are we deprived of that check, which we had upon government, ariſing from that right? Surely, for no other reaſon, but becauſe we are no longer to be free.

THE advocates for this act, (who happily are indeed but very few) ſupport it upon this principle, that the Parliament has a right to lay duties upon her own manufactures. The ſubterfuges of ſophiſtry and injuſtice, are as endleſs as they are futile. Let theſe Gentlemen ſhew me where an import duty on Britiſh commodities was ever laid by the Britiſh Parliament on any other people, but the Americans. Yet unleſs they can do this, the inſtance is inapplicable. But what would the Spaniards think, were the Parliament of Britain to lay certain import duties on the Britiſh cloth imported into Spain; and for the purpoſe of a revenue to ſupport the civil government of Spain? Gentlemen chuſe to forgèt the purpoſes of this act, when they undertake to juſtify it; but they will preſently hear of further purpoſes in it. ſtill more abhorrent from our rights. In the mean time, I think, a wiſe friend to Great-Britain, would not be forward in eſtabliſhing this practice of a native's laying what duties ſhe pleaſed even on her own exports; ſince, under the ſhadow of this right, the Swede and the Dane might raiſe intolerable exactions on Great-Britain, for their hemp and iron; to which ſhe muſt either ſubmit, or the Britiſh fleet would be rendered uſeleſsThey have already attempted to render the articles we muſt have from them, more expenſive to us, by leſs adequate means, than that of laying what duties they pleaſe on their exports..

THIS act is alſo defended upon precedent; a duty, it is ſaid, has been laid on Madeira wine, and we have ſubmitted to it. What then?—Can precedent reverſe the nature of right? Can it change the eternal laws of juſtice? Can precedent ſupport that, which juſtice abandons? It is true, precedent, or long uſage, give a ind of veneration to what is right, and makes it more forcible, not becauſe it is more juſt, but becauſe its utility alſo may be juſtly inferred from its antiquity: But never can it make that right, which is in its nature wrong, or vindicate injuſtice from impeachment. Look back into the Engliſh hiſtory, and you will find that every right of freedom that people poſſeſſes, has been occaſionally violated; and ſhall it be therefore pleaded, on precedent, that they have no rights? This would indeed be the plea of M—ſ—d and G—v—le, to ſanctify the deſpotiſm they are executing over America; and meditating over Britain. It has already been embraced by the artful Mr. Hume, in vindicating the tyranny of the Stuarts, from the opprobrium it deſerved. He, becauſe the reigns of the Tudors furniſhed many precedents fer arbitrary power, cautions us, in the moſt friendly manner, againſt the uſeleſs curioſity of looking any further back into our hiſtory, ſince it is covered with darkneſs, and involved in perplexity; ſo our precedent friends, will diſſuade us from looking farther back than the ſhort period, ſince a duty was laid on Madeira wine, or the right of taxing the colonies declared. But the learning and patriotiſm of Dr. Hurd have amply vindicated the liberties of Britain, againſt the fineſſe of Mr. Hume; and, I hope, the FARMER's LETTERS will for ever guard us againſt the baleful arts of theſe ſiniſter friends. I cannot quit this ſubject of precedent, without preſenting my reader with the ſentiments of that moſt upright judge, and illuſtrious defender of Britiſh and American liberties, my Lord Camden, in his letter on general warrants, &c. "But even, if the uſage had been both immemorial and uniform, and ten thouſand ſimilar warrants could have been produced, it would not have been ſufficient, becauſe, the practice muſt likewiſe be agreeable to the principles of law, in order to be good; whereas, this is a practice inconſiſtent with, and in direct oppoſition to the firſt and cleareſt principles of law. Immemorial uniform uſage will not even ſupport the bye-law of a corporation, if it be flatly repugnant to the fundamentals of the common law; much leſs will it authorize the ſecret practice of a political office."

THE preamble of this act, for laying duties, &c. declares it expedient alſo, that a revenue ſhould be thus raiſed on us, "towards defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and ſecuring theſe dominions."

NOW, I ſhould be glad to know, in what we are to be defended, protected and ſecured; not in our liberty and property, without queſtion, for this act takes them both away from us, and when we are deprived of the poſſeſſions we thought our own, of the freedom we imagined was our right, what will then remain a worthy object of invaſion from others, or protection to us? But, to be more particular on this ſubject of protection. Theſe colonies have two enemies, the French and Indians. The French are their political enemies, in conſequence of their connection with Great-Britain, and the ſupport they furniſh to Britain, enabling her to rival France, and baffle the ambitious views of that monarchy. What are we juſtly to expect from Britain for this ſupport? PROTECTION from the French; and thus it is, as I have before obſerved, that the bonds of union between Great-Britain, and her colonies, are, ſupport from us, protection from her. There are ſome people who cannot ſee how we ſupport Great-Britain; yet nothing is more obvious, nothing more eaſily comprehended. It is but to reflect a moment on the number of ſhips and ſeamen the trade to the colonies ſupports, the manufacturers they maintain, and the taxes they pay in the conſumption of Britiſh manufactures. The Tobacco trade, alone, may be computed to maintain upwards of 4000 ſeamenIf I miſtake not, it is computed in a very ſenſible pamphlet, written in America, during the agitation of the Stamp-Act, that the tobacco trade employed of Britiſh ſeamen, 4500, the ſugar trade, 3600, the Newfoundland fiſhery, 4000. In this view alone, America would be a very important nurſery for Britiſh ſeamen, and we well know her proſperity depends on them., and 250 sail of ſhips annually; and the very great value of the whole plantation trade, may be eaſily judged from the veneration which is paid in Britain to the act of navigation which ſecures that trade to her. It is ſpeaking greatly within bounds, to ſay, there are 100, 000 manufacturers in Great-Britain, who draw their daily ſubſiſtence from America; and, I am much miſtaken, if the colonies do not actually pay, half a million, at leaſt, of the taxes in Great-Britain, The manner in which they pay it, is plain; the ſhoes I now have on, were made in England; the grazier, or butcher, who ſold the raw hide, paid the land tax, and was reimburſed by the tanner, with intereſt; in like manner, the tanner was repaid by the ſhoemaker, for that, and every other tax, which he might pay, window-lights, &c. local or general; and this I refund to the ſhoemaker, with intereſt upon it, and all his taxes, beſides the taxes of the merchant, and all others, who are neceſſary to my obtaining the manufacture I want; all theſe charges muſt be, and are always accumulated on the price, the conſumer muſt at length pay for the commodityMr. Gee, therefore with great propriety, ſays, "If we examine into the circumſtances of the inhabitants of the plantations, and our own, it will appear that not one fourth of the produce redounds to their own profit. — On Trade. .

PROTECTION from the attacks of our European enemies, is juſtly due to us on the part of Britain; and, from the Indians, I humbly apprehend, we can defend ourſelves. It is not probable, the whole force which the Indians could poſſibly bring againſt us, would amount (were all the nations we know, combined, which is hardly poſſible) to 30, 000 ſighting men; our Militia, on the continent, amounts to more than 100, 000. We effectually maintained 25, 000 troops, during the laſt war: Is it then to be preſumed we are not able to defend ourſelves againſt the Indians? Is it preſumeable we ſhall not always be able to defend ourſelves againſt them, when it is certain they decreaſe, and, on the contrary, we increaſe, ſo as to double our number in 25 years, This act would indeed render ſuch protection neceſſary, becauſe it would make us ſlaves; and the ſtate of ſlavery, is that of weakneſs. To ſuppoſe we want protection from the Indians, is to imagine we have greatly indeed degenerated from the ſpirit of our forefathers; who, when not a tenth of our number, not only defended themſelves from them, but drove them as far back as they pleaſed. Have we not, with eaſe, defended ourſelves againſt them for upwards of 100 years, and what inſtance has this period furniſhed of ſuch national degeneracy, that we may be ſuppoſed incapable of continuing this defence? The ſuppoſition of ſuch incapacity, is an inſult that hardly has an equal, except i be that of importing a few Heſſian and Hanoverian mercenaries, to defend Great-Britain from the invaſions of the French.

I HAVE marked a ſingle word in the preamble of this act, which points out a very alarming purpoſe of this tax, in its being raiſed for the uſe of all, or any of the colonies. It is but too plain, that we are taxed in this unconſtitutional manner, of ſupport the unfertile dominion of Florida, and the conquered province of Canada. By the cuſtom-houſe accounts in the year 1766, Canada produced 22, 000 pounds yearly: Florida nothing. They are maintained at half a million annual expence to Britain: They were conquered and ſecured by our united endeavours, with thoſe of the Britiſh troops, in which we furniſhed a large quota of troops, and ſuffered heavy taxes. They never can be of any advantage to us, but may be eventually injurious, by rendering our produce leſs valuable. Yet, we are to pay for their ſupport and protection: We are to maintain a ſmall army of Britiſh troops in them, not only for their ſecurity, but to enforce, occaſionally, upon ourſelves, any oppreſſive meaſures, which an arbitrary or ignorant Miniſter, ſhall wickedly deviſe, and obſtinately purſue. In this miſerable ſtate, we may have the poor comfort, perhaps, of murmuring out, like the wretched Romans, in the times of their ſlavery, when grievouſly taxed by their Emperors, to bribe the Barbarians from invading the remote provinces.

Facta eſt ſervitus noſtra, pretium ſecuritatis alienae! Our ſlavery is to provide for the ſecurity of others.

P. S. I did intend to ſay ſomething particular about our petition to his Majeſty; but, as that is in a fair way of being conſidered in its proper place, the H—of B—g—s, it would be unneceſſary: I will, however, beg leave to mention one thing, that ſhould be prayed for, namely, that his Majeſty would be graciouſly pleaſed, always to withhold his aſſent to any bill, in which we are concerned, till we are apprized of it, and can lay our ſenſe of it at his feet. This, the remoteneſs of our ſituation, renders juſt and neceſſary.

NUMBER VIII. Nill ſine magno Vita labore dedit mortalibus. Every purſuit in life requires induſtry.

GO to the ant, thou ſluggard, and learn her ways, faith the wiſdom of Solomon: and never was there any people, or any time, in which ſuch a leſſon was more neceſſary, more beneficial. This is the period, in which our happineſs, our liberties, depend in a great meaſure, on our induſtry in manufacturing for ourſelves the neceſſaries of life. So far, the firſt of all charities In ipſa autem communitate, ſunt gradus officiorum, ex quibus quid cuique proeſtat, intelligi poſſit; ut prima dis immortalibus, ſecunda patrioe, tertia parentibus, deinceps gradatim reliquis debeantur. — CICERO., the preſervation of our country demands; that we may not be under a dangerous and ſlaviſh dependence on any other people. To urge manufactures further at preſent, with a view of diſtreſſing Great-Britain, more than is abſolutely requiſite to our own welfare, is what I do not wiſh to ſee; it is abhorrent totally from my heart, and I hope from thoſe of all my countrymen. I love, I revere, Great-Britain, her hiſtory is the illuſtrious record of heroes and patriots; her clifts are the venerable ramparts of freedom. Never did any people ſo long preſerve ſuch an uniform character for bravery, wiſdom, and virtue; and above all for an invincible ſpirit of liberty. Never did any people better deſerve the bleſſings ſhe beſtows. Who then could behold without concern, without the deepeſt concern, this glorious bulwark of civil and religious liberties, crumbled into duſt, by the unrelenting averſion of her colonies. For ſure I am, that it is in the power of theſe colonies, to work the fall of Britain, by un •• mitting induſtry in manufactures; I am ſure, upon the matureſt reflection, ſhe is ſo dependent on America for ſupport, that without it, ſhe muſt ſpeedily ſink, with all her bluſhing honours into ruin. The balance o trade is againſt her in Europe; America and India, reimburſe and ſuſtain her; but without the former, the latter would be very unequal to her ſupport. With the political, as well as the natural body, the ſeeds of inevitable diſſolution, are incorporated; bravery, •• queſt, riches, luxury, anarchy, ruin; behold the ſated courſe, which the beſt conſtituted governments muſt run

Les conquetes avoient engendre le luxe, & ce luex eſt oujours l'avant coureur de la chute des empires. Valeur, conquetes, luxe, anarchie, voila le cercle fatal, & les differens periodes de la vie politique de preſque tous les etats.

Voyage de Cyrus, p. 3.

. To this fate, Britain herſelf, great, glorious, mighty as ſhe is, muſt comeAs all human things have an end, the ſtate we are ſpeaking of (England) will loſe its liberty, will periſh; have not Rome, Sparta, and Carthage periſhed? It will periſh, when the legiſlative power ſhall become more corrupt than the executive. — MONTESQUIEU.: Periſh the kindred hand that would wantonly precipitate her fall! The part of Britiſh liberty, which we have hitherto enjoyed, has been ſufficient to make us, though ſubordinate, a flouriſhing and happy people; let us wait with pious patience, till this courſe of nature ſhall gently relieve us from this ſubordination, and beſtow upon America, that full inheritance of liberty, which is her birthright indeed, but which, as the younger branch, ſhe cannot yet claim without impious violence. Be it our care to vindicate our juſt rights, to pay that due reverence to the Britiſh conſtitution of preſerving it here in its fundamental rights, at leaſt (taxation by repreſentation, trial by jury, and habeas corpus) inviolate, that Britain may riſe like a phoenix from her aſhes, to liberty and glory in America, Liſten not, my dear countrymen, to thoſe who would incite you (if there be any ſuch) to relinquiſh your connection with Great-Britain, No wound can be inflicted on her, at which our own blood will not iſſue, a thouſand tendereſt ſtrings of our hearts will be on the rack, when we are diſſevered from her, and the violence will make us bleed at every pore. Juſt, amiable, generous and brave, as the people of Britain are, nothing would move me to any conteſt with them, but that great cauſe, to which every other intereſt muſt yield ſubordinate, the cauſe of liberty.

LET me now take leave to propoſe the following form of aſſociation for the encouragement of American manufactures.

We the underwritten to agree, and ſolemnly promiſe to prefer on every occaſion, the manufactures of America, to thoſe of every other country; and to promote with the utmoſt of our abilities, American manufactures, ſo far as to furniſh ourſelves with the neceſſaries of life.

THE beneficial influence of aſſociations, and inſtitutions of the ſame kind, on the progreſs of manufactures, has been too often experienced to be now queſtioned. The linen hall at Dublin, and wiſe regulations attentively purſued, have brought the linen manufacture in Ireland, to ſtate as flouriſhing as it is beneficial. The board for the improvement of fiſheries and manufactures in Scotland, conſtituted in the year 1727, aided by a national ſpirit, in which we are rather too deficient, have brought the manufacture of linen there, in a few years, to great perfection. "They" ſays an approved writerFRANCIS HOME, M. D. on bleaching, "have with unwearied and diſintereſted zeal, contributed in a very great meaſure to raiſe and direct a ſpirit of induſtry among us, by their own example, by their experience, by adopting the experience of our neighbours, and by diſtributing with great prudence, thoſe ſmall funds, intruſted by the government, for their management."

HAVE not we, in this colony, a committee for the ſame purpoſe? What prevents their imitating this laudable example? The ſupplying ourſelves with linen, would be highly advantageous to us, without interfering with the manufactures of Great-Britain; nay, we might make it a part of our export, in return for thoſe commodities we may receive from her. This would ſave her a large balance, paid to foreigners, for their linen. If my memory does not fail me, a computation I received from one of the commiſſioners of the linen company in Scotland, made Britain debtor for much more than half of what ſhe conſumed, and Mr. Gee, makes the balance of trade with Germany, Flanders, and Ruſſia, for this article, to amount to near one million annually againſt Britain. We have therefore an ample field before us, to animate and reward our induſtry, in purſuing this ſingle branch of manufactures.

THERE are many people, who ſeem to think the attempt of manufacturing, even neceſſaries for ourſelves, too arduous to be ſucceſsful. But certainly, they whoſe incitements are great, will overcome difficulties, which to the unanimated, appear inſurmountable. And can there be greater incitements, than the vindicating our liberties, and maintaining a juſt independence of grinding extortion, and arbitrary impoſitions? Were we once determined upon the attempt, all difficulties would vaniſh; for what is there too laborious to be accompliſhed by the foſtering care and wiſdom of the legiſlature, by a judicious diſtribution of public and private bounties, by giving attention and encouragement to every uſeful project, by wiſdom in planning, by induſtry, unanimity, and ſpirit in execution? The example of the Gentlemen will inſtruct and encourage the poor; and aſſociations for the uſe of American manufactures, will hold up to them a ſure reward for their induſtry and labour. Theſe colonies, like all young countries, abound in children; every individual of which may, from the time they are able to move their hands or feet, be employed in manufactures of various kinds. One may ſee in the manufactories of England, the young, the decrepid, and the old people performing taſks proportioned to their abilities, with great utility. In the Foundling Hoſpital, every female child is ſeen knitting, ſewing, or ſpinning; every male at the loom, or ſome other uſeful occupation. In this colony, we have numbers of Negro children, and ſuperannuated field Negroes, who are rather an expence than profit; though they are perfectly fit for manufactures, and might be engaged in them much to the advantage of their maſters. There are ſome worthily induſtrious Gentlemen among us, who, the laſt year, cloathed entirely upwards of an hundred of their people with the labour chiefly of theſe, otherwiſe uſeleſs hands. It is 〈◊〉 induſtry, great induſtry, is neceſſary to make manufactures proſper among us; they will never be accompliſhed by the ſlothful man, who, to ſpeak in the emphatical language of Solomon, ſitteth with his hand in his boſom, and will not ſo much as lift it up to his forehead; or lieth in his bed, crying there is a lion in the way, he will devour me. Slothfulneſs, is at all times injurious to a ſtate; but at this period, it may be quickly and vitally pernicious.

WHEREFORE let every man bear in his mind this admonition of a judicious poet, Vitanda eſt improba ſyren Deſidia Sloth, that baneful ſyren, muſt be ſhunned.

NUMBER IX. Hinc ſpargere voces In vulgum ambiguas et quoerere conſcius arma. Conſcious of the badneſs of his cauſe, he thenceforward began to ſpread falſe reports, and inflame the people to violence.

THE great art of Mr. Grenville and his partiſans, has been, to ſpread ſuch •• mours among the people of Great-Britain, as, by inflaming their paſſions, ſhould hurry them, contrary to what reaſon would have dictated, into an approbation and ſupport of his arbitrary meaſures. With this view every expreſſion of diſcontent under his ruinous and oppreſſive adminiſtration was imputed to a deſire in thoſe colonies to diſſolve all connection with Britain; every tumult here, was inflamed into rebellion.

LET it be our ſtudy, my countrymen, to invalidate theſe pernicious endeavours, as far as is conſiſtent with the maintenance of our juſt rights. Let our oppoſition, while it is animated by a full ſenſe of our privileges as freemen, be moderated by that reſpect and tenderneſs which are due to friends and brothers. Soft words turn away wrath, and if the people in Britain have been deceived and incenſed, by the guileful practices and inflammatory arts of thoſe who are equally enemies to both, let us fruſtrate their miſchievous intentions, by gently recalling the people to their reaſon, by treating them as if they had haſtily ſhot their arrows o'er the houſe, and hurt their brothers.

IT muſt not be judged from what I have ſaid, that we ſhould reſign one atom of our rights, or ever deſiſt, from aſſerting and ſupporting them; but the direful neceſſity of doing this, by other inſtruments than reaſon, is not yet come; when it do •• , heaven only muſt decide the controverſy. We are engaged in a conteſt the moſt dignified and important of any that can claim the attention or the lives of men; a conteſt for liberty: Let us preſerve its dignity unfullied by ourſelves, unimpaired by others. The more we reflect on the cauſe we are vindicating, the more fully ſhall we be convinced of its juſtneſs, the more immutably ſhall we be determined in its ſupport. For my own part, every hour I conſider the late attempts upon our liberties, makes them appear more monſtrous, more replete with oppreſſion, more abſolutely productive of a tremendous deſpotiſm.

IT may well be ſuppoſed, that Mr. Grenville, and his abettors, are conſcious of the badneſs of their cauſe, how little it will bear the teſt of reaſon, when they endeavour to ſupport it by inflammatory exaggerations, by infuſing ſuſpicions, jealouſies and prejudices into mens minds; and executing that by paſſion, which they deſpair of accompliſhing by reaſon. A meaſure, ſo ſupported, wears a very ſuſpicious aſpect; nor is its gloom much diſpelled, by the act declarative of a right to tax theſe colonies, in whatever manner they pleaſe. When a meaſure was adopted, of taxing us without out conſent, and we deeming it invaſive of our privileges, as freemen, and violative of the conſtitution, denied the right by which it was done; the paſſing an act declarative of that right, was confeſſing, either that it did not exiſt before, or was very dubious, Reſolutions are both the proper and ſufficient means of declaring a right, that is real and original. The bringing in a bill, and paſſing an act, looked like eſtabliſhing ſome new and aſſumed power; not declaring an original right. "Beſides, an act of parliament, ſays my Lord Camden, newly made, is not ſo venerable in the eyes of the world. or ſo ſecure againſt future alterations, as the old common law of the land, which has been, from time immemorial, the inheritance of every Engliſhman, and is, on account of its antiquity, held, as it were, ſacred in every man's mind.On general warrants, &c. ."

NOW this, my countrymen, is our claim; the old common law of the land, the conſtitution, the immemorial inheritance of every Engliſhman, the ſacred right of participating by our repreſentatives, in the legiſlature, and maintaining that privilege, which ſo naturally belongs to us, of giving our money by our own conſent or that of our real repreſentative. Any tax or impoſition, whatever, 〈◊〉 upon us, without our own conſent, is a violation of this conſtitution, ſo ſacred for its wiſdom, ſo venerable for its antiquity. Its antiquity, which we may trace with the ſagacious Monteſquieu, into the woods of Germany Si l'on ve r lire l'admirable ouvrage de Tacite fur les moeurs des •• ermains, on ver a que 'eſt d' ux que les Anglois out tire l'idee de lour gouvernement. politiqu 〈◊〉 beau ſyſteme a 〈◊〉 trouvc dans les bois Tom 〈◊〉 p. 22 .. And, ſhall a novel act of parliament, ſubvert this ſacred and venerable monument of antiquity and freedom? It ſeemed to me not improper to take notice of this declarative act of parliament; that thoſe of my countrymen, who have not leiſure to enquire far into ſuch things, may not be deceived into an opinion, that it has more authority than is conſiſtent with the liberty we claim. Our freedom is what we can neither give up, nor they take from us; and therefore, even an act of Parliament, is limited, in this reſpect, like the imperious waves of the ocean, hither it may come, but no further. It cannot touch, or ſubvert that conſitution, in which its own exiſtence is founded. GOD has made us, ſays my Lord Bolingbroke, to deſire happineſs, he has made that happineſs dependent on ſociety, and the happineſs of ſociety, on good or bad government; his intention therefore was, that government ſhould be good." I would ſay farther, that the happineſs of ſociety depends upon free government, for this is the only form which conſults and provides for the good, ſecurity, and happineſs of many; in oppoſition to the will and pleaſure of one, or of a fewIt is under the government of laws only, not of men, that happineſs and virtue are to be found; that is, where the laws, which regulate our conduct in ſociety, are divulged, and they, who are to execute them, cannot pervert or tranſgreſs them with impunity. "Arbitrary power," ſays the ingenious Hume, "in all caſes, is ſomewhat oppreſſive and devouring; but it is altogether ruinous and intolerable, when contracted into a ſmall compaſs; and becomes ſtill worſe, when the perſon who poſſeſſes it, knows that the time of his authority is limited and uncertain. Habet ſubjectos, tanquam ſuos; viles ut alienos. He governs the ſubjects with full authority, as if they were his own; and with negligence or tyranny, as belonging to another. A people, governed after ſuch a manner, are ſlaves in the full and proper ſenſe of the word; and 'tis impoſſible they can ever aſpire to any refinements in taſte or reaſon. They dare not ſo much as pretend to enjoy the neceſſaries of life in plenty, or ſecurity." Now, whoever will reflect a moment, muſt perceive the fate of theſe colonies delineated above, ſhould the right lately aſſumed over us, by the Britiſh Parliament, be once eſtabliſhed. The Miniſter, for the time being, would have an abſolute power, with reſpect to us, it would be contracted into a ſmall compaſs, exerted, comparatively over a few, and would be therefore ruinous and intolerable.. It is moſt certain, that men cannot be happy or virtuous in that ſociety, where the will of one is the law; where liberty, life, and property, are in the arbitration of one, or a few perſons; in ſo precarious, ſo perilous a ſituation, happineſs and virtue can rarely, if at all, be found. Inſenſibility of the ills, to which they are expoſed, the wretched boon of long and painful ſuffering, ſometimes aſſumes, even in ſlavery, the ſpecious form of happineſs; but, how poor is this, when compared with that inexpreſſibly happy feeling, which conſcious dignity and worth inſpire.

Where freedom in the ſtreets is known, And tells a Monarch on his throne, He lives, he reigns, by her alone Dr. AKENSIDE..

IMPIOUS then, and deteſtable is the attempt, to take from men, by force or guile, that liberty in which their happineſs and virtue conſiſt: Impious the government which pampers and inflames the vices of a few, by the groans, the tears, the miſeries of many, Let every abettor of deſpotiſm, every ſubverter of freedom, take care, that conſcience do not beſ t his pillow with thorns, that he keap not upon his own head coals of fire; the vengeance of an injured and Incenſed people, may at length ſeize him, or the cries of oppreſſion lift the red hand of heaven againſt his execrated head.

IT is a happineſs reſulting from the cauſe we maintain, that recollection, while it fills the hearts of our adverſaries with bitterneſs and anguiſh, will be forever pleaſing to us. The juſt gratulations of our own hearts, the applauſe of mankind, the bleſſings which our poſterity, whoſe rights we are defending, muſt beſtow upon us, will be like balm to every wound. a cordial in every hardſhip we may ſuſtain. The queſtion now is, whether we ſhall be ſlaves, or freemen, whether we ſhall bequeath bondage or liberty to our children; wherefore I beſeech you, my countrymen, that on this great occaſion, ye be determined in your conduct; and attentive to its iſſue.

NUMBER X. Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri; aut quem alienum fidum invenies, ſi tuis hoſtis fueris? SALLUST. What tie can be ſtronger than the mutual intereſt of theſe colonies; or, how can we expect ſidelity from others, if we are not faithful to one another?

IN the great and important queſtion now before us, my countrymen, a queſtion on which the liberty or bondage, the weal or woe, of millions now, and tens of millions hereafter, will depend, it is incumbent on us, to ſtudy the moſt perfect unanimity in ſentiment and action. Like a band of brothers, theſe colonies ſhould be indiſſoluby firm, in defending the ſacred fire of freedom from being extinguiſhed. Our united efforts will be weighty, and, in all probability, ſuccesſful; if divided, we ſhall counteract one another, and all our endeavours, to vindicate the conſtitution from ruin, and ourſelves from bondage, will be feeble and ineffectual. It is one common intereſt, that claims our union; the rights of every colony reſt upon the ſame foundation, and cannot be ſubverted in one, without being overthrown in all.

OUR friends too, in Great-Britain, would be increaſed and encouraged by our unanimity in oppoſition; diviſions among ourſelves, would ſilence and diſhearten them. It is not to be hoped, that we ſhall find men in Britain faithful to our intereſts, if we ourſelves abandon them, or determined in their oppoſition to meaſures, injurious to us, while we appear dubious or divided. It is unqueſtionably the wiſh and aim of our enemies in, Britain, to enfeeble the intereſt of America there, to create in us a diſtruſt of our friends on the other ſide of the Atlantic, to excite an univerſal jealouſy of us in them, and to ſpread diſſention and diſmay among ourſelves, by partial exertions of imperious and arbitrary rule. Theſe are the means, by which they hope the more effectually to diſturb, ſubdue, and enſlave us; theſe are the views, with which they have changed the oppreſſive Stamp-Act, into a not leſs oppreſſive, though more ſpeciouſly juſt, duty, on certain Britiſh manufactures imported into America, have purſued the ſame arbitrary plan, under what we called and deemed an American adminiſtration, and have endeavoured to enforce abſolute obedience to the billetting-act, by the ſuſpenſion of the Legiſlature in one province.

THE colonies of Virginia and Maſſachuſetts-Bay, have, by their reſpective repreſentatives, given their ſenſe of the ruinous tendency and arbitrary nature of theſe meaſures. In Virginia, they have ſent petitions, memorials and remonſtrances, to the different branches of the Britiſh Parliament, againſt all theſe acts, not excepting that for ſuſpending the legiſlative power of New-York, which they juſtly deem equally deſtructive to their own liberties, as to thoſe of that particular province. While I rejoice in this tranſaction, I promiſe myſelf, that the influence of ſo noble and uſeful an example will be univerſal, that every colony will, in like manner, bear its teſtimony againſt theſe acts, and the principle upon which they are founded.

NEXT to the importance of unanimity among the colonies, in expreſſing their abhorrence of the arbitrary meaſures lately adopted againſt American freedom, ſtands that of the concurrence of the two branches of the Legiſlature, in each colony, the Aſſembly and Council, in remonſtrating againſt them, and petitioning for redreſs. Such a concurrence muſt give the greateſt weight and efficacy to our public proceedings, muſt place, in the ſtrongeſt light, the dignity and value of our rights, when no conſideration of place or profit can influence men to it in ſilence, and ſee them violated. This colony, I mention it with the higheſt ſatisfaction, has purſued ſuch a plan, the Upper Houſe of Aſſembly having concurred with the Lower, in all the proceedings againſt the late acts of Parliament. Such unanimity in conduct, it is to be hoped, will be as univerſally imitated, as it muſt be generally approved; ſince it cannot but redound to the immortal honour of thoſe gentlemen, who thus ſacrifice every private conſideration to the public good, and the maintainance of our invaluable rights.

As the ſanction of the Legiſlature gives dignity and weight to the ſentiments of the people; ſo it muſt receive from them ſupport and ſtrength. It is therefore the duty of every individual to ſecond, with his utmoſt abilities, the endeavours of the legiſlative powers in vindication of American liberty. It is now that we are called upon by every ſacred and valuable tie, by our own rights, by the rights of our children, and their poſterity, by the veneration due to our free conſtution, by the virtue, happineſs and glory, that ſpring from its admirable frame; to fruſtrate and repel every attempt of thoſe, who would violate and corrupt it. It is at this juncture that frugality and induſtry will have double the beneficial influence which uſually flows from them, that harmony and ſpirit in thinking, ſpeaking and acting, againſt uſurpation or oppreſſion, will reſtore and reanimate our liberties, ſo as to preſerve the •• long ſafe, and uninjured, by ſimllar invaſions. It is now, that every man ought to grave upon his free heart, this noble Roman determination: Manus hoec inimica tyrannis Enſe p tit placidam, ſub libertate quietem. To tyrants, and to tyranny, a foe, I will maintain my liberty at the hazard of my life.

I HAVE thus adventured to lay before the public, in a ſeries of papers, my ſentiments on the preſent ſtate of affairs; to ſhew the nature and excellence of liberty, the vices, the miſeries and abaſement which ſlavery produces, to develope the artful deſigns of our enemies; the arbitrary tendency of their late conduct in Britain, the fatal conſequences' that muſt inevitably follow our acquieſcence under the rights lately aſſumed and exerciſed over us, by the Britiſh Parliament; and the neceſſity of an unanimous and determined oppoſition to the meditated ſubve ſion of our conſtructional freedom and happineſs.

IT will be for ever pleaſing to me, if I have thrown any light on this very important ſubject, if I have aided the underſtanding of any one man, or infuſed into his mind the true and noble ſpirit of liberty, determining him to ſupport it with his lateſt breath.

I HAVE now to take leave of my countrymen, which I ſhall do in theſe words of the great, good, and patriotic CICERO: Duo modo 〈◊〉 opto; unam, t 〈◊〉 populum Romanum liberum relinquam, os mihi majus a diis immortalibus dari 〈◊〉 poteſt; alterum, ut ita cuique, eveniat, ut de republica quiſque mereatur Philippica ii..

Two things I earneſtly wiſh, that every man may be eſteemed in proportion to his real patriotiſm, and that I may hail my country free with my laſt 〈◊〉 .

SUCH, in that hour, as in all paſt, O ſave my country, Heaven! ſhall be my laſt. ESTO PERPETUA.
THE LIBERTY SONG. COME join hand in hand, brave AMERICANS all, And rouſe your bold hearts at fair LIBERTY'S call; No tyrannous acts ſhall ſuppreſs your free claim, Or ſtamp the word SLAVE, on AMERICA'S name. In freedom we're born, and in freedom we'll live, Our money is ready, Steady, boys, ſteady, Let's give it as Freemen, but never as Slaves. II. Our worthy Forefathers, let's give them a cheer, To climates they knew not, full bravely did ſteer, Thro' oceans, to deſarts, in freedom they came, And, dying, bequeath'd us their freedom and fame. In freedom, &c. III. The Tree their own hands had to liberty rear'd, Deep rooted in earth, grew ſtrong and rever'd: Then, from all aſſaults, we this tree will maintain, And leave to our children the fruit of our pain, In freedom, &c. IV. Here's a health to our King, and the Nation at home, AMERICA and BRITAIN ſhould ever be one: In liberty's cauſe, we united ſhall ſtand The envy and dread of each neighbouring land. In freedom, &c. V. Then join hand in hand, brave AMERICANS all, By uniting, we ſtand, by dividing, we fall; In ſo righteous a cauſe, we muſt ſurely ſucceed, For Heaven approves of each generous deed. In freedom, &c.