HE, whoſe happineſs can admit no acceſſion, and whoſe perfect rectitude excludes every degree of malevolence, muſt deſign the happineſs of thoſe creatures he calls out of nothing into exiſtence; to ſuppoſe the contrary is inconſiſtent with abſolute perfection, and implies the worſt of characters.

THE communication of happineſs being the end of creation, it will follow, from the perfections of the creator, that the whole plan of things is ſo adjuſted as to promote the benevolent purpoſe; to which the immenſe diverſity in his works; the gradation in the ſpecies of beings that we know of, and many more perhaps than we know of, and ſomewhat ſimilar gradation in the ſame ſpecies, ariſing from their make, their connections, and the circumſtances they are placed in, are happily ſubſervient. And every creature in the univerſe, according to its rank in the ſcale of being, is ſo conſtituted, as that acting agreeably to the laws of its nature, will promote its own happineſs, and of conſequence the grand deſign of the creator.

AGREEABLY hereto, all beings in the claſs of moral agents are ſo formed, that happineſs will reſult to them from acting according to certain rules preſcribed by the creator, and made known to them by reaſon or revelation. The rules of action, conformity to which will be productive of happineſs to ſuch beings, muſt be agreeable to moral fitneſs in the relation of things; in perfect conformity to which the rectitude, and happineſs of the creator himſelf conſiſts. And ſuch in the connection and dependency of things, that happineſs will reſult from conformity to theſe rules, not only to individuals, but likewiſe to the whole; for the beneficial effects of ſuch conformity are reciprocal.—It naturally tends to promote the order and harmony of the moral ſyſtem and ſo the general good.

THE plan of the creator being thus manifeſtly adapted to promote the happineſs of his creation, his conduct herein becomes a pattern to his creatures that are rational moral agents, and the rule of their duty, according to their meaſure; for all moral obligation on ſuch, indubitably, ariſes from the will of God, as there is ſo exact a coincidence between his will, and the relative fitneſs of things; ſo that the nearer they reſemble him, the nearer they will come to the perfect ſtandard of right action, and the nearer they come to this the more happineſs will be produced.

IT being ſo evidently the will of God, from the general constitution of things that the happineſs of his rational creatures ſhould be promoted, all ſuch are under moral obligation in conformity thereto, according to their ability, to promote their own, and the happineſs of others.

THE nature of the human ſpecies, therefore, being ſo adapted to ſociety as that ſociety will afford vaſtly more happineſs to them, than ſolitary exiſtence could do, indicates the will of their creator, and makes it morally fit that they ſhould aſſociate. From the make of man, the diſadvantages of a ſolitary, and the advantages of a ſocial ſtate, evidently appear. A ſtate of ſeparation from the reſt of the ſpecies will not admit the exerciſe of thoſe affections and virtues, in which, from his natural conſtitution, his happineſs very much conſiſts; but in connection with others there will be opportunity for the exerciſe of them. As each individual living in a ſeperate ſtate would be preventive of the happineſs for which men were evidently formed; and as this happineſs can be obtained only in a ſocial ſtate, to form into ſociety muſt be not only their intereſt, but their duty.

THE inſtinct, or propenſity, implanted in the human ſpecies leading them, as it were mechanically, to that to which they are morally obliged, is an inſtance of the creator's goodneſs as it facilitates the performance; and in the ſame proportion it does ſo, muſt make their neglect the more inexcuſable.

MANKIND being formed into ſociety, the moral obligation they are under to civil government will appear from the ſame principle, as being neceſſary to ſecure to them thoſe natural rights and privileges which are eſſential to their happineſs. Life, liberty, and property, are the gifts of the creator, on the unmoleſted enjoyment of which their happineſs chiefly depends: yet they are ſuch an imperfect ſet of beings that they are liable to have theſe invaded; by one another: But the preſervation of them in every fit method is evidently their duty. The entering into ſociety lays the foundation of a plan for ſecuring them; but this plan will be. incomplete without the exertion of the united power of the whole for their mutual ſafety; The exertion of this power for that purpoſe, correſpondent to the •••• laſting rules of right, is what is, here, i •• ended by civil government; and as this is a method the beſt adapted, in their power, to ſecure the rights and privileges necceſſary to their happineſs, to go into it is morally fit, and evidently the will of their creator.

WHATEVER mankind are oblige to perform muſt be within the verge of their power: The impracticability of the human ſpecies continuing to be one ſociety for the purpoſe before mentioned, makes it necceſſary and fit they ſhould form into diſtinct and ſeperate ſocieties, and erect civil government in them for that end.

UPON the ſame principle, ſtill, the natural rights of one ſociety being invaded by the ſuperiour power of another, ſo long as the former are unable to aſſert their freedom, it is morally fit they ſhould receive laws from the latter • ending to their happineſs, as being the beſt means in their power to promote it, rather than admit a ſtate of anarchy, big with confuſion and every evil work: But from theſe circumſtances it is morally fit they ſhould reſcue themſelves whenever it is in their power, only it may be as fit to uſe caution, that by ſuch attempts they do not plunge themſelves the deeper into diſtreſs.

THE obligation mankind are under to civil government, in ſome form, as eſſential to their happineſs in the preſent ſtate, and perhaps not without its influence upon their happineſs in a future, is not only deducible from the natural conſtitution of things, but alſo ſupported by written revelation; in which it is repreſented as greatly tending to their good, and therefore an ordinance of the great benefactor of the world, whoſe tender mercies are ever all his works. In the epiſtle to the Romans, the civil power is expreſsly ſaid to be of God, to be ordained of him, and the civil ruler to be the miniſter of God for good.

THE line, indeed, between one ſociety, and another, is not drawn by heaven; nor is the particular form of civil government; as whether it ſhall be conducted immediately by the whole ſociety, or by a few of their number, or if by a few, who they ſhall be, expreſsly pointed out; but, as mankind are rational and free agents, theſe are left to their determination and choice; only herein they are reſtricted by thoſe rules which ariſe from the moral fitneſs of things productive of the general good, which they are ever bound invariably to obſerve.

NOR does the ſacred ſtory of the Hebrew polity militate againſt the eſtabliſhed order of things relative to civil government among men. The theocracy of the Jews, was an extraordinary vouchſafement of God to that particular nation, but not counter to, ordeſigned to alter, the general conſtitution of mankind.

THE right the ſupreme ruler of the world has to beſtow favours upon ſome, out of the common courſe of things, while others are left in the enjoyment of their natural privileges, can, in reaſon, no more be doubted, than his right to create one being ſuperiour to another; for, though unknown to us, that, as well as this, may be in the original plan for the communication of happineſs.

THE eccleſiaſtic, and civil polity of the Jewiſh nation, being under the immediate direction of God himſelf, was not only a ſignal favor to them, but alſo deſigned to anſwer very important purpoſes in his government of mankind.

THEIR civil polity coincided with the fitneſs of ſociety, and civil government among men, in all their ſalutary effects, but the extraordinary manner, in which it was conducted, was never exhibited as a pattern to the other nations of the earth; but they were ſtill left to judge for themſelves, as to the form of civil government, within their power, that might be moſt ſubſervient to the public good.

THAT this peculiar form among the Jews was not deſigned to be perpetual appears probable, from the particular directions early given, by Moſes the ſervant of the Lord, to regulate the adminiſtration of a king that ſhould, from among, themſelves, in future time, be ſet over them; and alſo by the revolution that in proceſs of time enſued by more than the divine permiſſion. After which the civil ſtate of the Jews ſymbolized with the civil ſtate of other nations.

THE Deity's condeſcending to be, in a political ſenſe, king in Iſrael, being a ſignal favor to them, as hereby they had a civil government better adapted to their circumſtances, and better contrived to promote their welfare, than they could have had by all the wiſdom of man, it muſt have been impiouſly ungrateful to reject him in that character, and deſire that one of the imperfect ſons of men ſhould be their ſupreme ruler; and therefore deſerving the ſevere reprehenſion given them, by the prophet, under the direction of God himſelf.

BUT though their inadvertent and raſh deſire was ſuch an ungrateful reſignation, and juſt forfeiture of the ſpecial favor they enjoyed, that God ſaw meet to diſcontinue it, and to chaſtize them for their wickedneſs therein, yet he did not withdraw the protection and bleſſing of his providence from them in the exerciſe and enjoyment of the rights and privileges common to human nature. And if the alteration made at their deſire, the extraordinary vouchſafement of the Deity apart had not been agreable to the natural conſtitution of mankind, and fit in the relation of things, it is not eaſy to conceive how he ſhould ſo far countenance the thing as to be active in ſetting kings over them: And not only direct them in their choice, but alſo preſcribe rules for the regulation of ſuch an office, and expreſs his approbation of, and afford his bleſſing to thoſe who formed their adminiſtration according to them.

THE difference between them, now, and the other nations ſeems chiefly to have ariſen from their religious ſtate; which indeed had ſtill ſome kindly influence upon their civil. In the exerciſe of their natural conſtitutional rights relative to civil government, it was no doubt fit to ſeek direction from him by whoſe providence kings reign. Their expectation of immediate direction from heaven was founded on the peculiar gracious diſpenſation they were under; and therefore the like could not be expected by any other nation.

No ſet of beings can, in reaſon, ſuppoſe themſelves wiſer than their maker; but muſt think that to which he directs to be wiſeſt and beſt; and, therefore, when they have certain notice of his pleaſure reſpecting any tranſaction of theirs, both duty and intereſt urge them to a compliance. And what nation of men on earth, in the exerciſe of this natural right, unalienable to any mortal, would not be glad of immediate indubitable direction from heaven? But when the theſe ſpecial directions are not obtainable, as according to the natural conſtitution of mankind they are not, the affair being ſo important to ſociety, and the happineſs of the whole ſo intimately connected with it, it is fit that they ſhould firſt implore the influence of providence, which may be real, though not immediate and ſenſible; and then tranſact it in the exerciſe of that liberty wherewith the creator has made them free.

EZRA's advancement to the government over the Jews did not, indeed, originate from their election, but from the civil power of that nation to which they were then in ſubjection; but yet, as their circumſtances would not admit of their exerciſing all the rights of a free ſtate, it became fit that they ſhould chearfully acquieſce in that appointment to promote their happineſs, as it was the beſt method in their power.

THEY were now emerging from the loweſt ſtate of depreſſion; for ſeventy years they had been unable to break the iron yoke of captivity, and to aſſert their national freedom. But under the favor of Cyrus part of the nation had returned to their own land, and were laying anew the foundations of the commonwealth of Iſrael. Their dependence on a foreign power, not only for permiſſion to return to the land of Paleſtine, but alſo for protection in the re-ſettlement of it, made it evidently their duty to ſubmit to a deputation from that power, with a view to promote their welfare.

AND Ezra's being ſent from the Perſian Court, with ample commiſſion to ſettle affairs among them, eccleſiaſtic, and civil, according to their priſtine form, was no doubt highly agreable to them, as he was of their own nation, and his qualifications were ſo adequate to the important truſt, for he was a ready ſcribe in the law of Moſes, and well underſtood the magna charta of their conſtitution; and alſo as he was a man of great piety, and virtue, and ardently diſpoſed to advance the intereſt of his nation: Who therefore could be more welcome, who more likely to put things into a proper ſituation, and to promote the welfare of the community, the only worthy end of government?

THE kind reception he met with appears, in part, from the early application made to him reſpecting illegal marriages in vogue among them, to which, the words I have read immediately refer.—The ſtory ſhows how ready he was to exert himſelf for their good; his known character points out his qualifications for the purpoſe; and the united efforts of the people with him, to this end, with an acknowledgement of his authority, are expreſſed in the text: Ariſe, for this matter belongeth unto thee, and we will be with thee; be of good courage, and do it. And if we may be indulged to take this inſtance as a ſpecimen of Ezra's general adminiſtration, and of the people's friendly ſpirited aſſiſtance through the whole; and as we go along to notice his diſtinguiſhed character; the way will be open to turn our attention—to the part of civil rulers—to the qualifications of ſuch— and to the neceſſity of the united exertions of the people with their rulers, to anſwer the ſalutary purpoſes of civil government.

AND FIRST, The part of civil rulers, in general is to keep in view the end of civil government, and of their own particular advancement, and to act accordingly.

THOUGH in the conſtitution of things it does not belong to man to live alone, or without government in ſociety; yet he is inveſted with certain rights and privileges, by the bounty of the creator, ſo adapted to his nature that the enjoyment of them is the ſource of his happineſs in this world, and without which exiſtence here would not be deſireable. And mankind have no right voluntarily to give up to others thoſe natural privileges, eſſential to their happineſs, with which they are inveſted by the Lord of all: for the improvement of theſe they are accountable to him. Nor is it fit, that any of the ſons of men ſhould take from others that which they have no right to give, nor by their miſconduct have forfeited; though in this caſe there ſhould be mutual conſent, the compact would be illegal, and both parties indictable at the bar of heaven.

CIVIL government among mankind is not a reſignation of their natural privileges, but that method of ſecuring them, to which they are morally obliged as conducive to their happineſs: In the conſtitution of things, they can naturally have no rights incompatible with this; and therefore none to reſign. For each individual to live in a ſeperate ſtate, and of conſequence without civil government, is ſo pregnant with evil, and greatly preventive of that happineſs of which human nature is made capable, that it could never be deſigned as a privilege to man by the munificent creator: And, perhaps, is not a privilege to other orders of rational creatures, as much ſuperior to man, in virtue, as in rank of being.

MANKIND may naturally have a liberty to live without civil government in the ſame ſenſe that they have a liberty, i.e. a power to neglect any moral duty: But they are evidently made dependent on one another for happineſs; and that method of action, which in the conſtitution of things, will prevent miſery, and procure happineſs to the ſpecies, on ſuppoſition of their being acquainted with it, and in a capacity of going into it, is not only wrong in them to neglect, but even duty indiſpenſible to purſue. From hence ariſes their obligation to civil government as mentioned before; and when the ſame reaſon urges the lodging this government in the hands of a few of the number aſſociated, the ſame obligation lies on them to do ſo.

A COMMUNITY having determined that to commit the power of government to ſome few of their number is beſt, the right the ſome few can have to it, muſt ariſe from the choice of the whole; for in this ſtate the government belongs to the whole, and one has no more right to govern than another; the right therefore that individuals can have to this muſt be delegated. This delegation is not indeed the giving away of the right the whole have to govern, but providing for the exerciſe of their power in the moſt effectual manner.

IT is by virtue of the previous conſent of ſociety as being beſt, that government may devolve on ſome by ſucceſſion, and that others may be appointed to rule by thooſe already in authority.

A COMPACT for civil government in any community implies the ſtipulation of certain rules of government. Theſe rules or laws more properly make the civil conſtitution. How various theſe rules are in different nations is not the preſent enquiry; but that they ought in every nation to coincide with the moral fitneſs of things, by which alone the natural rights of mankind can be ſecured, and their happineſs promoted, is very certain. And ſuch are the laws of the conſtitution of civil government that we, and all Britiſh ſubjects are ſo happy as to live under.

THE rectitude of the laws of a civil conſtitution are of more importance to the well-being of ſociety than the particular form of adminiſtration, but that form which is beſt adapted to ſecure the uninterrupted courſe of ſuch laws is moſt eligible, and herein alſo we outvie other nations.

THOSE laws which preſcribe the rights of prerogative, and the rights of the people, ſhould be founded on ſuch principles as tend to promote the great end of civil inſtitution; and as they are to be held ſacred by both, it may be ſuppoſed, ought to be as plain as the nature of the thing will admit: Myſteries in civil government relative to the rights of the people, like myſteries in the laws of religion, may be pretended, and to the like purpoſe of ſlavery, this of the ſouls, and that of the bodies of men.

THE deſign of mankind in forming a civil conſtitution being to ſecure their natural rights and privileges, and to promote their happineſs, it is neceſſary that the ſpecial end of the electors in chuſing ſome to govern the whole, ſhould be aſſented to by the elected to veſt them with a right to govern, ſo far at leaſt as to direct the adminiſtration, without which they are indeed veſted with no authority; for the being choſen to a particular purpoſe by thoſe in whom the right of choice is, can give no rightful power to act beſide or counter to this purpoſe. And therefore to the proper inveſtiture of any in the office of civil rulers to which they are choſen by the people, it is neceſſary they ſhould conſent to act the part for which they are choſen; and this ſets them in the high office of government, and gives them authority to regulate the whole.

THEIR conſent to take the office to which they are choſen by the community lays rulers under a moral obligation to diſcharge the duties of it with fidelity. And if for the greater ſecurity of ſociety, they who are thus introduced into office are bound to the faithful diſcharge of it by the ſolemnity of an oath, their obligation hereto is the greater.

WHAT is right in the relation of things, and which has the general conſent of mankind, being the rule of civil government in a well conſtituted ſtate, civil rulers are to be ſo far from invading, that they ought to be the guardians of the natural and conſtitutional rights of their ſubjects; which are here ſuppoſed to be ſo nearly the ſame that there is no interfering between them. To form a civil conſtitution otherwiſe would be to eſtabliſh iniquity by law.

THE various duties of their office then centre in one point, the end of their election, and that is to promote the public welfare.

MINUTELY to enumerate theſe duties is no indeed pretended, not only as it would take up too much time, but alſo as the wiſdom of the politician can better apply general rules to particular caſes as cimcumſtances vary; I therefore ſhall take the liberty only in a more general way to obſerve: That whatever is injurious to the community, whether foreign or inteſtine, is theirs to endeavor to prevent. In this ſtate of imperfection and ſin, particular ſocieties are liable to injuries from one another, hence vigilance becomes one part of the duty of civil rulers; to this they are more obliged than other men: In office they are as eyes to the political body, the proper uſe of which is neceſſary to its ſafety. It is no ſmall part of their care to deſery danger, to penetrate the deſigns formed abroad to the detriment of the community. And as they are ſet for the public defence, when ſuch dangers are diſcovered by them, it is their part to provide againſt them at the public expence; which muſt be in their power at all times, or at ſome times it may not be in their power to act in the character of guardians to the public. Individuals of the ſame ſociety are likewiſe liable to unequal treatment from one another, which alſo claims their attention. They are to reſcue the weak and helpleſs, the widow and fatherleſs, from the cruel hands of oppreſſion, and equally ſecure to all, high and low, their rights.

AND whatever is for the advantage and emolument of ſociety, is alſo their part to promote, not only barely to ſecure to their ſubjects the cardinal privileges of human nature, but alſo kindly endeavour to heighten their happineſs in the enjoyment of them. Thoſe methods which will be moſt conducive to the preservation and proſperity of the whole are to be ſtudiouſly deviſed, and faithfully urged by them; hence agriculture and commerce, liberal and mechanical arts ſhould be encouraged, as pointed out in providence for the benefit of mankind; in proportion to improvement in which will be the benefit reſulting from them, by which a ſupply may be obtained not only for neceſſity, but alſo for delight; and hereby their political ſtrength will be increaſed, and they become more able to ſupport the common cauſe. The wealth of the people is the ſtrength of the ſtate; and therefore, as the diligent hand maketh rich, they ſhould reduce the vagrant, and call the idle to labor, and all to induſtry in their reſpective callings, ſo eſſential to the public utility.

BUT wiſdom is a defence as well as money, and neceſſary to the well being of a community. The education of the youth is therefore carefully to be provided for; that hereby ſuch improvements may be made, as happily tend to abate the ferocity of uncultivated nature, to ſoften the temper, and give a high reliſh to the ſweets of ſocial life; and ſuch geniuſes may be formed as public offices require; that the people, in church, or ſtate, may not be deſtroyed for lack of knowledge; but wiſdom and knowledge may be the ſtability of the times.

THE civil power alſo ſhould be exerted to ſuppreſs vice as pregnant with miſchief to ſociety; and to ſupport virtue as the foundation of ſocial happineſs.

THAT public homage which the community owe to the great Lord of all; and which is equally their intereſt as their duty to pay, ſhould be earneſtly promoted by their rulers. The fitneſs of which reaſon dictates and revelation confirms, as a proper expreſſion of the dependence of mankind on him, and of their grateful ſentiments towards him, who giveth to all life and breath and all things; and alſo as the way more deeply to impreſs on their minds a ſenſe of their obligations to conform to his will; conformity to which will produce order and harmony, and qualify for the bleſſings of his providence.

THE great advantages acruing from the public ſocial worſhip of the Deity may be a laudable motive to civil rulers to exert themſelves to promote it; and will have an influence on them who have the public good at heart, as well as a proper ſenſe of duty to him, who is higher than the higheſt: In this way, while the miniſters of religion are under the patronage of the civil power, the people will be in ſtructed in thoſe principles, and urged to thoſe practices, which will greatly ſubſerve the intereſt of the community, and facilitate the end of government.

EZRA'S commiſſion extended to church as well as ſtate; and there is indeed ſuch a connection between them, and their intereſt is ſo dependent upon each other, that the welfare of the community ariſes from things going well in both; and therefore both, though with ſuch reſtrictions as their reſpective nature requires, claim the attention and care of the civil rulers of a people, whoſe duty it is to protect, and foſter their ſubjects in the enjoyment of their religious rights and privileges, as well as civil, and upon the ſame principle of promoting their happineſs.

IT is therefore the part of civil rulers to make, and as occaſion ſhall offer, to execute ſuch laws as tend to promote the public welfare. Theſe indeed are in ſome meaſure to be varied, according to the temper and circumſtances of the ſubjects, by the wiſdom of the legiſlators; but yet it is neceſſary there ſhould be in them a conformity to the immutable laws of nature, to anſwer the true deſign of civil inſtitution.

To theſe laws it is fit they ſhould add ſuch ſanctions as will give them energy if they are ſuitably applied by thoſe in civil office whoſe part it is to put the laws into execution.

PROVIDED always, that no laws be made invaſive of the natural rights of conſcience, and no penalties inflicted by the civil power in things purely religious, and which do not affect the well being of the ſtate: In theſe, every man has an unalienable right, in the conſtitution of things, to judge for himſelf: No man, and no number of men therefore have a right to aſſume juriſdiction here.

ON the free exerciſe of their natural religious rights the preſent as well as future happineſs of mankind greatly depends; the abridgement of which by penal laws is evidently incongruous to the eternal rules of equity; but theſe rules are never to be violated in the exerciſe of civil power. Civil laws, of right, can relate only to thoſe actions which have influence on the welfare of the ſtate; and to all ſuch the ſubject may be urged by the civil authority conſiſtently with that freedom of mind, in judging of points of ſpeculation, and that liberty of conſcience relative to modes of worſhip, which he has a natural right unmoleſted to enjoy.

OBLIGATION on civil rulers to ſecure the rights and promote the happineſs of the people, moſt certainly implies a power in them to that purpoſe, —to make laws and execute them; without which, ruler is but an empty name: To this purpoſe they are indeed cloathed with authority, and armed with the united power of the community; only in the exerciſe of this power they are under the ſame moral reſtrictions with thoſe by whom it was delegated to them.

As in a well conſtituted civil ſtate there is a ſubordination among rulers, and each has his reſpective part to act with a view to the public good; ſo to carry the grand deſign into execution it is neceſſary that each ſhould keep the line of his own particular departments every excentric motion will introduce diſorder and be productive of miſchief: But each keeping a ſteady and regular courſe in his own ſphere, will diſpenſe a benign influence upon the community, and harmoniouſly conſpire to promote the general good: As in the ſolar ſyſtem, every planet revolving in its own orbit round the ſun produces that order and harmony which ſecures the conſervation of the whole.

THE part that civil rulers have to act ſuppoſes qualifications for that purpoſe, and accordingly we have begged leave in the SECOND place, from the diſtinguiſhed character of Ezra to ſuggeſt ſome of them.

RELIGION, learning, and firmneſs of mind in the diſcharge of the duties of his office, were conſpicuous parts of his character, and comprehend perhaps moſt of the qualifications requiſite in civil rulers.

RELIGION includes piety and virtue, and is acting agreeable to the will of God according to the capacity of the moral agent. To this all men are under obligation as they would anſwer the end of their creation, and qualify themſelves for the happineſs for which they were formed: And to this they are obliged in their ſocial connections, that the happy effects of it may be felt not only by themſelves but alſo by others. Nor is there any ſtation among mankind ſo elevated as to free from this obligation.

THE public good is in proportion to right action in every individual.—But as in the civil ſubordination among men ſome have it in their power to do more good or miſchief to the whole than others, ſo it is of more importance to ſociety that ſuch ſhould be virtuous than others. There is an eſſential difference between virtue and vice, and their different conſequences to ſociety will be ſenſibly felt: nor is it in the power of earth, or hell, to alter the natural conſtitution of things.

VICE is detrimental to ſociety in ſome degree in any of its members, but is more ſo in thoſe who manage the public affairs of it. It diſqualifies for public ſervices at the ſame rate, as it debaſes the mind, weakens the generous movements of the ſoul, and centres it's views in the contracted circle of ſelf-intereſt.

BUT virtue qualifies for public offices as it dilates the mind with liberal ſentiments, inſpires with principles of beneficent actions, and diſpoſes to a ready compliance with the apoſtolic injunction, look not every man on his own things, but every man alſo on the things of another.

THE religion of Jeſus is deſigned to deſtroy the works of the devil, to bring men from darkneſs to light, from error to the truth, and from the power of ſatan unto God—It inſpires the mind with a ſacred regard to God, and with benevolence to men,— it is an imitation of his example, who came down from heaven and went about doing good,—of his, who is good to all, and whoſe mercy endures forever—and it alſo more powerfully inforces all moral obligations, as it illucidates a future ſtate of rewards and puniſhments.

THAT character therefore which is formed from thoſe principles, which are abhorrent to ſiniſter views, and indirect meaſures to promote a man's own private intereſt, and lead to generous godlike actions diffuſive of goodneſs to mankind, and which afford the ſtrongeſt motives to ſuch actions, evidently correſponds to a public ſtation, and is moſt likely, ceteris paribus, to discharge with fidelity the duties of a civil poſt.

NOR is the influence, the example of rulers will, in high probility, have upon others, unimportant to ſociety: Facts demonſtrate examples to be very forcible on human nature. Inferiours eſpecially are apt to copy the pattern ſet them by ſuperiours, and too often even to ſervile imitation. In ſome proportion then as the example of thoſe who are in exalted ſtations is virtuous or vicious it may naturally be expected the character of the whole will be: Nor is ſacred hiſtory ſilent as to the influence public characters have had upon the morals of a people; in this view therefore it is the wiſdom and intereſt of a community to prefer the virtuous to the vicious for their rulers.

BUT the goodneſs of the heart influential on the life, without diſcernment in the heart, will yet leave civil rulers ſhort of a qualification neceſſary to diſcharge the duties of their office. Men may be pious and virtuous and yet not capable of penetrating very far into the nature and connection of things, and therefore unequal to tranſactions which require more than common abilites.

THE natural and acquired accompliſhments of mankind are various, all anſwering good purpoſes in their reſpective ſituations, and ſubſervient to the general good; and in proportion to theſe they are qualified for different employments. Of Ezra's learning particular notice is taken in his commiſſion for government, as qualifying him for the important poſt. And ſomething correſponding hereto in all civil rulers is undoubtedly requiſite in their ſeveral departments; I mean a capacity of diſcerning the nature and duties of their office, and how to perform them.

It is not Indeed of ſo much importance how they come by their qualifications, whether by leſs or greater application, as that they are really poſſeſſed of it; on this in no ſmall degree the welfare of ſociety depends. Thoſe poſts, to perform the duties of which diſtinguiſhing abilities, clearneſs of underſtanding and ſoundneſs of judgement are required, cannot be filled to advantage by thoſe in whom theſe are wanting; if the blind lead the blind both will fall into the ditch. In this fluctuating uncertain ſtate, the community will, at particular ſeaſons more eſpecially, need wiſe men for pilots, to ſave the threatned bark from ſurrounding gaping ruin. The weighty and multifarious concerns of ſtate require great and extenſive abilities to ſtear the whole in that channel which will terminate in the public ſecurity and emolument.

CAPACITY for poſts of public truſt without virtuous principles is indeed precarious, and not ſafely to be depended on; but when probity and wiſdom unite in the ſame perſon they form a character that tends greatly to ſupport the confidence, and ſecure the happineſs of the people.

BUT to theſe we may yet add firmneſs of mind in the execution of their office as a very neceſſary qualification in civil rulers, without which an habitual diſposition to do their duty, and the good ſenſe to underſtand it, may not in all circumſtances anſwer the end. The neceſſity of this is ſuppoſed by Shechaniah when he ſays to Ezra in the text, be of good courage, and do it. And was exemplified by that ruler in his administration.

THE preſent ſtate of things will afford frequent occaſions of trying the virtue as well as the wiſdom of rulers.—Like other men they are expoſed to temptations, and perhaps to more and greater than others; and human nature at beſt is very imperfect. The temper of domination ſo ſtrongly interwoven in the make of man may induce them to a wanton exerciſe of the power repoſed in them. Flattery by its ſoothing addreſſes and artful inſinuations may inſenſibly divert them from a right courſe, and lead them to diſpenſe the bleſſings of government with a partial hand. Calumny and cruel cenſure may provoke in them too great reſentment, or ſubject them to that fear of man which bringeth a ſnare: Firmneſs of mind is therefore neceſſary to repel theſe and a thouſand other temptations—to ſupreſs every undue ſally of the ſoul, and to urge the ſpring of action, that they may purſue with ſteadineſs and vigor the great end of their office.

THOSE noble exertions of mind which a due adminiſtration requires clearly evinces the neceſſity of this temper in civil rulers: As in order hereto the art of ſelf-denial muſt be learned and frequently practiſed by them;—a prevailing attachment to their own private intereſts and gratifications be given up to the public—angry reſentments be tempered down to the ſtandard of right action, —their eaſe ſuperſeded by inceſſant labors, and ſacrificed to the benefit of others.

SOFTNESS and timidity of mind indulged into habit will weaken reſolution, and relax the nerves of effort in the moſt trying ſeaſons, and perhaps betray the cauſe their office calls, and their virtue inclines them to ſupport. But firmneſs and fortitude of ſoul ariſing from principle, and cultivated with care, will not eaſily admit thoſe fordid views that lead ſupinley to neglect, or tamely to ſurrender the intereſt of ſociety, but enable them to comport with perſonal inconveniences, and ſtand firm amidſt the ſevereſt trials, in executing the duties of their office.

GOOD may indeed be done by him, who is diſtinguiſhed by one of theſe qualifications alone, and more eſpecially in his connections with others employed in, the ſame office; their different qualities may operate in ſubſerviency to each other, and by their mutual aid lead into meaſures conducive to the general ſafety; and happy to mankind that in this imperfect ſtate it is ſo! But without determining which of them being wanting in civil rulers would be of moſt dangerous conſequence to ſociety, it is very certain their meeting in the ſame perſon forms a character that will beſt anſwer the deſign of ſuch promotion; and the more there are of this character among them, the more likely it is that the public welfare will be promoted.

BUT, if every good quality ſhould Meet in civil rulers yet THIRDLY, the united exertions of the people with them are neceſſary to anſwer the ſalutary purpoſes of civil government.

A COMMUNITY 'having delegated to ſome of their number the power of civil government as a method of exerciſing that power the beſt adapted to ſecure their natural rights and promote their happineſs are not at liberty to counteract the method, but under obligation, in every fit way, to ſupport it; and indeed without their exerting themſelves to this purpoſe, their rulers, however well qualified, will be unable to anſwer the end of their advancement.

THE cauſe in which rulers and ruled are engaged is the ſame, though the parts they have to act are different; theſe all tend to one grand point, the welfare of the community; and people are as much obliged to fidelity and ardor in the diſcharge of their duty, as rulers to theirs, in ſupporting the common cauſe.

THE diſcharge of the duties of civil office merits an adequate reward from them, whoſe buſineſs is done thereby; and the community are unqueſtionably obliged to ſee that buſineſs performed. Rulers devoting their time and their talents to the ſervice of the public entitles them to an eaſy and honourable ſupport: For real ſervice and great benefit done them, it is the duty of the people to render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, and cuſtom to whom cuſtom. If this ſhould not be afforded them by the public, they could not attend continually upon the duties of their ſtation, and of conſequence civil government, on which ſo much depends, could not be upheld to advantage.

A RESPECTFUL treatment of their rulers is alſo due from the people, and greatly conducive to the end of civil inſtitution. They are raiſed to exalted ſtation by the people, under the governance of his providence, who wills the happineſs of all men, and in promoting which they are to be conſidered as his vicegerents executing his will, and therefore worthy of eſteem and veneration. Their ſucceſs in adminiſtration alſo very much depends upon this reſpectful deportment toward them: To pour contempt upon rulers is to weaken government itſelf, and to weaken government is to ſow the feeds of libertiniſm, which in a ſoil ſo prolific as human nature, will ſoon ſpring up into a luxuriant growth; nor will it be in the power of rulers to ſtop the growing miſchief, or, to keep things in a proper ſituation, without, the concurring aid of the people.

A SACRED regard to civil authority, according to the true deſign of it, is to be cultivated in all; and as a means naturally tending to this, including the neceſſity of divine influence in their arduous, and benevolent work, it is directed by the ſupreme law-giver, that ſupplications, and prayers, interceſſions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings, and for all that an in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godlineſs and honeſty.

To keep up veneration for rulers, is to keep up a regard to government itſelf in the community, and to open the way for its happier influence. Honor therefore ſhould be rendered to them to whom it is due for the good ſervices they have already done, and as being the way to give them opportunity of doing more, and to ſtimulate them to improve the opportunity by the vigorous exertions of their abilities to that purpoſe.

BUT ſtill and more eſpecially, the united efforts of the people with their rulers are neceſſary to the putting thoſe laws into execution that are made for the good of the community.

IT is here ſuppoſed, that the laws made by civil rulers coincide with moral fitneſs, and are calculated to anſwer the end for which only they are impowered to make laws; if otherwiſe, the ſubject can be under no obligation to obſerve them; but may be morally obliged to reſiſt them, as it muſt ever be right to obey God rather than men. The doctrine of paſſive obedience and non-reſiſtence in the unlimited ſenſe it has been urged by ſome, came not down from above, as it can be ſupported neither by reaſon nor revelation, and therefore if any where, may be urged with a better grace by the rulers of darkneſs, in the regions below, upon thoſe who by the righteous decree of heaven, are excluded the common benefits of creation, than by thoſe powers that are ordained of God for the good of mankind. But though with the higheſt propriety this doctrine may be exploded, it does not at all leſſen the moral obligation of obedience in the people to an equitable adminiſtration; and to uſe their endeavours that the laws made by their rulers to promote the good of the community ſhould take place to that purpoſe: This is only the continued exertion of that power which is neceſſary to carry into effect the plan of civil government laid by themſelves, and without which the beſt laws will fall ſhort of it. There may be good laws, and faithful executors of them, and yet ſuch a practical combination of the ſubjects as in ſome meaſure fruſtrate the happy effects of them: The violation of theſe laws may be ſo connived at in one another, as to prevent the executors having the opportunity to ſuppreſs them. The laws of the ſupreme legiſlator of the world are unqueſtionably juſt and good, and yet are tranſgreſſed by daring mortals every day: And though under his all-diſcerning eye the impenitent ſhall not finally eſcape with impunity, yet the tranſgreſſors of human laws founded on the ſame principles as the divine, may illude the inſpection of man and the force of his laws: And when this practice ſhall become general in civil ſociety, the energy of government will of courſe be relaxed. Nor can it be in the power of rulers the beſt qualified and the moſt ſedulouſly attentive to the duties of their office to prevent it, unleſs they were gods in a higher ſenſe than the ſcripture intends by giving them that title, and were able not only to make good laws, but alſo to inſpire their ſubjects with a principle of obedience to them.

IT is therefore plain, that the united efforts of the people are neceſſary to ſupport civil government, and make it efficacious to the great and happy end for which it was inſtituted: And as rulers are holden by the ſtrongeſt ties to conſult and endeavour the welfare of the people; the people are equally bound to aid and aſſiſt them in theſe endeavours.

WHAT has been imperfectly ſuggeſted in this diſcourſe may lead to, ſome reflections on the goodneſs of the ſupreme ruler of the world, to mankind in general and to ourſelves in particular, in the preſent ſtate, more eſpecially as expreſſed in the inſtitution of civil government: And give occaſion to urge the attention of rulers and people to the duties of their reſpective ſtations.

THE goodneſs of the Creator appears through all his works, but more illuſtriouſly to man than to any other creature on this earth; him he hath ſet at the head of this part of his creation: The place of his preſent abode is accomodated to his neceſſity and pleaſure; and his mind is endowed with reaſon and underſtanding to guide and regulate him in the enjoyment. With a view to ſecure him in the poſſeſſion of the munificence of his creator, he is directed by inſtinct and reaſon to aſſociate, and amicably unite the ſtrength of individuals for the defence and ſafety of the whole.

AND this method is peculiarly adapted to the preſent depraved ſtate of mankind, in which by leaping the mounds of right man is the greateſt enemy to man. If there was no ſuch thing as civil government among them, what ravages! and what depredations would there be! This earth would be the habitation of cruelty, and a field of blood. The conſequences of perfect anarchy among mankind would be more unhappy and miſchievous to them, than if the foundations of the earth were out of courſe, the ſun ſhould be darkened, and the moon not give her light, and the ſtars fall from heaven; And the natural order of this ſyſtem ſhould be interrupted by a general and moſt ruinous confuſion.

BUT the plan of civil government, as included in the conſtitution of things, and obvious to the common ſenſe of mankind, well executed by them, gives ſuch a check to evil doers, and ſupport to them that do well, that the nearer mankind purſue it, in its true intention, the more this earth will become a habitation of peace, of ſecurity and happineſs. This privilege is put into their hands by the Lord of all, as the great ſecurity and completion of their earthly felicity; to him therefore their united acknowledgements ſhould like incenſe, with fervor aſcend.

WE ourſelves have reaſon, not only to join in the univerſal tribute, as partaking of the bleſſings of the creator in common with mankind, but alſo in particular to expreſs our warmeſt gratitude to him whoſe providence determines the bounds of the habitations of all the nations of men that dwell on the fact of the earth; that we live under a conſtitution of civil government the beſt adapted to ſecure the rights and liberties of the ſubject: The fundamental laws of which are agreable to the laws of nature reſulting from the relation of things, worthy of men and chriſtians; and the form of adminiſtration the beſt contrived to ſecure a ſteady adherence to thoſe laws in the exerciſe of civil power. Our King ſways the ſceptre in righteouſneſs, and his throne is upholden by mercy: The legiſlative and executive powers are guided by the ſame laws.

THE beneficial effects of the happy constitution extend to the remoteſt parts of the Britiſh empire: Britons exult in the enjoyment of their natural rights under its auſpicious influence, nor leſs the coloniſts in North-America while they participate with grateful and loyal hearts the like bleſſings from the ſame ſource.

THE coloniſts indeed on account of local circumſtances, have been indulged to form into little diſtinct ſtates under the ſame head, and to make laws and execute them, reſtricted at the ſame time by the laws and dependent on the ſupreme power of the nation as far as it is conſiſtent with the eſſential rights of Britiſh ſubjects and neceſſary to the well-being of the whole. And this is ſo far from being the ground of their complaint that it is in their opinion the very foundation of their happineſs; from the antient ſtock they delight to draw nutrition as hereby they flouriſh, and in their turn bear to that proportionable fruit. Nor could any thing more ſenſibly affect them, or be thought of with more regret, than to be reſcinded from the body of the empire, and their preſent connections with Great-Britain.

IN their little depedent ſtates they have long enjoyed her parental ſmiles, which has greatly increaſed their attachment to her: The relief ſhe has kindly afforded them in times of danger and diſtreſs will always invigorate the addreſſes, and ſupport the confidence of her children towards her, under the like circumſtances, till they ſhall find themſelves diſcarded by her. Which ſad cataſtrophe may all-gracious Heaven prevent! But the ſame patronage is ſtill to be hoped for by the coloniſts while they do nothing to forfeit it. Nor is it to be thought that Great-Britain would deſignedly enſlave any of her free-born ſons, and thereby break in upon that conſtitution ſo friendly to liberty, and on which her own ſafety depends.

THIS Province has not the leaſt ſhare in privileges derived from the civil conſtitution of her parent country, and which are amply ſecured to us by royal charter.

OUR Governor is by deputation from our moſt gracious Sovereign as the repreſentative of his ſacred perſon in our provincial model of civil government. His Majeſty's paternal care in this reſpect is moſt readily acknowledged by us, as the Gentleman who has this honor at preſent is well acquainted with the laws and formalities of our civil conſtitution, and has abilities equal to the important poſt. Whoſe preſence forbids every thing that looks like adulation, but may admit of the warmeſt wiſhes for his happineſs in this world and the next.

THE other two branches of the legiſlature are choſen by the people, either immediately by themſelves or mediately by their repreſentatives, which coincides with the freedom of the Britiſh conſtitution, and we ſhall always eſteem as a pledge of the Royal favor.

THE return of this day is auſpicious to our civil liberties, and fills every honeſt heart with joy. The liberty of chuſing men from among ourſelves, whoſe intereſt is inſeperably connected with the whole, for his Majeſty's Council in the province, whoſe part is not only to aid the power of legislation, but alſo "freely to give advice at all times to the Governor for the good management of the public affairs of government," will always be conſidered as a privilege dear and ſacred by all who are not, by blind prejudice or fordid views, loſt to a ſenſe of the ineſtimable value of their natural and conſtitutional freedom.

THE election of ſo important a branch of the legiſlature will naturally gain the attention of thoſe who are concerned in it. Fidelity in the diſcharge of the truſt repoſed in them, and a regard to the welfare of the province will determine their choice. All perſonal piques, and perſonal friendſhips, and private intereſts will be laid aſide upon this intereſting occaſion. And while the public good is kept in view, qualifications for a place of ſo much weight and influence in government will be chiefly regarded.

WE reſt aſſured in the good opinion we have of the Electors, that they will diveſt their minds of every wrong byaſs, and will not take thoſe who neither fear God, nor regard man; who have no ſteady principles of action to be depended upon, unleſs thoſe that lead them to break through the the higheſt moral obligation, and to live as without God in the world: and in whoſe minds private intereſt evidently turns the balance againſt the public. Not thoſe who are unfriendly to learning, who at the moſt have only taken the intoxicating draught at the pierian ſpring, but have not drank ſo deep as to open their eyes and give them a juſt diſcernment of things, who in their patriotic phrenzy would deprive church and ſtate of the the means greatly conducive to the wellbeing of both. Nor yet the puſhlanimous who would not dare to ſpeak their minds in their Country's cauſe in trying ſeaſons, and are only fit for a private ſtation.

THEIR virtue and wiſdom will fortify them againſt artful addreſſes and wily intreagues in this important tranſaction. A juſt concern for the intereſt of their country will lead them to prefer thoſe qualities and accomplishments which are moſt likely to promote it, and to give their ſuffrages for men evidently poſſeſſed of them to ſit at the Council-Board the enſuing year.

AND may all, who by the people under God are advanced to poſts of civil power and truſt, attend to the true deſign of their advancement, and with fidelity and inceſſant ardor purſue it.

The matter which belongeth unto them being altogether intereſting to us, as every thing dear in this world is connected with it, we ſurely may be allowed to hope for an upright and wiſe management of it, and as the taſk is arduous, and attended with various and great trials, to preſs them by every conſideration to be of good courage, and do it.

AND no motives to urge them to patriotic efforts are wanting.—The neglect of their duty, or that which is worſe the counteracting the grand deſign of their office, by indirect methods, they will be able to anſwer, neither to their country, to their own conſcience, nor to God the judge of all; for not only the preſent, but future generations alſo, will feel the unhappy conſequences, and execrate the authors of what they feel. Their conſciences will give them trouble at certain periods, but eſpecially at the near approach of the deciſive day, when all their dignity will forſake them, and they will appear in their real worthleſs character, and creep into the holes of the rocks, and caves of the earth for fear of the Lord, to ſhelter themſelves from that vengeance which yet will inevitably light on their devoted heads. On the other hand, the diligent, the faithful and intrepid execution of the duties of their office, will make them benefactors to the people at preſent, and tranſmit their names with honor to poſterity, who, in futurity, will participate the bleſſings. And ſuch conduct will afford to their mind a ſatisfaction that nothing can equal ſhort of the plaudit of their judge; who Will not forget their labor of love, but amply reward their ſervices for mankind, and as they have been faithful over a few things he will make them rulers over many things.

THE happineſs of THIS PEOPLE in the enjoyment of their natural rights and privileges under providence is provided for by their being a part of Britiſh empire, by which they are intitled to all the privileges of that happy conſtitution; and alſo by the full and ample recognition of theſe privileges to them by character.

THEIR civil conſtitution as the baſis of all their temporal felicity is their deareſt ſtake. Every privation of their natural rights is ſubverſive of their happineſs, and every infringement of the form of their conſtitution has a tendency to ſuch privation: The preſervation of their conſtitutional rights, in every fit method, will therefore ever forceably claim their attention; and to this purpoſe, while they are awake to a ſenſe of their intereſt, the vigilance and care of their rulers will, of right, be earneſtly expected by them.

THEIR being dependent on the ſupreme power of the nation as a part of the whole, is ſo far from making it unfit to remonſtrate under grievances of this nature, that it is a reaſon why they ſhould do ſo; when by the conſtitution every ſubject has an equal claim to protection and ſecurity in the exerciſe of that very power.

THEIR being loyal ſubjects to the beſt of Kings, whom may God long preſerve! and diſpoſed to cultivate, and if poſſible to increaſe their loyalty, will always incline his gracious ear; and give weight to their petitions with his parliament.

WITH indifference to ſurrender conſtitutional rights, or with raſhneſs to oppoſe conſtitutional meaſures, is equally to rebel againſt the ſtate. Anarchy and ſlavery are both diametrically oppoſite to the genius of the Britiſh conſtitution, and indeed to the conſtitution of the God of nature; and equal care at leaſt is to be taken to avoid the former as the latter. A ready compliance with conſtitutional meaſures will always juſtify a tenacious claim to conſtitutional privileges, and ſupport the hope of their continuance.

THE wellfare of the province, at all times, demands the attention of the guardians of our natural and |civil rights; to this purpoſe the legiſlative and executive powers are to be exerciſed. But laws are uſeleſs in a ſtate, unleſs they are obeyed; nor will putting the executive power into the beſt hands avail to the deſigned purpoſe, if there is not proper application made to it upon thoſe occaſions that require the exerciſe of it; for in proportion to the want of this application the moſt excellent code of laws will be a dead letter. It is neceſſary in the nature of the thing, and indiſpenſably obligatory upon the people to unite their endeavours with their rulers to give life and energy to the laws in producing the deſigned happy effects.

WE have good laws; and magiſtrates appointed to put thoſe laws into execution, whoſe fidelity may not be impeached: What therefore ſeems to remain to complete our political happineſs is the exerting ourſelves to aid the civil power, in ſurpreſſing every thing that may be detrimental, and in promoting that which may be of advantage to the whole.

THOUGH ſome are appointed and bound by oath to give information of breaches of the law which come within their knowledge, yet all are under certain obligation to aſſiſt in conveying ſuch information through the proper channels to the executive power, as it is the ordinance of God for the good of the community. But from the want of a due regard to the public—or from a miſguided fondneſs for ourſelves, we are too apt to be criminally indulgent to one another, and of conſequence to deſert the magiſtrate, and in ſome degree fruſtrate the deſign of his office. We have laws wiſely provided againſt the evils of idleneſs and intemperance—and whatever has appeared to the wiſdom of the legiſlature to be hurtful to ſociety; to whom then may the increaſe of ſuch diſorders be attributed? to thoſe whoſe buſineſs it is to execute the law upon offenders, on due information, or thoſe who rather than give ſuch information chuſe to have fellowſhip with iniquity:—But not only they who are ſpecially appointed for the purpoſe, but all ſhould attend to the moral obligation they are under to exert themſelves, in their reſpetive ſtations, to prevent the interruption of the happineſs of ſociety, and inſtead of leaving the magiſtrates unaided, ſhould voluntarily riſe up for them againſt the evil doers, and lend their aſſiſtance to bring the workers of iniquity to condign puniſhment.

BY this general exertion the moſt happy effects would be produced;— tranſgreſſors would ſoon be taught a greater reverence for the law, and all be more ſecure in the enjoyment of their rights: Hereby obſtructions would be removed, and the executive power have free courſe; and judgment would run down as waters and righteouſneſs as a mighty ſtream.

INSTEAD therefore of ſpeaking evil of dignities, and cruelly charging them with the blame of prevailing diſorders, we ſhould recriminate on ourſelves, and do our part to aid the magiſtrates in putting the laws already made into execution, and conſide in the wiſdom and fidelity of the legiſlators to make ſuch new ones as the circumſtances of the community may require.

AND while the guardians of THIS PEOPLE are intent upon ſecuring their rights and promoting their happineſs, in every wiſe and laudable method, liberal ſupport ſhould be granted, great honors done, and chearful obedience yielded to them.

OUR ſafety and happineſs muſt always ariſe from the united exertions of rulers and ruled to the ſame ſalutary purpoſes. The ſecurity of our liberty and property by the fundamental laws of our civil conſtitution is the ſtrongeſt motive to maintain an inviolable attachment to it; and to exert ourſelves to promote the intereſt of the nation to which we belong. Every well-directed effort to ſupport the conſtitution on which the happineſs of the whole depends, and to augment the wealth and ſtrength of the Britiſh empire, as our duty and intereſt, ſhould be readily made by us. To multiply ſettlements on the uncultivated lands, and reduce the wilderneſs to a fruitful field, by emigration from our older towns, and eſpecially by the introduction of foreigners not unfriendly to our conſtitution — to make greater improvements in agriculture and in every uſeful art evidently tends to the general welfare.

ARBITRARY and oppreſſive meaſures in the ſtate would indeed diſpirit the people and weaken the nerves of induſtry, and in their conſequences lead to poverty and ruin; but a mild and equitable adminiſtration, will encourage their hearts and ſtrengthen their hands to execute with vigor thoſe meaſures which promote the ſtrength and ſafety of the whole.

To lay a foundation of greater ſecurity to ourſelves is indeed a laudable motive to ſuch efforts; and may be juſtified by the principle of ſelf-preſervation: But the advantages of ſuch improvements will not be confined to ourſelves—the more populous and opulent we grow, the more able we ſhall be to defend this important part of the Britiſh dominions—the more our nation will be a terror to her enemies—and the better able ſhall we be to make remittance for what we ſhall neceſſarily want of her manufactures.

BY a proper attention to the general intereſt, and vigorous purſuits of meaſures that tend to promote it, things may be put into ſuch a ſituation as to be of mutual advantage. The growth and proſperity of her colonies muſt be of real advantage to Great-Britain.— The means for exportation being increased in them, will be ſo to the colonies, by winch they may ſink their preſent heavy debts, and more eaſily defray neceſſary public charges.

THE ſame attention, with a little prudence, would lead us to retrench extravagant expences, and to promote frugality, good order, and induſtry, that we might give a ſeaſonable check to increasing debility, enjoy what we poſſeſs to more advantage and widen the foundation of future felicity. Under greater advantages we may receive monitory and directive hints, by turning our eye to the provident ant, which having no guide, overſeer or ruler provides her meat in the ſammer and gathereth her food in the harveſt.

WE are now reaping the happy fruits of our Fathers hard labor and ineſſable ſufferings; and ſhall not a concern for future generations warm our hearts—produce ſome acts of ſelf denial, and cloſer application for their ſakes? or ſhall we do nothing for our poſterity when the firſt renowned ſettlers, here, did ſo much for theirs? Could they look down—or rather be permitted in fleſh to viſit their dear-bought country, with what aſtoniſhment would they behold the ungrateful neglect — with what ſeverity reprove the proſtitution of patrimonial privileges, and chide the criminal want of philanthropy, in their degenerate offspring : and with what ardor would they urge them to perfect the work they had nobly begun, and thereby make room for millions yet unborn quietly to enjoy their natural, their civil, and religious liberties.

IN fine. To ſecure his own, and to promote the happineſs of others, is the part of every one in this great aſſembly. To this end were we born, and for this cauſe came we into the world. We were placed in that rank of being, and under thoſe circumſtances, which the infinitely wiſe and good Creator ſaw proper. And as we are moral agents, and accountable; it is of great importance to us in every ſtation, to keep in view the end of our being called into exiſtence.

THIS is but the bud of being—we are candidates for a ſucceeding ſtate ; into which, we are aſſured by the goſpel of the Son of God, the conſequences of our actions in this, will follow us, Nor in the conſtitution of thing have we long to continue here, but mortality will ſoon tranſlate us to the ſtate of retribution. With what care then ſhould we avoid every action debaſing to the mind, and with what aſſiduity purſue thoſe that tend to raiſe it to nobler heights.

BY inattention and vice we may forfeit the bleſſings of creation and redemption, and by a continued courſe of fordid and unworthy actions, diſhonorary to God and unfriendly to mankind, we may finiſh the ruins of our nature; and put ourſelves into a ſuch ſtate, that it would have been good for us if we had never been born. But by a diligent improvement of the talents committed to our truſt in exerciſes of piety towards God, and charity to men, we may enoble the mind, and qualify it for the ſublime happineſs for which it was originally deſigned. Having therefore acted our part with fidelity in the ſervice of God and our generation, we ſhall quit this imperfect ſtate with dignity and honor, and rie ſuperior to the higheſt grandeur and felicity in theſe regions of mortality ; and by the immerited munificence of the Creator — walk — High in Salvation, and the Climes of Bliſs.MILTON.