AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF Colonel BOUQUET'S Expedition, Against the Ohio Indians in the Year 1764.

IN the preceeding introduction, some account hath been given of the sudden, treacherous and unprovok'd attack, made by the Indians upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, soon after the publication of the general Peace, at a time when we were but just begin­ing to respire from our former calamities, and looked for an approach of quiet on every side. The principal transactions of the cam­paign 1763 have likewise been briefly recapitulated, and the reader informed by what means the editor became possess'd of the valuable papers, which have enabled him to bring the history of this Indian war to a conclusion, and fur­nished the materials of the following sheets.

COLONEL BOUQUET, as before mentioned, not having a sufficient number of troops to garrison the different posts, under his command, and at the same time to cross the Ohio and take advantage of the dejection into which he had thrown the enemy, by the defeat at Bushy-Run, was obliged to restrain his [Page 2] operations to the supplying the forts with provisions, ammunition and other necessaries.

IN the execution of this service, he received no annoyance from the enemy, for they now saw themselves not only forced to give up their designs against FORT-PITT; but, retreating beyond the Ohio, they deserted their former towns, and abandoned all the country between Presque-Isle and Sanduski; not thinking themselves safe till they arrived at Muskingam.

HERE they began to form new settlements, and remained quiet during the winter. But, in the mean time, having supplied themselves with powder &c. from the French traders, (and now flattering themselves that the great distance of their settlements would render them inaccessible to our troops) the ensuing spring 1764 presented these savage enemies afresh on our frontiers; ravaging and murdering with their usual barbarity.

TO chastise them for their perfidy, General Gage resolved to attack them on two different sides, and to force them from our frontiers; by carrying the war into the heart of their own country. With this view, he destined a corps of troops to proceed under Col. Bradstreet, to act against the Wiandots, Ottawas, Chip­was and other nations, living upon or near the lakes; while another corps, under the command of Col. Bouquet should attack the Delawares, Shawa­nese, Mingoes, Mohickons, and other nations, between the Ohio and the lakes.

THESE two corps were to act in concert; and as that of Col. Bradstreet could be ready much sooner than the other, he was to proceed to Detroit, Michili­mackinac and other places. On his return, he was to encamp and remain at Sanduski, to awe, by that position, the numerous tribes of western Indians, so as to prevent their sending any assistance to the Ohio Indians, while Colonel Bouquet should execute his plan of attacking them in the heart of their settle­ments.

COL. BOUQUET'S expedition was to proceed altogether by land, and was on that account attended with great difficulties. His men were to penetrate thro' [Page 3] a continued depth of woods, and a savage unexplor'd country; without roads, without posts, and without a retreat if they failed of success. When once en­gaged in these deserts, they had no [...], nor any kind of assistance to ex­pect. Every thing was to be carried with them — their ammunition, baggage, tools, stores, and provisions necessary for the troops during the whole expedi­tion. And besides, they were liable to many embarrasments, and difficulties which no prudence could foresee, scarce any caution prevent; so that, in this account, sundry things, which, in the usual method of conducting military opera­tions might not be thought worthy of a detail, may nevertheless be found high­ly serviceable to those who may afterwards be employed in this species of war, which is new to Europeans, who must submit to be instructed in it by experi­ence, and in many articles even by the savages themselves.

PART of the 42d and 60th regiments were ordered on this expedi­tion, and were to be joined by two hundred friendly Indians, and the troops required of Virginia and Pennsylvania. The Indians never came, and the Virginians pleaded their inability to raise men, having already in pay a­bout 700 militia for the defence of their own frontier. In Pennsylvania, a bill for raising 1000 men was passed May 30th; but, with the utmost dili­gence that could be used, the number could not be compleated till the begin­ing of August.

ON the 5th of that month, the men being assembled at Carlisle, one hund­red and eighteen miles to the westward of Philadelphia, Governor Penn, who had accompanied Col. Bouquet to that place, acquainted the two Pennsylva­nia battalions with the necessity we were laid under of chastising the Indians ‘for their repeated and unprovoked barbarities on the inhabitants of the pro­vince; a just resentment of which, added to a remembrance of the loyalty and courage of our provincial troops on former occasions, he did not doubt, would animate them to do honor to their country; and that they could not but hope to be crown'd with success, as they were to be united with the same regular troops, and under the same able commander, who had by them­selves, on that very day, the memorable 5th of August in the preceeding [Page 4] year, sustained the repeated attacks of the savages, and obtained a compleat victory over them.’—He also reminded them ‘of the examplary punishments that would be inflicted on the grievous crime of desertion, if any of them were capable of so far forgetting their solemn oath and duty to their king and country, as to be involved in it.’

COL. BOUQUET then assumed the command of the regular and provincial troops; and the four following days were spent in the necessary preparations for their march; the Colonel giving the most express orders to the officers and men to observe strict discipline, and not to commit the least violation of the civil rights or peace of the inhabitants.—He, at the same time, made the most prudent regulations for a safe and commodious carriage of the baggage, taking care to rid himself of all unnecessary incumbrances.

THE 13th of August this small army got to Fort Loudoun; but notwith­standing all the precautions taken to prevent desertion, the Pennsylvania troops were now reduced to about 700 men. The Colonel was therefore un­der a necessity to apply to the government of that province to enable him to compleat their number to the full complement; which was generously grant­ed by a resolve of the Governor and Commissioners August 16th; and the army advancing now beyond the settled parts of Pennsylvania, he made appli­cation to the colony of Virginia, where (under the countenance of Go­vernor Fauquier) the men wanted were soon raised, and joined the army at Pittsburg, about the latter end of September.

NOTHING material happened in their march, from Fort Loudoun to Fort Pitt, (formerly Fort Du Quesne) on the Ohio, three hundred and twenty miles west from Philadelphia; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived the 17th, September.

DURING this interval, several large convoys were forwarded under strong escorts; and tho' the enemy continued their ravages all that time on the fron­tiers, [Page 5] they durst not attack any of those convoys, which all arrived safe at Fort Pitt.

WHILE Col. Bouquet was at Fort Loudoun, he received dispatches by ex­press from Col. Bradstreet, dated from Presque-Isle August 14th, acquaint­ing him that he (Col. Bradstreet,) had concluded a peace with the Delawares and Shawanese; but Col. Bouquet perceiving clearly that they were not sin­cere in their intentions, as they continued their murders and depredations, he determined to prosecute his plan without remission, till he should receive fur­ther instructions from General Gage; who, upon the same principles, refused to ratify the treaty, and renewed his orders to both armies to attack the enemy.

ABOUT the time of Col. Bouquet's arrival at Fort Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the north side of the Ohio, desiring a conference; which stratagem the savages had made use of before, to obtain intelligence of our numbers and in­tentions. Three of the party consented, tho' with apparent reluctance, to come over to the Fort; and as they could give no satisfactory reason for their visit, they were detained as spies, and their associates fled back to their towns.

ON the 20th of Sept. Col. Bouquet sent one of the above three Indians after them with a message, in substance as follows—‘I have received an account from Col. Bradstreet that your nations had begg'd for peace, which he had consented to grant, upon assurance that you had recalled all your warriors from our frontiers; and in consequence thereof, I would not have proceed­ed against your towns, if I had not heard that, in open violation of your en­gagements, you have since murdered several of our people.’

‘AS soon as the rest of the army joins me, which I expect immediately, I was therefore determined to have attacked you, as a people whose promises can no more be relied on. But I will put it once more in your power to save your­selves and your families from total destruction, by giving us satisfaction for the hostilities committed against us. And first you are to leave the path [Page 6] open for my expresses from hence to Detroit; and as I am now to send two men with dispatches to Col. Bradstreet who commands on the lakes, I desire to know whether you will send two of your people with them to bring them safe back with an answer? and if they receive any injury either in going or coming, or if the letters are taken from them, I will immediately put the Indians now in my power to death, and will shew no mercy for the future to any of your nations that shall fall into my hands. I allow you ten days to have my letters delivered at Detroit, and ten days to bring me back an answer.’

HE added ‘that he had lately had it in his power, while they remained on the other side of the river, to have put their whole party to death, which punishment they had deserved by their former treachery; and that if they did not improve the clemency now offered to them, by returning back as soon as possible with all their prisoners, they might expect to feel the full weight of a just vengeance and resentment.’

WE have been the more particular in our account of this first transaction with the Indians; because the Colonel's firm and determined conduct in open­ing the campaign, had happy effects in the prosecution of it, and shews by what methods these faithless savages are to be best reduced to reason.

ON the 1st of October, two of the Six Nation tribes, an Onondago and Oneida Indian, came to Fort Pitt, and under colour of our ancient friendship with them, and their pretended regard to the English, endeavoured to dis­suade the Colonel from proceeding with the army. They told him that his force was not sufficient to withstand the power of the numerous nations through whose countries he was to pass, and assured him that if he would wait a little, they would all come and make peace with him; at the same time recommending it particularly to him to send back the two Indians detained as spies. These little arts being clearly made use of to spin out the season till the approach of winter should render it impossible to proceed, they made but little impression. He told them that he could not depend on the pro­mises [Page 7] of the Delawares and Shawanese; and was determined to proceed to Tuscarowas, where, if they had any thing to say, he would hear them.

IN the mean time, he was using the utmost diligence to prepare for his march, and was obliged to enforce the severest discipline. One woman be­longing to each corps, and two nurses for the general hospital, were all that were permitted to follow the army. The other women in the camp, and those unnecessary in the garrison, were ordered immediately down the country into the settlements. Two soldiers were shot for desertion; an example which became absolutely necessary to suppress a crime which, in such an expedition, would have been attended with fatal consequences, by weakening an army already too small.

COL. BOUQUET, having at length, with great difficulty, collected his troops, formed his magazines, and provided for the safety of the posts he was to leave behind him, was ready on the 2d of October to proceed from Fort Pitt, with about 1500 men, including drivers and other necessary followers of the army.

AS a just idea of the conduct of this expedition, and the great caution tak­en to prevent surprize, will be best obtained from the ORDER OF MARCH, we shall here insert it, with a Copper Plate for the illustration of it, and an ac­curate Draught, taken from actual surveys, of the road and adjacent country, through which the army passed.

THE Colonel, expressing the greatest confidence in the bravery of the troops, told them, ‘he did not doubt but this war would soon be ended, under God, to their own honor, and the future safety of their country, provided the men were strictly obedient to orders, and guarded against the surprizes and sudden attacks of a treacherous enemy, who never dared to face British troops in an open field; that the distance of the enemy's towns, and the clearing roads to them, must necessarily require a considerable time; that the troops in those deserts, had no other supplies to expect but the ammu­nition [Page 8] and provisions they carried with them; and that therefore the utmost care and frugality would be necessary in the use of them.’ He published the severest penalties against those who should be found guilty of stealing or embezzling any part of them, and ordered his March in the following manner.—

A corps of Virginia * volunteers advanced before the whole; detaching three scouting parties. One of them, furnished with a guide, marched in the center path, which the army was to follow. The other two extended them­selves in a line a-breast, on the right and left of the aforesaid party, to reco­noitre the woods.

UNDER cover of this corps, the ax-men, consisting of all the artificers, and two companies of light infantry, followed in three divisions, under the di­rection of the chief engineer, to clear three different paths, in which the the troops and the convoy followed, viz.—

THE front-face of the square, composed of part of the 42d. regiment, marched in a column, two deep, in the center path.

THE right face of the square, composed of the remainder of the 42d. and of the 60th regiment, marched in a single file in the right hand path.

THE first battalion of Pennsylvanians composed the left face, marching in like manner in the path to the left of the center.

THE corps de reserve, composed of two platoons of grenadiers, followed the right and left faces of the square.

THE 2d battalion of Pennsylvanians formed the rear face of the square, and followed the corps de reserve, each in a single file, on the right and left [Page 9] hand paths; all these troops covering the convoy, which moved in the center path.

A party of light horse-men marched behind the rear-face of the square, followed by another corps of Virginia volunteers, forming the rear-guard.

THE Pennsylvania volunteers, dividing themselves equally, and marching in a single file, at a proper distance, flanked the right and left faces of the square.

THIS was the general order of March. Nor was less attention paid to particular matters of a subordinate nature. The ammunition and tools were placed in the rear of the first column, or front face of the square, followed by the officer's baggage, and tents. The oxen and sheep came after the bag­gage, in separate droves, properly guarded. The provisions came next to the baggage, in four divisions, or brigades of pack-horses, each conducted by a horse master.

THE troops were ordered to observe the most profound silence, and the men to march at two yards distance from one another. When the line or any part of it halted, the whole were to face outwards; and if attacked on their march, they were to halt immediately, ready to form the square when ordered. The light horse were then to march into the square, with the cat­tle, provisions, ammunition and baggage. Proper dispositions were likewise made in case of an attack in the night; and for encampments, guards, communications between the centries, signals, and the like.

THINGS being thus settled, the army decamped from Fort-Pitt on Wed­nesday October 3d, and marched about one mile and an half over a rich level country, with stately timber, to camp No. 2. a strong piece of ground, pleasantly situated, with plenty of water and food for cattle.

THURSDAY October 4th, having proceeded about two miles, they came to the Ohio, at the beginning of the narrows, and from thence followed the course [Page 10] of the river along a flat gravelly beech, about six miles and a quarter; with two islands on their left, the lowermost about six miles long, with a rising ground running across, and gently sloping on both sides to its banks, which are high and upright. At the lower end of this island, the army left the river, marching thro' good land, broken with small hollows to camp No. 3; this day's march being nine miles and a quarter.—

FRIDAY October 5th. In this day's march, the army pass'd thro' Loggs-town, situated seventeen miles and an half, fifty seven perches, by the path, from Fort-Pitt. This place was noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there by the English and French; but its inhabitants, the Shawa­nese and Delawares, abandoned it in the year 1750. The lower town extended about sixty perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low steep ridge, on the summit of which, near the declivity, stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower, and quite across the Ohio, which is a­bout five hundred yards wide here, and by its majestic easy current adds much to the beauty of the place. Proceeding beyond Loggs-town, thro' a fine country, interspersed with hills and rich valleys, watered by many rivu­lets, and covered with stately timber, they came to camp No. 4; on a level piece of ground, with a thicket in the rear, a small precipice round the front, with a run of water at the foot, and good food for cattle. This day's march was nine miles, one half, and fifty three perches.

SATURDAY October 6th, at about three miles distance from this camp, they came again to the Ohio, pursuing its course half a mile farther, and then turn­ing off, over a steep ridge, they cross'd big Beaver-creek, which is twen­ty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty deep. It runs thro' a rich vale, with a pretty strong current, its banks high, the upland adjoining it very good, the timber tall and young.—About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio, stood formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawanese, Delaware and Mingo tribes, who abandoned it in the year 1758, when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne. Near the fording of Beaver-creek also stood about seven [Page 11] houses, which were deserted and destroyed by the Indians, after their defeat at Bushy-run, when they forsook all their remaining settlements in this part of the country, as has been mentioned above.

ABOUT two miles before the army came to Beaver-creek, one of our people who had been made prisoner by six Delawares about a week before, near Fort Bedford, having made his escape from them, came and informed the Colonel that these Indians had the day before fallen in with the army, but kept them­selves concealed, being surprized at our numbers. Two miles beyond Beaver-creek, by two small springs, was seen the scull of a child, that had been fixed on a pole by the Indians. The Tracts of 15 Indians were this day discovered. The camp No. 5 is seven miles one quarter and fifty seven perches from big Beaver-creek; the whole march of this day being about twelve miles.

SUNDAY 7th October, passing a high ridge, they had a fine prospect of an extensive country to the right, which in general appeared level, with a­bundance of tall timber. The camp No. 6 lies at the foot of a steep descent, in a rich valley, on a strong ground, three sides thereof surrounded by a hollow, and on the fourth side a small hill, which was occupied by a detached guard. This day's march was six miles sixty five perches.

MONDAY 8th October, the army cross'd little Beaver-creek, and one of its branches. This creek is eight perches wide, with a good ford, the coun­try about it interspersed with hills, rivulets and rich valleys, like that describ­ed above. Camp No. 7 lies by a small run on the side of a hill, commanding the ground about it, and is distant eleven miles one quarter and forty nine per­ches from the last encampment.

TUESDAY October 9th. In this day's march, the path divided into two branches, that to the southwest leading to the lower towns upon the Musking­ham. In the forks of the path stand several trees painted by the Indians, in a hieroglyphic manner, denoting the number of wars in which they have been en­gag'd, and the particulars of their success in prisoners and scalps. The camp [Page 12] No. 8. lies on a run, and level piece of ground, with Yellow-creek close on the left, and a rising ground near the rear of the right face. The path after the army left the forks was so brushy and entangled, that they were obliged to cut all the way before them, and also to lay several bridges, in order to make it passable for the horses; so that this day they proceeded only five miles, three quarters and seventy perches.

WEDNESDAY 10th. Marched one mile with Yellow-creek on the left at a small distance all the way, and crossed it at a good ford fifty feet wide; pro­ceeding thro' an alternate succession of small hills and rich vales, finely wa­tered with rivulets, to camp No. 9. seven miles and sixty perches in the whole.

THURSDAY 11th. Cross'd a branch of Muskingham river about fifty feet wide, the country much the same as that described above, discovering a good deal of free stone. The camp No. 10. had this branch of the river parallel to its left face, and lies ten miles one quarter and forty perches from the for­mer encampment.

FRIDAY 12th. Keeping the aforesaid creek on their left, they marched thro' much fine land, watered with small rivers and springs; proceeding likewise thro' several savannah's or cleared spots, which are by nature extremely beau­tiful; the second which they passed being, in particular, one continued plain of near two miles, with a fine rising ground forming a semicircle round the right hand side, and a pleasant stream of water at about a quarter of a mile dis­tant on the left. The camp No. 11. has the abovementioned branch of Mus­kingham on the left, and is distant ten miles and three quarters from the last encampment.

SATURDAY 13th. Cross'd Nemenshehelas-creek, about fifty feet wide, a little above where it empties itself into the aforesaid branch of Muskingham, having in their way a pleasant prospect over a large plain, for near two miles on the left. A little further, they came to another small river which they [Page 13] cross'd about fifty perches above where it empties into the said branch of Muskingham. Here a high ridge on the right, and the creek close on the left, form a narrow defile about seventy perches long. Passing afterwards over a very rich bottom, they came to the main branch of Muskingham, about seventy yards wide, with a good ford. A little below and above the forks of this river is Tuscarowas, a place exceedingly beautiful by situation, the [...] rich on both sides of the river; the country on the northwest side being [...] entire level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference. From the ruined houses appearing here, the Indians who inhabited the place and are now with the Delawares, are supposed to have had about one hundred and and fifty warriors. This camp No. 12. is distant eight miles nineteen per­ches from the former.

SUNDAY 14th. The army remained in camp; and two men who had been dispatched by Col. Bouquet from Fort-Pitt, with letters for Col. Bradstreet, returned and reported—"That, within a few miles of this place, they had been made prisoners by the Delawares, and carried to one of their towns sixteen miles from hence, where they were kept, till the savages, knowing of the arrival of the army here, set them at liberty, ordering them to acquaint the Colonel that the head men of the Delawares and Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat of peace with him."

MONDAY 15th. The army moved two miles forty perches further down the Muskingham to camp No. 13, situated on a very high bank, with the river at the foot of it, which is upwards of 100 yards wide at this place, with a fine level country at some distance from its banks, producing stately timber, free from underwood, and plenty of food for cattle.

THE day following, six Indians came to inform the Colonel that all their chiefs were assembled about eight miles from the camp, and were ready to treat with him of peace, which they were earnestly desirous of obtaining. He returned for answer that he would meet them the next day in a bower at some [Page 14] distance from the camp. In the mean time, he ordered a small stockaded sort to be built to deposit provisions for the use of the troops on their return; and to lighten the convoy.

AS several large bodies of Indians were now within a few miles of the camp, whose former instances of treachery, altho' they now declared they came for peace, made it prudent to trust nothing to their intentions, the strictest orders were repeated to prevent a surprise.

WEDNESDAY 17th. The Colonel, with most of the regular troops, Virginia volunteers and light horse, marched from the camp to the bower erected for the congress. And soon after the troops were stationed, so as to appear to the best advantage, the Indians arrived, and were conducted to the bower. Be­ing seated, they began, in a short time, to smoak their pipe or calumet; a­agreable to their custom. This ceremony being over, their speakers laid down their pipes, and opened their pouches, wherein were their strings and belts of wampum. The Indians present were,

  • SENECAS. Kiyashuta, chief with 15 warriors.
  • DELAWARES. Custaloga, chief of the Wolfe-tribe, Beaver, chief of the Turky-tribe, with 20 warriors.
  • SHAWANESE. Keissinautchtha, a chief, and 6 warriors.

Kiyashuta, Turtle-Heart, Custaloga and Beaver, were the speakers.

The general substance of what they had to offer, consisted in excuses for their late treachery and misconduct, throwing the blame on the rashness of their young men and the nations living to the westward of them, suing for peace in the most abject manner, and promising severally to deliver up all their prisoners. After they had concluded, the Colonel promised to give them an answer the next day, and then dismissed them, the army returning to the camp—The badness of the weather, however, prevented his meeting them again till the 20th, when he spoke to them in substance as follows, viz.

‘THAT their pretences to palliate their guilt by throwing the blame on the western nations, and the rashness of their young men, were weak and fri­volous, [Page 15] as it was in our power to have protected them against all these nati­ons, if they had sollicited our assistance, and that it was their own duty to have chastised their young men when they did wrong, and not to suffer themselves to be directed by them.’

HE recapitulated to them many instances of their former perfidy— ‘their killing or captivating the traders who had been sent among them at their own request, and plundering their effects;—their attacking Fort Pitt, which had been built with their express consent; their murdering four men that had been sent on a public message to them, thereby violat­ing the customs held sacred among all nations, however barbarous; —their attacking the king's troops last year in the woods, and after being defeated in that attempt, falling upon our frontiers, where they had continued to murder our people to this day. &c.’

HE told them how treacherously they had violated even their late engage­ments with Col. Bradstreet, to whom they had promised to deliver up their pri­soners by the 10th of September last, and to recall all their warriors from the frontiers, which they had been so far from complying with, that the prisoners still remained in their custody, and some of their people were even now continu­ing their depredations; adding that these things which, he had mentioned, were only ‘a small part of their numberless murders and breaches of faith; and that their conduct had always been equally perfidious.—You have, said he, pro­mised at every former treaty, as you do now, that you would deliver up all your prisoners, and have received every time, on that account, considera­ble presents, but have never complied with that or any other engagement. I am now to tell you, therefore, that we will be no longer imposed upon by your promises. This army shall not leave your country till you have fully complied with every condition that is to precede my treaty with you.’

I have brought with me the relations of the people you have massacred, or taken prisoners. They are impatient for revenge; and it is with great difficulty that I can protect you against their just resentment, which is [Page 16] only restrained by the assurances given them, that no peace shall ever be concluded till you have given us full satisfaction.—

YOUR former allies, the Ottawas, Chipwas, Wyandots, and others, have made their peace with us. The Six Nations have joined us against you. We now surround you, having possession of all the waters of the Ohio, the Mississippi, the Miamis, and the lakes. All the French living in those parts are now subjects to the king of Great-Britain, and dare no longer assist you. It is therefore in our power totally to extirpate you from being a people—But the English are a merciful and generous nation, averse to shed the blood, even of their most cruel enemies; and if it was possible that you could convince us, that you sincerely repent of your past perfidy, and that we could depend on your good behaviour for the future, you might yet hope for mercy and peace—If I find that you faithfully execute the follow­ing preliminary conditions, I will not treat you with the severity you deserve.

I GIVE you twelve days from this date to deliver into my hands at Waka­tamake all the prisoners in your possession, without any exception; En­glishmen, Frenchmen, women and children; whether adopted in your tribes, married, or living amongst you under any denomination and pre­tence whatsoever; together with all negroes. And you are to furnish the said prisoners with cloathing, provisions, and horses, to carry them to Fort Pitt.

WHEN you have fully complied with these conditions, you shall then know on what terms you may obtain the peace you sue for.—

THIS speech made an impression on the minds of the savages, which, it is hoped, will not soon be eradicated. The firm and determined spirit with which the Colonel delivered himself, their consciousness of the aggravated injuries they had done us, and the view of the same commander and army that had so [Page 17] severely chastised them at Bushy-Run the preceeding year, now advanced into the very heart of their remote settlements, after penetrating thro' wilder­nesses which they had deemed impassible by regular troops—all these things contributed to bend the haughty temper of the savages to the lowest degree of abasement; so that even their speeches seem to exhibit but few specimens of that strong and ferocious eloquence, which their inflexible spirit of indepen­dency has on former occasions inspired. And tho' it is not to be doubted, if an opportunity had offered, but they would have fallen upon our army with their usual fierceness, yet when they saw the vigilance and spirit of our troops were such, that they could neither be attacked nor surprized with any pros­pect of success, their spirits seemed to revolt from the one extreme of insolent boldness, to the other of abject timidity. And happy will it be for them and for us, if the instances of our humanity and mercy, which they experienced in that critical situation, shall make as lasting impressions on their savage dis­positions, as it is believed the instances of our bravery and power have done; so that they may come to unite, with their fear of the latter, a love of the former; and have their minds gradually opened, by such examples, to the mild dictates of peace and civility.

The reader, it is to be hoped, will readily excuse this digression if it should be thought one. I now resume our narrative. The two Delaware chiefs, at the close of their speech on the 17th, delivered 18 white prisoners, and 83 small sticks, expressing the number of other prisoners which they had in their possession, and promised to bring in as soon as possible. None of the Shawanese kings appeared at the congress, and Keissinautchtha their deputy de­clined speaking until the Colonel had answered the Delawares, and then with a dejected fullenness he promised, in behalf of his nation, that they would sub­mit to the terms prescribed to the other tribes.

The Colonel, however, determined to march farther into their country, knowing that the presence of his army would be the best security for the per­formance of their promises; and required some of each nation to attend him in his march.

[Page 18]KIYASHUTA addressed the several nations, before their departure, ‘desir­ing them to be strong in complying with their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach of their former breach of faith, and convince their brothers the English that they could speak the truth; adding that he would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving the prisoners.’

MONDAY October 22d. The army attended by the Indian deputies, march­ed nine miles to camp No. 14. crossing Margaret's creek about fifty feet wide— The day following, they proceeded sixteen miles one quarter and se­venty seven perches farther to camp No. 15. and halted there one day.

THURSDAY 25. They marched six miles, one half and sixteen perches to camp No. 16, situated within a mile of the Forks of Muskingham; and this place was fixed upon instead of Wakautamike, as the most central and convenient place to receive the prisoners; for the principal Indian towns now lay round them, distant from seven to twenty miles; excepting only the lower Shawanese town situated on Scioto river, which was about eighty miles; so that from this place the army had it in their power to awe all the enemy's settlements and destroy their towns, if they should not punc­tually fulfil the engagements they had entered into.—Four redoubts were built here opposite to the four angles of the camp; the ground in the front was cleared, a store-house for the provisions erected, and likewise a house to receive, and treat of peace with, the Indians, when they should return.

ON Saturday 27th. A messenger arrived from king Custaloga, informing that he was on his way with his prisoners, and also a messenger from the lower Shawanese towns of the like import. The Colonel however, having reason to suspect the latter nation of backwardness, sent one of their own people, desiring them—‘to be punctual as to the time fixed; to provide a sufficient quanti­ty of provisions to subsist the prisoners; to bring the letters wrote to him last winter by the French commandant at Fort Chartres, which some of their [Page 19] people had stopp'd ever since;’ adding that, ‘as their nation had ex­pressed some uneasiness at our not shaking hands with them, they were to know that the English never took their enemies by the hand, before peace was finally concluded.’

THE day following, the Shawanese messenger returned, saying that when he had proceeded as far as Wakautamike, the chief of that town undertook to proceed with the message himself, and desired the other to return and acquaint the English that all his prisoners were ready, and he was going to the lower towns to hasten theirs.

OCTOBER 28th. Peter the Caughnawaga chief, and 20 Indians of that nation arrived from Sanduski, with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, in answer to one which Colonel Bouquet had sent to him from Fort-Pitt, by two of the Indians who first spoke to him in favour of the Shawanese, as hath been already men­tioned. The substance of Colonel Bradstreet's letter was "that he had settled nothing with the Shawanese and Delawares, nor received any prisoners from them.—That he had acquainted all the Indian nations, as far as the Ilinois, the bay &c. with the instructions he had received from General Gage, re­specting the peace he had lately made; that he had been in Sanduski-lake and up the river, as far as navigable for Indian canoes, for near a month; but that he found it impossible to stay longer in these parts; absolute neces­sity obliging him to turn off the other way, &c.

COL. BRADSTREET, without doubt, did all which circumstances would per­mit, in his department; but his not being able to remain at Sanduski agree­able to the original plan, till matters were finally settled with the Ohio Indians, would have been an unfavourable incident, if Colonel Bouquet had not now had the chiefs of sundry tribes with him, and was so far advanced into the In­dian country, that they thought it adviseable to submit to the conditions im­posed upon them.

[Page 20]THE Caughnawagas reported that the Indians on the lakes had delivered but few of their prisoners; that the Ottawas had killed a great part of theirs, and the other nations had either done the same, or else kept them.

FROM this time to November 9th, was chiefly spent in sending and receiving messages to and from the Indian towns, relative to the prisoners, who were now coming into the camp one day after another in small parties, as the different nations arrived in whose possession they had been. The Colonel kept so stedfast­ly to this article of having every prisoner delivered, that when the Delaware kings, Beaver and Custaloga, had brought in all their's except twelve which they promised to bring in a few days, he refused to shake-hands or have the last talk with them, while a single captive remained among them.

BY the 9th of November, most of the prisoners were arrived that could be ex­pected this season, amounting to 206 in the whole; besides about 100 more in possession of the Shawanese, which they promised to deliver the following spring. Mr. Smallman, formerly a Major in the Pennsylvania troops, who had been taken last summer near Detroit by the Wyandots, and delivered to the Shawanese, was among the number of those whom they now brought in, and informed the Colonel that the reason of their not bringing the remainder of their prisoners, was that many of their principal men, to whom they belonged, were gone to trade with the French, and would not return for six weeks; but that every one of their nation who were at home, had either brought or sent theirs. He further said that, on the army's first coming into the country, it had been reported among the Shawanese that our intention was to destroy them all, on which they had resolved to kill their prisoners and fight us; that a French trader who was with them, and had many barrels of powder and ball, made them a present of the whole, as soon as they had come to this resolution; but that, happily for the poor captives, just as the Shawanese were preparing to execute this tragedy, they received the Colonel's message, informing them [Page 21] that his intentions were only to receive the prisoners and to make peace with them on the same terms he should give to the Delawares.

ON this intelligence they suspended their cruel purpose, and began to collect as many of the prisoners as they had power to deliver; but hearing immediately afterwards that one of our soldiers had been killed near the camp at Musking­ham, and that some of their nation were suspected as guilty of the murder, they again imagined they would fall under our resentment, and therefore determined once more to stand out against us. For which purpose, after having brought their prisoners as far as Wakautamike, where they heard this news, they collected them all into a field, and were going to kill them, when a second express providentially arrived from Col. Bouquet, who assured them that their nation was not even supected of having any concern in the aforesaid murder; upon which they proceeded to the camp to deliver up the captives, who had thus twice so narrowly escaped becoming the victims of their barbarity.

ON Friday, November 9th, the Colonel, attended by most of the principal officers, went to the conference-house. The Senecas and Delawares were first treated with. Kiyashuta and 10 warriors represented the former. Custaloga and 20 warriors the latter.

KIYASHUTA spoke—‘With this string of wampum, we wipe the tears from your eyes—we deliver you these 3 prisoners, which are the last of your flesh and blood that remained among the Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares we gather together and bury with this belt all the bones of the people that have been killed during this unhappy war, which the Evil Spirit occasioned among us. We cover the bones that have been buried, that they may be never more remembered—We again cover their place with leaves that it may be no more seen.—As we have been long astray, and the path between you and us stopped, we extend this belt that it may be again cleared, and we may travel in peace to see our brethren as our ancestors formerly did. [Page 22] While you hold it fast by one end, and we by the other, we shall always be able to discover any thing that may disturb our friendship.’

THE Colonel answered that ‘he had heard them with pleasure; that he re­ceived these 3 last prisoners they had to deliver, and joined in burying the bones of those who had fallen in the war, so that their place might be no more known. The peace you ask for, you shall now have. The king, my master and your father, has appointed me only to make war; but he has other ser­vants who are employed in the work of peace. Sir William Johnson is em­powered for that purpose. To him you are to apply; but before I give you leave to go, two things are to be settled.’

1. As peace cannot be finally concluded here, you will deliver me two hos­tages for the Senecas, and two for Custaloga's tribe, to remain in our hands at Fort Pitt, as a security, that you shall commit no further hostilities or vio­lence against any of his majesty's subjects; and when the peace is concluded these hostages shall be delivered safe back to you.

2. The deputies you are to send to Sir William Johnson, must be fully empowered to treat for your tribes, and you shall engage to abide by what­ever they stipulate. In that treaty, every thing concerning trade and other matters will be settled by Sir William, to render the peace everlasting; and the deputies you are to send to him, as well as the hostages to be delivered to me, are to be named and presented to me for my approbation.—

THE Colonel, after promising to deliver back two of their people, Capt. Pipe, and Capt. John, whom he had detained at Port-Pitt, took the chiefs by the hand for the first time, which gave them great joy.

THE next conference was on November 10th, with the Turkey and Turtle tribes of Delawares, King Beaver their chief and 30 warriors representing the former; and Kelappama brother to their * chief with 25 warriors the latter. [Page 23] The Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares were also present. Their speech and the answer given, were much the same as above; excepting that the Colonel insisted on their delivering up an Englishman, who had murdered one of our people on the frontiers and brought the scalp to them; and that they should appoint the same number of deputies and deliver the same number of hostages, for each of their tribes, as had been stipulated for Custaloga's tribe.

NOVEMBER 11. King Beaver presented six hostages to remain with Col. Bouquet, and five deputies to treat with Sir William Johnson, who were ap­proved of. This day he acquainted the chiefs present that as he had great reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of Nettowhatways, the chief of the Turtle tribe who had not appeared, he therefore deposed him; and that tribe were to chuse and present another for his approbation. This they did a few days afterwards—Smile not reader at this transaction; for tho' it may not be attended with so many splendid and flattering circumstances to a commander, as the deposing an East Indian Nabob or chief; yet to penetrate into the wil­dernesses where those stern West Indian Chieftains hold their sway, and to frown them from their throne, tho' but composed of the unhewn log, will be found to require both resolution and firmness; and their submitting to it clearly shews to what degree of humiliation they were reduced.

BUT to proceed. The Shawanese still remained to be treated with, and tho' this nation law themselves under the necessity of yielding to the same condi­tions with the other tribes, yet there had appeared a dilatoriness and sullen haughtiness in all their conduct, which rendered it very suspicious.

THE 12th of November was appointed for the conference with them; which was managed on their part by Keissinautchtha and Nimwha their chiefs, with the Red Hawke, Lavissimo, Bensivasica, Eweecunwee, Keigleighque, and 40 warriors; the Caughnawaga, Seneca and Delaware chiefs, with a­bout 60 warriors, being also present.

THE Red Hawke was their speaker, and as he delivered himself with a [Page 24] strange mixture of fierce pride, and humble submission, I shall add a passage or two from his speech.


‘You will listen to us your younger brothers; and as we discover some­thing in your eyes that looks dissatisfaction with us, we now wipe away every thing bad between us that you may clearly see—You have heard many bad stories of us—We clean your ears that you may hear—We re­move every thing bad from your heart, that it may be like the heart of your ancestors, when they thought of nothing but good.’ [Here he gave a string.]

‘BROTHER; when we saw you coming this road, you advanced towards us with a Tomahawk in your hand; but we your younger brothers take it out of your hands and throw it up to God * to dispose of as he pleases; by which means we hope never to see it more. And now brother, we beg leave that you who are a warrior, will take hold of this chain (giving a string) of friendship, and receive it from us, who are also warriors, and let us think no more of war, in pity to our old men, women and children’—Intimating, by this last expression, that it was mere compassion to them, and not inability to fight, that made their nation desire peace.

HE then produced a treaty held with the government of Pennsylvania 1701, and three messages or letters from that government of different dates; and concluded thus.—

‘Now Brother, I beg WE who are warriors may forget our disputes, and renew the friendship which appears by these papers to have subsisted be­tween our fathers.’—He promised, in behalf of the rest of their nation, who were gone to a great distance to hunt, and could not have notice to attend the treaty, that they should certainly come to Fort-Pitt in the spring, and bring the remainder of the prisoners with them.

[Page 25]AS the season was far advanced, and the Colonel could not stay long in these remote parts, he was obliged to rest satisfied with the prisoners the Sha­wanese had brought; taking hostages, and laying them under the strongest obligations, for the delivery of the rest; knowing that no other effectual method could at present be pursued.

HE expostulated with them on account of their past conduct, and told them—‘that the speech they had delivered would have been agreeable to him, if their actions had corresponded with their words. You have spoken, said he, much of peace, but have neglected to comply with the only con­dition, upon which you can obtain it. Keissinautchtha, one of your chiefs, met me a month ago at Tuscarawas, and accepted the same terms of peace for your nation, that were prescribed to the Senecas and Delawares; pro­mising in ten days from that time to meet me here with all your prisoners— After waiting for you till now, you are come at last, only with a part of them, and propose putting off the delivery of the rest till the spring—What right have you to expect different terms from those granted to the Delawares &c. who have given me entire satisfaction by their ready submission to every thing required of them?—But I will cut this matter short with you; and before I explain myself further, I insist on your immediate answer to the following questions.—’

1st. ‘Will you forthwith collect and deliver up all the prisoners yet in your possession, and the French living among you, with all the Negroes you have taken from us in this or any other war; and that without any ex­ception or evasion whatsoever?’

2d. ‘Will you deliver six hostages into my hands as a security for your punctual performance of the above article, and that your nations shall com­mit no farther hostilities against the persons or property of his majesty's subjects?’

BENEVISSICO replyed that ‘they agreed to give the hostages required, and said that he himself would immediately return to their lower towns and col­lect [Page 26] all our flesh and blood that remained among them, and that we should see them at Fort-Pitt * as soon as possible.—That, as to the French, they had no power over them. They were subjects to the king of England. We might do with them what we pleased; tho' he believed they were all re­turned before this time to their own country—’

THEY then delivered their hostages, and the Colonel told them ‘that tho' he had brought a Tomahawk in his hand, yet as they had now submit­ted, he would not let it fall on their heads, but let it drop to the ground, no more to be seen. He exhorted them to exercise kindness to the captives, and look upon them now as brothers and no longer prisoners; adding that he intended to send some of their relations along with the Indians, to see their friends collected and brought to Fort-Pitt. He promised to give them letters to Sir William Johnson, to facilitate a final peace, and desired them to be strong in performing every thing stipulated.’

THE Caughnawagas, the Delawares and Senecas, severally addressed the Sha­wanese, as grand children and nephews, ‘to perform their promises, and to be strong in doing good, that this peace might be everlasting.—’

AND here I am to enter on a scene, reserved on purpose for this place, that the thread of the foregoing narrative might not be interrupted—a scene, which language indeed can but weakly describe; and to which the Poet or Painter might have repaired to enrich their highest colorings of the variety of human passions; the Philosopher to find ample subject for his most serious reflections; and the Man to exercise all the tender and sympathetic feelings of the soul.

THE scene, I mean, was the arrival of the prisoners in the camp; where were to be seen fathers and mothers recognizing and clasping their once-lost babes; husbands hanging round the necks of their newly-recovered wives; sisters and brothers unexpectedly meeting together after long separation, scarce able to speak the same language, or, for some time, to be sure that they were children of the same parents! In all these interviews, joy and rapture inexpressible were [Page 27] seen, while feelings of a very different nature were painted in the looks of others;—flying from place to place in eager enquiries after relatives not found! trembling to receive an answer to their questions! distracted with doubts, hopes and fears, on obtaining no account of those they sought for! or stiffened into living monuments of horror and woe, on learning their unhappy fate!

THE Indians too, as if wholly forgetting their usual savageness, bore a capi­tal part in heightning this most affecting scene. They delivered up their be­loved captives with the utmost reluctance; shed torrents of tears over them, recommending them to the care and protection of the commanding officer. Their regard to them continued all the time they remained in camp. They visited them from day to day; and brought them what corn, skins, horses and other matters, they had bestowed on them, while in their families; accom­panied with other presents, and all the marks of the most sincere and tender affection. Nay, they did not stop here, but, when the army marched, some of the Indians sollicited and obtained leave to accompany their former captives all the way to Fort-Pitt, and employed themselves in hunting and bringing provisions for them on the road. A young Mingo carri­ed this still further, and gave an instance of love which would make a figure even in romance. A young woman of Virginia was among the captives, to whom he had form'd so strong an attachment, as to call her his wife. Against all remonstrances of the imminent danger to which he exposed himself by approaching to the frontiers, he persisted in following her, at the risk of being killed by the surviving relations of many unfortunate persons, who had been captivated or scalped by those of his nation.

THOSE qualities in savages challenge our just esteem. They should make us charitably consider their barbarities as the effects of wrong education, and false notions of bravery and heroism; while we should look on their virtues as sure marks that nature has made them fit subjects of cultivation as well as us; and that we are called by our superior advantages to yield them all the helps we can in this way. Cruel and unmerciful as they are, by habit and long ex­ample, in war, yet whenever they come to give way to the native dictates of humanity, they exercise virtues which Christians need not blush to imitate. [Page 28] When they once determine to give life, they give every thing with it, which, in their apprehension, belongs to it. From every enquiry that has been made, it appears—that no woman thus saved is preserved from base motives, or need fear the violation of her honor. No child is otherwise treated by the persons adopting it than the children of their own body. The perpetual slavery of those captivated in war, is a notion which even their barbarity has not yet suggested to them. Every captive whom their affection, their caprice, or whatever else, leads them to be, is soon incorporated with them, and fares alike with them­selves.

THESE instances of Indian tenderness and humanity were thought worthy of particular notice. The like instances among our own people will not seem strange; and therefore I shall only mention one, out of a multitude that might be given on this occasion.

AMONG the captives, a woman was brought into the camp at Muskingham, with a babe about three months old at her breast. One of the Virginia-volun­teers soon knew her to be his wife, who had been taken by the Indians about six months before. She was immediately delivered to her overjoyed husband. He flew with her to his tent, and cloathed her and his child in proper apparel. But their joy, after the first transports, was soon damped by the reflection that another dear child of about two years old, captivated with the mother, and separated from her, was still missing, although many children had been brought in.

A FEW days afterwards, a number of other prisoners were brought to the camp, among whom were several more children, The woman was sent for, and one, supposed to be hers, was produced to her At first sight she was uncertain, but viewing the child with great earnestness, she soon recollected its features; and was so overcome with joy, that literally forgetting her suck­ing child she dropt it from her arms, and catching up the new found child in an extasy, pressed it to her breast, and bursting into tears carried it off, unable to speak for joy. The father seizing up the babe she had let fall, fol­lowed her in no less transport and affection.

[Page 29]AMONG the children who had been carried off young, and had long lived with the Indians, it is not to be expected that any marks of joy would appear on being restored to their parents or relatives. Having been accustomed to look upon the Indians as the only connexions they had, having been tenderly treated by them, and speaking their language, it is no wonder that they con­sidered their new state in the light of a captivity, and parted from the savages with tears.

BUT it must not be denied that there were even some grown persons who shewed an unwillingness to return. The Shawanese were obliged to bind se­veral of their prisoners and force them along to the camp; and some women, who had been delivered up, afterwards found means to escape and run back to the Indian towns. Some, who could not make their escape, clung to their sa­vage acquaintance at parting, and continued many days in bitter lamenta­tions, even refusing sustenance.

FOR the honor of humanity, we would suppose those persons to have been of the lowest rank, either bred up in ignorance and distressing penury, or who had lived so long with the Indians as to forget all their former connex­ions. For, easy and unconstrained as the savage life is, certainly it could never be put in competiton with the blessings of improved life and the light of reli­gion, by any persons who have had the happiness of enjoying, and the capacity of discerning, them.

EVERY thing being now settled with the Indians, the army decamped on Sunday 18th November, and marched for Fort-Pitt, where it arrived on the 28th. The regular troops were immediately sent to garrison the different posts on the communication, and the provincial troops, with the captives, to their several provinces. Here ended this expedition, in which it is remarkable that, notwithstanding the many difficulties attending it, the troops were never in want of any necessaries; continuing perfectly healthy during the whole cam­paign; in which no life was lost, except the man mentioned to have been kill­ed at Muskingham.

[Page 30]IN the beginning of January 1765, Colonel Bouquet arrived at Philadelphia, receiving, wherever he came, every possible mark of gratitude and esteem from the people in general; and particularly from the overjoyed relations of the captives, whom he had so happily, and without bloodshed, restored to their country and friends. Nor was the legislative part of the provinces less sensible of his important services. The assembly of Pennsylvania, at their first sitting, unanimously voted him the following address.

In ASSEMBLY, January 15, 1765, A. M. To the HONORABLE HENRY BOUQUET, Esq Commander in Chief of His MAJESTY's Forces in the Southern Department of AMERICA, The ADDRESS of the REPRESENTATIVES of the FREEMEN of the province of Pennsylvania, in GENERAL ASSEMBLY met.


THE representatives of the freemen of the province of Pennsylva­nia, in general assembly met, being informed that you intend shortly to embark for England, and moved with a due sense of the im­portant services you have rendered to his majesty, his northern colonies in general, and to this province in particular, during our late wars with the French and barbarous Indians, in the remarkable victory over the savage enemy, united to oppose you, near Bushy-Run, in August 1763, when on your March for the relief of Pittsburg, owing, under God, to your intrepidy and superior skill in command, together with the bravery of your officers and little army; as also in your late march to the country of the savage nati­ons, with the troops under your direction; thereby striking terror through the numerous Indian tribes around you; laying a foundation for a lasting as well as honorable peace with them; and rescuing, from savage captivity, upwards of two hundred of our christian brethren, prisoners among them: these eminent services, and your constant attention to the civil rights of his majesty's subjects in this province, demand, Sir, the grateful tribute of thanks from all good men; and therefore we, the representatives of the free­men [Page 31] of Pennsylvania, unanimously for ourselves, and in behalf of all the people of this province, do return you our most sincere and hearty thanks for these your great services, wishing you a safe and pleasant voyage to England, with a kind and gracious reception from his majesty.

Signed, by order of the House, JOSEPH FOX, SPEAKER

THE Colonel's answer was as follows, viz.

To the HONORABLE the REPRESENTATIVES of the FREEMEN of the province of Pennsylvania, in General-Assembly met.


WITH a heart impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, I return you my humble and sincere thanks, for the honor you have done me in your polite Address of the 15th of January, transmitted me to New-York by your speaker.

NEXT to the approbation of His Sacred Majesty, and my superior officers, nothing could afford me higher pleasure than your favourable opi­nion of my conduct, in the discharge of those military commands with which I have been intrusted.

GRATITUDE as well as justice demand of me to acknowledge, that the aids granted by the legislature of this province, and the constant assistance and support afforded me by the honourable the Governor and Commissioners in the late expedition, have enabled me to recover so many of his Majes­ty's subjects from a cruel captivity, and be the happy instrument of re­storing them to freedom and liberty: To you therefore, gentlemen, is the greater share of that merit due, which you are generously pleased on this occasion to impute to my services.

YOUR kind testimony of my constant attention to the civil rights of his majesty's subjects in this Province, does me singular honour, and calls for the return of my warmest acknowledgments.

[Page 32]PERMIT me to take this public opportunity of doing justice to the offi­cers of the regular and provincial troops, and the volunteers, who have served with me, by declaring that, under Divine Providence, the repeated successes of his Majesty's arms against a savage enemy, are principally to be ascribed to their courage and resolution, and to their perseverance under the severest hardships and fatigue.

I SINCERELY wish prosperity and happiness to the province, and have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, Gentlemen,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant, HENRY BOUQUET.
February 4, 1765.

SOON afterwards the Colonel received a very polite and affectionate letter from Governor Fauquier, dated 25th of December, enclosing Resolves of the honorable members of his Majesty's Council, and of the house of Burgesses, for the colony and dominion of Virginia.

THOSE respectable bodies unanimously returned their thanks to him for the activity, spirit and zeal, with which he had reduced the Indians to terms of peace, and compelled those savages to deliver up so many of his Majesty's subjects whom they had in captivity. They further requested the Governor to recommend him to his Majesty's ministers, as an officer of distinguished merit, in this and every former service in which he has been engaged.

THE Colonel, in his answer, acknowledged the ready assistance and coun­tenance which he had always received from the Governor and colony of Vir­ginia in carrying on the King's service; and mentioned his particular obli­gations to Col. LEWIS, for his zeal and good conduct during the campaign.

THE honors thus bestowed on him, his own modesty made him de­sirous of transfering to the officers and army under his command; and in­deed the mutual confidence and harmony subsisting between him and them, [Page 33] highly redound to the reputation of both. He has taken every occasion of doing justice to the particular merit of Col. REID who was second in com­mand; and also to all the officers who served in the expedition, regulars as well as * provincials.

THE reader will observe that the public bodies who presented these addresses to the Colonel, not only wished to express their own gratitude, but likewise to be instrumental in recommending him to the advancement his ser­vices merited. And surely it is a happy circumstance to obtain promotion, not only unenvied, but even with the general approbation and good wishes of the public. It ought, however, to be mentioned, that on the first account his Majesty received of this expedition, and long before those testimonies could reach England, he was graciously pleased, of his own royal goodness and as a reward of the Colonel's merit, to promote him to the rank of BRIGADIER GENERAL, and to the command of the southern district of America. And as he is rendered as dear, by his private virtues, to those who have the honour of his more intimate acquaintance, as he is by his military services to the pub­lic, it is hoped he may long continue among us; where his experienced abilities will enable him, and his love of the English constitution entitle him, to fill any future trust to which his Majesty may be pleased to call him.—


IT was mentioned in the 25th page of this account, that the Shawanese brought only a part of their prisoners with them to Col. Bouquet at Muskingham, in November last; and that, as the season was far advanced, he was obliged to rest satisfied with taking hostages for the delivery of the remainder at Fort-Pitt, in the ensuing spring.

[Page 34]THE escape of those hostages soon afterwards, as well as the former equi­vocal conduct of their nation, had given reason to doubt the sincerity of their intentions with respect to the performance of their promises, But we have the satisfaction to find that they punctually have fulfilled them. Ten of their chiefs, and about 50 of their warriors, attended with many of their women and children, met GEORGE CROGHAN, Esq deputy agent to Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, at Fort-Pitt the 9th of last May; together with a large body of De­lawares, Senecas, Sandusky and Munsy Indians; where they delivered the re­mainder of their prisoners, brightened the chain of friendship, and gave every assurance of their firm intentions to preserve the Peace inviolable for ever.

THERE is something remarkable in the appellation they gave to the English on this occasion; calling them Fathers instead of Brethren.

LAWAUGHQUA, the Shawanese speaker, delivered himself in the following terms.—

FATHERS, for so we will call you henceforward; listen to what we are going to say to you.

IT gave us great pleasure yesterday to be called the children of the great King of England; and convinces us your intentions towards us are upright, as we know a Father will be tender of his children, and they are more rea­dy to obey him than a Brother. Therefore we hope our Father will now take better care of his children, than has heretofore been done.—

YOU put us in mind of our promise to Col. Bouquet; which was to bring your flesh and blood to be delivered at this place. FATHER, you have not spoke in vain—you see we have brought them with us,—except a few that were out with our hunting parties, which will be brought here as soon as they return.

THEY have been all united to us by adoption; and altho' we now deli­ver them up to you, we will always look upon them as our relations, whenever the Great Spirit is pleased that we may visit them.

[Page 35]FATHER, We have taken as much care of them, as if they were our own flesh and blood. They are now become unacquainted with your customs and manners; and therefore, we request you will use them tenderly and kindly, which will induce them to live contentedly with you.

HERE is a belt with the figure of our Father the King of Great-Britain at one end, and the Chief of our nation at the other. It represents them holding the chain of friendship; and we hope neither side will slip their hands from it, so long as the Sun and Moon give light.

THE reader will further remember that one of the engagements which the different Indian Tribes entered into with Colonel Bouquet, was to send de­puties to conclude a peace with Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON. This has also been punctually fulfilled; and we are assured that Sir WILLIAM ‘has finish­ed his congress greatly to his satisfaction, and even beyond his expectati­ons.’ Thus every good consequence has ensued from this important expedition, which our fondest wishes could have induced us to expect from the known valor and spirit of the able Commander who had the conduct of it; and we now have the pleasure once more to behold the temple of JANUS shut, in this western world!



THE long continued ravages of the Indians on the frontiers of the British colonies in America, and the fatal overthrows which they have sometimes given our best disciplined troops, especially in the beginning of the late war, have rendered them an object of our consideration, even in their military capacity. And as but few officers, who may be employed against them, can have opportunities to observe the true causes of their advantages over European troops in the woods, it is with the utmost pleasure that I now proceed to lay before the public the following valuable papers, which I mentioned * to have been communicated to me by an officer of great abilities and long experience, in our wars with the Indians.

AS scarce any thing has yet been published on a subject now become of the highest importance § to our colonies, these papers will undoubtedly be an acceptable present to the reader; and the remarks contained in them may be more and more improved by the future care and attention of able men, till perhaps a compleat system is at length formed for the conduct of this parti­cular species of war.

[Page 38]


THE love of liberty is innate in the savage▪ and seems the ruling passion of the state of nature. His desires and wants being few are easily gratified, and leave him much time to spare, which he would spend in idleness, if hunger did not force him to hunt. That exercise makes him strong, active and bold, raises his courage, and fits him for war, in which he uses the same stratagems and cruelty as against the wild beasts; making no scruple to em­ploy treachery and perfidy to vanquish his enemy.

JEALOUS of his independency and of his property, he will not suffer the least encroachment on either; and upon the slightest suspicion, fired with resentment, he becomes an implacable enemy, and flies to arms to vindicate his right, or revenge an injury.

THE advantages of these savages over civilized nations are both natural and acquired. They are tall and well limbed, remarkable for their activity, and have a peircing eye and quick ear, which are of great service to them in the woods.

LIKE beasts of prey, they are patient, deceitful, and rendered by habit almost insensible to the common feelings of humanity. Their barbarous custom of scalping their enemies, in the heat of action; the exquisite tor­ments often inflicted by them on those reserved for a more deliberate fate; their general ferocity of manners, and the successes wherewith they have often been flush'd, have conspired to render their name terrible, and some times to strike a pannic even into our bravest and best disciplined troops.

THEIR acquired advantages are, that they have been inured to bear the extremes of heat and cold; and from their infancy, in Winter and Summer, to plunge themselves in cold streams, and to go almost naked, exposed to the scorching sun or nipping frosts, till they arrive to the state of manhood. Some of them destroy the sensation of the skin by scratching it with the short and [Page 39] sharp teeth of some animal, disposed in the form of a curry-comb, which makes them regardless of briars and thorns in running thro' thickets. Rivers are no obstacles to them in their wild excursions. They either swim over, or cross them on rafts or canoes, of an easy and ready construction.

IN their expeditions they live chiefly by hunting, or on wild fruits and roots, with which the woods supply them almost every where.

THEY can bear hunger and thirst for several days, without slackening, on that account, their perseverance in any proposed enterprize.

BY constant practice in hunting, they learn to shoot with great skill, either with bows, or fire arms; and to steal unperceived upon their prey, pur­suing the tracts of men and beasts, which would be imperceptible to an Eu­ropean. They can run for a whole day without halting, when flying from an enemy, or when sent on any message. They steer, as if by instinct, thro' trackless woods, and with astonishing patience can lie whole days motionless in ambush to surprize an enemy, esteeming no labour or perseverance too painful to obtain their ends.

THEY besmear their bodies with Bear's grease, which defends them against rains and damps, as well as against the stings of Muskitoes and Gnats. It likewise supples their limbs, and makes them as slippery as the antient Gla­diators, who could not be held fast when seized in fight.

PLAIN food, constant exercise, and living in the open air, preserve them healthy and vigorous.

THEY are powerfully excited to war by the custom established among them, of paying distinguished honors to Warriors.

THEY fight only when they think to have the advantage, but cannot be forced to it, being sure by their speed to elude the most eager pursuit.

[Page 40]THEIR dress consist of the skins of some wild beast, or a blanket, a shirt either of linen, or of dressed skins, a breech clout, leggins, reaching half way up the thigh, and fastened to a belt, with mokawsons on their feet. They use no ligatures that might obstruct the circulation of their blood, or agility of their limbs. They shave their head, reserving only a small tuft of hair on the top; and slit the outer part of the ears, to which, by weights, they give a circular form, extending it down to their shoulders.

THEY adorn themselves with ear and nose rings, bracelets of silver and wampum, and paint their faces with various colours. When they prepare for an engagement they paint themselves black, and sight naked.

THEIR arms are a susil, or rifle, a powder horn, a shot pouch, a toma­hawk, and a scalping knife hanging to their neck.

WHEN they are in want of fire arms, they supply them by a bow, a spear, or a death hammer, which is a short club made of hard wood.

THEIR usual utensils are a kettle, a spoon, a looking glass, an awl, a steel to strike fire, some paint, a pipe and tobacco pouch. For want of tobacco, they smoke some particular leaves, or the bark [...] willow; which is almost their continual occupation.

THUS lightly equiped do the savages lie in wait to attack, at some difficult pass, the European soldier, heavily accoutred, harrassed by a tedious march, and encumbered with an unwieldy convoy.

EXPERIENCE has convinced us that it is not our interest to be at war with them; but if after having tried all means to avoid it, they force us to it, (which in all probability will often happen) we should endeavour to sight them upon more equal terms, and regulate our Manoeuvres upon those of the enemy we are to engage, and the nature of the country we are to act in.

IT does not appear from our accounts of Indian wars, that the savages were as brave formerly as we have found them of late; which must be imputed [Page 41] to their unexpected successes against our troops on some occasions, particu­larly in 1755; and from the little resistance they have since met with from de­fenceless inhabitants.

IT is certain that even at this day, they seldom expose their persons to dan­ger, and depend entirely upon their dexterity in concealing themselves during an engagement, never appearing openly, unless they have struck their ene­mies with terror, and have thereby rendered them incapable of defence.—From whence it may be inferred that, if they were beat two or three times, they would lose that confidence inspired by success, and be less inclined to en­gage in wars which might end fatally for them. But this cannot reasonably be expected, till we have troops trained to fight them in their own way, with the additional advantage of European courage and discipline.

ANY deviation from our established military system would be needless, if valor, zeal, order and good conduct, were sufficient to subdue this light-foot­ed enemy. These qualities are conspicuous in our troops; but they are too heavy, and indeed too valuable, to be employed alone in a destructive service for which they were never intended. They require the assistance of lighter corps, whose dress, arms and exercises, should be adapted to this new kind of war.

THIS opinion is supported by the example of many warlike nations, of which I beg leave to mention the following.

THE learned * Jesuit who has obliged the world with a treatise on the mili­tary affairs of the ancient Romans, tells us from § Sallust that this wise nation, our masters in the art of war, were never hindered even by the pride of empire, from imitating any foreign maxim or institution, provided it was good; and that they carefully adopted into their own practice whatever they found useful in that of their allies or enemies; so that by receiving some things from one, and some from another, they greatly improved a system even originally excellent.

[Page 42]THE defeat of Antony and Crassus by the Parthians, of Curio by the Numidians, and many other instances, convinced the Romans that their le­gions, who had conquered so many nations, were not fit to engage light-troops, which, harrassing them continually, evaded all their endeavours to bring them to a close engagement; and it is probable that if Julius Caesar had not been assassinated, when he was preparing to march against the same Par­thians, to wipe off the reproach of the former defeats, he would have added to his legions a greater number of light troops, formed upon the principles and method of that nation, and have left us useful lessons for the conduct of a war against our savages.

THAT he did not think the attack of irregular troops contemptible, ap­pears clearly in several parts of his commentaries, and particularly in the Afri­can war. The various embarrasments he met with from the enemy he had then to deal with, necessarily call to our mind many similar circumstances in the course of our wars with the Indians; and the pains he took to instruct his sol­diers to stand and repel the skirmishes of the nimble Africans, may furnish instruction to us in our military operations against the savage Americans.

WE are told that while Caesar was on his march ‘to Scipio's * quarters, the enemy's horse and light armed infantry, rising all at once from an ambus­cade, appeared upon the hills, and attacked his rear. His legions forming themselves, soon beat the enemy from the higher ground. And now think­ing all safe, he begins to pursue his march. But immediately the enemy break forth from the neighbouring hills; and the Numidians, with their [Page 43] light armed foot, who are wonderfully nimble, always mixing and keeping equal pace with the cavalry in charging or retiring, fall afresh on the Ro­man foot. Thus they frequently renewed the charge, and still retired when he endeavoured to bring them to close engagement. If but two or three of his veterans faced about and cast their piles with vigor, two thou­sand of the enemy would fly, then returning rally again, making it their business to harrass his march, and to press upon his rear, following at some distance and throwing their darts at the legions.’

‘CAESAR, having so subtil an enemy to deal with, instructed his soldiers, not like a general who had been victorious in the most arduous exploits, but as a Fencing-Master would instruct his scholars; teaching them with what pace to retreat from the enemy, and how to return to the charge; how far to advance, and how far to retire; and likewise in what place and man­ner to cast their piles. For their light-armed infantry gave him the greatest uneasiness, deterring his troopers from meeting them, by killing their horses with their javelins, and wearying his legions by their swiftness. For whenever his heavy-armed foot faced about, and endeavoured to re­turn their charge, they quickly avoided the danger by flight.’

BUT without going back to the ancients, we have seen this maxim adopted in our days. Marshal de Saxe finding the French army harrassed by the Hus­sars and other Austrian light troops, formed also several corps of them of diffe­rent kinds; and the king of Prussia in his first war introduced them into his army, and has augmented and employed them ever since with success. We have ourselves made use of them in the two last wars in Europe: but the light troops wanted in America must be trained upon different principles. The enemies we have to deal with, are infinitely more active and dangerous than the Hussars and Pandours; or even the Africans abovementioned. For the American savages, after their rapid incursions, retreat to their towns, at a great distance from our settlements, through thickety woods almost impenetra­ble [Page 44] to our heavy and unwieldy corps, composed of soldiers loaded with cloathes, baggage and provisions, who, when fatigued by a long march, must be a very unequal match to engage the nimble savage in woods, which are his native element.

ANOTHER unavoidable incumbrance in our expeditions, arises from the pro­visions and baggage of the army, for which a road must be opened, and bridges thrown over rivers and swamps. This creates great labour, retards and weakens the line of march, and keeps the troops tied to a convoy which they cannot lose sight of, without exposing it to become a prey to a vigilant enemy, continually hovering about to seize every advantage.

AN European, to be a proper judge of this kind of war, must have lived sometime in the vast forests of America; otherwise he will hardly be able to con­ceive a continuity of woods without end. In spite of his endeavours, his ima­gination will betray him into an expectation of open and clear grounds, and he will be apt to calculate his Manoeuvres accordingly, too much upon the prin­ciples of war in Europe.

LET us suppose a person, who is entirely unacquainted with the nature of this service, to be put at the head of an expedition in America. We will further suppose that he has made the dispositions usual in Europe for a march, or to receive an enemy; and that he is then attacked by the savages. He can­not discover them, tho' from every tree, log or bush, he receives an incessant fire, and observes that few of their shot are lost. He will not hesitate to charge those invisible enemies, but he will charge in vain. For they are as cautious to avoid a close engagement, as indefatigable in harrassing his troops; and notwithstanding all his endeavours, he will still find himself surrounded by a circle of fire, which like an artificial horizon follows him every where.

UNABLE to rid himself of an enemy who never stands his attacks, and flies when pressed, only to return upon him again with equal agility and vigor; he will see the courage of his heavy troops droop, and their strength at last fail them by repeated and ineffectual efforts.

[Page 45]HE must therefore think of a retreat, unless he can force his way through the enemy. But how is this to be effected? his baggage and provisions are unloaded and scattered, part of his horses and drivers killed, others dispersed by fear, and his wounded to be carried by soldiers already fainting under the fa­tigue of a long action. The enemy encouraged by his distress will not fail to encrease the disorder, by pressing upon him on every side, with redoubled fury and savage howlings.

HE will probably form a circle or a square, to keep off so daring an enemy, ready at the least opening to fall upon him with the destructive Tomahawk: but these dispositions, tho' a tolerable shift for defence, are neither proper for an attack, nor a march thro' the woods—

THIS is not an imaginary supposition, but the true state of an engagement with the Indians, experienced by the troops who have fought against them. Neither is there any thing new or extraordinary in this way of fighting, which seems to have been common to most * Barbarians.

WHAT is then to be done to extricate our little army from impending de­struction?

THIS is a problem which I do not pretend to resolve. But as every man would, in similar circumstances, determine himself some way or other, I will propose my own sentiments, founded upon some observations which I believe invaria­ble in all engagements with savages.

THE first, that their general maxim is to surround their enemy.

THE second, that they fight scattered, and never in a compact body.

The third, that they never stand their ground when attacked, but imme­diately give way, to return to the charge.

[Page 46]These principles being admitted, it follows—

1st. That the troops destined to engage Indians, must be lightly cloathed, armed, and accoutred.

2d. That having no resistance to encounter in the attack or defence, they are not to be drawn up in close order, which would only expose them without necessity to a greater loss.

AND lastly, that all their evolutions must be performed with great rapidity; and the men enabled by exercise to pursue the enemy closely, when put to flight, and not give them time to rally.

THESE remarks will explain the reasons of the alterations proposed in the formation of a corps of troops, for the service of the woods. It is not, howe­ver, to be expected that this method will remove all obstacles, or that those light troops can equal the savages in patience, and activity; but, with discipline and practice, they may in a great measure supply the want of these advan­tages, and by keeping the enemy at a distance afford great relief and security to the main body.


I shall only venture a few notions suggested by experience upon this subject, chiefly with a view to recommend it to the consideration of persons capable of proposing a proper method of forming such an establishment: and in order to be better understood, I will suppose a corps of 500 men to be raised and disci­plined for the woods, besides two troops of light horse, to which a company of artificers might be added. The fittest men for that service would be the natives of America bred upon the frontiers, and inlisted between the age of 15 and 20 years, to be discharged between 30 and 35.

[Page 47]


THE cloathing of a soldier for the campaign might consist of a short coat of brown cloth, lappelled, and without plaits; a strong tanned shirt, short trow­sers, leggins, mokawsons or shoe packs, a sailors hat, a blanket, a knapsack for provisions, and oiled * surtout against the rain. To this might be add­ed, in winter quarters or time of peace, three white shirts and stocks, with a flannel waistcoat.


THEIR arms, the best that could be made, should be short fusils and some rifles, with bayonets in the form of a dirk, to serve for a knife; with pow­der horns and shot pouches, small hatchets and leathern bottles for water.


THE soldiers being raised, cloathed, and formed into companies under proper officers, must, before they are armed, be taught to keep themselves [Page 48] clean, and to dress in a soldier like manner. This will raise in them a be­coming spirit, give them a favourable opinion of their profession, and pre­serve their health. The first thing they are to learn is to Walk well, after­wards to Run; and in order to excite emulation, small premiums might from time to time be given to those who distinguish themselves. They must then run in ranks, with open files, and wheel in that order, at first slowly, and by degrees increase their speed: this evolution is difficult, but of the utmost con­sequence to fall unexpectedly upon the flank of the enemy. They are to dis­perse and rally at given signals; and particular colours should be given to each company, far them to rally by; the men must be used to * leap over logs and ditches, and to carry burthens proportioned to their strength.

WHEN the young soldiers are perfect in these exercises, they may receive their arms, with which they are to perform the former evolutions in all sorts of grounds. They will next be taught to handle their arms with dexterity; and, without losing time upon trifles, to load and fire very quick, standing, kneeling, or lying on the ground. They are to fire at a mark without a rest, and not suffered to be too long in taking aim. Hunting and small premiums will soon make them expert marksmen.

They ought to learn to swim, pushing at the same time their cloathes, arms, and ammunition before them, on a small raft; and to make use of snow shoes. They must then be set to work, and be taught to throw up an intrenchment, open a trench, make fascines, clays and gabions; likewise to fall trees, square logs, saw planks, make canoes, carts, ploughs, hand and wheel barrows, shingles and clap-boards, casks, batteaus and bridges, and to build log houses, ovens, &c.

BY example and practice, the most ingenious among them will soon become tolerable good carpenters, joyners, wheelwrights, coopers, armourers, smiths, [Page 49] masons, brickmakers, saddlers, taylors, butchers, bakers, shoemakers, cur­riers, &c.


I said that to compleat this establishment they should have two troops of light horse, supposed of 50 men each, officers included. The men are to perform the same exercises as the foot, and afterwards be taught to ride, and particularly to be very alert at mounting and dismounting with their arms in their hands, to gallop through the woods up and down hills, and leap over logs and ditches.

THE horses ought to be bought up on the frontiers, where they are bred and used to feed in the woods, and are strong and hardy. They are to be thorough­ly broke, made to stand fire, to swim over rivers, &c. their saddles and accou­trements very simple strong and light. The number of horses might be reduced to one half, in time of peace, tho' they would be of little expence, as they might be bred and maintained without charge in the military settlement. This corps should be equiped as the foot, having only a short rifle in lieu of a fusil, and a battle ax with a long handle, the only sort of arms they should make use of in the charge.

EVERY light horse man ought to be provided with a Blood-hound, which would be useful to find out the enemies ambushes, and to follow their tracts; they would seize the naked savages, or at least give time to the horse men to come up with them; they would add to the safety of the camp at night by dis­covering any attempt to surprise it.


THE company of artificers should be composed of the most useful trades­men, and ought to be maintained at all times for the instruction of the soldiers, the use of the settlement, or the service of the army, during the campaign. It will now be time to draw forth this military colony and remove them to [Page 50] the ground laid out for that use in the woods, and at a good distance from the inhabitants. The nature of this settlement will hereafter be more particularly described.

NECESSITY creating industry, our young soldiers will soon provide them­selves with the most useful articles, and in a couple of years be able to raise provisions for themselves.

WHILE the greatest part would be employed in clearing the ground, fencing, ploughing, sowing, planting, building and making utensils and houshold furniture, others might hunt with their officers, and remain a fortnight or a month out of the camp, without other provisions than a little flour, and what they could procure by hunting and fishing: then to be relieved, and the whole trained up in that way.

THE military exercises must still be kept up and practised, and great care taken to inculcate and preserve purity of manners, obedience, order and decency among the men, which will be found much easier in the woods than in the neighbourhood of towns.

IN order to make this military establishment more generally useful; I would propose that the soldiers should only receive a very small part of their pay; leaving the remainder in the military chest.

THEIR accounts should be settled every year, and when their services should intitle them to their discharge, I could wish that each of them had 200 acres of land given him, in a district appropriated for that purpose; and receiving then the whole ballance of pay due to them, they would be enabled to compleat their settlement. This institution appears not only practicable, but easy, if attended to with patience, assiduity and firmness. The plan I would propose is as follows.

[Page 51]METHOD of forming such SETTLEMENTS upon the FRON­TIERS, as might support themselves during an INDIAN-WAR.

LET us suppose a settlement to be form'd for one hundred families, com­posed of five persons each, upon an average.

LAY out upon a river, or creek, if it can be found conveniently, a SQUARE of one thousand seven hundred and sixty yards, or a mile for each side.

THAT Square will contain640 acres
Allowing for streets and publick uses40 640 acres
To half an acre for every house50 640 acres
To 100 lotts at five and half acres550 640 acres

THE four sides of the square measure 7040 yards, which gives to each house about 70 yards front to stockade, and the ground allowed for building will be 210 feet front, and about 100 feet deep.

AN acre of ground will produce at least 30 bushels of Indian corn. There­fore, two acres are sufficient to supply five persons, at the rate of twelve bushels each person. Two other acres will be a pasture for cowes and sheep, another acre for hay, to be sown with red clover. The remaining half acre may be laid out for a garden.

ROUND the town are the commons, of three miles square, containing, ex­clusive of the lots abovementioned, 5120 acres. On three sides of the town, five other Squares will be laid out of three square miles, containing 5760 acres each, one of which is reserved for wood for the use of the Settlement; the other four to be divided into 25 out-lotts or plantations, of about 230 acres each, so that in the four Squares, there will be one hundred such plan­tations, for the 100 families.

ANOTHER township may be laid out joining this, upon the same plan, and as many more as you please upon the same line, without loosing any ground.

[Page 52]

THE following is a rough sketch of the whole.
Township A.Township B.Township C.Township D.
5760 acres wood for the Town ACommons A CommonsCommons B CommonsWood for the Town BWood for the Town CCommons C CommonsCommons D CommonsWood for the Town D
25 lotts of 230 acres 11223344

THUS the town, A, has its commons, its woodland, and its 4 squares marked No. 1. each containing 25 plantations of 250 acres, as proposed above. In like manner, the other towns, B, C, D, have their appurten­ances respectively marked.

LET us now suppose this plan accomplished, and such corps as these fully settled, trained and disciplined, in the manner abovementioned; I would ask whether any officer, entrusted with an expedition against the savages, would not chuse to have them in his army? I may safely answer for all those who have been employed in that service, that they would prefer them to double the number of the best European troops. And when they had served the time limited, namely from their 15th to their 35th year, what vast satisfaction would it be to pay over to them their share of savings from the publick chest; and, as a reward of their faithful toils, to vest them and their heirs with their several plantations, which they would now be enabled to cultivate as their own? This prospect would engage many people to enter their sons, in such corps; and those veterans, when thus discharged, would not only be the means of forming and animating others by their example, but in case of a war would [Page 53] still bravely maintain the property they had so honorably acquired, and be the greatest security of the frontier where they are settled.


IT is not practicable to employ large bodies of troops against Indians; the convoys necessary for their support would be too cumbersome, and could neither be moved with ease, nor protected. It would be better to fit out seve­ral small expeditions, than one too unwieldy: I will therefore suppose that a corps intended to act offensively shall not exceed the following proportions.

Two regiments of foot900
One battalion of hunters500
Two troops of light horse100
One company of artificers20
Drivers and necessary followers280
 In all 1800

THE first article to provide is the provisions, and next the carriages.

THE daily ration of a soldier in the woods should consist of one pound and a half of meat (which requires no carriage) and one pound of flour, with a gill of salt per week.

UPON that allowance 1800 men will require for six months or 182 days327,600 lb. Flour.
ALLOWING one fourth for accident81,900
For six months409,500 lb. Flour.
Meat for the same time with a fourth part more for accidents, or 2048 beeves at 300 lb. each614,400 lb. Meat.
Salt for 26 weeks182 Bushells.

THE above quantity would serve the whole campaign, but one half would be sufficient to penetrate from the last deposite into the heart of the enemy's country: therefore we shall compute the carriages for this last quantity only.

EVERY horse carries about 150 lb. neat weight, therefore, to carry flour for three months or 204,750 lb. will require 1365 horses.

[Page 54]

HORSES for flour brought forward1365
For 91 bushels of salt46
Officers baggage and staff150

To reduce this exhorbitant number of horses, and the great expence attend­ing it, I would propose, for such parts of the country as would admit of it▪ to make use of carts, drawn each by four oxen, and carrying about 1300 lb. or six barrels of flour. The above quantity of 204,750 lb. will then be carried

by 160 carts drawn by640 oxen
Spare oxen with the army384
The number of oxen wanted1024

THIS method would not be as expeditious as the carriage by horses, and would require more time and attention in cutting the road, and bridging the swampy places but, on the other hand, what an expence would be saved! and by killing the oxen in proportion as the flour is used, and abandoning the carts, the convoy is daily reduced, and the grass near the encampment will not be so soon consumed, which is not the case with horses, which must equally be sed though unloaded. This is an object of consequence, particularly near the end of the campaign, when the scarcity of fodder obliges to move the camps every day, and to place them in low and disadvantageous grounds.

I WOULD therefore incline for the use of carts, and they could be made be­fore hand by the hunters and their artificers.

THE oxen should be bought in the provinces where the farmers make use of them in their works. One or two soldiers would drive the cart and take charge of the four oxen.

[Page 55]THERE are few rivers in North-America deep in summer, and which these carts with high and broad wheels could not ford; but if the contrary should happen, the carts, provisions and baggage, may be rafted over, or a bridge built. In a country full of timber, and with troops accustomed to work, no river will stop an army for a long time.

BY the above method, 3 or 400 horses would be sufficient to carry the bag­gage ammunition, tents, tools &c.

EXPLANATION OF THE FOUR PLANS, PLATE II. Representing the different positions of our army in the woods. ENCAMPMENT.

THE camp (Fig. 1) forms a parralellogram, of one thousand by six hundred feet. Eight hundred men of the regular troops (1) encamp on the four sides, which gives twenty-four feet to each tent, containing six men. The light-horse (3) encamp within the parrallelogram. The reserve (7) in the center.

THE provisions, ammunition, tools and stores (8) and the cattle (9) are placed between the two troops of light-horse and the reserve. The hunt­ers (2) encamp on the outside diagonally at the four angles, being covered by redoubts (5) formed with kegs and bags of flour or fascines. Besides these four redoubts, another is placed to the front, one to the rear, and two before each of the long faces of the camp, making in all ten advanced guards of 22 men each, and 7 centries, covered if possible by break works of fascines or provisions. Before the army lay down their arms, the ground is to be re­connoitred, and the guards posted, who will immediately open a communi­cation from one to the other, to relieve the centries, and facilitate the pas­sage of rounds.

THE centries upon the ammunition, provisions, head quarters, and all o­thers in the inside of the camp are furnished from the reserve. The officers, except the staff and commanders of corps, encamp on the line with their men.

[Page 56]THE fires are made between the guards and camp, and put out in case of an attack in the night.

LINE of MARCH, Plate II. Fig. II.

PART of the hunters (2) in three divisions detaching small parties (5, 6) to their front and to their right and left, to search the woods and dis­cover the enemy.

THE artificers and ax-men (4) to cut a road for the convoy, and two paths on the right and left for the troops.

ONE hundred and fifty of the regular troops (1) in two files, who are to form the front of the square; these march in the center road.

TWO hundred and fifty regulars (1) in one file by the right hand path; and 250 (1) by the left hand path, are to form the long faces.

THESE are followed by 150 regulars (1) in two files, who are to form the rear of the square.

THE reserve (7) compos'd of 100 regulars in two files.

THE rest of the hunters (2) in two files.

THE light horse (3.)

THE rear guard (5) compos'd of hunters, follows the convoy at some distance and closes the march. The scouting parties (6) who flank the line of march, are taken from the hunters and light horse, and posted as in plan (Fig. 2) some orderly light horse men, attend the General and field officers who command the grand divisions, to carry their orders. Two guards of light horse take charge of the cattle (9.)

THE convoy (8) proceeds in the following order

THE tools and ammunition following the front column.

THE baggage.

THE cattle.

[Page 57]THE provisions.

THE whole divided into Brigades, and the horses two a breast.


IN case of a defile, the whole halt until the ground is reconnoitred, and the hunters have taken possession of the heights. The center column then enters in to the defile▪ followed by the right-face; after them the convoy, then the left and rear face, with the reserve, the light horse, and the rear guard.

THE whole to form again as soon as the ground permits.


THE whole halt to form the square or parrallelogram, which is done thus. The two first men of the center column stand fast at two yards distance. The two men following them, step forward and post themselves at two yards on the right and left. The others come to the front in the same manner, till the two files have form'd a rank, which is the front of the square.

THE rear face is formed by the two file-leaders turning to the center road, where having placed themselves at two yards distance, they face outwards, and are followed by their files, each man posting himself on their right or left, and facing towards the enemy the moment he comes to his post.

AS soon as the front and rear are extended and formed, the two long faces, who have in the mean time faced outwards, join now the extremities of the two fronts and close the square.


THE right and left of the front, face to the center, where the two center men stand fast. Upon the word "march" these step forward and are replaced by the two next, who follow them, and so on; by which means, that front becomes again a column. The rear goes to the [Page 58] right about, and each of the two center men leads again to the side paths fol­lowed by the rest.

WHILE the troops form, the light horse and each division of the convoy take the ground assigned to them within the square, as if they were to encamp; and the horses being unloaded, two parrallel lines will be formed, with the bags and kegs of provisions, to cover the wounded and the men unfit for action. The hunters take post on the most advantageous ground on the out side, and skirmish with the enemy, till the square is form'd; when, upon receiving their orders, they retire within the square, where they take their post as in Fig. (3)

THE small parties of rangers (5) who have flanked the line of march, re­main on the outside, to keep off the enemy and observe their motions.

WHEN the firing begins the troops will have orders to fall on their knees, to be less exposed till its thought proper to attack.

THE four faces, form'd by the regular troops, are divided into platoons che­quer'd. One half, composed of the best and most active soldiers, is called the first Firing, and the other half the second Firing.

THE eight platoons at the angles are of the second Firing, in order to pre­serve the form of the square during the attack.

IT is evident that, by this disposition, the convoy is well cover'd, and the light troops, destined for the charge, remain concealed; and as all unexpect­ed events during an engagement are apt to strike terror, and create confusi­on, among the enemy, it is natural to expect that the savages will be great­ly disconcerted at the sudden and unforeseen eruption, that will soon pour upon them from the inside of the square; and that, being vigorously attacked in front and flank at the same time, they will neither be able to resist, nor, when once broke, have time to rally, so as to make another stand. This may be effected in the following manner.

[Page 59]


THE Regulars (1) stand fast.

THE hunters (2) sally out, in four columns, through the intervals of the front and rear of the square, followed by the light horse (3) with their blood-hounds. The intervals of the two columns who attack in the front, and of those who attack in the rear, will be closed by the little parties of rangers (5) posted at the angles of the square, each attack forming in that manner, three sides of a parrallelogram. In that order they run to the enemy (X) and hav­ing forced their way through their circle, fall upon their flanks; by wheeling to their right and left, and charging with impetuosity. The moment they take the enemy in flank, the First Firing of the regular troops march out briskly and attack the enemy in front. The platoons detached in that manner from the two short faces, proceed only about one hundred yards to their front, where they halt to cover the square, while the rest of the troops who have at­tacked pursue the enemy, till they are totally dispersed, not giving them time to recover themselves.

THE sick and wounded, unable to march or ride, are transported in litters made of flour bags, through which two long poles are passed, and kept asunder by two sticks, tied across beyond the head and feet to stretch the bag. Each litter is carried by two horses—

THESE remarks might have been extended to many other cases that may oc­cur in the course of a campaign or of an engagement, but it is hoped this sketch will be sufficient to evince the necessity of some alteration in our ordi­nary method of proceeding in an Indian war.



AS we have not to guard here against cannon, the system of Eu­ropean fortifications may be laid aside, as expensive, and not an­swering the purpose. Forts against Indians, being commonly remote from our settlements, require a great deal of room to lodge a sufficient quantity of stores and provisions, and at the same time ought to be defensible with one half of their compleat garrisons, in case of detach­ments or convoys.

I am therefore of opinion that a square or pentagon, with a block-house of brick or stone * at every angle, joined by a wall flanked by the block-houses, would be the best defence against such enemies. A ditch from seven to eight feet deep might be added, with loop holes in the cellars of the block-houses six feet from the ground, to defend the ditch.

ALONG the inside of the curtains the traders might build houses and stores, covered as well as the block-houses with tiles, or slate, to guard against fire arrows. There will remain a spacious area for free air and use, in which as well as in the ditch, gardens might be made and wells dug.

[Page 62]THE powder magazines might be placed in the center of the area, keeping only a small quantity of cartridges in each block-house for present use.

THE garrisons of such forts would be free from surprises, even if they had no centries, for nothing can get at them, while the doors are well bolted and barred.


AS these forts have been one of the causes of the last war and area great eye-sore to the savages, they have bent their chief efforts against them; and therefore, while thus employed, they have been less able to distress our settle­ments. Our forts keep the Indian towns at a great distance from us. Fort-Pitt has effectually driven them beyond the Ohio, and made them remove their settlements at least 60 miles further westward. Was it not for these forts, they would settle close on our borders, and in time of war infest us every day in such numbers as would over-power the thin inhabitants scattered on our extensive frontier. The farmer unable to sow or reap would soon fall back on our chief towns, or quit the country for want of bread. In either case, what would be the fate of the large towns burthened with the whole country, and depriv'd of subsistance and of the materials of trade and export?

THE destruction of these forts being, in time of war, the chief aim of the savages, they gather about them to distress the garrisons, and to attack the con­voys; thereby giving us an opportunity to fight them in a body, and to strike a heavy blow, which otherwise they would never put in our power, as their ad­vantage lies in surprizes, which are best effected by small numbers. Experience has convinced them that it is not in their power to break those shackles, and therefore it is not probable that they will renew the attempt; and our posts will continue a check upon them, and save the difficulty and expence of taking post again in their country. Our sorts are likewise the proper places for trade, which being closely inspected, it will be easy for us to limit their [Page 63] supplies, to such commodities as they cannot turn against us, and to put a speedy stop to all just causes of complaints, by giving immediate redress.

A FEW forts, with strong garrisons, I should judge to be of more service than a greater number weakly guarded. In the last war we lost all our small posts: but our more considerable ones, Detroit and Fort-Pitt, resisted all the efforts of the savages, by the strength of their garrisons.


THE following Paper was written by an Officer well acquainted with the places he describes; and is thought worthy of a place here, as every thing is material which can encrease our knowlege of the vast countries ceded to us and of the various nations that inhabit them.



NUMBER of INDIAN TOWNS, situated on and near the Ohio River, and its branches, with their distances from Fort-Pitt, and the distances of the prin­cipal branches from each other at their conflux with the Ohio.

 Distance from one another.Distance from Fort Pitt.
FIRST ROUT about N. N. W.MilesMiles
From FORT PITT to Kushkuskies Town on Big Beaver Creek 45
up the east branch of Beaver-Creek to Shaningo1560
up ditto to Pematuning1 [...]72
to Mohoning on the West branch of Beaver Creek.32104
up the branch to Salt Lick10114
to Cayahoga River32146
to Ottawas town on Cayahoga10156
Second ROUT W.N.W.  
From FORT PITT to the mouth of Big Beaver-Creek 25
to Tuscarawas91116
to Mohickon John's Town501 [...]6
to Junundat or Wyandot town46212
to Fort Sandusky4216
to Junqueindundeh24240
THIRD ROUT about W. S. W.  
From FORT PITT to the Forks of the Muskingham 128
to Bullet's Town on Muskingham6134
to Waukatamike10144
to King Beaver's Town on the heads of Hoc­hocking27171
to the lower Shawanese Town on Sioto river40211
to the Salt Lick town on the heads of Sioto25236
to the Miamis fort190426
 Distance from one anotherDistance from Fort Pitt.
FOURTH ROUT down the Ohio; general course about S. W.MilesMiles
By water from FORT PITT to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek 27
to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek1239
to the mouth of Yellow Creek1049
to the two Creeks1867
to Weeling673
to Pipe Hill1285
to the long Reach30115
to the foot of the Reach18133
to the Mouth of Muskingam river30163
to the little Canhawa river12175
to the mouth of Hockhocking river13188
to the mouth of Letort's creek40228
to Kiskeminetas33261
to the mouth of big Canhawa or new river8269
to the mouth of big Sandy creek40309
to the mouth of Sioto River40349
to the mouth of big Salt Lick River30379
to the Island20399
to the mouth of little Mineamie or § Miammee river55454
to big Miammee or Rocky river30484
to the Big Bones20504
to Kentucky River55559
to the Falls of the Ohio50609
to the Wabash, or Ouabache131740
to Cherokee River60800
to the Missisippi40840

N. B. THE places mentioned in the three first Routs are delineated in the foregoing map, by an officer who has an actual knowledge of most of them, and has long served against the Indians. The fourth rout down the Ohio was given by an Indian trader, who has often passed from Fort-Pitt to the Falls; and the distances he gives of the mouths of the several rivers that fall into the Ohio may be pretty certainly depended on. Our maps hitherto published are very erroneous in placing some of those rivers.


APPENDIX IV. NAMES of different INDIAN NATIONS in NORTH-AMERICA, with the NUMBERS of their FIGHTING MEN; referred to in the note page 37.

THE following list was drawn up by a French trader, a person of consi­derable note who has resided many years among the Indians, and still continues at Detroit, having taken the oaths of allegiance to the King of Great Britain. His account may be depended on, so far as matters of this kind can be brought near the truth; a great part of it being delivered from his own personal knowlege.

Conawaghrunas, near the falls of St. Louis200
Abenaquis St. Lawrence Indians350
Michmacs St. Lawrence Indians700
* Amalistes St. Lawrence Indians550
* Chalas St. Lawrence Indians130
Nipissins living towards the heads of the Ottawa river400
Algonquins living towards the heads of the Ottawa river300
Les Tetes de Boule, or Round Heads, near the above2500
Six Nations, on the frontiers of New-York, &c.1550
Wiandots, near lake Erie300
Chipwas near the Lakes Superior and Michigan5000
Ottawas near the Lakes Superior and Michigan900
Messesagues, or River Indians, being wandering tribes, on the lakes Huron and Superior2000
Powtewatamis, near St. Joseph's and Detroit350
Les Puans near Puans bay700
Folle avoine, or Wild-Oat Indians near Puans bay350
* Mechecouakis South of Puans bay250
Sakis South of Puans bay400
Mascoutens South of Puans bay500
Ouisconsins, on a river of that name, falling into Missisippi on the east-side550
Christinaux far north, near the lakes of the same name3000
A [...]naboes, or Assinipouals far north, near the lakes of the same name1500
Blan [...]s Barbus, or White Indians with Beards1500
Sioux, of the meadows towards the heads of Missisippi2500
Sioux, of the woods towards the heads of Missisippi1800
Misiouri, on the river of that name3000
* Grandes Eaux1000
Osages south of Missouri600
Canses south of Missouri1600
Panis blanes south of Missouri2000
Panis piques south of Missouri1700
Padoucas south of Missouri5 [...]0
Ajoues, north of the same1100
Arkanses, on the river that bears their name, falling into Missisippi on the west side2000
Alibamous, a tribe of the Creeks600
* Ouanakina Unknown, unless the author has put them for tribes of the Creeks300
* Chiakanessou Unknown, unless the author has put them for tribes of the Creeks350
* Machecous Unknown, unless the author has put them for tribes of the Creeks800
* Caouitas Unknown, unless the author has put them for tribes of the Creeks700
* Souikilas Unknown, unless the author has put them for tribes of the Creeks200
Miamis, upon the river of that name, falling into Lake Erie350
Delawares (les Loups) on the Chio600
Shawanese on Sioto500
Kickapoos on the Ouabache300
Ouachtenons on the Ouabache400
Peanquichas on the Ouabache250
Kaskasquias, or Ilinois in general, on the Ilinois river600
* Pianria800
Catawbas, on the Frontiers of North-Carolina150
Cherokees, behind South-Carolina2500
Chickasaws Mobile and Missisippi750
Natchez Mobile and Missisippi150
Chactaws Mobile and Missisippi4500

THE above list consists chiefly of such Indians as the French were connected with in Canada and Louisiana. Wherever we knew the names by which the different nations are distinguished by the English, we have inserted them. But the Orthography is yet very unsettled, and the several nations marked with an * Asterism are unknown to us, and therefore they are left as they stand in the original list.

[Page 71]So large a number of fighting men may startle us at first sight; but the ac­count seems no where exaggerated, excepting only that the Catawba nation is now almost extinct. In some nations which we are acquainted with, the account falls even short of their numbers; and some others do not appear to be mentioned at all, or at least not by any name known to us.

SUCH for instance are the Lower Creeks, of whom we have a list accord­ing to their towns. In this list their warriors or gunsmen are 1180, and their inhabitants about 6000. Thus a comparative judgment may be formed of the nations above-mentioned; the number of whole inhabitants will (in this proportion to their warriors, viz. 5 to 1) be about 283,000.



A GENERAL MAP of the COUNTRY on the OHIO and MUSKINGHA Shewing the Situation of the INDIAN-TOWNS with respect to the Army under the Command of COLONEL BOUQUET by [...]

A Topographical PLAN of that part of the INDIAN-COUNTRY through which the Army under the Command of COLONEL BOUQUET marched in the Year 1764. by Tho' Hutchins. As [...] Engineer

  • 1 Regular Troops
  • 2 Hunten
  • 3 Light Horse
  • 4 [...]
  • 5 Advanced Guard
  • 6 Flankers
  • 7 R [...]erie
  • 8 Baggage and Provisions
  • 9 Cattle
  • X The Enemy
  • 1 Grenadiers
  • 2 Light Infantry
  • 3 Battalion Men
  • 4 Rangers
  • 5 Castle
  • 6 Horse [...]
  • 7 Entrenchment of Bags for the [...]ounded
  • X The Enemy
  • 8 First Position of the Troops Gra [...]es

PLAN of the BATTLE near BUSHY-RUN Gained by HIS MAJESTY'S Troops commanded by COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET over the DELAWARES. SHAWANESE. MINGOES. WYANDOT'S, MOHIKONS, MIAMIES & OTKAWAS. on the 5th and 6th of August. 176 [...]. From an Actual Survey

By Thos Hutchins Assistant Engineer

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