THE discovery of America by Columbus and of the northern continent by the Cabots in the 15th century, and the several voyages of English and French in the 16th I pass over, and begin with the voyage made by Bartholomew Gosnold, an Englishman, in the year 1602, to that part of North America since cal­led New-England. It is not certain that any European had been there before. Hackluit mentions the landing of some of Sir H. Gilbert's men upon some part of the conti­nent; but, its probable, that was farther eastward, upon what is now called Nova-Scotia. Gosnold landed first on the eastern coast, which he calls Mavoshen.^* After some commerce with the natives he sailed southward and landed upon one of the islands called Elizabeth islands.^‡ He gave them that name in honour to Q. Elizabeth, who was living when he left England, and they have retained it ever since. He built a fort and intended a settlement upon the island, or the continent near it, but he could not persuade his peo­ple to remain there, and they all returned to England be­fore winter.^†

[Page 2]IN 1603, De Monts obtained a patent from Henry the 4th of France, for all the country from the 40th to the 46th degree, by the name of Cadie or Acadie. In 1604 De Monts ranged along the sea coast from St. Lawrence to Cape Cod, and to the south of it. He went far up Kene­beck river, and into divers other rivers, bays and harbours.^§

IN 1606 King James the first granted all the continent from 34 to 45 degrees, which he divided into two colo­nies, viz. the Southern or Virginia to certain merchants of London, the Northern or New-England to merchants of Plymouth.

IN 1607 some of the patentees of the Northern colony began a settlement at Sagadehoc. They laid the plan of a great state.^‖ The president died the first winter, which was extreme cold. Sir John Popham his brother, the great promoter of the design, and Sir John Gilbert the admiral's brother, died the same year in Europe, and the next year, 1608, the whole number which survived the winter re­turned to England. Their design of a plantation was at an end. Both English and French continued their voyages to the coast, some for fishing, and some for trade with the natives; and some feeble attempts were made by the French towards plantations, but they were routed by the English in 1613. There was no spirit in the people of either nation for colonizing. Favorable accounts were published of the continent by Capt. Smith and others; but who would re­move and settle in so remote and uncultivated a part of the globe if he could live tolerably at home?^* The country [Page 3] would afford no immediate subsistance and therefore was not fit for indigent persons. Particular persons or compa­nies would have been discouraged from supporting a colony by the long continued expence and outset without any re­turn.^† No encouragement could be expected from the public. The advantages of commerce from the colonies were not then foreseen, but have been since learned by ex­perience. Virginia in it's infancy was struggling for life, and what it's fate would have been if the fathers of it in England had not seen the rise and growth of other colo­nies near it, is uncertain.^‡ God in his providence bringeth good out of evil. Bigotry and blind zeal prevailed among christians of every sect or profession. Each denied to the other what all had a right to enjoy, liberty of conscience. To this we must ascribe, if not the settlement, yet at least the present flourishing state of North America. Per­secution drove one Mr. Robinson and his church from Eng­land to Holland, about the year 1608. They stayed about a year at Amsterdam and then removed to Leyden. In 1617 they began to think of removing to America. They laid great stress upon their peculiar tenets, but this did not lessen their regard to morality. The manners of the Dutch were too licentious for them. Their children left them, some became soldiers and others sailors in the Dutch service. In a few years their posterity would have been Dutch, and their church extinct. Th [...]y were at a loss whether to remove to Guiana ^* or to Virginia, but the majority were in favour of the latter. The Dutch la­boured to persuade them to go to Hudson's river and [Page 4] settle under their West-India company; but they had not lost their affection for the English, and chose to be under their government and protection. They applied to the Virginia company for a patent of part of the country. To render it probable that their undertaking would not, like all former, be abortive, they gave among others these special reasons: ‘That they were well weaned from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land. That they were knit toge­ther in a strict and sacred bond, by virtue of which they held themselves bound to take care of the good of each other and of the whole. That it was not with them as with other men whom small things could discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again.’ The Virginia company were very much pleased with the application, and some of the chief of them addressed the King to grant the petitioners liberty in religion under the great seal; but this was refused. He promised to connive, and not molest them; but this would not do for them at that time. They laid aside the design for that year. In 1619 they renewed their application and resolved to venture though they could not have a special grant from the King of liberty of conscience. They hoped their remote situation would put them out of danger of the ecclesiastical courts. The affairs of the Virginia company were in great confusion, and it was the latter end of the year before the patent was granted. It was taken out under the company's seal to John Wincob. He lived in the family of the Countess of Lincoln, and not removing with the rest, they never took any benefit from the patent. Mr. Weston and other merchants of London engaged, some to adventure their money, and some to go over with them. They therefore made the necessary preparations, and in July 1620 the principal of them went over to South­hampton, where two ships were ready to take them on board. They sailed the beginning of August, but were obliged repeatedly to put back and to leave one of their ships behind with part of the company at last. They in­tended [Page 5] for Hudson's river or the coast near to it; but the Dutch had bribed their pilot, and he carried them farther northward, so that they fell in about Cape-Cod, and arri­ved in that harbour the 11th of November. The har­bour is good, but the country is sandy and barren. This was discouraging, but it was too late in the year to put to sea again. They coasted about in their boat until they found a place more agreeable to them for a plantation though not so good a harbour. Here they brought their ship and determined to take up their abode. They gave it the name of New-Plimouth. Captain Smith happened to give the name of Plimouth to the same place in 1614. A very circumstantial account of the beginning and pro­gress of this colony, wrote by Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the principal undertakers, is to be found among Purchase's collections.^*

THE project of settling America revived again, and a new patent was granted bearing date Nov. 3d, 1620, in­corporating the adventurers to the northern colony by the name of the Council for the affairs of New-England; the bounds of the country were expressed between 40 and 48 deg. N. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason were two of the most active members of this council. All the sea-coast at one time or other has been granted or pretended to be granted by this council, and some parts seve­ral times over, partly from defects in form in preceding grants, and partly from unacquaintedness with the geography of the country. The first grant within the bounds of the Massachusets was obtained by Mr. Weston, who in the summer of 1622, sent over two ships with 50 or 60 men to begin a plantation at Wessagusset, since called Weymouth. They were sickly when they arrived, and received necessa­ries and refreshment from their neighbours at New-Plimouth. They were a dissolute crew, soon brought themselves to poverty, then robbed the Indians and offered other abuses to them. The Indians made their com­plaints to the colony of New-Plimouth; but the abuses [Page 6] continuing, the next year they laid a plot for the de­struction of all Weston's company.^‡ The plot was dis­covered to the New-Plimouth people, who sent some of their men and prevented the execution of it, by the sur­prize of those who were to be the principal actors. Mr. Weston coming over to visit his plantation, was cast away in Ipswich bay, and stripped by the Indians of every thing but his shirt. Being thus rendered incapable of affording any relief to his colony, it came to an end after one year's continuance.

CAPTAIN Robert Gorges obtained a patent from the council of Plimouth dated Dec. 13, 1622, 10 miles in breadth, and 30 miles into the land on the northeast side of Massachusets bay. This was loose and uncertain, and no use ever made of it.^† He was son to Sir Ferdinando, and employed by the council in 1623 as lieutenant-general to restrain interlopers and regulate all affairs. He made some attempts to revive Weston's plantation, but returned home the same year without success. Francis West came the same year as Vice-Admiral, but made no stay. The [Page 7] Earl of Warwick had a patent for Massachusets bay about the same time, but the bounds are not known.

IN 1624, Lyford the minister of New-Plimouth and one John Oldham stirred up a faction there, and were banished that colony. They began a settlement at Nan­tasket. The same year some persons belonging to Dor­chester in England sent over fishermen and made necessary provision for a fishery at Cape-Ann, and Roger Conant,^§ who with John Oldham had left Plimouth and removed with the rest to Nantasket, was appointed their overseer, A grant was made by one of the Gorges, it is not said which, to Oldham and others, of part of Massachusetts bay, which occasioned some dispute between them and the Massachusets grantees.^*

IN 1625 one Capt. Wollaston with about 30 persons began a plantation near Weston's. They gave it the name of Mount Wollaston. It was known by that name some [Page 8] years after, but at length the name was lost in that of Braintree, of which town it is a part.^† No mention is made of a patent to Wollaston. One Morton of Furnival's inn was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry Mount, set all the servants free▪ erected a may-pole, and lived a life of dissipation until all the stock intended for trade was consumed. He was charged with furnishing the Indians with guns and ammunition, and teaching them the use of them. At length he made himself so obnoxious to the planters in all parts, that at their general desire the people of New-Plimouth seized him by an armed force, and confined him until they had an opportunity of sending him to England. In the fall of 1626 Roger Conant and some if not all of his company removed from Cape-Ann to a neck of land upon Naumkeak river. I find mention made of planters at Winisimet about the same time, who probably removed there from some of the other plantations. This is all the account we have of any settlements or attempts for settlements in the Massachusets bay until the year 1627. Mr. White the minister of Dorchester had encouraged Conant and his company to remain in New-England, and promised them men, provisions, &c.

IN 1627, March 19, the Council of Plimouth sold to Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb, who lived about Dorchester in England, their heirs and asso­ciates, all that part of New-England three miles to the south of Charles river, and three miles north of Merri­mack river, from the Atlantick to the South Sea. All the lesser grants which have been mentioned within those limits (the settlement of the country being entirely neg­lected by the grantees) were without doubt looked upon to be forfeited or void. The conditions or tenor of none of them appear at this day. It is very likely the three [Page 9] persons first named in this grant had nothing more in view by the purchase than a settlement for trade with the nati [...]es, or for fishery, or other advantageous purposes. As soon as a colony for religion was projected we hear no more of them.^* The other three remained. Mr· White managed a treaty between Sir Richard Saltonstall, Matthew Cradock and John Venn, Esquires, and divers others in and about London, and the original patentees. A purchase was made, and the same summer Mr. Endicot,^† one of the original patentees, was sent over to Naum­keak with planters and servants, and all the affairs of the colony committed to his care. The patent from the council of Plimouth gave a good right to the soil, but no powers of government. A royal charter was necessary. This passed the seals March 4. 1628. Mat­thew Cradock was appointed the first governor, and Thomas Goffe deputy governor. Two days before, March 2d, some affairs of the colony requiring it, there had been a meeting of the company at which both gover­nor and deputy are named as such, The day for the annual election of officers by charter being the last [Page 10] Wednesday in Easter term, on the 13th of May 1628 Mr. Cradock was chosen governor by the company, and Mr. Goffe deputy governor, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, John Humfrey, Simon Whetcomb, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Natha­nael Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William Vas­sall, William Pincheon, John Pocock, and Christopher Coul­son, assistants. William Burgis was chosen secretary in the room of John Washburne. At this court it was determined that every one of the company who had subscribed fifty pounds should have 200 acres of land assigned, and in pro­portion for a greater or lesser sum as the first dividend. The names of all the adventurers and the sums subscrib­ed were sent over to Mr. Endicot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation. A second embarkation of planters and servants had been determined at a meeting April 30, to be made with all speed.^* Four ministers were provided. Three of them, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and Francis Bright, were readily accepted by the company, and had all due encouragement promised them; the fourth, Ralph Smith was required to give under his hand, that he would not exercise his ministry within the limits of the patent without the express leave of the go­vernor upon the spot.^† Five ships were provided for [Page 11] this embarkation. Mr. Higginson says in his journal that he sailed from the Isle of Wight the 11th of May, and arrived at Cape-Ann the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 29th. They found at Naumkeag about 100 planters, 8 houses, besides a fair house built for Mr. Endicot. The old and new planters together were about 300, of which 100 removed to Charlestown, where there was a house built, the rest remained at Salem. Mr. Endicot had cor­responded with the settlers at Plimouth, who satisfied him that they were right in their judgments of the outward form of worship, being much like to that of the reformed churches in France, &c.^‡ On the 20th of July Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton, after fasting and prayer, were first elected by the company for their ministers, the first teacher, the other pastor, each of them, together with three or four grave members, laying their hands on the other with solemn prayer. Nothing is said of any church being then formed; but on the 6th of August, the day appointed for the choice and ordination of elders and deacons, thirty persons entered into a covenant in writing, which is said to be the beginning of the church, and that the ministers were ordained or instituted anew. The repetition of this form they probably thought necessary, because the people were not in a church state before. [Page 12] It is difficult to assign any other reason. Messengers or delegates from the church of Plimouth were expected to join with them, but contrary winds hindered them in their passage, so that they did not arrive until the afternoon, but time enough to give the right hand of fellowship. Two of the company, John Brown and Samuel Brown, one a lawyer, the other a merchant, both men of good estates, and of the first patentees and of the council, were dissatisfied. They did not like that the common prayer and service of the church of England should be wholly laid aside, and therefore drew off, with as many as were of their sen­timents, from the rest and set up a separate society. This offended the governor, who caused the two members of his council to be brought before him, and judging that this practice, together with some speeches they had uttered, tended to sedition, he sent them back to England. The heads of the party being removed the opposition ceased.^†

WHILST these things were doing in the colony, the company in England were projecting a much larger em­barkation, and the transfer of the corporation itself from Old England to New. Several gentlemen of figure and estate, Isaac Johnson, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, and divers others, who were dissatisfied with the arbitrary proceedings both in church and state, pleased themselves with the prospect of liberty in both, to be enjoyed in America, and proposed to the company at London to re­move with their families▪ but upon this condition only, [Page 13] that the patent and charter should remove with them. This proposal was first communicated July the 28th, 1629. A committee was appointed to consider of it and to advise with counsel learned in the law and to make report. The adventurers had been at great expence without any returns made to them, and had no rational prospect of any profit from the plantation in the way they were in. The principal objection seems to have arose from a doubt whether such a transfer was legal. The report of the committee is not recorded. Mr. White a counsellor at law was one of the company and great stress was laid upon his opinion; and on the 29th of August it was de­termined ‘by the general consent of the company that the government and patent should be settled in New-England.’ It is evident from the charter that the original design of it was to constitute a corporation in England, like to that of the East-India and other great com­panies, with powers to settle plantations within the limits of the territory, under such forms of government and magistracy as should be fit and necessary. The first step in sending out Mr. Endicot, appointing him a council, giving him commission, instructions, &c. was agreeable to this construction of the charter.

IN consequence of this new resolution, the members of the corporation which remained in England were to retain a share in the trading stock and the profits of it for the term of seven years. The management of it was committed to five persons who were going over, viz. J. Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonstall, I. Johnson, T. Dudley, and J. Revell, and to five who were to remain, M. Cradock, N. Wright, T. Eaton, T. Goffe, and J. Young, and at the expiration of the term the stock with the profits were to be divided to each man in proportion to his adventure. All other powers and privileges were to remain with the planters upon the spot. We have no account of any divi­dend ever made, nor indeed of any trade ever carried on for the company. There was another article, that one [Page 14] half the charge of fortifications and support of the ministers should be paid out of the joint stock, but no notice was taken of it in the colony.

THE 20th of October at a general court of governor, deputy and assistants, and the generality, a new choice was made of governor, &c. consisting of such persons as had determined to go over with the patent. John Winthrop was elected governor, John Humfrey deputy governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, John Endicot, Increase Nowell, William Vassall, William Pyn­chon, Samuel Sharp, Edward Rossiter, Thomas Sharp, John Revell, Matthew Cradock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, Nathaniel Wright, Theophilus Eaton, and Thomas Adams, assistants.^† They did not all go over. [Page 15] From time to time until the general embarkation, as any one declined some other person was chosen in his stead. First Roger Ludlow was chosen instead of Samuel Sharp.^* [Page 16] Whilst they were at Southampton (March 18) Sir Bryan Jansen, William Coddington and Simon Bradstreet were chosen in the room of Mr. Wright, Eaton and Gofse, and [Page 17] yet Sir Bryan never came to New-England. Even after they had embarked, at a court on board the Arabella, Mr. Dudley was chosen deputy governor, in the room of Mr. [Page 18] Humfrey who staid behind. It is not matter of wonder that they discovered so great want of resolution. It is strange that so many perse [...]ered. It shews some little [Page 19] fortitude in a man in health and vigour, who goes through the fatigues of a long voyage and spends but a few months in a wilderness, among Savages, and in a climate more severe than he had ever experienced. What must we think then of persons of rank and good circumstances in life bidding a final adieu to all the conveniencies and delights of England their native country, and exposing themselves their wives and children to inevitable hardships and sufferings, in a long voyage across the Atlantick, to land upon a most inhospitable shore, destitute of any kind of building to secure them from the inclemency of the weather, and of most sorts of food to which they had been always used at their former home? The sickness and mortality which prevailed the first winter, they did not foresee. It is an observation since made, that most parts of America have proved unhealthy (except where the country is cleared) until persons have had a seasoning in it.

ELEVEN ships which sailed from different ports in England, arrived in New-England before the end of July. Six more arrived before the end of the year. They brought above 1500 passengers. The Arabella, on board which was the governor and several of the assistants left Yarmouth between the 7th and 10th of April. On the 7th the governor and divers others on board signed a pa­per directed to their brethren of the church of England, to remove suspicions or misconstructions, and to ask their prayers. This paper has occasioned a dispute whether the first settlers of the Massachusets were of the church of [Page 20] Engl [...]d or not. However problematical it may be what they were while they remained in England, they left no room for doubt after they arrived in America. The Arabella arrived at Salem the 12th of June.^* The com­mon people immediately went ashore and regaled them­selves with strawberries, which are very fine in America, and were then in perfection. This might give them a favorable idea of the produce of the country, but the gentlemen met with enough to fill them with concern. The first news they had was of a general conspiracy a few months before of all the Indians as far as Naraghanset, to extirpate the English. Eighty persons out of about three hundred had died in the colony the winter before, a [...]d many of those that remained were in a weak sickly condition. There was not corn enough to have lasted above a fortnight and all other provisions were very scant. They were obliged to give all the servants ^† they had sent over their liberty that they might shift for themselves, although they had cost from sixteen to twenty pounds a head. They had not above three or four months to look out proper places for settlements, and to provide shelter against the severity of the winter. With this prospect of difficulties, great enough for them to encounter, sickness began among them. Being destitute of necessary ac­commodations they dropped away one after another. Among others the lady Arabella, who, to use Mr. Hub­bard's words, ‘came from a paradise of plenty and plea­sure in the family of a noble Earl into a wilderness of wants, and although celebrated for her many virtues yet was not able to encounter the adversity she was surrounded with and in about a month after her arrival she ended her days at Salem where she first landed.’ Mr. Johnson her husband highly esteemed for his piety and wisdom, over­come with grief survived her a short time only and died at Boston the 30th September to the great loss of the colony. [Page 21] Mr. Rossiter another of the assistants died soon after. Be­fore December they had lost two hundred of their num­ber including a few who died upon their passage.

THE governor and some of the principal persons left Salem the 17th of June and travelled through the woods to Charlestown, about 20 miles, to look out for a conve­nient place for their chief town, which they had deter­mined should be in some part of the bay or harbour between Nantasket and Cambridge. At first they pitched upon the north side of Charles river, or rather northwest, by the major voice, but a number of the principal gentle­men having fixed their cottages (shelters intended for one winter only) upon the opposite side of the river, the go­vernor and most of the assistants removed to them in November. They were however undetermined where to build in the spring. A fortified town, at least palisa­doed, was thought necessary to defend them against the natives, and they could not agree upon the most conve­nient place for that purpose.

THEY found, when they arrived, a few families scatter­ed about in several parts of the bay. Mr. Maverick, who will often appear in the course of this history, lived upon Noddle's island, a grant or confirmation of which he after­wards obtained from the court. He had built a small fort and had four cannon mounted there. At a point up­on Shawmut or Trimontaine, since Boston,^* lived Mr. Blaxton who had left England being dissatisfied there and not a thorough conformist; but he was more dissatisfied with the non-conformity of the new comers. He told them he came from England bec [...]se he did not like the Lords Bishops, but he could not join with them because he did not like the Lords Brethren. He claimed the whole peninsula upon which Boston is built, because he was the first that slept upon it. He had a grant of a very handsome lot there at the west part of the town, but he chose to quit all and removed to the southward, at or near [Page 22] what is since called Providence,^† where he lived to old age. There were also several families at Mattapan, since called Dorchester or rather Dorchester neck; here ^‡ Mr. [...] and Mr. Rossiter pitched with two ministers Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick. On the north of Charles river (Charlestown) were the remains of those who had moved the last year from Salem; here Mr. Nowell and some of his friends made their pitch, but considered them­selves and Boston at first as but one settlement and one church, with Mr. Wilson for their minister. When he went to England in the spring, Charlestown became a distinct church and town and took Mr. James for their minister. Sir Richard Saltonstall chose a place some miles up Charles river, which has taken the name of Watertown. His company took Mr. Phillips for their minister. Mr. Pyn­chon was at the head of another company who settled be­tween Dorchester and Boston. Their town took the name of Roxbury. They had Mr. Eliot^§ for their minister. Med [...]ord and Mistick were then distinct places, tho' not so at present At Medford ^‖ which I take to have been a small village at the lower part of Mistick river, now called neck of land, where a creek also ran into Charles river, it was intended a settlement should be made for Mr. Cradock and the people he was sending and had sent over. Here by his agents he built several vessels of burden. At these several places together with Salem the whole company were settled for the first winter. They had little time enough to provide their huts. Assoon as December came their out-door work was over. On the 6th of De­cember the governor and assistants met and agreed to fortify the neck between Boston and Roxbury, and orders were given for preparing the materials, but at another meeting on the 21st they laid that design aside and agreed [Page 23] on a place ^* about three miles above Charlestown, and most of them engaged to build houses there the next year. The weather held tolerable until the 24th of December, but the cold then came on with violence. Such a Christ­mas eve they had never seen before. From that time to the 10th of February their chief care was to keep themselves warm, and as comfortable in other respects as their scant provision would permit. The poorer sort were much exposed, lying in [...]ents and miserable hovels, and many died of the scurvy and other distempers. They were so short of provisions that many were obliged to live upon clams, mussels and other shell-fish, with ground-nuts and acorns instead of bread. One that came to the gover­nor's house to complain of his sufferings was prevented, being informed that even there the last batch was in the oven. Some instances are mentioned of great calmness and resig­nation in this distress. A good man who had asked his neighbour to a dish of clams, after dinner returned thanks to God who had given them to suck of the abundance of the seas and of treasure hid in the sands. They had appointed the 22d of February for a fast, but on the 5th to their great joy the ship Lyon, Capt. Pierce, one of the last years fleet returned laden with provisions from England, which were distributed according to the necessities of the people. They turned their fast into a thanksgiving.

IN the spring of 1631 they pursued their design of a fortified town at Newtown. The governor set up the frame of a house, the deputy governor finished his house and removed his family. About this time Chicketawbut the chief of the Indians near Boston came to visit the governor and made high professions of friendship. The apprehensions of danger lessened by degrees, the design of a fortified town went off in the same proportion, until it was wholly laid aside. The governor took down his frame and carried it to Boston. Mr. Dudley the deputy was of­fended, and persisted for some time in his first determination of residing at Newtown, but at length removed to Roxbury.

[Page 24]THIS scheme of a fortified town was well enough while they were uncertain what the temper of the natives would be. Their design was to make improvements and to ex­tend their settlements in the several parts of the country. Unless they were upon such terms with the Indians that they could do this with safety the colony could not long subsist. If they were upon such terms fortified towns were unnecessary.^*

THE high price of provisions this year in England im­poverished the colony. Every bushel of wheat meal cost including the freight 14s. sterling, every bushel of pease 10s. and Indian corn imported from Virginia sold at 10s. ^† Some were discouraged and returned to England, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Sharpe, &c. and never came back, but others in hopes of better times went over to fetch their families and returned with them, viz. Mr. Wil­son, Coddington,^‡ &c. They went in the Lyon which brought their supply. In the same ship Sir Christopher Gardner was sent home under confinement. He was a knight of the sepulchre, but concealed his true character and came over last year under pretence of separating him­self from the world and living a life of retirement and de­votion. He offered to join to several of the churches, but [Page 25] he was suspected to be an immoral man and not received. He had a comely young woman which travelled with him. He called her his cousin. For some miscarriages in the Massachusets he fled to the Indians. They carried him to Plimouth, having first used him pretty roughly. From thence he was sent to Boston. He joined afterwards with Gorges, Mason and others in complaints against the colony.

MR. Wilson left the church on the south side of the river without a minister. At his parting he recommended them to the care of the governor, deputy-governor and other godly and able christians to carry on the worship of God on the Lord's day by prophesying until his return.

So much of their attention was necessary in order to provide for their support that little business was done by the assistants or by the general court. The removal of the charter made many new regulations necessary which were settled by degrees. The first court of assistants was at Charlestown Aug. 23d about two months after their ar­rival. A beadle a corporation officer was appointed. It was then ordered that the governor and deputy for the time being should be justices of the peace, four of the then assistants were also appointed justices. All justices whatso­ever were to have the same power for reformation of a­buses and punishing offenders which justices have in Eng­land, but no corporal punishment to be inflicted except by an assistant. In high offences the governor and assistants sat as a court as well as in civil matters. There was a trial by a jury this year for murder and the person charged was acquitted. The first general court was held the 19th of October, not by a representative but by every one that was free of the corporation in person. None had been admit­ted freemen since they left England. The governor and assistants had a great influence over the court. It was or­dered that for the future the freemen should chuse the [...] and the assistants from among themselves chuse the [...]rnor and deputy governor. The court of assis­tants [...] have the power of making laws and appoint­ing officers. This was a departure from their charter. [Page 26] One hundred and nine freemen were admitted at this court. Maverick, Blackstone, and many more who were not of any of the churches were of this number. This was all that was transacted that was any thing material the first year. The next general court was the court of election for 1631. The scale was now turned and the freemen resolved to chuse both governor, deputy and assistants notwithstanding the former vote, and made an order that for the time to come none should be admitted to the freedom of the body politick but such as were church members.^*

THIS was a most extraordinary order or law and yet it continued in force until the dissolution of the government, it being repealed, in appearance only,^‡ after the restora­tion of King Charles the second. Had they been deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of parliament unless they would join in communion with the churches there it might very well have been the first in the roll of grievances. But such were the requisites to qualify for church membership here that the grievance was abun­dantly greater.

THE scarcity of the former year excited the inhabitants to make the greater improvements by tillage assoon as the spring advanced, and it pleased God to give them such fa­vorable seasons that they had a very plentiful harvest, and Indian corn^† which could not be purchased with [Page 27] money the year before, at the end of this year was made a tender in discharge of all debts, except money or beaver had been specially agreed for. Cattle were extremely dear, a great part of what had been shipped from England being dead, and a milch cow was valued at twenty five to thirty pounds sterling.

THE same governor and deputy governor and such of the assistants of 1630 as were living and in the colony, were re-elected for the year 1731.^‡ They continued to make the same choice for 1632, with the addition of Mr. John Humfrey, who had been deputy governor in England but was prevented coming the first year, and John Win­throp, jun. the governor's eldest son, who with his wife, mother and some others of the family arrived in October the year before. They were frequently alarmed this year^§ by the Indians, which put them into confusion; happy for them that in this their feeble infant state they were only alarmed. A company of Eastern Indians called Tarre­tines, about an hundred in number, assaulted the wigwams of the Sagamore of Agawam.^* They came by water in 30 canoes, slew seven Indians and wounded two Sagamores who lived near Boston, and carried away captives one of their wives with divers other Indians. The governor likewise received advice from the governor of Plimouth of a broil between some English of that colony and some of the Naraganset Indians, who set upon the English house at Sowam,^† also of motions made by the Pequods, which caused the Dutch governor of Manhadoes to give notice to the English to be upon their guard. A shallop be­longing to Dorchester having been missing all the winter, it appeared this summer that the crew consisting of five men had been secretly murdered by the Eastern Indians. [Page 28] However, the Sagamores near Boston made professions of friendship, and on the 5th of August this year Mianti­nomo one of the great Sachems of the Naragansets, the most numerous of all the Indians between Boston and Hudson's river, came down to Boston, whether out of fear or love they could not tell, to enter into a league of friendship with the colony. He and his followers were invited to attend the publick worship, but three of them withdrew in sermon time, and to satisfy their hunger broke into an English house to get victuals. The Sagamore who was a very high spirited fellow could hardly be persuaded to order them any corporal punishment, but he was so ashamed of his attendants that he ordered them out of town and followed them himself soon after.

THE French also occasioned some uneasy apprehensions. They had been drove from Accady by Sir Samuel Argall in 1613. The people of New-Plimouth had set up a trading house at Penobscot about the year 1627. Intelli­gence was brought this year to the Massachusets that in 1630 or 1631 Sir William Alexander had sold the country of Nova-Scotia to the French, and that the fort with all the ammunition and stores were delivered to them; that Cardinal Richlieu had ordered some companies there, and that more were expected the next year with priests, jesuits, &c. This news alarmed the governor and council and put them upon consultations for their defence. They determined to finish a fort which was begun at Boston, to build another at Nantasket, and to hasten the settlement of Agawam (Ipswich) it being one of the best places both for pasture and tillage, lest an enemy should take possession and prevent them. Mr. Winthrop the governor's son was accordingly sent to begin a plantation there.^* It appears [Page 29] that their apprehensions of the French designs to take pos­session of some part or other of the coast were not ill founded,1632. for they sent a ship this year to Penobscot as a prelude to what was to come after. Governor Bradford of Plimouth gives this account of it. ‘This year the house at Penobscot is robbed by the French in this manner. While the master of the house and part of the company with him is come with one vessel to the westward to fetch a supply of goods brought over for us, a small French vessel having a false Scot aboard goes into the harbour, pretends they are newly come from sea, knows not where they are, that the vessel is very leaky, and desires they may hawl her a­shore and stop her leaks, making many French comple­ments and congees: And seeing but three or four simple men who are servants, and by the Scotchman understanding the master and the rest of the company [Page 30] are gone from home, fall to commending the guns and muskets which lie on the racks by the wall side, take them down to look on them, asking if they were charged, and when possessed of them, one presents a loaded piece against the servants, another a pistol, they bid them not to stir but deliver the goods, and made them help in carrying them all aboard to the value of four or five hundred pounds sterling, prime cost; three hundred weight of beaver, the rest in trading goods, as coats, rugs, blankets, &c. then set the servants at liberty and go away with this taunting message, Tell your master when he returns that some of the Isle of Rhee gentle­men have been here.’

IT appears that the Massachusets people took possession of the country at a very critical time. Rich [...]ieu in all probability would have planted his colony nearer the sun if he could have found any place vacant. De Monts and company had acquired a thorough knowledge of all the coast from Cape Sables beyond Cape Cod in 1604, indeed it does not appear that they then went round or to the bottom of Massachusets bay. Had they once gained foot­ing there they would have prevented the English. The frenchified court of King Charles the first would, at the treaty of Saint Germains, have given up any claim to Mas­sachusets bay as readily as they did to Acadie; for the French could make out no better title to Penobscot and the other parts of Acadie than they could to Massachusets. The little plantation at New-Plimouth would have been no greater bar to the French in one place than in the other. The Dutch the next year would have quietly possessed themselves of Connecticut river, unless the French instead of the English had pre­vented them. Whether the people of either nation would have persevered is uncertain. If they had done it the late contest for the dominion of North-America would have been between France and Holland, and the commerce of England would have borne a very different proportion to that of the rest of Europe from what it does at present.

[Page 31]THE new settlers were in perils also from their own countrymen. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason, two of the council of Plimouth, who with a view to the advancement of their fortunes had expended large sums to little purpose in attempts to settle colonies in New-England, beheld the Massachusets with an envious eye. They intended for themselves all that part of the colony which lies to the Eastward of Naumkeag. Gardiner and Morton ^* to revenge the affronts they had received joined [Page 32] with them in a complaint to the King in council against the colony. At this time they failed of success, and an order was made in council 19th January 1632 ‘declaring the fair appearances and great hopes which there then were, that the country would prove beneficial to the kingdom as well as profitable to the particular persons concerned, and that the adventurers might be assured that if things should be carried on as was pretended when the patents were granted and according as by the patent is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges heretofore granted but supply any thing further which might tend to the good government prosperity and comfort of the people there.’ ^†

1633.IN the year 1633 the people still continued the admi­nistration of government in the same hands. Fresh sup­plies of inhabitants had been brought from England from time to time in the course of the two former years, but there were many who were willing to see the success of the first adventurers before they embarked themselves. The reports carried over were very encou­raging so that this year there was a very great addition made, ships arriving all summer, in some months twelve or fourteen in a month; an exportation so great and of such sort of persons that it produced the following order of the King in Council, 21st February 1633.

‘WHEREAS the board is given to understand of the frequent transportation of great numbers of his Majesty's subjects out of this kingdom to the plantation of New-England, [Page 33] among whom divers persons known to be ill affected, discontented not only with civil but ecclesiastical government here, are observed to resort thither, where­by such confusion and distraction is already grown there, especially in point of religion, as beside the ruin of the said plantation cannot but highly tend to the scandal both of church and state here. And whereas it was informed in particular, that there are at this present divers ships in the river of Thames ready to set sail thither freighted with passengers and provisions, It is thought fit and ordered that stay should be forthwith made of the said ships until further order from this board. And the several masters and freighters of the same should attend the board on wednesday next in the afternoon with a list of the passengers and provisions in each ship. And that Mr. Cradock a chief adventurer in that plan­tation now present before the board should be required to cause the letters patent for the said plantation to be brought to this board.’ ^*

MR. Hubbard says that this order was the effect of a new complaint preferred by Gardiner, Morton and others, of their hardships and sufferings from the severity of the government, and that such of the company as were in England were called before the committee of council, and delivered an answer in writing, and that upon reading thereof it pleased God so to work with the Lords of the council and afterwards with the King's Majesty, that when the whole matter was reported to him by Sir Thomas Jermayne one of the council who had been present at the three days of hearing, and spake much in commendation of the governor, both to the Lords and after to his Ma­jesty, the King said he would have such severely punished as should abuse his governor and the plantation, and the defendants were dismissed with a favorable order for their encouragement; being assured from some of the council that his Majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the church of England upon them, for that it was considered it was for the sake of freedom from those [Page 34] things that people went over thither. It is certain a stop was not put to the emigration. There came over amongst many others in this year 1633, Mr. Haynes of the civil order, Mr. Cotton,^* Mr. Hooker, and Mr. Stone, three of the most famous men of the religious order. Mr. Cot­ton is supposed to have been more instrumental in the set­tlement of their civil as well as ecclesiastical polity than any other person. The church of Boston by advice of the go­vernor and council and of the elders in the colony received him for their teacher, to which office he was ordained the 17th October. Mr. Thomas Leverett an ancient member of Mr. Cotton's church in England was at the same time ordained ruling elder. The circumstances and order of proceeding in Mr. Cotton's ordination were intended as a precedent, and the congregational churches in New Eng­land have generally conformed thereto ever since. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone with their friends settled at New­town (Cambridge.)^†

[Page 35]IN the year 1634 they thought proper to give their governor some respite,1634. Mr. Dudley being chosen in his stead, and Roger Ludlow deputy governor.

MR. Haynes who had lately come over was chosen to the place of assistant. The governor and assistants kept the powers of government both legislative and executive very much in their hands the three first years. The peo­ple began to grow uneasy, and the number of freemen being greatly multiplied an alteration of the constitution seems to have been agreed upon or fallen into by a general consent of the towns, for at a general court for elections in 1634, twenty four of the principal inhabitants appeared as the representatives of the body of freemen, and before they proceeded to the election [Page 36] of magistrates the people asserted their right to a greater share in the government than had hitherto been allowed them, and resolved ‘That none but the general court had power to make and establish laws or to elect and appoint officers, as governor, deputy governor, assistants, treasurer, secretary, captains, lieutenants, ensigns, or any of like mo­ment or to remove such upon misdemeanor or to set out the duties and powers of these officers—That none but the general court hath power to raise monies and taxes, [...]nd to dispose of lands, viz. to give and confirm proprieties.’ After these resolutions they proceeded to the election of magistrates. Then they further determined ‘That there shall be four general courts held yearly, to be summoned by the governor for the time being and not to be dissolved without the consent of the major part of the court—That it shall be lawful for the freemen of each plantation to chuse two or three before every general court to con­fer of and prepare such business as by them shall be thought fit to consider of at the next court, and that such persons as shall be hereafter so deputed by the freemen of the several plantations to deal in their behalf in the affairs of the commonwealth, shall have the full power and voices of all the said freemen derived to them for the making and establishing of laws, granting of lands, &c. and to deal in all other affairs of the commonwealth wherein the freemen have to do, the matter of election of magistrates and other officers only excepted, wherein every freeman is to give his own voice.’—And to show their resentment they imposed a fine upon the court of assistants for going contrary to an order of the general court.⁴⁸

THE freemen were so increased that it was impractica­ble to debate and determine matters in a body, it was be­sides unsafe on account of the Indians and prejudicial to their private affairs to be so long absent from their families and business, so that this representative body was a thing of necessity, but no provision had been made for it in their character.

[Page 37]THUS they settled the legislative body which, except an alteration of the number of general courts which were soon reduced to two only in a year and other not very material circumstances, continued the same as long as the charter lasted. This I suppose was the second house of representatives in any of the colonies. There was as has been observed no express provision for it in the charter, they supposed the natural rights of Englishmen reserved to them implied it. In Virginia a house of burgesses met first in May 1620. The government in every colony like that of the colonies of old Rome may be considered as the effigies parva of the mother state.

THERE was great disturbance in the colony this yea [...] occasioned by Roger Williams minister of Salem. He had been three or four years at Plimouth, and for some time was well esteemed, but at length advanced divers singular opinions in which he did not meet with a concur­rence, whereupon he desir [...]d a dismission to the church of Salem, which was granted him. That church had invited him upon his first coming to New-England, but the go­vernor and council interposed with their advice and pre­vented his settlement at that time. He had refused to join in communion with the church at Boston, because they would not make a publick declaration of their repentance for holding communion with the church of England whilst they lived there. He was charged with divers exception­able tenets, as ‘that it is not lawful for a godly man to have communion [...] family prayer or in an oath with such as they judge unr [...]enerate, and therefore he refused the oath of fidelity and taught others so to do—that it is not lawful for an unregenerate man to pray—that the magi­strate has nothing to do in matters of the first table;’ another tenet is added which ought not to have been ranked with the [...]mer, viz. ‘that to punish a man for any matters of his conscience is persecution.’ ^† The magistrates sent a second time to the church of Salem to desire them to forbear calling him to office, but they refused to hear­ken to their advice and proceeded to ordain him, Mr. [Page 38] Skelton their former minister dying a little before. Mr. Williams caused the church of Salem to send their letters of admonition to the church at Boston and to several other churches, accusing the magistrates which were members of them of divers heinous offences, would admit no church to be pure but the church of Salem, but at length because the members of that church would not separate not only from all the churches in Old England, but from all in New-England also, he separat [...]d from them, and to make compleat work of it he separated from his own wife, and would neither ask a blessing nor give thanks at his meals if his wife was present, because she attended the publick worship in the church of Salem.^* But what gave just occasion to the civil power to interpose was his influ­encing Mr. Endicot, one of the magistrates and a member of his church, to cut the cross out of the King's colours as being a relique of antichristian superstition.^† A writer of the history of those times questions whether his zeal would have carried him so far as to refuse to receive the King's coin because of the cross upon it. Endeavours were used to reclaim him but to no purpose, and at length he was banished the jurisdiction. He removed to the southward to look out for a new settlement among the Indians, and fixed upon a place called by them Moshawsick but by him Providence.^‡ After all that has been said of the actions or tenets of this person while he was in the Massachusets, it ought for ever to be remembred to his honor, that for forty years after instead of shewing any revengeful resentment against the colony from which he had been banished, he seems to have been continually employed in acts of kind­ness and benevolence, giving them notice from time to time not only of every motion of the Indians over whom he had very great influence, but also of the unjust designs [Page 39] of the English within the new colony of which he himself had been the founder and governor and continued the patron.^*

[Page 40]MR. Endicot was sentenced by the court ‘for his rash­ness, uncharitableness, indiscretion, and exceeding the limits of his commission, to be sadly admonished, and also disabled for bearing any office in the common­wealth for the space of a year next ensuing.’ He pro­tested against the proceeding of the court, and an order passed for his commitment, but upon his submission he was dismissed.

MR. Winthrop's conduct had been such from his first associating with the company in England until his being dropped this year from his place of governor, that unless the ostracism of the ancient Greeks had been revived in this new commonwealth, it was reasonable to expect that he should be out of all danger of so much as the least thought to his prejudice, and yet he had a little taste of what in many other popular governments, their greatest benefactors have taken a large potion. After he was out of the chair he was questioned in such a manner as ap­pears to have been disagreeable to him concerning his receipts and disbursements for the publick during his admi­nistration. Having discharged himself with great honor, he concludes his declaration and account in these words:^*

IN the year 1635^† there was a great addition made to the numbers of inhabitants, among others Mr. Vane,1635. afterwards Sir Henry Vane, was admitted to the freedom of the colony on the 3d of March; and at the same time Mr. Harlakenden, a gentleman of good family and estate. There were many others, as Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Dummer, of the magistrates, Mr. R. Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Shepard, and Mr. Peters, of the mini­sters, who came over in this and the last year, determined to take up their abode, and many other persons of figure [Page 42] and distinction were expected to come over, some of which are said to have been prevented by express order of the King, as Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Haslerigg, Oliver Cromwell, &c. I know this is questioned by some au­thors, but it appears plainly by a letter from Lord Say and Seal to Mr. Vane, and a letter from Mr. Cotton to the same nobleman as I take it, though his name is not men­tioned, and an answer to certain demands made by him, that his Lordship himself and Lord Brooke and others were not without thoughts of removing to New-England, and that several other persons of quality were in treaty about their removal also, but undetermined whether to join the Massachusets or to settle a new colony. By the charter the number of assistants might be eighteen, but hitherto they had chosen a less number, from 6 to 9, which left room as any getleman of distinction came over to admit him to a share in the government without leaving out any of the former assistants.

IT appears by the demands just mentioned that some of the nobility and principal commoners of that day had what appears at this day to be very strange apprehensions of the relation they should stand in to Great-Britain, after their removal to America. Many of the proposals were such as imply that they thought themselves at full liberty without any charter from the crown to establish such sort of government as they thought proper, and to form a new state as fully to all intents and purposes as if they had been in a state of nature and were making their first en­trance into civil society. The importance of the colonies to the nation was not fully understood and considered. Perhaps the party which then prevailed in England would have been content to have been rid of the heads of what was deem'd a faction in the government and to have had no further connexion with them. Be that as it may, this sentiment in persons of such figure and distinction will in a great measure excuse the same mistake which will ap­pear to have been made by our first settlers, in many instances in the course of our history. The answer made [Page 43] to the demands seems not to have been satisfactory, for these Lords and gentlemen soon after again turned their thoughts to Connecticut, where they were expected to arrive every year until after 1640.^*

MR. Haynes was chosen governor for this year, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor; Mr. Dummer and Mr. Haugh were added to the assistants.^† The inhabitants of the plantation being so much increased found it difficult to pitch upon convenient places for settlements. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were deservedly in high esteem; some of the principal persons were strongly attached to the one of them, and some to the other. The great in­fluence which Mr. Cotton had in the colony inclined Mr. Hooker and his friends to remove to some place more remote from Boston than Newtown. Besides they alledged as a reason for their removal that they were straitened for room, and thereupon viewed divers places on the sea-coast, but were not satisfied with them. Three or four persons had some time before ^‡ travelled westward into the country an hundred miles upon discovery, until they struck a great river which afterwards they found to be Connecticut or the fresh river, where there were many spots of interval land, and land in other respects to be desired for settle­ment. The Dutch at the Manhados had some knowledge of this place and had given intimations of it to the people of New-Plimouth with whom they had commerce, but Plimouth government kept their intelligence secret.^§ A letter from Mr. Winslow of New-Plimouth Sept. 26, 1633, mentions their having been up the river. They [Page 44] forbad the Dutch making any settlements there and set up a trading house themselves.^‡ The governor of the Massa­chu [...]ets also this year 1635 sent a bark round the cape to the Dutch governor, to acquaint him that the King had granted the river and country of Connecticut to his own subjects, and desired him to forbear building any where thereabouts. This river Mr. Hooker and his friends pitched upon as the most likely place to accommodate them. The latter end of the last year (1634) they intended to remove and applied to the court for leave.^* Of 21 members of the lower house 15 were for their removal, but of the magistrates the governor and two assistants only were for it, the deputy governor (Mr. Winthrop) and the rest of the assistants against it; but still, as the lower house was so much more numerous than the upper, the major part of the whole court was for it. This division was the occasion of first starting the question about the negative voice. The deputies or representatives insisted that the voice of a major part of the assistants was not necessary. The assistants refused to give up their right, and the business was at a stand. The whole court agreed to keep a day of humiliation and prayer, to seek the divine direction in all the congregations in the colony, and to meet again the next week after, At the opening of the court Mr. Cotton preached from Hag. II.4. Yet now be strong O Zerubbabel saith the Lord, and be strong O Joshua the son of Josedech the high priest, and be strong all ye peo­ple of the land, saith the Lord, and work, for I am with you, saith the Lord of hosts. His sermon was as pertinent to the occasion as his text, and prevailed upon the deputies to give up the point at that time.^† Here was a crisis when the patricians, if I may so stile them, were in dan­ger of losing great part of their weight in the govern­ment. It may seem a matter of less consequence than it [Page 45] would have been if the office of assistant had by charter been hereditary or even for life; but the assistants aided by the elders who had great influence with the people, were in a good measure secure of their places. It was by the same aid that they now carried the point against the plebeians. There was no occasion for prodigies or other arts of the priests of old Rome. A judicious discourse from a well chosen text was more rational and had a more lasting effect.

THERE were some circumstances very discouraging, particularly the neighbourhood of the Dutch on the one side and some intelligence received of the designs of the Pequod^* Indians on the other, and of their having killed Capt. Stone and his company as he was going up the river; but they could not be satisfied until they had accomplished their intentions and obtained the leave of the court.

THEY met with a new company which arrived this year, who purchased their estates and settled at Newtown in their stead, with Mr. Shepard for their minister. They did not take their departure until June the next year, and then about an hundred persons in the first company, some of them had lived in splendor and delicacy in England, set out on foot to travel an hundred and twenty or thirty miles with their wives and children, near a fortnight's journey, having no pillars but Jacob's and no canopy but the heavens, a wilderness to go through without the least cultivation, in most places no path nor any marks to guide them, depending upon the compass to steer by, many hideous swamps and very high mountains besides five or six rivers or different parts of the same winding river (the Chickapi) not every where fordable, which they could not avoid. The greatest part of the lands they were going to were evidently without the jurisdiction of the Massa­chusets, [Page 46] nevertheless they took a commission from the au­thority of that colony to govern in Connecticut. There are other instances which shew that they supposed they retained some authority over their inhabitants even when out of the limits of the colony.^†

THE Plimouth people notwithstanding the French piracy in 1632 kept possession of their house at Penobscot and carried on trade with the Indians, but in 1635 Rossil­lon commander of a French fort at La Have upon the Nova Scotia shore sent a French man of war to Penobscot, which took possession of the trading house and all the goods. The French gave their bills for the goods and sent away all the men. The commander wrote to the governor of Plimouth that he had orders to displace all the English as far as Pemaquid, but to those westward he would shew all courtesy. The Plimouth government who supposed they had good right to the place were not willing to put up the injury quietly, and hired a large ship of some force the Hope of Ipswich in England,—Girling comman­der, to displace the French. Girling was [...]o have two hundred pounds if he effected it. A bark [...] 20 men was sent with him as a tender. But the French having notice of the design fortified the place and Girling having [Page 47] near spent his ammunition sent the bark to the Massachu­sets for aid. Two persons came from Plimouth also to treat about it, and the court agreed to assist their neigh­bours by a subscription among themselves, but provision was so scarce that there could not sufficient be had sud­denly to fit out an expedition of an hundred men only, so the matter was deferred to a further time and Girling returned, leaving the French in possession which they continued until 1654.

THE situation the colony was in at this time must have given them a threatning prospect; the French on their borders on one side, the Dutch on the other, the Indians in the midst restrained only by want of union among themselves from breaking up all settlements, they being utterly defenceless.

THIS year Mr. Winthrop, jun. returned from England, whither he had gone the year before, and brought a commission^* from the Lord Say and Seale and Lord Brook and others to be their governor of their plantation at Con­necticut. A fort was built at the mouth of the river known by the name of Saybrook fort. He brought also a number of men with arms ammunition and stores, and two thousand pounds in money to bring forward a settlement. This commi [...]on interfered with the intended settlements by the Massachusets; notwithstanding that, as a number of the inhabitants of Watertown had possessed themselves of a fine piece of meadow at Weathersfield below Hartford where Mr. Hooker and his company settled, the agents for the Lords, being well disposed to promote the general good, permitted these settlers quietly to enjoy their posses­sions. The fortress below struck terror into the Indians and quieted the minds of the English. Plimouth was dis­satisfied with being thus supplanted by the Massachusets (the Dorchester men as I suppose having pitched upon [Page 48] the spot where Plimouth had built a trading house and as they alledged had purchased the lands of the Indians) and demanded an hundred pounds or part of the land. There was great danger of a warm contention between the two colonies, but at length the Dorchester men made such of­fers of satisfaction that Plimouth accepted them. The Dutch also sent home to Holland for instructions intend­ing to maintain their claim to the river or the place where they had possession, but upon a treaty afterwards with the commissioners of the united colonies they quitted all claim to all parts of the river resigning it up to the English.^†

SIR Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason having been at more expence and taken more pains than any other mem­bers of the grand council of Plimouth, and perceiving no prospect of any equivalent return, and fearing from the great clamour in the nation against monopolies that they should e'er long be forced to resign up their grand charter they entred this year upon a new project, viz. to procure a general governor for the whole country of New-England to be forthwith sent over, and because the Massachusets charter stood in their way they endeavoured a revocation of it, that so the whole from St. Croix to Maryland might be brought under the same form of government. The settlement of the Dutch at Manhados which lay within those limits, both then and at all other times was consider­ed by the English court as an intrusion as indeed it was. ^* [Page 49] In June letters were received from Lord Say advising that petitions had been preferred to the King and to the Lords of the council by the Duke of Lenox, Marquiss of Hamil­ton and divers other noblemen together with Sir Ferdi­nando Gorges and Capt. Mason, but conceived to be the project of Sir. F. Gorge only. That to the Lords was as follows, viz.

THE proposed divisions of the twelve provinces were as follows. The first was from St. Croix to Pema­quid, the second from Pemaquid to Sagadehoc, the third contained the land between the rivers Amarascoggin and Kenebeck, the fourth along the sea-coast from Sagadehoc to Piscataqua, the fifth from Piscataqua to Naumkeak, the sixth from Naumkeak round the sea-coast by Cape Cod to Naraganset, the seventh from Naraganset to the half-way bound betwixt that and Connecticut river, and so 50 miles up into the country, the eighth from the half-way bound to Connecticut river, and so fifty miles into the country, the ninth from Connecticut river along the sea-coast to Hudson's river and so up thirty miles, the tenth from the thirty miles end to cross up forty miles eastward, the ele­venth from the west side of Hudson's river thirty miles up the country towards the 40th degree where New England beginneth. The twelfth from the end of the 30 miles up the said river, northward thirty miles further and from thence to cross into the land forty miles. And out of every one of these provinces was 5000 acres to be granted to certain persons there named in lieu of some former grants made to each of them in those divisions which they were now to surrender, and to hold to each man his 5000 acres [Page 51] in fee of the Lord of the province. And the Lord of every one of those twelve provinces was to send the same year ten men with the general governor well provided.

TO all which was added,

"IT is humbly desired that your Lordships would be pleased to order these things following:

1. THAT the patent for the plantation of the Massa­chusets-Bay may be revoked, and that all those who have any other grants within any of these provinces, whether they have planted or not upon any part of the same, yet they shall enjoy their lands laying down their jura regalia if they had any, and paying some reasonable acknowledg­ment as freeholders to the Lord of the province of whom they are now to take new grants of their said lands, and in case any of their lands shall be found having exorbitant bounds to have been unlawfully obtained they shall be reduced to a lesser proportion as may be fit for the grantor who is undertaker under the direction of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. And if the grantee shall be any ways refractory and refuse to surrender and hold anew of the said Lord of the province, that then your Lordships will take order by such course as law will permit to make void the same.

2. THAT every river which parts two provinces shall equally belong half way over to the provinces they lie contiguous unto.

3. THAT the islands upon the sea-coast or within the river of any province being not here named shall belong to the province they lye nearest unto.

4. THAT there is offered to your Lordship's conside­ration the building of a city for the seat of the governor, unto which city forty thousand acres of land may be allotted besides the divisions above mentioned. And that every one who is to have any of these provinces shall be at the charge of sending over with the governor ten men towards the building the said city, wherein every such ad­venturer shall not only have his share of the trade and buildings but also shall have all other fruit of the ten men's labor sent as aforesaid.

[Page 52]MOREOVER there is humbly dedicated to the founda­tion of a church in the said city and maintenance of clergy­men to serve in the said church 10,000 acres of land near adjoining to the said city."

THE petition to the King was of this form.

A copy of some grant or agreement concerning one of the provinces to Capt. Mason was sent over signed Lenox, Hamilton, Arundel and Surry, Carlisle, Stirling, Edward Gorges, Ferd. Gorges. Attested by Thomas Maydwell Not. Pub. It has been said that the Marquiss of Hamilton and the Earl of Stirling both obtained the like instruments, and it is possible all the others might also. It is not ma­terial at this day whether they did or not. It is certain that above an hundred years are past and no possession taken, or improvements made by them or their assigns in consequence thereof, and all the territory is either included in other grants, some made before this surrender, by the [Page 53] council itself and some made since by the crown, or has been purchased of the Natives, which, if done bonâ fide, so far as respects the property has been thought by some to be the best title.^*

IN the year 1636 Mr. Vane was chosen governor,1636. Mr. Winthrop deputy governor, and Mr. Harlakenden who came in the same ship with Mr. Vane was added to the assistants. The people of the colony very early discovered that they were not without disposition to novelty and change. It was not meerly out of policy to encourage others that they took early notice of such as came over from year to year. Besides this motive they were easily captivated with the appearance only of wisdom and piety, professions of a regard to liberty and of a strong attach­ment to the publick interest. Mr. Haynes who seemed to stand most in the way of Mr. Winthrop had left the colony and was settled at Connecticut, and Mr. Winthrop would have had a good prospect of recovering his former share of the people's favor, if Mr. Vane's grave solemn deportment, although he was not then above 24 or 25 years of age, had not engaged almost the whole colony in his favor. There was a great friendship between Mr. Cotton and him which seems to have continued to the last.^† He had great respect shewn him at first. He took more state upon him than any governor had ever done before. When he went either to the court or to church four serjeants walked before him with their halberds. His ad­ministration for several months met with great applause. Towards the end of the year the people grew discontented. [Page 54] He perceived it and grew weary of the government. Receiving letters from London in December urging his return home he first communicated them to the council and then called the general court together to ask their consent to his quitting the administration. He declared to them the necessity of his departure, and such of the council as had seen the letters affirmed that the reasons were very urgent but not fit to be imparted to the whole court. The court took time until the morning to consider, when one of the assistants lamenting the loss of such a governor in a time of such danger both from French and Indians, the governor burst into tears and professed that howsoever the causes propounded for his departure did concern the utter ruin of his outward estate, yet he would rather have hazarded all than have gone from them at such a time, if something else had not pressed him more, viz. the inevitable danger of God's judgments which he feared were coming upon them for the differences and dissentions which he saw amongst them and the scandalous imputation brought upon himself, as if he should be the cause of all, and therefore he thought it was best for him to give place for a time. The court did not think fit to consent to his going for such reasons. He found he had gone too far and recalled himself, professing that the reasons which concerned his own estate were sufficient to satisfy him and therefore desired he might have leave; the other passage slipped from him out of passion not judgment. Whereupon the court agreed that it was ne­cessary to give way to his departure, and ordered another meeting of the general court to make choice of a go­vernor and deputy governor,^* and as it was in the midst of winter (15 December) the freemen had liberty to send their votes in writing if they did not come in person. Some of the church of Boston loth to part with the go­vernor met together and agreed that it was not necessary for the reasons alledged that the governor should depart, and sent some of their number to signify as much to the [Page 55] court. The governor pretended to be overpowered and expressed himself to be such an obedient son of the church that notwithstanding the licence of the court, yet without the consent of the church he durst not go away. A great part of the people who were informed of this transaction declared their purpose still to continue him, and it was thought adviseable when the day appointed for election came to adjourn the court to May, the time of the annual choice.^* Mr. Vane has been charged with as dark dis­simulation a few years after in affairs of vastly greater im­portance, particularly in the manner of giving his testimo­ny in the case of the Earl of Strafford.

THERE came over with Mr. Cotton or about the same time Mr. Hutchinson, and his family, who had lived at Alford in the neighbourhood of Boston. Mr. Hutchin­son had a good estate and was of good reputation. His wife as Mr. Cotton says ‘was well beloved, and all the faithful embraced her conference and blessed God for her fruitful discourses.’ ^† After she came to New England she was treated with respect and much notice was taken of her by Mr. Cotton and other principal persons, and particular­ly by Mr. Vane the governor. Her husband served in the general court several elections as a representative for Boston until he was excused at the desire of the church.^‡ So much respect seems to have increased her natural va­nity. Countenanced and encouraged by Mr. Vane and Mr. Cotton she advanced doctrines and opinions which in­volved the colony in disputes and contentions, and being improved to civil as well as religious purposes had like to have produced ruin both to church and state. The vigi­lance of some, of whom Mr. Winthrop was the chief, pre­vented, and turned the ruin from the country upon herself and many of her family and particular friends. Mr. Wheel­wright a zealous minister, of character for learning and piety was her brother in law and firmly attached to her, [Page 56] and finally suffered with her. Besides the meetings for public worship on the Lord's day, the stated lecture every thursday in Boston, and other occasional lectures in other towns, there were frequent private meetings of the bre­thren of the churches for religious exercises. Mrs. Hutch­inson thought fit to set up a meeting of the sisters also, where she repeated the sermons preached the Lord's day before, adding her remarks and expositions. Her lectures made much noise and sixty or eighty principal women at­tended them. At first they were generally approved of. After some time it appeared she had distinguished the mi­nisters and members of churches through the country, a small part of them under a covenant of grace the rest un­der a covenant of works. The whole colony was soon di­vided into two parties and however distant one party was from the other in principle they were still more so in af­fection. The two capital errors with which she was charged were these. That the Holy Ghost dwells personally in a justified person, and that nothing of sanctification can help to evidence to believers their justification. From these two, a great number of others were said to flow which were enumerated and condemned at a synod held the next year. The ministers of the several parts of the country alarmed with these things came to Boston whilst the gene­ral court was sitting, and some time before the governor Mr. Vane asked his dismission. They conferred with Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright upon those two points. The last they both disclaimed so far as to acknowledge that sanctification did help to evidence justification, the other they qualified at least by other words, they held the indwelling of the person of the Holy Ghost but not strictly a personal union, or as they express it, not a communicating of personal proprieties. The governor not only held with Mr. Cotton but went further or was more express and maintained a personal union. Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor denied both, and Mr. Wilson the other minister of Boston and many of the ministers in the country joined with him. A conference or disputation was determined [Page 57] on, which they agreed should be managed in writing as most likely to tend to the peace of the church. When they could not find that the scriptures nor the primitive church for the first 300 years ever used the term person of the Holy Ghost they generally thought it was best it should be forborn as being of hu [...]an invention. Upon the other question Mr. Cotton in a sermon, the day the court met, had acknowledged that evident sanctification is a ground of justification, and went on to say that in cases of spiritual desertion true desire of sanctification was found to be sanctification as divines usually held, and fur­ther, if a man was laid so flat upon the ground as that he could see no desires, but only as a bruised reed did wait at the foot of Christ yet here was matter of comfort, for this was found to be true sanctification in the root and principle of it. Mr. Vane and he both denied that any of these or any degree of sanctification could be evident without a concurrent sight of justification.^* The town and country were distracted with these subtleties, and every man and woman who had brains enough to form some imperfect conceptions of them inferred and maintained some other point such as these; a man is justified before he believes; faith is no cause of justification; and if faith be before justification it is only a passive faith, an empty vessel, &c. and assurance is by immediate revelation only. The fear of God and love of our neighbour seemed to be laid by and out of the question. All the church of Boston except four or five joined with Mr. Cotton. Mr. Wilson the other minister and most of the ministers in the country opposed him.

TO increase the flame Mr. Wheelwright preached a sermon (Jan. 19) in which, besides carrying antinomianism to the heighth, he made use of some expressions which were laid hold of by the court as tending to sedition, for which he was sent for and examined whilst Mr. Vane was in office, but a full enquiry and determination was sus­pended until a more convenient time.

[Page 58]WHILST these contentions were thus increasing within, the Pequods, the most warlike of all the Indians, were plot­ting destruction from without. After Stone and his com­pany were murdered they sent messengers to Boston to make peace, pretending that the murder was committed by a few bad fellows who had fled to the Dutch. Their ambassadors were courteously treated and the terms of peace were agreed on. In confidence of their fidelity John Oldham, of whom mention has been made before, went in a small bark to trade with the Indians at Block Island. They murdered him but spared two boys and two Nara­ganset Indians who were of his company. The murderers were discovered by the crew of a small vessel one Gallop master from Connecticut which happened to come upon them soon after the fact. Gallop had with him only one man and two boys and no arms except two muskets and two pistols. Altho' the deck was full of Indians who had guns, swords, &c. yet as they were then not much used to them they made but little resistance, and when he boarded the vessel they jumped into the sea and many of them were drowned. He found Oldham's body not cold, his brains beat out and his limbs hacked off. Block Island was under the Nara­ganset Indians but they denied their having any concern in the murder. The murderers were sheltered and pro­tected by the Pequods, who at the same time surprized divers English in Connecticut river. These proceedings caused the Massachusets to send fourscore men by water under Captain Endicot who had instructions to offer peace to the Indians upon their delivering up the murtherers; if they refused to do it then to attack them. A great num­ber of them entered into some sort of parley by a messen­ger and interpreter, keeping at a great distance themselves, but assoon as they knew the terms they fled into the woods. Winter was approaching and Mr. Endicot thought it ad­viseable to return home in order to prepare for a more general attack the next summer. There were some severe reflections cast upon him for not pursuing the enemy at that time. The Pequods in the winter attempted an union [Page 59] with the Naragansets. There had been a fixed inveterate enmity between the two tribes, but on this occasion the Pequods were willing to smother it, their enmity against the English being the strongest of the two, and although they had never heard the story of Polyphemé and Ulysses, yet they artfully urged that the English were come to dispossess them of their country, and that all the Nara­gansets could hope for from their friendship was the favour of being the last devoured; whereas if the Indians would unite they might easily destroy the English, or force them to leave the country without being exposed themselves to any hazard. They need not come to open battles: Firing their houses, killing their cattle, and lying in wait for them as they went about their ordinary business would soon deprive them of all means of subsisting. But the Naragansets ^* preferred the present pleasure of revenge upon their mortal enemies, to the future happiness of themselves and their posterity.^† They are said to have wavered at first, but at length Myantinomo their chief Sachem with 20 attendants went to Boston, where all the magistrates and ministers were called together to receive them, and a guard of 20 musketeers sent to Roxbury to attend them. They proposed to join in war against the Pequods and that neither English nor Indians should make peace with them but utterly destroy them. The governor for form sake took time until the next morning to give an answer, and then the following articles were agreed to.

1. A FIRM and perpetual peace betwixt them and the English.

2. NEITHER party to make peace with the Pequods without the consent of the other.

3. THAT the Naragansets should not harbour any Pequods.

4. THAT they should put to death or deliver up any murderers of the English.

[Page 60]5. THAT they should return fugitive servants.

6. THE English to give them notice when to go out against the Peqouds and the Naragansets to furnish guides.

7. FREE trade to be carried on between the parties.

8. NONE of the Naragansets to come near the English plantation during the war with the Pequods without some Englishman or Indian known to the English.

CUSHAMAQUIN a Sachem of the Massachusets Indians also became a party to the treaty.

INDIAN fidelity is proverbial in New-England as Punick was in Rome. The Naragansets are said to have kept to the treaty until the Pequods were destroyed, and then they grew insolent and treacherous.

TOWARDS the end of the year religious heats became more violent, and the civil affairs more sensibly affected by them. The people of Boston in general were in favour of Mr. Vane the governor, the rest of the towns in general for Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor. At a sessions of the court in March it was moved that the court of elections for 1637 should not be held in Boston but in Newtown (Cambridge.) Nothing could be more mortifying to the governor, and as he could not hinder the vote by a nega­tive he refused to put the question. Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor as he lived in Boston excused himself, and the court required Mr. Endicot one of the assistants to do it. It was carried for the removal.

THE more immediate occasion of the court's resentment against Boston was a petition signed by a great number of the principal inhabitants of that town, together with some belonging to other towns, judging and condemning the court for their proceedings against Mr. Wheelwright. At this session Mr. Vane the governor could not prevent a censure upon one Stephen Greensmith for saying that all the ministers except Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wheelwright, and he thought Mr. Hooker, preached a covenant of works. He was required to make an acknowledgment to the satisfaction of the magistrates and ministers, was fined forty pounds, &c.^*

[Page 61]AT the opening the court of election for 1637,1637. which was not done until one a clock, (May 17th) a petition was again offered from many of the town of Boston, which the governor Mr. Vane would have had read, but Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor opposed it as being out of order; this being the day by charter for elections and the inhabitants all convened for that purpose, if other business was allowed to take up the time the elections would be prevented; after the elections were over the pe­tition might be read. The governor and those of his party would not proceed unless the petition was read. The time being far spent and many persons calling for election,^† the deputy governor called to the people to divide and the greater number should carry it, which was done, and the majority was for proceeding. Still the governor refused until the deputy governor told him they would go on without him. This caused him to submit. Mr. Win­throp was chosen governor, Mr. Dudley deputy governor, Mr. Saltonstall, son of Sir Richard, and Mr. Stoughton new assistants, and Mr. Vane and his friends of the same persuasion, Dummer, Haugh and Coddington, left out of the magistracy. There was great danger of a violent tu­mult that day. The speeches on both sides were fierce, and they began to lay hands on one another, but the ma­nifest majority on one side was a restraint to the other.^* Boston waited the event of this election of magistrates before they would chuse their representatives for the other business of the general court, and the next morning they chose Mr. Vane the late governor, Mr. Coddington and Mr. Haugh. This election of Boston was immediately [Page 62] determined by the court to be undue. The reason is not assigned in the record, but it is said^* this reason was given, that all the freemen were not notified. A warrant issued for a new choice and Boston returned the same men again and then they were not rejected. The serjeants who used to attend Mr. Vane laid down their halberds and went home assoon as the new governor was elected,^† and they refused to attend him to and from the meetings on the Lord's days as had been usual. They pretended this extraordinary respect was shewn to Mr. Vane as a person of quality. The court would have appointed others, but Mr. Winthrop took two of his own servants to attend him. Mr. Vane professed himself ready to serve the cause of God in the meanest capacity. He was notwithstanding much mortified and discovered his resentment. Although he had sat at church among the magistrates from his first arrival, yet he and those who had been left out with him placed themselves with the deacons, and when he was in­vited by the governor to return to his place he refused it.

AN extraordinary act made by the general court this session very much heightened the discontent. Many per­sons of the favourite opinions in Boston were expected from England, a penalty therefore was laid on all persons who should entertain in their houses any stranger who came with intent to reside, or should allow the use of any lot or habitation above three weeks, without liber­ty from one of the standing council or two other assis­tants. The penalty on private persons was forty pounds, and twenty pounds besides for every month they continued in the offence. And any town which gave or sold a lot to such stranger was subject to £. 100 penalty, but if any inhabitant of such town should enter his dissent with a magistrate he was to be excused his part of the fine.^‡ This was a very severe order and was so disliked by the people of Boston that upon the governor's return from court they [Page 63] all refused to go out to meet him or shew him any respect.^* Mr. Winthrop however firm and resolute in the execution of his office and steady to his principles yet in private life behaved with much moderation. He was obliging and condescending to all, and by this means in a short time recovered their affections and was in greater esteem than ever. Indeed while Boston thus slighted him the other towns increased their respect, and in travelling the same summer to Ipswich he was guarded from town to town with more ceremony than he desired.^†

MR. Vane, in company with Lord Leigh son of theEarl of Marlborough who came to see the country, sailed for England the beginning of August, where he had a much larger field opened. The nation at that time was disposed to receive very favorably men of his genius and cast of mind. The share he had in the revolution there and his un­happy fate upon the restoration of King Charles the second are too well known to need any notice here. He came into New-England under peculiar advantages. His father was one of the privy council. He himself had the friend­ship of the Lord Say and Seal who was in the highest esteem in the colony. He made great professions of re­ligion, and conformed to the peculiar scruples of that day. I have seen a long letter wrote to him while he was on ship-board by one of the passengers in the same ship, ap­plauding him for honoring God so far as to shorten his hair upon his arrival in England from France and urging a compleat reformation by bringing it to the primitive length and form. It was with much difficulty he could obtain his father's consent to come over, but his inclina­tion was so strong that at length he had leave of absence for three years. It is said that the King being acquainted with Mr. Vane's disposition commanded the father, who had no great affection for the religion of New-England, to [Page 64] gratify him.^* However this may have been, it was be­lieved in New-England to be true, and with the other circumstances mentioned strongly recommended him. Part of his business was the settlement of Connecticut, in con­junction with Mr. Winthrop the governor's son, as agents for Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, &c.^† The most valuable places for townships had been taken up before by people from the Massachusets as we have already observed, and the agents not being willing to disturb them contented themselves at present with the possession of the mouth of the river, and Mr. Vane was stopped by the general desire of the colony in order to his being elected governor. The administration of a young and unexperienced but obstinate and self-sufficient governor could not but be dis­liked by the major part of the people, and at the next election they not only would not so much as chuse him an assistant, but made an order that no man for the time to come should be qualified for the place of governor until he had been at least one whole year in the country.^§ A letter wrote from New-England shews the sense they had of him after they had made trial. ‘Mr. Vane coming from England a young gentleman was presently elected governor, and before he was half warm in his seat, to shew his spirit, began to broach new tenets drawn from the lees of one Mr. Wheelwright, agitated with such vio­lence as if they had been matters of that consequence that the peace and welfare of New-England must be [Page 65] sacrificed rather than they should not take place. Divi­sions are always dangerous, never safe, never more dan­gerous than in a new settled government. Yet this man altogether ignorant of the art of government thinks it not enough to set the house on fire but must add oil to the flame, and so far had the bandying of these things proceeded that it was of God's great mercy it ended not in our destruction. It is fit that something should be said of the man that put us into this danger. Truly by his aspect you would judge him a good man. Yet I am persuaded he hath kindled those sparks among us which many ages will not be able to extinguish. But the wisdom of the state put a period to his government before he had run out his circuit. They were necessi­tated to undo the work of their own hands, and leave a blemish upon that rash undertaking for posterity to de­s [...]ant upon and a caveat to us, that all men are not fit for government, and none so dangerous when he is up as one that makes his affection his rule. But this disgrace took so deep an impression that partly from a sense of it, and partly from a consciousness how ill he had deserved of us through his heat of indiscretion, he exchanged New-England for Old.’ Lord Say and Seal speaking of him after his arrival in England, in a letter to Mr. Cotton says ‘For the young man Mr. Vane whom your love followeth, and its well it doth so for he may be recovered, I have not been wanting to do my endeavour to shew him the danger of his way and what hath been the sad issue thereof in others, from whence I think it cometh, and whither Satan's aim is to drive it, as might have appear­ed to you by my letters written to him unto New-Eng­land when I first did perceive his delusions, if he had shewn my letters to you. I shall be glad to do my best to that end still, but I have not that frequent converse with his family now as heretofore, whereof there are the most in Holland and the rest will shortly be there also.’ ^*

[Page 66]THE party in New-England lost their head. Mrs. Hutchinson notwithstanding continued her lectures. The court for the present took no notice of her conduct nor [Page 67] of any erroneous opinions, but waited the determination of the churches in a general council, accordingly a synod was appointed to be held at Newtown the 30th of August, where were present not only the ministers and messengers of churches but the magistrates also, who Mr. Weld says (I suppose he was a member) were not only hearers but speakers also as they thought fit. Mr. Cotton altho' at the head of the ministers was too much a party to be proper for a moderator, and Mr. Hooker and M. Bulkley were chosen. Three weeks were spent in disputing pro and con and at length above fourscore points or opinions said to have been maintained by some or other in the country were condemned as erroneous, and the result was signed by all the members but Mr. Cotton. He had expressed [Page 68] his dislike of most of them but declined condemning them all, maintaining that union to Christ preceded faith in him, but at the same time declared that the other new opinions were heretical, absurd, and some of them blas­phemous, and promised to bear testimony against them.^* This general agreement struck a damp upon the opinionists and gave further life and vigor to the other party. Mr. Hooker at first disapproved of determining the points in controversy by a synod. He writes to Mr. Shepard of Newtown April 8. 1636. (It should be 37) ‘For your general synod I cannot yet see either how reasonable or how salutable it will be for your turn, for the settling and establishing the truth in that honorable way as were to be desired. My ground is this. They will be chief agents in the synod who are chief parties in the cause, and for them only who are prejudiced in the controversy to pass sentence against cause or person how improper! how unprofitable! My present thoughts run thus: That such conclusions which are most extra, most er­roneous, and cross to the common current, send them over to the godly learned to judge in our own country and return their apprehensions. I suppose the issue will be more uncontroulable. If any should suggest this was the way to make the clamour too great and loud and to bring a prejudice upon the plantations. I should soon answer there is nothing done in corners here but it is openly there related, and in such notorious cases which cannot be kept secret the most plain and naked relation ever causeth the truth most to appear and prevents all groundless and needless jealousies, where­by men are apt to make things more and worse than they are.’

ALTHO' two of the elders were the moderators or prolocutors of the assembly yet Mr. Winthrop seems to have had a controuling power. An anonymous writer of a manuscript sent from New-England the same year gives this account of it. ‘The synod being met much time is spent in ventilation and emptying of private passions, at [Page 69] length divers truths are concluded upon as, the nature of grace and faith, the necessity of repentance and good works, the perfection of the scriptures, and like truths of common allay were assented unto by common suffrage: But when they came to the nature of the covenant, the qualifications preceding it, the use of it, the seal of the spirit, the Helenaes for which they strive, there they were as different as ever, resolved in nothing but this, that no one would be resolved by another; but therein was the wisdom and excellent spirit of the governor seen, silencing passionate and impertinent speeches as another Constantine, desiring the divine oracles might be heard speak and express their own meaning, adjourning the assembly when he saw heat and passion, so that through the blessing of God the assembly is dissolved, and jarring and dissonant opinions if not reconciled, yet are covered, and they who came together with minds exasperated by this means depart in peace, and promise by a mutual covenant that no difference in opinion shall alienate their affections any more, but that they will refer doubts to be resolved by the great God, at that great day when we shall appear at his tribunal.’ The synod being thus over, the minds of the people were prepared for a further proceeding against the opinionists.^* The court at their sessions the 2d of November took notice of the petition presented and called seditious in March preceding. They expelled two of their own members Aspinwall and Coggeshall, one for signing and the other for justifying it, and sent a warrant to the town of Boston to return two other deputies in their room. The town agreed to send them back, but Mr. Cotton hearing of it went to the meeting and prevented it, and they chose two others, one of which had signed the pe­tition and was therefore dismissed.^† The court then sent [Page 70] for Mr. Wheelwright and requiring of him an acknow­ledgment of his offence he refused it and justified his con­duct, but the court resolved that it tended to disturb the civil peace, disfranchised and banished him, allowing 14 days to settle his affairs, &c.^†

MRS. Hutchinson was next called to her trial before the whole court and many of the elders. An ancient manuscript of the trial at large having been preserved dis­covers nothing in her conduct but what might naturally be expected from a high degree of enthusiasm. Her no­tions of revelations do not seem to have been altogether discountenanced by Mr. Cotton himself. Her sentence upon record stands thus: ‘Mrs. Hutchinson the wife of Mr. William Hutchinson being convented for tra­ducing the ministers and their ministry in the country, she declared voluntarily her revelations and that she should be delivered and the court ruined with their posterity, and thereupon was banished, and in the mean while was committed to Mr. Joseph Weld (of Roxbury) until the court shall dispose of her.’ Having received her sentence from the court she had a further trial to go through in the church. She was first admonished. Mr. Cotton says that Mr. Davenport and he imagined they had convinced her of her errors, and she presented what was called a recantation under her hand, but at the same time professed that she never was of any other judgment than what she now held forth. The recantation is not preserved. She had, no doubt, some fine spun distinctions, too commonly made use of in theological controversies▪ to serve as a subterfuge if there be occasion,^* and perhaps as many other enthusiasts have done, she considered herself divinely commissioned for some great purpose, to obtain which she might think those windings, subtleties and in­sinuations [Page 71] lawful which will hardly consist with the rules of morality. No wonder she was immoderately vain when she found magistrates and ministers embracing the novelties advanced by her. The whole church of Boston, a few members excepted, were her converts. At length she for­sook the public assemblies and set up what she called a purer worship in her own family. It's not improbable she was encouraged herein by Mr. Vane who some years after fell into the same practice in England. Mr. Hooker who had been charged by her with want of soundness in the faith in return expresses himself with some acrimony con­cerning her. ‘THE expression of providence against this wretched woman hath proceeded from the Lord's mira­culous mercy and his bare arm hath been discovered therein from first to last that all the churches may hear and fear. I do believe such a heap of hideous errors at once to be vented by such a self deluding and deluded creature no history can record, and yet after recantation of all to be cast out as unsavory salt that she may not continue a pest to the place, that will be for ever mar­vellous in the eyes of all the saints. It will not get out of my mind and heart but there is a mystery in the closure and upshot of this business, but he that carries the wisdom of the crafty headlong is able to lay open that also in his season. At the first reading of your relation I could not but suspect so much, may be it is but my melancholick suspicion, but these three things presented themselves in open view to my mind, 1. That it was never intended she should be excommunicated. 2. That her recantation was still with so much reserva­tion as sinks the mind of such who would have made way for her escape, viz. That our election is first evi­denced. 3. That this conceit is a nest egg to breed and bring in many other false imaginations if it be stretched to its breadth. Add also hereunto that there is no odds from herself but only in some expressions and misprisions that way as she would have men think, and then you have the whole cause where it was conceived in a nar­rower [Page 72] compass and under a double vizard, that the appear­ance of it may suit every purpose as the occasion fits.’

MR. Hutchinson her husband sold his estate and re­moved with his wife and family first to Aquidneck ^† (Rhode Island) being one of the purchasers of that island from the Indians, where by the influence of his wife, ^§ the peo­ple laid aside Mr. Coddington and three other magis­trates and chose him for their sole ruler, but he dying about the year 1642 and she being dissatisfied with the people or place she removed to the Dutch coun­try beyond New Haven, and the next year she and all of her family which were with her being 16 persons, were killed by the Indians, except one daughter whom they carried into captivity.^*

[Page 73]THE confusion in the colony occasioned by these reli­gious disputes was very great, and it appears from the let­ters then wrote from England that they made great noise there, but after all it is highly probable that if Mr. Vane had remained in England or had not craftily made use of the party which maintained these peculiar opinions in reli­gion to bring him into civil power and authority and draw the affections of the people from those who were their leaders into the wilderness, these like many other errors might have prevailed a short time without any distur­bance to the state and, as the absurdity of them appeared, silently subsided, and posterity would not have known that such a woman as Mrs. Hutchinson ever existed.^‡ We may suppose that they who from the beginning had gone along with her in her errors were not displeased at a good [Page 74] pretence for getting rid of her without condemning them­selves. It is difficult to discover from Mr. Cotton's own account of his principles published ten years afterwards in his answer to Bailey wherein he differed from her. Her warm imagination was more wrought upon by the enthu­siastic tenet than his placid temper. He seems to have been in danger when she was upon trial. Mr. Dudley the deputy governor bore hard upon him, Hugh Peters shewed that he was well disposed to bring him upon trial. The other ministers treated him coldly, but Mr. Winthrop whose influence was now greater than ever protected him. Not long after in a sermon at a fast Dec. 13, 1638, he confessed and bewailed the churches and his own security and credulity, be means whereof so many dangerous errors had spread, and shewed how he came to be deceived; the errors being formed, in words, so near the truth which he had preached, and the falshood of the maintainers of them being such that they usually would deny to him what they had maintained to others.^† His conduct in this day of temptation was forgotten and he soon recovered and to his death preserved the esteem and respect of the whole colony.

MR. Wheelwright went to New Hampshire and laid the foundation of the town and church of Exeter, and af­terwards removed to Hampton and from thence to Salis­bury. He was restored in 1644 upon a slight acknow­ledgment. He was in England in 1658 and in favor with Cromwell, as appears by a letter to the church at Hamp­ton. He lived to be the oldest minister in the colony, which would have been taken notice of if his persecutors had not remained in power.^*

THE court to prevent tumults required about sixty of the inhabitants of Boston to deliver up their arms and ammu­nition of every sort under penalty of 10 l. upon each per­son neglecting, and laid the like penalty upon every one of them who should afterwards borrow any arms or am­munition. And at the same time made a law to punish [Page 75] any person by fine, imprisonment or banishment who should defame any court or any of their sentences.

A great number removed out of the jurisdiction, some of them being banished, some disfranchised; more to Rhode Island than to any other place. In a short time most of them were permitted to return and were restored to their former privileges. The most of those errors which were condemned by the synod, its probable, they never would have owned as their principles, and they appear rather to be deduced by some of the synod as naturally following from the capital opinions than to have been advanced by the opinionists themselves, or perhaps may have been unguardedly dropped by particular persons in the heat of their disputes, or during an enthusiastick frenzy, and in others may have been the effect of a fond fancy for paradoxical tenets. They were charged indeed with principles which admit and introduce all kinds of im­morality, and which make no distinction between virtue and vice. So are fatalists and predestinarians. Many of them were afterwards employed in posts of honor and trust were exemplary in their lives and conversations, and their letters and private papers shew that they were pious and devout, and with the name of antinomians paid the strictest regard to moral virtue. The opinionists were punished for being deluded enthusiasts. The other side were deluded also by a zeal, for the punishment for the honor of God, of such of his creatures as differed in opinion from themselves. It is evident not only by Mrs. Hutchinson's trial but by many other public pro­ceedings, that inquisition was made into men's private judgments as well as into their declarations and practice. Toleration was preached against as a sin in rulers which would bring down the judgments of heaven upon the land.^*

[Page 76]THIS unhappy controversy did not take off the attention of the government from their necessary defence against the Pequod Indians who continued their hostilities. Governor Vane had sent Capt. Underhill the winter before to strengthen the garrison at Saybrook fort, which they laid siege to for several weeks together. The three colonies Massachusets, Plimouth and Connecticut agreed, with their joint forces, to go into the Indian country and attempt their entire destruction. Massachusets sent 160 men under the command of Capt. Stoughton. The num­ber raised by each town gives us some idea of the pro­portion which the several settlements bore to one another at this time.^* Connecticut men being settled near the Indian country it was expected they would be early in action; the first of the Massachusets men that could be raised were therefore ordered to march. This party con­sisted of 40 men. Capt. Patrick,^† who had the command of them, by letters dispatched from Providence, acquainted Capt. Mason the commander of the Connecticut men that he was hastening to join him. The body of the In­dians were in two forts or inclosures, which on all sides they had rendered as defensible as they could by pallisa­does, their skill in fortification carrying them no farther. Sassacus the chief Sachem was in one of them and to that the English intended. Capt. Mason went with about 80 English (20 of which under Capt. Underhill of the Mas­sachusets [Page 77] he had taken from Saybrook fort) and 100 river ^* Indians by water to the Naragansets country, where 200 of that tribe joined him. He would gladly have waited for Patrick's company but was afraid the friend Indians would attribute the delay to want of courage, and therefore on the 24th of May he began his march for Sassacus's fort. The Naraganset Indians were struck with terror at the name of Sassacus and endeavoured to dissuade Mason, but finding him determined many of them left him and near an hundred of them went back to Pro­vidence, where they reported that the Pequods had killed all the English. This report was carried to Boston and must have caused great concern there.^‖ Soon after one of Underhill's men fell lame, and the rest of the company wearied in travelling being loaded with arms ammunition and provisions, and Sassacus's fort being eight miles further distant, they resolved to attack the Indians in the other which was called Mistick fort.^† Wequa [...] ^‡ originally a Pequod who was born at Mistick but now lived with the Naragansets, was their guide to the destruction of his own countrymen and nearest relations. They sent him forward to reconnoitre, and he returned with intelligence that the Pequods had taken great store of bass that day and were in a high feast, singing dancing and blessing their god^§ for that the English were gone away. They had seen the vessels pass by their river from Saybrook towards Nara­ganset and supposed they were gone off. Some of the [Page 78] English advanced and heard the Indians at their revels until midnight. The next morning (May 26) about break of day, after a march of three or four miles from the place where they halted the night before, they came within sight of the fort which was upon a hill. Wequash piloted them to the gate. The centinel happened just then to be gone into a wigwam to light his pipe. The Indians were all in a deep sleep. One of their dogs barking at the approach of the English caused a discovery. The Indians within the fort began their tremendous yell, and the In­dians without who were in the English [...]ear and afraid to come up seconded them. No sound that was ever made can be more horrid than the Indian yell. The English immediately fired into the fort, the palisadoes not being so close as to hinder the muzzles of their guns going be­tween. Not being able easily to enter at the gate, Mason went round to the other side of the fort, where was ano­ther opening or entrance barred with branches of forked trees only, at which he entred with those that were with him. His lieutenant and the rest of the English entred at the same time by other parts. The Indians who had no arms but bows, tomahawks and English hatchets made stout resistance at first and wounded many of the English. Mason intended to have spared the wigwams, but finding his men thus distressed he entred one of them and with a firebrand he found there set it on fire. While he was doing it an In­dian was drawing his bow and would undoubtedly have killed him if his serjeant coming in had not cut the bow­string with his hanger. The fire spread to the rest of the wigwams and the English all retreated without the fort and surrounded it. The Indians some climbed to the top of the palisadoes to avoid the fire and so exposed them­selves to the English bullets, others forced their way out of the fort and if any of them brake through the English the allied Indians were in a ring at some little distance, so that few if any escaped. There were about 60 or 70 wigwams in the fort or inclosure and it was imagined four or five hundred Pequods men women and children. Three [Page 79] of the English were slain, and many both English and In­dians their friends wounded with arrows and some very badly. The army was in distress notwithstanding their victory. The morning was cold. They had no sort of refreshment not so much as water nor any shelter for their wounded. They had no intelligence of their vessels which had been ordered to come from Naraganset to Pe­quod river. Many Indians were in the woods who were not of the party in the fort. In the midst of this perplexity they espied their vessels at a distance, sailing towards them. They then took up their wounded upon mats fastened to poles, some with the heads of the arrows in their bodies, and marched to the vessels six miles through the woods and swamps, the Indians lying in wait at every con­venient place and with their arrows wounding many more; but many of the Indians were slain in their attempts upon the English. They put their wounded into one of the barks which set sail the same night and reached Saybrook fort. Patrick came in a pinnace from Providence to Nara­ganset soon after the forces marched, and with the other vessels went forward taking Myontinomo the sachem of Naraganset with them, but their arrival was prevented by contrary winds until the morning of the action, after it was over. Most of the English and all the Indians marched through what was called Nianticut's country, to Saybrook fort, their vessels also arriving there the next day. The Indians in alliance with the English had taken eighteen captives, ten males and eight females, four of the males were disposed of, one to each of four Sachems, the rest put to the sword. Four of the females were left at the fort, the other four carried to Connecticut, where the Indians challenged them as their prize, the English not agreeing to it they were sacrificed also to end the dispute. The policy as well as the morality of this proceeding may well be questioned. The Indians have ever shewn great barba­rity to their English captives, the English in too many in­stances have retaliated it. This has only enraged them the more. Besides, to destroy women and children for the bar­barity [Page 80] of their husbands and parent [...] cannot easily be justified.

SASSACUS the Sachem, after the taking of Mistick fort and so many of his warriors being slain, broke down his own fort, burn'd all their wigwams, put his goods into canoes, and men women and children forsook their country and went a way by land to Quinnipiack. The forces un­der Capt. Stoughton arrived at Saybrook the latter end of June. They pursued the Indians, meeting now and then two or three at a time, whom they killed or took prisoners, at length they were informed of a great body of Indians in a swamp^* which they surrounded. They seem to have been of other tribes as well as Pequods. One of the Sa­chems came out with 99 men women and children, and delivered themselves up to the English. Wampum he said he had none, nor had he ever killed any English. The garment he had on, which was of black beaver skin, he pre­sented. An Indian was sent in to tell the rest that if they would come out and deliver up their arms and clear them­selves from having murdered any English they should fare the better. After a short parley they determined that as they had lived together they would die together. Twelve of the murtherers were among them. They were about eighty in all. The English fired upon them, and having surrounded the swamp all night entered in the morning, but found great part had escaped. Some of the Indians had guns and fired upon the English. This is the first account we have of their making use of guns. Sassacus fled to the Mohawks, by whom it was reported he was murdered. It is more probable that he and his company incorporated with them. Many of the captives were sent to Bermudas and sold for slaves. The Pequod tribe was wholly extinguished. The Naragansets took charge of some of them and promised to pay the English for their service; the few that remained never dared own they belonged to that tribe, but mixed with the Naraganset and other tribes. We have been more particular in relating this action, it being the first between the English and In­dians, many circumstances not having been published before, [Page 81] and the rest of the Indians being thereby brought to be more afraid of the English and restrained from open hostilities near forty years together.

THIS year 1637 a number of the Puritan ministers in England wrote over to the ministers of New-England, in­forming them of reports that they had embraced new opinions which they disliked formerly and which they in England still judged to be groundless and unwarrantable, viz. ‘That a stinted form of prayer and set liturgy is un­lawful. That the children of godly and approved christians are not to be baptized until their parents be set members of some particular congregations. That the parents themselves though of approved piety are not to be received to the Lord's supper until they be admitted set members. That the power of excommunication is in the body of the church though the minister should be of another mind. That upon a minister's being dismissed though unjustly from his particular congregation he ceaseth to be a minister. That one minister cannot perform a ministerial act in any but his own congregation. That members of one congre­gation may not communicate in another.’ They add, ‘that letters from New-England had influenced many in Old to leave their assemblies because of a stinted liturgy, and to absent themselves from the Lord's supper because such as ought to be were not debarred from it.’ They therefore requested a seasonable review might be taken of the grounds and reasons that had swayed, and sent over, and if they were found to have weight they would be ready to give the right hand of fellowship, if otherwise they would ani­madvert upon them so far as they varied from the truth, &c. The famous puritan John Dod joined in the request.^* Mr. Hooker upon the occasion of this letter writes thus to Mr. Shepard, ‘I confess freely to thee my fears that the first and second questions touching a stinted form of prayer will prove very hard to make any handsome work upon, and I do sadly suspect a troublesome answer may be returned to all the arguments. This is to your self wherein I crave silence.’

[Page 82]AN answer was wrote by Mr. Cotton and a more full answer afterwards printed. In some of the points, I sup­pose the two last, the ministers in England were misin­formed. In some of the others, particularly those which it was thought most difficult to answer, in a few years after the clergy in England fully concurred with their brethren in New-England.

IN June 1637 two large ships arrived from England with passengers. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins,^* two London merchants, Mr. Davenport a minister of great character for learning and piety, and many others of good note and condition were of this company. Great pains were taken to persuade them to stay in the jurisdiction. The court offered them any place they would pitch upon. The town of Newbury offered to give up their settlement to them. Quinnipiack and the country between that and the Dutch was represented as a very fruitful place and well situated for trade and navigation. They flattered themselves, but upon what grounds does not appear, that there they should be out of the reach of a general gover­nor, with which the country was from time to time threatned. These were the reasons publickly given for removing there. Besides, the principal men of the new company would be at the head of the government there; here, it was natural to expect, the old standers would be considered as their superiors. They laid the foundation [Page 83] of a flourishing colony, of which Quinnipiack or New-Haven was the chief town. They agreed among them­selves upon a model of government in church and state, very like to that of the Massachusets, and continued a distinct colony and government until the year 1665,^* when Connecticut and New-Haven, having three years before been incorporated by a charter from King Charles the second, united under one governor.^† The people in the [Page 84] Massachusets soon after reflected upon the favor of provi­dence in not gratifying them with the continuance of this company among them. It appeared that the Dutch were de­signing to take possession of this country, and they opposed the English in the settlement even of New-Haven itself, threatning hostilities against them. Mr. Eaton being a man [Page 85] of good abilities was a fit person to resist them, and finally in the year 1650 the other colonies uniting in the cause with New-Haven they were by treaty limited to Greenwich, said to be ten or twelve miles on a strait line distant from Hudson's river. Indeed the suffering them to extend thus far was mere favor and indulgence, but there had been a good correspondence always kept up between the English colonies and these intruders. They had mutual trade and commerce, and altho' the Dutch at that day, whatever they may now do, did not esteem godliness to be the greatest gain, yet their form of worship, their principles as to discipline and ceremonies were more agreeable to the New-Englan­ders than those of the high party in England. New-Haven was a barrier to the colony of Connecticut and [Page 86] caused its increase. To which we may add that the Massachusets by the removal of this company were enabled to provide the better for the immediate accommodation of the great number of passengers which unexpectedly came over the next year.

1638.FOR in 1638 notwithstanding the clamour against the plantation was revived in England, and a design was on foot to revoke or annul the charter, there arrived about twenty ships and three thousand passengers. These ships were the more welcome to the colony because they were afraid that in consequence of the complaints against them a stop would be put to any more passengers coming from Eng­land. In 1635 a commission had been granted to several of the nobility and great officers of the crown for the re­gulation of the colonies.^† The archbishop of Canterbury (Laud) kept a jealous eye over New-England. One Bur­dett of Piscataqua was his correspondent. A copy of a let­ter to the archbishop wrote by Burdett was found in his study and to this effect, viz. ‘That he delayed going to England that he might fully inform himself of the state of the place as to allegiance, for it was not new discipline which was aimed at but sovereignty, and that it was ac­counted perjury and treason in their general court to speak of appeals to the King.’ By the first ships which came this year a letter was brought from the archbishop to Burdett, rendering him thanks for the care of his Ma­jesty's service, and assuring him that they would take a time for the redress of the disorders which he informed them of, but by reason of much business which lay upon them they could not at that time accomplish his desire. This letter to Burdett was by some means or other, not men­tioned, shewn to the governor of the Massachusets. A quo warranto had been brought by Sir John Banks attor­ney general a year or two before against the governor, de­puty governor and assistants of the corporation of the Mas­sachusets. This was never served upon any persons in New-England. Some which were or had been of the cor­poration and who remained in England appeared and dis­claimed [Page 87] the charter, and there was a determination that the liberties and franchises of the corporation should be seized into the King's hands, but it is said judgment was never entred in form against the corporation.^* It is agreed that there was an order of the King in council May 3d 1637, that the attorney general be required to call for the patent of the Massachusets, and this year (1638) Mr. Winthrop received a letter from Mr. Meautis clerk of the council, accompanied with an order from the Lords of the council of April 4th 1638, requiring the governor or any other person who should have the letters patent in their power or custody without fail to transmit the same by the return of the ship which carried the order, and in case of contempt their Lordships would move his Majesty to re-assume into his hands the whole plantation. An answer was drawn up and transmitted as appears by the files of the court,^† in which after professing their loyalty they say, that they were never called to answer to the quo warranto, if they had been they should have had a good plea against it, that they came over with their families and estates with his Majesty's licence and encouragement, had greatly enlarged his dominions, and if their charter should be taken away they should be forced to remove to some other place or return to their native country; that the other plantations would be broke up and the whole country fall into the hands of the French or Dutch, and that all men would be discouraged from such undertakings in confidence of a royal grant; that the common people if cast off by his Ma­jesty might confederate under some new form of govern­ment which would be of evil example and might expose the court to his Maje [...]'s displeasure,^‡ and for these rea­sons they pray their Lordships that they may be suffered [Page 88] to live in this wilderness, that their liberties may not be re­strained when others are enlarged, and that men of abilities may not be hindered from coming to them when they are encouraged to go to other plantations. It was never known what reception this answer met with. It is certain that no further demand was made. In a short time the archbishop and several other of the Lords of the council who were present at this order lost their authority and in­fluence. They were as much perplexed when called to ac­count for their own conduct as the colony could have been for theirs, had it been more exceptionable than it was. We may make some conjectures what would have been the consequence of taking away the charter at this time. It is pretty certain the body of the people would have left the country. Two years after meerly from a dissatisfaction with the soil and the climate, many did remove and many more were a tiptoe and restrained only by the consideration of their engagements to stand by and support one another; but where they would have removed is the question. It would not have been to the French. This would have been going further from the sun. They were too far northward already. Besides, they might well expect a heavier yoke under the romish hierarchy than what they com­plained of under the protestant. They would not have removed to any plantation or territory claimed by the King of England. What assurance could they have of security for the enjoyment of privileges in any other part stronger than they had when they came here? After they had spent their substance, and many that came with them their lives, in possessing and improving a country in confidence that they should enjoy their charter privileges, they and their posterity for ever, they would not have trusted to promises if any had been made them a second time. It is most likely they would have gone to the Dutch at Hudson's river. They had always kept up a friendly correspondence with them. In their religious principles and form of wor­ship and church government they were not very distant from one another. The Dutch were not generally very [Page 89] nice upon those points. The only difficulty would have been to have obtained those privileges in matters of go­vernment from the Dutch which they had from the Eng­lish. And I think the Dutch would have been politic enough to have granted them. If they had failed with the Dutch, such was their resolution that they would have sought a vacuum domicilium (a favorite expression with them) in some part of the globe where they would accord­ing to their apprehensions have been free from the con­troul of any European power. In their first migration most of them could say omnia mea mecum porto. All the difference as to the second would have been that so far as they had lessened their substance so much less room would have been necessary for the transportation of what remained. Such a scheme would have consisted very well with their notions of civil subjection as we shall see in many instances. I do not say their notions were just. Alle­giance in an English born subject is said to be perpetual and to accompany him wherever he goes.

THE same governor, deputy governor and assistants were chosen for 1638 as had been for 1637. The settle­ments were extended this year beyond Merrimack river. Salisbury and Hampton had great quantity of salt meadows. They were an inducement to people to sit down there although the upland was a light sandy soil and not very inviting. Rowley and Sudbury were both settled this year also.

THE inhabitants of Lynn being desirous of larger ac­commodations, many of them removed to Long Island, near the west end, Lord Sterling by his agent there having sold or quit claimed to them a tract for a plantation, but they were soon disturbed by the Dutch and some of them were imprisoned under a pretence of an affront offered to the Prince of Orange's arms which they had taken down from a tree wh [...]re the Dutch had hung them up. Not being able to keep their ground they removed to the east end and settled a church and town (Southampton) and entred into a civil combination intending to be independent of any [Page 90] of the colonies. Another distinct government was form­ing at the mouth of Connecticut river by the agent of Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, who with other per­sons of distinction were still expected in New England, and other companies who were intending to remove, intended likewise to form into separate governments. But this humour did not last long. In a few years all the colonies found an union or confederacy necessary for their defence not only against the Indians, but against the French and Dutch, and there could be no encouragement for small bodies of men to sit down any where independant or un­connected. All that had began any settlements between the Massachusets and the Dutch (the Rhode Islanders ex­cepted who were covered except on the sea by the other colonies) joined with Connecticut or New Haven, and all to the eastward whether in New Hampshire, Province of Main or the country further east, applied to the Massachu­sets that they might incorporate with them.

THE year 1638 was memorable for a very great earth­quake throughout New-England. The shake by the printed accounts of it and from manuscript letters appears to have been equal to that in 1727, the pewter in many places being thrown off the shelves, and the tops of chim­nies in some places shook down, but the noise though great not so surprizing as that of the last mentioned. The course of it was from West to East. This was a remark­able aera. So long after the Earthquake, was as common with the people of New-England for many years as it seems to have been heretofore with the children of Israel.^†

HARVARD College takes it date from the year 1638. Two years before the general court gave four hundred pounds towards a publick school at Newtown, but Mr. John Harvard a worthy minister of Charlestown dying this year and having given a great part of his estate, between se­ven and eight hundred pounds [...]o the same use, the school took the name of Harvard College by an order of court.^*

[Page 91]IN 1639 the former governor and deputy governor were continued,1639. and the same assistants except Mr. Harla­kenden who died in the colony and I suppose the last year.

STRAITS and difficulties at the beginning of the colony had produced industry and good husbandry, and then they s [...]on raised provisions enough for their own support and an overplus for exportation. We hear but little of trade for the first seven years, except a small traffick with the na­tives by barter of toys, and the few utensils, tools and cloathing they at first thought necessary in exchange for furs and skins. What the planters brought with them consisted principally of materials for their buildings, neces­sary tools for their husbandry, stock for their farms and cloathing for themselves and families, and those who had more estate than was sufficient for these purposes were country gentlemen and unacquainted with commerce, as Winthrop, Dudley, Bellingham, Bradstreet, &c. and never employed themselves in it (Mr. Winthrop built a small bark called the blessing, which was employed to import corn from the southern Indians when the colony was in want, but she was soon cast away) and people in general turned their minds to provide comfortable lodgings and to bring [Page 92] under improvement so much land as would afford them necessary support, and this was enough to employ them. After a few years by hard labour and hard fare the land produced more than was consumed by the inhabitants, the overplus was sent abroad to the West-Indies, the Wine-Islands, &c. Returns were made in the produce of the respective countries and in bullion, the most of which, to­gether with the furs procured from the natives, went to England to pay for the manufactures continually necessary from thence. As hands could be spared from husbandry and labor in providing their houses, they were taken off and some employed in sawing boards, splitting staves, shin­gles and hoops, others in the fishery, and as many as were capable of it in building small vessels for the fishery and for coasting and foreign trade. Thus gradually and insensibly they seem to have fallen into that trade most natural to the country and adapted to their peculiar circumstances, without any premeditated scheme or projection for that purpose. Their primary views in their removal were the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Merchants and others for the sake of gain when they saw a prospect of it afterwards came over and incorporated with them, and caused a great increase of commerce, and led the legislators to measures for the further improvement of it. For encouraging the fishery an act was made this year to free all estates employed in catching making or transporting fish, from all duties and publick taxes, and all persons were restrained by a penalty from using any cod or bass fish for manuring the ground; and all fishermen during the season for business, and all ship-builders were by the same act ex­cused from trainings. Sumptuary laws were made for restraining excess in apparel and other expences, a spirit of industry and frugality prevailed, and those who lived in the next age speak of this as the aurea aetas in which religion and virtue flourished: But it was not long before many became discontented and encouraged projects for their removal.

[Page 93]IN the year 1640 Mr. Dudley was governor and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor,1640. Mr. Winthrop the former governor one of the assistants, the rest the same as the last year. The importation of settlers now ceased. The motive to transportation to America was over by the change in the affairs of England. They who then professed to be able to give the best account say that in 298 ships, which were the whole number from the beginning of the colony, there arrived^* 21200 passengers, men women and children, perhaps about four thousand families.^† Since which more persons have removed out of New-England to other parts of the world than have come from other parts to it, and the number of families at this day in the four governments may be supposed to be less rather than more than the natural increase of four thousand. This sudden stop had a surprizing effect upon the price of cattle. They had lost the greatest part of what was intended for the first supply, in the passage from Europe. As the inha­bitants multiplied the demand for the cattle increased, and the price of a milch cow had kept from 25 to 30 l. but fell at once this year to 5 or 6l. A farmer who could spare but one cow in a year out of his stock used to cloath his family with the price of it at the expence of the new comers; when this failed they were put to difficulties. Although they judged they had 12000 neat cattle yet they had but about 3000 sheep in the colony.

[Page 94]THE year 1641 afforded not so pleasing a prospect. Assoon as the country ceased to be necessary as an asylum for oppressed people in England,1641. some of those who had been the greatest benefactors there not only discouraged any further transportation but endeavoured to induce such as had gone over to remove. Had the same changes happened in England six or eight years sooner, the conti­nent of North America would in all probability have been at this day in a far less flourishing estate than it is. Some of the principal men wavered but others were more reso­lute, and determined not to forsake their undertaking.^*

LORD Say and Seal had turned his thoughts to a more southern settlement in the Bahama islands. He had en­gaged Mr. Humfries one of the assistants of the Massa­chusets colony in the design with a promise of being the governor of the new settlement. A new plan of govern­ment was framed wholly aristocratical and the magistracy to be hereditary, but exceptions being taken to this form by the people it was altered and brought nearer to that of the Massachusets.^† Mr. Winthrop the usual governor and [Page 95] always considered abroad as the head of the colony, had wrote to Lord Say representing to his Lordship that it seemed evident that God had chosen New-England to [Page 96] plant his people in, and that it would be displeasing unto him that this work should be hindered and that such as had been well inclined, if not with their persons yet with their substance, to encourage it should desist and discourage it by insinuating that there was no possibility of subsistance there; and added that God would never have sent so many of his people thither if he had not seen the place sufficient to maintain them or intended to make it so. His Lordship answered that he could not deny great part of what was written, particularly the evidence of God's owning his people in the country of New-England, but alledged that it was a place appointed for a present refuge only, and a better place being now found out they ought all to re­move there.^§

IT is certain that a great part of the colony was under great doubts as to their subsistance. All could not be traders. Much labor was necessary to the clearing a new country for pasture or tillage; after three or four years improve­ment of a piece of ground they found they had exhausted the goodness of the soil and were obliged to go upon new improvements. They never used such manure as would keep it in heart. The common practice of manuring with fish left the land in a worse state than it would have been in if they had used no manure at all, or than any other manure, even lime, would have left it. This caused many of them [Page 97] to have an unfavorable opinion of the country and to de­spair of obtaining a livelihood in it, and great numbers had determined to remove. Some were persuaded to alter their resolution, but others persisted. A church had been gather­ed at Providence and news came that Mr. Sherwood the pastor with another minister had been sent home prisoners by Carter the deputy governor, and that the magistrates were inclined to persecution. This is not incredible even in the year 1641 when they could not have expected that these measures would be approved in England, for Virginia persisted in opposition to the parlia­ment many years after. Whilst some in New-England were discouraged by this advice others were the more con­firmed looking upon it their duty to go over and strengthen their brethren. Mr. Humfries had met with great losses by fire the year before and was detained in New-England by his private affairs for this year, but a company em­barked with Capt. William Peirce, who was of the first fleet which came over with the charter and a very noted commander. Upon their arrival at Providence they found the island in the possession of the Spaniards. They had shot in under the command of the fort before they disco­vered their danger, and in coming about Peirce was slain from the fort, but the vessel got clear and returned to New-England and the designs of the rest, of course, were at an end. The Lords and others concerned in this attempt to settle the Bahama Islands spent sixty thousand pounds ster­ling, which was entirely lost by the island's being taken.^*

THE difficulties particular persons were under and the difference of sentiment upon private affairs had an influence upon the publick affairs. The election this year (1641) notwithstanding the great number of voters was determined in favour of Mr. Bellingham for governor, Mr. Winthrop being his competitor, by a majority of six votes only. Mr. Endicot was chosen deputy governor. It was disputed whether they had the majority, and it was some time, Mr. Hubbard says, long, before either of them were ad­mitted to their places. The choice seems not to have [Page 98] been agreable to the general court, for the first order they made was to repeal a standing law for allowing one hundred pounds annually to the governor.

THE court this year expecting great revolutions were at hand in England sent over as their agents two of the ministers, Mr. Thomas Weld and Mr. Hugh Peters, ^† and one of the representatives, Mr. William Hibbins, in order to establish the interest of the colony. Their particular instructions have not been preserved.

THIS year also the plantation at Springfield upon Connec­ticut river returned to the jurisdiction of the Massachusets. In the year 1636 as has been observed the towns or settle­ments on Connecticut river began. A more particular ac­count of the settlement of that colony will perhaps be ex­pected. The inhabitants of the towns of Roxbury, Dor­chester, Cambridge and Watertown in the Massachusets laid the foundation of the colony of Connecticut. Mr. William Pynchon being the principal person among those from Roxbury who had pitched upon a place higher up the river than the rest called by the Indians Agawam, he changed the name to Springfield.^* His mansion house was at a town of that name in England near to Chelmsford in Essex. Those from Dorchester pitched upon a place be­low called by the Indians Mattaneaug or Cushankamaug. Mr. Ludlow was the principal person who removed with them. Mr. Warham their minister and the whole church followed the next year. They called their settlement Windsor. The Cambridge people with Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone their ministers, and Mr. Haynes who the year [Page 99] before had been governor at their head, were seated next below at a place called Suckiang, which they changed into Hartford, the place of Mr. Stone's nativity in England. A few miles below there was another tract of interval land called by the Indians Pauquiang, which those of Hartford intended to have included in their settlement but a few of the Watertown people were too quick for them. They gave it the name of Weathersfield. The commission which they took fro [...] the Massachusets was of a pretty extraor­dinary nature. The preamble to it acknowledges that the lands which they intended to take possession of were with­out the commonwealth and body of the Massachusets, and that certain noble personages in England by virtue of a patent challenged the jurisdiction there, but their minds not being known as to a form of government, and there being a necessity that some authority should be established they therefore appoint Roger Ludlow, Esq ^* &c. with full power and authority to hear and determine in a judicial way all matters in difference between party and party, to inflict corporal punishment, imprisonment and fines, and to make and decree orders for the present as shall be ne­cessary for the plantation, relative to trading, planting, building, military discipline and defensive war if need re­quire, and to convene the inhabitants in general court if it shall be thought meet. The commission to continue no longer than one year, and to be recalled if a form of go­vernment could be agreed upon between the noble per­sonages, the inhabitants, and the commonwealth of the Massachusets, &c.

THERE would be no accounting for this stretch of power were it not for a principle at that time generally received, and which upon a question was determined some years after by the general court, some of the members [Page 100] dissenting, that the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth was binding even though the person should no longer reside within the limits.

NOTWITHSTANDING this commission they soon after entered into an agreement or combination, by virtue of which they called themselves a body politick formed and established by mutual consent, and framed such laws and constitutions as they thought necessary; the most material point in which they differed from the Massachusets was the not making membership of their churches necessary to freedom in the civil government or to the holding any offices therein. Upon the petition of Mr. Pynchon and others to the court to receive them again an order passed asserting the court's right, and a commission was granted to Mr. Pynchon to hold courts there,^† from whose judg­ments an appeal lay to the court of assistants.^*

[Page 101]THE settlers at Piscataqua about the same time sub­mitted themselves to the Massachusets government. The submission and agreement upon record is as follows:

ABOUT the same time, viz. in 1638, Mr. Wheelwright the minister who had been banished from the Massachu­sets, with a number of persons who adhered to him, began a plantation on the south side of the great bay up Piscata­qua river, to which they gave the name of Exeter. They thought it necessary likewise to form themselves into a body politic, in order to enable them to carry on the affairs of their plantation. The instrument which they determined upon was of the following form:

[Page 107] ‘WHEREAS it hath pleased the Lord to move the heart of our dread Sovereign Charles, &c. to grant licence and liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant themselves in the western parts of America: We his loyal subjects members of the church of Exeter, situate and lying upon the river Piscataqua, with other inhabitants there, con­sidering with ourselves the holy will of God and our own necessity, that we should not live without wholsome laws and civil government amongst us, of which we are altoge­ther destitute, do in the name of Christ and in the sight of God combine ourselves together to erect and set up among us such government as shall be to our best discern­ing agreable to the will of God, professing ourselves subject to our Sovereign Lord King Charles according to the liberty of the English colony of the Massachusets, and binding ourselves solemnly by the grace and help of Christ and in his name and fear to submit ourselves to all such christian laws as are established in the realm of England, to our best knowledge, and to all other such laws which shall upon good grounds be made and enacted among us according to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably together in all godliness and honesty. October 4. 1639, John Wheelwright, William Wentworth, George Walton,’ with 32 more. Captain Underhill an enthusiast who obtained his assurance, as he expressed himself before the church of Boston, while he was taking a pipe of the good creature tobacco,^† and who was at the same time a very immoral man, and for adul­tery had been excommunicated, joined Mr. Wheel­wright's company and played his card so well that he ob­tained the place of governor over them, and also over the other company at Dover, they having quarrelled with Burdet the minister, who removed to York. There was a strong party against Underhill which caused great di­sturbance and confusion. At the same time they were as much divided in their ecclesiastical affairs. They at Do­ver had one Mr. Knolles for their minister, but Mr. Lark­ham [Page 108] arriving there from Northam near Barnstable in England, many people were taken with him and determined to dismiss Knolles, but his party stood by him and he and his company excommunicated Larkham. He in return laid violent hands on Knolles. The magistrates took part some on one side and some on the other, but Larkham's party being weakest sent to Williams the governor below for assistance, who came up with a company of armed men, beset Knolles's house, where Underhill the governor then was, called him to account, set a fine upon him and some others who had been concerned in the riot, and obliged them to remove from the plantation. Knolles was a rigid antinomian, his practice was agreable to his principles. He was charged with being too familiar with some of his female domesticks and found it necessary to depart. Lark­ham a zealous churchman soon followed him for an offence of the same nature.^† Thus we see three distinct colonies and independant governments formed upon Piscataqua river.

DURING these transactions the Massachusets people were enquiring into the bounds of their patent. In 1639 they sent persons to find out the northernmost part of Merrimack river. A line to run east from three miles north of the head of the river will take in the whole of New-Hampshire.^* They determined therefore that it came within their jurisdiction, and from that time they allowed plantations to be settled, particularly at Hampton, as readily as in any other part of the colony, and exercised juris­diction over them, but they left those upon the river to their liberty, and it was their inability to preserve order among themselves which occasioned the application and submission which has already been mentioned. At their session in October the court passed the following order:

[Page 109] ‘WHEREAS it appeareth that by the extent of the line according to our patent the river of Piscataquack is within the jurisdiction of the Massachusets, and conference being had at several times with the said people and some deputed by the general court for the settling and establish­ing of order in the administration of justice there; it is now ordered by the general court holden at Boston this 9th day of the 8th month 1641, and with the consent of the inhabitants of the said river, as followeth. Imprimis, That from henceforth the said people inhabiting there are and shall be accepted and reputed under the govern­ment of the Massachusets as the rest of the inhabitants within the said jurisdiction are. Also that they shall have the same order and way of administration of justice and way of keeping courts as is established at Ipswich and Salem.^* Also they shall be exempted from all publick charges other than those that shall arise for or from among themselves, or from any action or course that may be taken to procure their own good or benefit. Also they shall enjoy all such lawful liberties of fishing, plant­ing and felling timber as formerly they have enjoyed in the same river. Mr. Simon Broadstreet, Mr. Israel Stoughton, Mr. Samuel Simonds, Mr. William Tyng, Mr. Francis Williams, and Mr. Edward Hilton, or any four of them, whereof Mr. Broadstreet or Mr. Stoughton to be one, these shall have the same power that the quarter courts at Salem and Ipswich have. Also the inhabitants there are allowed to send two deputies from the whole river to the court at Boston. Also Mr. Broadstreet, Mr. Stoughton, and the rest of the com­missioners shall have power at the court at Piscataquack to appoint two or three to join with Mr. Williams and Mr. Hilton to govern the people as the magistrates do here till the next general court, or till the court take further order. It is further ordered, that until our com­missioners shall arrive at Piscataquack, those men who already have authority by the late combination to govern [Page 110] the people there, shall continue in the same authority and power, to be determined at the coming of the said commissioners and not before.’ Although nothing is said of Strawberry bank in the submission yet all the settlements seem to have concurred, and Williams the governor below was made one of the magistrates.

THE Massachusets by thus extending it's wing over the inhabitants of New-Hampshire nourished and cherished them for near 40 years, and to this must be attributed the growth and the present flourishing state of that colony. The principal inhabitants when the benefit was recent, in 1680 made a publick and grateful acknow­ledgment of it. Upon this construction of the charter the whole province of Main is taken into the Massachusets as well as New-Hampshire, but no application being made by the people there, nothing was done concerning them. Mr. Wheelwright and others who had been banished from the Massachusets soon after removed to the province of Main from New-Hampshire.

1642.MR. Winthrop was elected governor in 1642 and Mr. Endicot deputy governor, and Mr. Thomas Flint ^* added to the assistants, together with Mr. Pynchon, who upon his removal to Springfield had been left out whilst the jurisdiction was doubtful.

THE college at Cambridge was this year put upon a more respectable footing [...]han it had been. The governor, deputy governor and magistrates, and the ministers of the six next adjacent towns, with the president, were made a corporation for ordering and managing the affairs of the college, and nine young gentlemen ^† at a publick commencement this [Page 111] year received the degree of batchelor of arts. The Thesis with a particular account of the whole proceeding was published in England. I know of but two copies extant, and as my chief design is to preserve from oblivion every transaction which posterity may think of any im­portance, I shall give it a place in the appendix.

[Page 112]THERE was a general design this year among the In­dians against the English.^* Miantinomo the sachem of the Naragansets was supposed to be the author and chief promoter and to have drawn many other sachems to join with him. The Indians began to make use of fire-arms and had procured a great number, together with powder and shot from English traders in the eastern parts, as well as from the Dutch. A constant watch was ordered to be kept from sun-set to sun-rising, and a place of retreat to be provided in each plantation for the women and chil­dren and for the security of ammunition. Beacons were [Page 113] erected and ordered to be fired upon an alarm, and all smiths were required to lay aside all other business until all the arms in the colony were put into good order, for which payment was promised by the government. Mr.^* John Leverett and Mr. Edward ^† Hutchinson were sent to Miantinomo with articles of complaint and to require him to come himself or to send two of his chief counsellors to the governor in order to give satisfaction. Connecticut proposed to fall upon the Indians immediately, and offered if the Massachusets would send 120 men to Saybrook to join a proportionable number. But the Massachusets court doubted whether they had sufficient proofs of the designs of the Indians to justify a war. However the governor with the magistrates before the court met thought it ne­cessary to disarm the Indians within the colony, which they readily submitted to. Miantinomo came in person to the court and demanded that his accusers should be brought face to face, and if they failed in their proof that they should suffer the same punishment he would have deserved himself if he had been guilty, viz. death. His behaviour was grave and he gave his answers with great deliberation and seeming ingenuity. He would never speak but in the presence of two of his counsellors that they might be witnesses of every thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was charged with, and pretended the reports to his disadvantage were raised by Uncas sachem of the Mohegins or some of his people. He was willing to renew his former engagements that if any of the Indians, even the Nianticks, who he said were as his own flesh and blood, should do any wrong to the Eng­lish so as neither he nor they could satisfy without blood, he would deliver them up and leave them to mercy. The people of Connecticut put little confidence in him and could hardly be kept from falling upon him, but were at last prevailed upon by the Massachusets to desist for the present.^‡ The minds of men were filled with fear from [Page 114] these rumours of a general conspiracy and every noise in the night was alarming. A poor man in a swamp at Wa­tertown^* hearing the howling of a kennel of Wolves and expecting to be devoured by them cried out for help, which occasioned a general alarm through all the towns near Boston.^§ The Indians being thus prevented from surprizing the English remained quiet.^†

THE House of Commons this year passed a memorable resolve in favor of the Massachusets colony, which was transmitted to the governor by the clerk of the house and ordered by the court to be entered upon the publick records that it might remain to posterity.

IN the year 1642 letters came to Mr. Cotton of Boston, Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and Mr. Davenport of New-Haven, signed by several of the nobility, divers members of the house of commons, and some ministers, to call them or some of them, if all could not come, to assist in the assembly of divines at Westminster.^† Such of the magi­strates [Page 116] and ministers as were near Boston met together, and most of them were of opinion that it was a call of God, but Mr. Hooker did not like the business, and thought it was not a sufficient call to go a thousand leagues to confer about matters of church government. Mr. Davenport thought otherwise, but his church having but one minister would not spare him. Mr. Cotton thought it a clear call and would have undertaken the voyage if others would have gone with him. Soon after, other letters were received which diverted them from any thoughts of proceeding.^* Mr. Hooker was about that time pre­paring [Page 117] for the press a vindication of congregational churches, or rather framing a system or plan of church government, which he designed for the New-England churches, let the determination at Westminster be what it would. Had the churches of New-England appeared there by their representatives, or any of the principal di­vines appeared as members of the assembly greater excep­tion might have been taken to their building after a model of their own framing. Several persons who came from England in 1643 made a muster to set up presbyterian government under the authority of the assembly at West­minster, but a New-England assembly, the general court, soon put them to the rout.

THE governor and deputy governor for the last year were re-elected in 1643.1643. Samuel Symonds ^* and William Hibbins ^† were added to the assistants. The colony had so increased that it was divided this year into four coun­ties or shires, Essex, Middlesex, Suffolk and Norfolk. ^‡

A new sect, springing from the ashes of the antinomians, made great disturbance about this time. Samuel Gorton a citizen of London who came to Boston in 1636 was at the head of it. Mr. Cotton says^§ his principles were the very dregs of familism. It is certain that he was artful enough to explain them in such manner that his judges in the Massachusets were divided in opinion whether they were heretical or not. He staid not long [Page 118] in the Massachusets, but went to Plimouth and disturbing the church there he was whipped and required to find sureties for his good behavior, which not being able to do he removed, Mr. Winslow says was driven^‡ to Rhode-Island. There he treated the court with contempt, and by order of the governor, Mr. Coddington, was first im­prisoned and afterwards whipped. From Rhode-Island he went to Providence, where Roger Williams with his usual humanity, although he disliked his principles and behavior, gave him shelter. Here he found several of his own dis­position, fond of novelties in religion, and they first sat down at Patuxet near Providence, but some of the inha­bitants there applied to the Massachusets that they and their lands might be received into protection, and com­plained that Gorton and his company, under pretence of purchase from the Indians, were going about to deprive them of their estates, of which for several years they had been in the lawful possession. The governor and three of the assistants signed what was called a warrant or notifi­cation to all the people of Providence requiring them to submit to the jurisdiction of the Massachusets. This was dated in October 1642. Gorton sent a very contemptu­ous answer and told them they had no authority over the people of Providence. But either for the sake of being more out of the reach of the Massachusets, or from discord among themselves, Gorton and 11 more purchased of Miantinomo the Naraganset sachem^* a tract of land called Showamet and removed thither. The price they paid was 144 fathom of Wampum.^† Showamet was then claimed by Plimouth government as within their juris­diction. Two of the chief of the Indians who dwelt there and at Patuxet, and who were called Sachems, Pom­ham and Sacho [...]oco came to Boston with their interpreter to complain of Gorton and his company for taking their lands from them, and offered to subject themselves and their [Page 119] country to the Massachusets, which by an instrument under their hands was accordingly done in the form following.

‘THIS writing is to testify that we Pomham sachem of Showamit and Sachonoco sachem of Patuxit have and by these presents do voluntarily and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion put our selves our subjects, lands and estates under the government and jurisdiction of the Massachusets, to be governed and pro­tected by them according to their just laws and orders so far as we shall be made capable of understanding them, and we do promise for ourselves and our subjects and all our posterity to be true and faithful to the government and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability, and from time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or evil intention of any which we shall know or hear of against the same, and do promise to be willing from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge of the worship of God. In witness whereof we have here­unto put to our hands the 22d of the 4th month, 1643.’

• the [...] mark of Saconocho.
• the [...] mark of Pomham.

MIANTINOMO was likewise sent for to Boston but did not make out his right to the Indian country to the satisfaction of the court. It does not appear that he relin­quished it, and Gorton says in his defence that Pomham and Sachonoco were the natural subjects of Miantinomo and influenced by the Massachusets to withdraw from him. He being the greatest and most powerful Sachem in New-England it is probable that these were dependants upon him or tributaries to him. Be that as it may, the Massachusets sent a message to Gorton and his company acquainting them that they were still within their jurisdiction by virtue of the submission of Pomham and Sachonoco, and requiring them to appear at the court at Boston to answer to com­plaints against them for injuries done to the Indians, &c. and promising them safe conduct, &c. This was dated the 12th of the 7th month 1643. They sent back by the messenger a verbal answer that they were out of the [Page 120] Massachusets jurisdiction and would ackno [...]ledge subjection to none but the state and governm [...] of Old England. Upon the receipt of their answer, vi [...]. on the 19th of the same month, another message was sent to acquaint them that the court had appointed commissioners^* to hear and determine the controversy upon the spot, and if they re­fused, to bring them to Boston by force. After some small resistance Gorton and several others were taken and carried to Boston and imprisoned.^† Being brought before the court the charge exhibited against them was in the following words:

‘UPON much examination and serious consideration of your writings with your answers about them we do charge you to be a blasphemous enemy of the true religion of [Page 121] our Lord Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances and also of civil authority among the people of God, and par­ticularly in this jurisdiction.’

THEIR writings were produced in evidence against them, and they explained them in such a manner that the governor Mr. Winthrop said he could agree with them in their answer though he could not in their writings, but Mr. Dudley stood up much moved and said he would never consent to it while he lived that they were one with them in those answers. The governor then asked Gorton what faith was; he answered in the words of the apostle that faith is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen; the governor told him that was true but he could say more of faith than that. He desired to be excused, and Mr. Bradstreet prudently enough excepted to such questions unless he was free to speak to them, and thereupon they were dismissed and remanded to prison.^* Their sentences were cruel. Gorton ordered to be con­fined to Charlestown there to be kept at work and to wear such bolts and irons as might hinder his escape, and if he broke his confinement or by speech or writing pub­lished or maintained any of the blasphemous abominable heresies wherewith he had been charged by the general court, or should reproach or reprove the churches of our Lord Jesus Christ in these united colonies or the civil government, &c. that upon conviction thereof upon trial [Page 122] by a jury he should suffer death.^* The rest were confined to different towns, one in a town, and upon the same condi­tions with Gorton; their cattle were seized and ordered to be sold and the charge of fetching them and the expence at­tending the trial and imprisonment to be paid out of the pro­ceeds, and the overplu [...] to be reserved for their future main­tenance during their confinement.^† As all who have pub­lished [Page 123] any thing concerning Gorton except Mr. Calender in his century sermon set him in an infamous light, it will [Page 124] be but just to publish a letter which he wrote to Mr. Morton in 1669 vindicating himself from the charges against him in New England's memorial which was first printed in that year.^†

THE dangers to which the colonies in New-England were exposed from domestic and foreign enemies first in­duced them to think of an alliance and confederacy for their mutual defence and safety. Those of Aquidnick or Rhode Island were willing enough to have joined with the rest but the Massachusets refused to admit commissioners from that colony [...]o treat with the commissioners from the rest upon the terms of the agrement. The other four settled articles of confederation May 19, 1643. They have been published at large by Doctor Mather, Mr. Neale, &c. and are in substance as follows,—

THE united colonies of New-England, viz. Massachu­sets, Plimouth, Connecticut and New-Haven enter into a firm and perpetual league offensive and defensive.

EACH colony to retain a distinct and separate jurisdic­tion, no two colonies to join in one jurisdiction without the consent of the whole, and no other colony to be received into the confederacy without the like consent.

THE charge of all wars offensive or defensive to be borne in proportion to the male inhabitants between 16 and 60 years of age in each colony.

UPON notice from three magistrates of any colony of an invasion the rest shall immediately send aid, the Massachusets 100 and each of the other 45 men, and if a greater number be necessary the commissioners to meet and determine upon it.

TWO commissioners from each government, being church members, to meet annually the first monday in September, the first meeting to be held at Boston, then at Hartford, New-Haven and Plimouth, and so yearly in that order, saving that two meetings successively be held at Boston.

ALL matters wherein six shall agree to be binding upon the whole, and if there be a majority, but under six, the matter in question to be referred to the general court of each colony and not to be obligatory unless the whole agree to it.

[Page 125]A president for preserving order, to be chosen by the commissioners each year out of their number.

THE commissioners shall have power to establish laws or rules of a civil nature and of general concern for the con­duct of the inhabitants, viz. relative to their behavior to­wards the Indians, to fugitives from one colony to another, and the like.

NO colony to engage in war, except upon a sudden exi­gency, and in that case to be avoided as much as possible, without the consent of the whole.

IF a meeting be summoned upon any extraordinary oc­casion and the whole number of commissioners do not as­semble, any four who shall meet may determine upon a war when the case will not admit of delay, and send for the agreed proportion of men out of each jurisdiction, but not less than six shall determine the justice of the war, or have power to settle bills of charges or make levies for the same.

IF any colony break any article of the agrement or any ways injure another colony, the matter shall be considered and determined by the commissioners of the other colonies.

THESE articles were ratified by Massachusets, Connec­ticut and New-Haven, May 19, 1643. Plimouth com­missioners had not then full powers, but they acceded at the first meeting for business September 7th following.

THIS confederacy had been in agitation for several years. In 1638 articles were drawn up which were re­ferred until 1639. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hooker from Connecticut tarried several weeks in the Massachusets sol­liciting it. They had reason to expect trouble from the Dutch who kept a trading house at Hartford, after that place was under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, and broils frequently happened there, and the Dutch at Manhadoes were ready to have taken advantage of the least breach or alienation between the colonies; but by reason of several obstructions from time to time nothing could be perfected until 1643, when commissioners came from all the several colonies to Boston whilst the general court was sitting, viz. [Page 126] Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins from Hartford, Mr. Eato [...] and Mr. Grigson from New-Haven, besides Mr. Fenwick the governor of Saybrook fort, Mr. Winslow and Mr. Col­lier from Plimouth. The Massachusets appointed Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley and Mr. Bradstreet of the magis­trates, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Tyng of the deputies.^*

[Page 127]ABOUT this time much division and disturbance in the colony was occasioned by the French of Acadie and Nova Scotia.1644. It is necessary to look back upon the state of those countries. After Argall dispossessed the French in 1613 they seem to have been neglected both by English and French until the grant to Sir William Alexander in 1621. That he made attempts and began settlements in Nova Scotia has always been allowed, the particular voyages we have no account of. It appears from Cham­plain ^† that many French had joined with the English or Scotch and adhered to their interest. Among the rest La Tour was at Port Royal in 1630, where out of seventy Scots thirty had died the winter before from their bad accommodations. La Tour willing to be safe, let the title be in which it would English or French, procured from the French King a grant of the river St. John, and five leagues above and five below and ten leagues into the country; this was in 1627.^* At the same time he was connected with the Scotch and first obtained leave to improve lands and build within the territory, and then, about the year 1630, purchased Sir William Alexander's title. La Tour's title is said to have been confirmed to him under the great [Page 128] seal of Scotland,^† and that he obtained also a grant of a baronettage of Nova Scotia. Penobscot and all the coun­try westward and southward was at this time in the posses­sion of the English.

In 1632 La Tour obtained from the French King a grant of the river and bay of St. Croix and islands and lands adjacent, twelve leagues upon the sea and twenty leagues into the land.^* By the treaty of St. Germains the same year Acadie was relinquished by the English and La Tour became dependant upon the French alone. In 1634 he obtained a grant of the Isle of Sables, another of ten leagues upon the sea and ten into the land at La Have, another of Port Royal the same extent, and the like at Menis with all adjacent islands included in each grant. Razilly had the general command, who appointed Monsieur D'Aulney de Charnisy his Lieutenant of that part of Acadie west of St. Croix, and La Tour of that east. In consequence of this division D'Aulney came as has been related and dispossessed the English at Penobscot in the year 1635. Razilly died soon after and D'Aulney and La Tour both claimed a general command of Acadie and made war upon one ano­ther. D'Aulney, by the French King's letter to him in 1638, was ordered to confine himself to the coast of the Etechemins which in all his writings he makes to be a part of Acadie. La Tour's principal fort was at St. John's. As their chief views were the trade with the natives, being so near together, there was a constant clashing of interest. In November 1641 La Tour sent Rochet, a protestant of Rochel, to Boston from St. John's with proposals for a free trade between the two colonies and desiring assistance against D'Aulney, but not having sufficient credentials the governor and council declined any treaty and he returned. The next year October 6, there came to Boston a shallop from La Tour with his Lieutenant and 14 men, with letters [Page 129] full of complement, desiring aid to remove D'Aulney from Penobscot, and renewing the proposal of a free trade. They returned without any assurance of what was princi­pally desired, but some merchants of Boston sent a pinnace after them to trade with La Tour at the river St. John. They met with good encouragement and brought letters to the governor containing a large state of the controversy between D'Aulney and La Tour, but stopping at Pemaquid in their way home they found D'Aulney upon a visit there, who wrote to the governor and sent him a printed copy of an arrêt he had obtained from France against La Tour, and threatned that if any vessels came to La Tour he would make prize of them. The next summer (June 12) La Tour himself came to Boston in a ship with 140 persons aboard, the master and crew being protestants of Rochel. They took a pilot out of a Boston vessel at sea, and com­ing into the harbour saw a boat with Mr. Gibbon's lady and family who were going to his farm. One of the Frenchmen who had been entertained at the house knew her, and a boat being manned to invite her aboard, she fled to Governor's Island and the Frenchmen after her, where they found the governor and his family, who were all greatly surprized, as was the whole colony when they heard the news,^* for had it been an enemy he might not only have secured the governor's person but taken possession of the castle opposite to the island, there not being a single man at that time to defend the place.^† La Tour acquaint­ed the governor that this ship coming from France with supplies for his fort found it blocked up by D'Aulney his old enemy, and he was now come to Boston to pray aid to remove him. La Tour had cleared up his conduct so as to obtain a permission under the hands of the Vice Admiral and Grand Prior, &c. for this ship to bring supplies to him, [Page 130] and in the permission he was stiled the King's Lt. General in Acadie. He produced also letters from the agent of the company in France advising him to look to himself and to guard against the designs of D'Aulney. The gover­nor called together such of the magistrates and deputies as were near the town and laid before them La Tour's request. They could not, consistent with the articles they had just agreed to with the other governments, grant aid without their advice, but they did not think it necessary to hinder any who were willing to be hired from aiding him which he took very thankfully, but some being dis­pleased with these concessions the governor called a second meeting where, upon a more full debate, the first opinion was adhered to.^* La Tour hired four ships of force and took 70 or 80 volunteers into his pay, with which assistance he was safely landed at his fort, and D'Aulney fled to Penob­scot where he ran his vessels ashore, and although the com­mander of the ships refused to attack him, yet some of the soldiers joined with La Tour's men in an assault upon some of D'Aulney's men who had intrenched themselves but were obliged to betake themselves to flight having three of their number slain. The ships returned in about two months without any loss. The governor excused the proceeding to D'Aulney as not having interested himself in the quarrel between them, but only permitted La Tour in his distress as the laws of christianity and humanity re­quired, [Page 131] to hire ships and men for his money without any commission or authority derived from the government of the colony. D'Aulney went to France and being expec­ted to return the next summer 1644 with a great force, La Tour came again to Boston and went from thence to Mr. Endicot who was then governor and lived at Salem and who appointed a meeting of magistrates and ministers to consider his request. Most of the magistrates were of opinion that he ought to be relieved as a distressed neigh­bour, and in point of prudence to prevent so dangerous an enemy as D'Aulney from strengthening himself in their neighbourhood; but it was finally agreed that a letter should be wrote to D'Aulney to enquire the reason of his having granted commissions to take their people, and to demand satisfaction for the wrong he had done to them and their confederates, in taking Penobscot, and in making prize of their men and goods at the Isle of Sables, at the same time intimating that altho' these people who went the last year with La Tour had no commission yet if D'Aulney could make it appear they had done him any wrong (which they knew nothing of) satisfaction should be made, and they expected he should call in all his commissions and re­quired his answer by the bearer. They likewise acquaint­ed him that their merchants had entred into a trade with La Tour which they were resolved to support them in. La Tour being able to obtain nothing further returned to his fort.

SOME of the province of Maine going this summer (1644) from Saco to trade with La Tour or to get in their debts put in at Penobscot in their way and were detained prisoners a few days, but for the sake of Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid one of the company, who was well known to D'Aulney, they were released. La Tour afterwards pre­vailed upon Mr. Wanneston another of the company to attempt with about twenty of La Tour's men to take Penobscot, for they heard the fort was weakly manned and in want of victuals. They went first to a farm house of D'Aulney's about six miles from the fort. They burned [Page 132] the house and killed the cattle, but Wanneston being killed at the door the rest of them came to Boston.

IN September letters were received from D'Aulney in­forming that his master the King of France understanding that the aid allowed to La Tour the last year by the Massachusets was procured by means of a commission which he shewed from the Vice-Admiral of France, had given in charge that they should not be molested but good corre­spondence should be kept with them and all the English, and that, assoon as he had settled some affairs, he intended to let them know what further commission he had, &c. Soon after, he sent a commissioner supposed to be a friar, but dressed in lay habit, with ten men to attend him, with credentials and a commission under the great seal of France, and copy of some late proceedings against La Tour who was proscribed as a rebel and traitor, having fled out of France against special order. The governor and magistrates urged much a reconciliation with La Tour, but to no purpose. La Tour pretended to be a Huguenot▪ or at least to think favorably of that religion, and this gave him a preference, in the esteem of the colony, to D'Aul­ney, but as D'Aulney seemed to be established in his au­thority, upon proposals being made by him of peace and friendship, the following articles were concluded upon, viz.

THIS agreement freed the people from the fears they were under of ravages upon their small vessels and out plantations. La Tour was suffered to hire a vessel to carry a supply of provisions to his fort, which vessel he took under his convoy and returned home.The agreement made with D'Aulney was afterwards ratified by the commissioners of the united colonies, but he proved a very trouble­some neighbour notwithstanding. In 1645 he made prize of a vessel belonging to the merchants of Boston going to La Tour with provisions and sent the men home, after he had stripped them of their cloaths and kept them ten days upon an island, in a small old boat without either compass to steer by or gun to de­fend themselves. The governor and council dispatched away a vessel with letters to expostulate with him upon this action, com­plaining of it as a breach of the articles and requiring satisfaction, but he wrote back in very high and lofty language and threatned them with the effects of his master's displeasure. They replied to D'Aulney that they were not afraid of any thing he could do to them, and as for his master they knew he was a mighty prince, but they hoped he was just as well as mighty, and that he would not fall upon them without hearing their cause, and if he should do it they had a God in whom to trust when all other help failed. With this ship D'Aulney made an attempt the same year upon La Tour's fort while he was absent, having left only 50 men in it, but his lady bravely defended it, and D'Aulney returned disappointed, and charged the Massachusets with breach of cove­nant in entertaining La Tour and [...]ending home his lady. They excused themselves in a letter by replying that La Tour had hired three London ships which lay in the harbour. To this letter D'Aul­ney refused at first to return any answer, and refused to suffer the messenger, Capt. Allen, to come within his sort, but at length wrote in a high strain demanding satisfaction for his mill which had been burnt, and threatning revenge. When the commis­sioners met in September they agreed to send Capt. Bridges to him with the articles of peace ratified by them, and demanding a rati­fication from him under his own hand. D'Aulney entertained their messenger with courtesy and all the state he could, but re­fused to sign the articles until the differences between them were composed, and wrote back that he perceived their drift was to gain time, whereas if their messengers had been furnished with power to have treated with him and concluded about their diffe­rences he doubted not all might have been composed, for he stood more upon his hon [...]r than his interest, and he would sit still until the spring expecting their answer. The general court, upon con­sidering this answer, resolved to send the deputy governor Mr. Dud­ley, Major Denison and Capt. Hawthorn with full powers to treat and determine, and wrote to D'Aulney acquainting him with their resolution, and that they had agreed to the place he desired, [...]iz. Penobscot or Pentagoet, and referred the time to him, pro­vided it should be in the month of September. This was opposed by some as too great a condescension, and they would have had him come to the English settlement at Pemaquid, but his commission of lieutenant-general for the King of France was thought by othe [...]s to carry so much dignity with it that it would be no dis­honor to the colony to go to his own house; but it seems he was too good a husband to put himself to the expence of entertaining the messengers, and wrote in answer that he perceived they were now in earnest and desired peace, as he did also for his part, and that he thought himself highly honored by their vote to send so many of their principal men to him, but desired he might spare them the labor and he would send two or three of his to Boston in Au­gust following (1646) to hear and determine, &c. On the 20th of September Messirs. Marie, Lewis, and D'Aulney's secretary ar­rived at Boston in a small pinnace, and it being Lord's day two officers were sent to receive them at the water side and to conduct them to their lodgings without any noise, and after the public worship was over the governor sent Major Gibbons with other gentlemen and a guard of musketeers to attend them to his house where they were entertained. The next morning they began upon business, and every day dined in public, and were conducted morning and evening to and from the place of treaty with great ceremony. Great injuries were alledged on both sides and after several days spent an amnesty was agreed upon. One Capt. Crom­well had taken in the West Indies a rich sedan made for the Vice Roy of Mexico which he gave to Mr. Winthrop: This was sent as a present to D'Aulney, and well accepted by his commissioners, the treaty renewed, and all matters amicably settled. In the mean time D'Aulney effectually answer'd his main purpose, for by his high language he kept the colony from assisting La Tour, took his fort from him with ten thousand pounds sterling in furs and other merchandize, ordnance stores, plate, jewels, &c. to the great loss of the Massachusets merchants, to one only of whom (Major Gibbons) La Tour was indebted £. 2500 which was whol­ly lost. La Tour went to Newfoundland where he hoped to be aided by Sir David Kirk, but was disappointed, and came from thence to Boston where he prevailed upon some merchants to send him with four or five hundred pounds sterling in goods to trade with the Indians in the bay of fundy. He dismissed the English who were sent in the vessel and never thought proper to return himself or render any account of his consignments. D'Aulney died before the year 1652 and La Tour married his widow, and repossessed himself in whole or in part of his former estate in Nova Scotia, and in 1691 a daughter of D'Aulney and a canoness at St. Omers dying, made her brothers and sisters La Tours her general legatees. Under them, and by force of divers confirmations of for­mer grants made by Lewis the 14th, between the peace of Rys­wick and that of Utrecht, D'Entremont aforementioned claimed a great part of the province of Nova Scotia and of the country of Acadie. Of part of those in Nova Scotia he was possessed when all the French inhabitants were removed by order of admiral Boscawen and general Lawrence.

[Page 134]MR. Endicot was this year (1644) chosen governor and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Mr. Pynchon who, living very remote at Springfield, had been left out of the number [Page 135] of assistants was again restored.^† The general court shewed a prudent compliance with the powers prevailing in Eng­land and passed the following order.

[Page 136] ‘WHEREAS the civil wars and dissentions in our native country, through the seditious words and carriages of many evil affected persons, cause divisions in many places of go­gernment in America, some professing themselves for the King and others for the parliament, not considering that the parliament themselves profess that they stand for the King and parliament against the malignant papists and delin­quents in that kingdom. It is therefore ordered that what person soever shall by word, writing, or action endea­vour to disturb our peace directly or indirectly by drawing a party under pretence that he is for the King of England and such as join with him against the parliament, shall be accounted as an offender of a high nature against this commonwealth, and to be proceeded with either capitally or otherwise according to the quality and degree of his offence. Provided always that this shall not be extended against any merchant strangers and shipmen that come hi­ther meerly for matter of trade or merchandize, albeit they should come from any of those parts that are in the hands of the King and such as adhere to him against the Parlia­ment, carrying themselves here quietly and free from railing or nourishing any faction, mutiny or sedition amongst us as aforesaid.’

WE shall find the authority here acquiescing under every change of government in England. When we con­sider the dependance of a colony upon its mother country nothing less is ordinarily to be expected.^*

THE Indians this year were at war among themselves. Miantinomo the great Sachem of Naraganset, not being able to unite them all against the English, shewed his resent­ment against Uncas Sachem of the Mohegins and the two petty Sachems, Pomham and Sachonoco, near Providence; but in an action between the Naragansets and Mohegins [Page 137] Miantinomo was, unfortunately for him, taken prisoner. The court ordered ten men to serve as a garrison in the country of the two petty Sachems, and a strong palisadoed house to be built there.

THE commissioners of the united colonies interposed between the Naragansets and Mohegins, and by messengers recommended peace to both of them, offering as mediators and umpires to settle and determin [...] their differences. Yoncho Sachem of Munhanset on Long-Island came to the commissioners at Hartford and desired that he and his people might be preserved from all injuries, professing himself a friend both to the English and Dutch, having been a tributary to the former ever since the Pequod war, and he and his people were received into protection.^* Cutshamach Sachem of the Massachusets in the neighbour­hood of Boston having subjected himself formerly to the English, Passaconaway and his sons from Merrimack now came voluntarily and desired that they also might be re­ceived upon the same articles. The Indians more and more acquiring the use of fire-arms the commissioners this year passed an act that no person within any of the united colonies should directly or indirectly sell [...] kind of arms or ammunition to an Indian under penalty [...] twenty for one, nor any smith or other person mend any gun or other weapon for an Indian under the like [...]enalty.^† There was a proposal likewise made among the commis­sioners for an exclusive trade with the Indians, to be carried on by a company to consist of subscribers from [...] several governments, each government to have a distinct committee to receive subscriptions, take in stock, &c. the whole to [Page 138] be under the regulation of the commissioners. This proposal was recommended to the several general courts but never agreed to. The Massachusets was more consi­derable than all the other colonies together, and this alone was enough to have prevented them from approving of such a motion.^†

1645.The next year 1645 a meeting extraordinary of the com­missioners was held at Boston, when it was thought necessary to send messengers to the Sachems of Naraganset and Mohe­gin to require their appearance at Boston and in the mean time to suspend the wars between the two nations. It seems to have been good policy not to have interposed in this quar­rel, but the English were afraid of the success of the Nara­gansets, who although they had by an accident lost their Sachem yet were much more numerous than the Mohegins, and had divers other stout Sachems, Pessicus, Canonicus, and others, to head their armies; and as the English had generally espoused the cause of the Mohegins it was feared that as­soon as they were subdued, if not in the course of the war, the Naragansets and their allies would fall upon the plan­tations of the English, against whom they were then in a peculiar manner enraged for the death of Miantinomo their Sachem; for after Uncas had taken him prisoner, being at a loss how to dispose of him, he carried him to Hartford and left him with the English there who kept him under a guard. Uncas applied to the commissioners for advice. They gave it as their opinion that Miantinomo ought to be put to death for having procured a Pequod to shoot Uncas, and for having been at the head of a conspiracy against the English, but they ordered Uncas to carry him out of their jurisdiction and to slay him without that torture and cru­elty usually practised by the Indians upon their prisoners. This sentence was executed accordingly, some of the English inhabitants accompanying the Indians to see it performed.

AT first the Naragansets gave kind words to the messen­gers from the English governments but they soon changed their tone and determined to have no peace without Un­cas's head. Mr. Williams from Providence gave notice to [Page 139] the commissioners that the Naragansets would suddenly break out against the English. He himself had always been their favourite and they had settled a neutrality with the people of his colony. The commissioners drew up a declaration containing the foregoing with other facts, which they apprehended sufficient to justify them in making war against the Naragansets, and determined to raise 300 men^* with all convenient speed, and that 40 should be dis­patched immediately from the Massachusets without wait­ing for the assembling of the general court, which the governor consented to. The two commissioners from the Massachusets ^† sent to the majors of Suffolk and Mid­lesex for their assistance in raising the 40 men, and at the same time, lest there should not be a voluntary inlistment, they sent warrants to the constables of the six nearest towns intimating the necessity, and requiring them to im­press the 40 men and a number of horses to be ready in two days, which was done accordingly. An attempt having been made for volunteers without success, the third day the whole number were impressed and sent away under Humphry Atherton their leader, with some horses and two of the Massachusets Indians for their guides, to wait at Mohegin for the Connecticut and New-Haven forces. The general court of the Massachusets met before the forces were out of the jurisdiction. The deputies took no exception to the impress of men upon an emergency although they had no voice in it, but thought it necessary that a commission from the whole court should be sent after the men, but the magistrates refused their consent, and the commissioners opposed the proceeding lest it should weaken their authority if any forces should be afterwards sent out by them. A commission was likewise given to Major Gibbons to be General of the forces of the united colonies for this expedition and instructions were given him, and vessels were preparing to transport provisions and other necessaries. The news of an army of English preparing [Page 140] to march intimidated the Naragansets and brought them to submit to peace upon the terms proposed to them. Soon after the death of Miantinomo the Naragansets had sent a present of wampom to Mr. Winthrop desiring to keep peace with the English and to revenge their Sachem's death upon Uncas and the Mohegins. Mr. Win­throp refused to receive it upon those terms, but the mes­sengers desired they might leave it until they had further advised with their Sachems, which was allowed to be done. The commissioners being informed hereof thought it pro­per by messengers of their own to return the wampom. To return a belt received from the Indians is looked upon by them as the highest evidence of a refusal to comply with the proposals made at sending it. The messengers however departed from their instructions, for finding the Naragansets disposed to submit and that the Sachem and others were coming to Boston, they brought back the wam­pom, and wrote to the commander of the Connecticut forces and to the commander of the men sent from Massachusets, acquainting them with the prospect of peace, &c. This action offended the commissioners who did not intend the proceeding of the forces should be reta [...]ded.

PESSACUS with two other chief men of the Naragan­sets and Awasequan in behalf of the Nianticks, Janemo the Sachem being sick, within a few days after came to Boston with a large number of Indians in their train. The commissioners assured them, that however the treaty should end, they should receive no injury but shou [...]d stay and return in safety, and then reminded them of their form [...] treaty, by which they engaged not to enter into war with Uncas or any other Indians without first ac­quainting the English with the cause thereof, notwith­standing which they had this summer several times invaded Uncas and had slain, wounded and taken prisoners several of his people and done him much damage, and forced the English according to their engagements to send forces at different times to defend him; that when they were sent to b [...] the Massachusets and had fair offer made, they [Page 141] abused the messengers, threatned the colonies, and declared ‘let who will have begun the war we will continue it until we have Uncas his head.’

THE Sachems at first charged Uncas with injuries, that he had taken a ransom for Miantinomo's life and then slew him, and they were loth to acknowledge any breach of covenant with the English. They offered to make peace with Uncas for a year or some short time, but this not being satisfactory, they desired to know what was expected from them. Whereupon the commissioners told them, that their breach of covenant was the cause of all the expence which the English had been at in preparing for war, and it was reasonable that they should reimburse it, but the com­missioners to shew their moderation demanded only 2000 fathoms of wampum (which was a sum far short of their charges) to be paid at different periods, and that they should restore to Uncas his captives and canoes, and make satisfaction for destroying his corn &c, keep perpetual peace with the English and all their allies and subjects, and give hostages for the performance of their engage­ments. These were hard terms and it was with great re­luctance that they finally submitted to them, but they knew that part of the English forces was gone into their country, and they were afraid that even whilst the treaty was de­pending hostilities would be begun, and finally the 30th of August 1645 they signed to the agreement as the com­missioners had prepared it, and left some of their number^* hostages as a security for the performance of it.^† The small English army which was ready to march was dis­banded, [Page 142] and the 4th of September which had been ap­pointed for a fast was now ordered to be observed as a day of thanksgiving.^*

[Page 143]ABOUT this time there was another struggle for power between the assistants or magistrates, and the deputies. The latter could not bear their votes should lose their effect by the non-concurrence of the former who were so much fewer in number; but, by the firmness of Mr. Winthrop, the assistants maintained their right at this time, and (March 25, 1644) the deputies, not being able to prevail, moved that the two houses might sit apart, and from that time votes were sent in a parliamentary way from one house to the other, and the consent of both was necessary to an act of the court. This continued a short time without any further provision, but finally the magistrates consented, that in appeals from the lower courts and all judicial proceedings, if the two houses differed the major vote of the whole should deter­mine. The deputies also looked with envy upon the powers exercised by the magistrates in the recess of the general court, and sent up a vote or bill to join some of their number with the magistrates, who should receive a commission from the court, but this was refused as an in­novation upon the charter. The house then desired the magistrates would suspend the exercise of their executive power until the next session. They answered that they must act as occasion required according to the trust reposed in them. The speaker told them they would not be obeyed. The court broke up in this temper. But, dis­turbances happening with the Indians, it was called together again in a short time, and the deputies voted that (salvojure) for the peace and safety of the colony the governor and [Page 144] assistants should take order for the welfare of the people in all sudden cases which may happen within the juris­diction, until the next session of the court. By agreement, all the ministers were called in at the next session in order to give their opinion upon the point in difference. They determined that the governor, deputy governor, and assis­tants were invested with the magistratical power, (the nature and extent of this power is left in the dark,) and that they do not derive it from the people, who were only to design such persons as they thought fit for the exercise of those powers. Several other points were referred to the ministers at the same time, and all agreed to by both houses with some small amendment.^†

THE controversy between the two houses at this time was occasioned by a difference in sentiment upon the iden­tity of a swine which was claimed by a poor woman as having strayed from her some years before, and her title being disputed by a person of more consequence, divided not the court only but the whole country. The identity of Martin Guerre was not more controverted in France. Pity and compassion for the poor woman prevailed with the common people against right. At last those magistrates who had been in favour of the other side, for the magistrates were divided too, Dudley on one side and Bellingham the other, persuaded the person who they supposed had a good title, and who had recovered below, to relinquish it, that the publick peace might be restored. ^‡

MR. Dudley had the place of governor for 1645 and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Herbert Pelham, Esq ^* who arrived not long before, was added to the assistants in the room of Mr. Stoughton who I suppose died this year. Mr. Pelham being a gentleman distinguished by [Page 145] his family, estate, and the qualities of his mind, was also this first year of his arrival chosen commissioner for the united colonies, Mr. Winthrop being the other.

IN 1646 Mr. Winthrop was chosen governor and Mr. Dudley deputy governor,1646. Mr. Endicot and Mr. Pelham commissioners.^†

A great disturbance was caused in the colony this year by a number of persons of figure but of different senti­ments, both as to civil and ecclesiastical government, from the people in general. William Vassal, as we have observed, came over with the first patentees and was one of the assistants in 1630 but soon after returned to Eng­land, and in the year 1635 came back to New-England and settled at Scituate in the colony of New-Plimouth. He was a gentleman of a pleasant affable disposition but always opposite to the government both in the Massachusets and Plimouth. Scituate in Plimouth is contiguous to Hingham in the Massachusets, and Mr. Vassal had much influence in the latter colony as well as the former, and had laid a scheme for petitions of such as were non-free­men to the courts of both colonies, and upon the petitions being refused, to apply to the parliament, pretending they were subjected to an arbitrary power, extrajudicial pro­ceedings, &c. The two first of the Massachusets peti­tioners were Samuel Maverick and Robert Child. Mr. Maverick, being in the colony at the arrival of the charter, was made a freeman before the law confining freedom to such only as were members of churches was in force, but, being an episcopalian, had never been in any office. Child was a young gentleman just before come from Padua, where he studied physic, and as was reputed, had taken the de­gree of doctor. The principal things complained of by the petitioners were,

[Page 146]1st. THAT the fundamental laws of England were not owned by the colony as the basis of their government according to patent.

2d. THE denial of those civil privileges which the free­men of the jurisdiction enjoyed, to such as were not members of churches and did not take an oath of fidelity devised by the authority here^* altho' they were freeborn English­men of sober lives and conversation, &c.

3d. THAT they were debarred from christian privileges, viz. the Lord's supper for themselves, and baptism for their children, unless they were members of some of the particular churches in the country, though otherwise sober righteous and godly, and eminent for knowledge, not scandalous in life and conversation and members of churches in England.

AND they prayed that civil liberty and freedom might be forthwith granted to all truly English, and that all members of the church of England or Scotland, not scandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the churches of New-England, or, if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them or their children or servants into the war; and if they failed of redress there, they should be under a necessity of making application to England to the honorable houses of parliament, who they hoped would take their sad con­dition into consideration, provide able ministers for them, New-England having none such to spare, or else transport them to some other place, their estates being wasted, where they may live like christians, &c. But if their prayer should be granted they hoped to see the then contemned ordinances of God highly prized, the gospel then dark break forth as the sun, christian charity then frozen wax warm, jealousy of arbitrary government banished, strife and contention abated, and all business in church and state, which for many years had gone backward, successfully thriving, &c.

[Page 147]THE court and great part of the country were much offended at this petition. A declaration was drawn up and published by order of court in answer to the petition and in vindication of the government, a proceeding which at this day would not appear for the honor of the supreme authority. A parallel was attempted between the funda­mental laws of England and those of the colony, which in some parts of it is liable to exception. The petitioners were required to attend the court. They urged their right of petitioning. They were told they were not ac­cused of petitioning but of contemptuous and seditious ex­pressions, and were required to find sureties for their good behaviour, &c. A charge was drawn up against them in form, notwithstanding which, [...] was intimated to them that if they would ingen [...]ously acknowledge their offence they should be forgiven, but they refused and were fined some in larger some in [...]esser sums, two or three of the magis­trates dissenting, Mr. Bellingham ^* in particular desiring his dissent might be entred. The petitioners claimed an appeal to the commissioners for plantations in England, but it was not allowed. Some of them resolved to go home with a complaint. Their papers were seized and among them was found a petition to the right hon. the Earl of Warwick, &c. commissioners, from about five and twenty non freemen for themselves and many thousands more, in which they represent, that from the pulpits ^† they had [Page 148] been reproached and branded with the names of destroyers of churches and commonwealths, called Hamans, Judases, sons of Korah, &c. and the Lord intreated to confound them, and the people and magistrates stirred up against them by those who were too forward to step out of their callings, so that they had been sent for to the court and some of them committed for refusing to give two hundred pounds bond to stand to the sentence of the court, when all their crime was a petition to the court, and they had been pub­lickly used as malefactors, &c. They then proceed to pray.

1st. FOR settled churches in New-England according to the reformation of England.

2d. THAT the laws of England may be established, &c.

3d. THAT all English freeholders may enjoy such pri­vileges there, as in England and the other plantations.

4th. THAT a general governor, or some honorable commissioners may be appointed, &c.

5th. THAT the oath of allegiance may be taken by all, and other covenants which the parliament shall think most convenient—and add their prayer that their petition for which they had been punished may be considered, and that certain queries may be resolved as,

Whether the patent of the Massachusets was confirmed by parliament, and whether it was not necessary it should be.

Whether the court may forfeit their charter, &c.

Whether if treason be uttered in the pulpit or in the court and not questioned, the court do not consent, &c.

Whether it be not high treason as well in New-England as in Ireland, to endeavour to subvert the fundamental laws of England, to take away the liberties of the English nation, to say the Massachusets is a free state, &c.

Whether the oath of allegiance and the covenant be not binding there.

Whether all English inhabitants having lands are not freemen.

[Page 149]Whether the court hath power to confine in prison, banish, impose censures, impress persons and goods for an offensive war, &c.

Whether the ministers may publickly vilify the English nation, laws, &c. and not be questioned.

Whether the petitioners ought to be hindered from settling in a church way, according to the churches in England, &c.

MR. Winslow, ^* who had been chosen agent for the colony to answer to Gorton's complaint, was now instructed to make defence against these petitioners, and by his pru­dent management and the credit and esteem he was in with many of the members of parliament and principal persons then in power, he prevented any prejudice to the colony from either of these applications.

IN 1647 and 1648 the same governor and deputy go­vernor were continued,1647. and the first of these years Robert Bridges ^† was added to the assistants.1648. The number of males in each of the four colonies being carried in to the commissioners in the year 1647 in order to proportion the sum of £.1043 10s. 1d. expended for the general service, it appeared that the Massachusets part or proportion of the sum was £.670 3s. 4d. Plimouth's £.128 13s. 4d. Connecticut's £.140 2s. 5d. and New-Haven's £.104 11s. ^‡

MR. Coddington and Mr. Partridge in behalf of the co­lony of Rhode Island presented a request to the commis­sioners at Plimouth in the year 1648 to be received into the confederacy with the other united colonies of New-England. The commissioners returned an answer as fol­lows. ‘Inasmuch as your present state and condition is full of confusion and danger, having much disturbance among yourselves and no security from the Indians, the commissioners desire therefore in several respects to afford both advice and help, but upon perusal of the ancient patent granted to New-Plimouth they find Rhode Island [Page 150] upon which your plantations are settled to fall within their line and bounds, which the honorable committee of parliament do not think fit to straiten or infringe, nor may we. If therefore yourselves and the inhabitants of the most and most considerable part of them, upon a due consideration of Plimouth patent and right, acknowledge yourselves within that jurisdiction, we shall consider and advise how you may be accepted upon just terms ^* and with tender respects to your convenience, and shall after af­ford you the same advice, protection and help which other plantations within the united colonies enjoy, which we hope in sundry respects may tend to your comfort and safety.’ ^†

THE first instance I find of any person executed for witchcraft was in June 1648. Margaret Jones of Charles­town was indicted for a witch, found guilty and executed. She was charged with having such a malignant touch that if she laid her hands upon man, woman or child in anger they were seized presently with deafness, vomiting or other sickness or some violent pains. The husband of the woman after she was executed had taken his passage in a ship which lay in Charles river bound to Barbados well ballasted, but with 80 horses aboard, and being observed to rowl on a sudden as if she would have overset, an offi­cer was sent with a warrant to apprehend the man, and [Page 151] after he was committed to prison the ship ceased her rowling, which it is said was never renewed afterwards.^‡ Such was the credulity and infatuation of that day. Happy would it have been if this had been the only instance of it. Shall we wonder at the New-England magistrates when we find such characters as Lord Chief Justice Hale, &c. soon after chargeable with as great delusion?

IN the beginning of 1649 ^* (March 26) died Mr. Win­throp the father of the country in the 63d year of his age.1649. His death caused a general grief through the colony. He spent his estate and his bodily strength in the publick service, altho' he was remarkable for his temperance, fru­gality and oeconomy. His vertues were many, his errors few, and yet he could not escape calumny and detraction, which would sometimes make too great an impression upon him. He was of a more catholic spirit than some of his brethren before he left England, but afterwards he grew more contracted and was disposed to lay too great stress upon indifferent matters. He first proposed leaving off the custom of drinking one to another, and then procured a law to prohibit it. He pursued with great vehemence Mr. Vane's adherents. He might have some political views mixed with this instance of his zeal. Some writers say that upon his death-bed when Mr. Dudley pressed him to sign an order of banishment of an heterodox person he refused, saying ‘he had done too much of that work already.’ Mr. Endicot succeeded him in the place of gover­nor and Mr. Dudley took the place of deputy governor.

I fancy that about this time the scrupulosity of the good people of the colony was at the heighth. Soon after Mr. Winthrop's death Mr. Endicot, the most rigid of any of the magistrates, being governor, he joined with the other assistants in an association against long hair.^†

[Page 152]IN every age indifferent things have been condem­ned as sinful, and placed among the greatest immoralities. The text against long hair in Corinthians, as contrary to [...] custom in the apostle's day, ind [...]ed our ancestors to think it criminal in all ages and all nations, and to look upon it as one of the barbarisms of the Indians. I have won­dered that the text in Leviticus, ‘Ye shall not round the corners of your heads,’ was never brought against short hair. The rule in New-England was that none should wear their hair below their ears. In a clergyman it was said to be the greater offence; they were in an especial manner re­quired to go patentibus auribus. A few years before, tobacco was prohibited under a penalty, and the smoak of it in some manuscripts is compared to the smoak of the bot [...]omless pit. Some of the clergy fell into the practice of [...]o [...]king, ‘and tobacco by an act of government was set [...]t liberty.’ In England, perriwigs came into use soon after the restoration. In New-England, they were an eye-sore for thirty years after and did not generally obtain until about the time of the revolution, and, even then, the exam­ple [Page 153] and authority of Dr. Owen, Dr. Bates, Mr. Alsop, Mr. [...]ede and other non-conforming ministers in England, be­sides Spanhemius and other foreign protestant divines, who wore wigs, were necessary to remove all scruples concerning them. Beards were left off early in New-England and about the same time they were in Old. Leveret is the first governor who is painted without a beard. He laid it aside in Cromwell's court.

A dispute between the colonies of the Massachusets and Connecticut, which began several years before, was this year brought to an end. A duty ^† had been laid by Connecticut upon all goods which were carried out of the river, for the maintaining Saybrook fort at the mouth of it. The Inhabitants of Springfield, being within the Massachusets province, refused to submit to the payment of this duty. Connecticut in 1646 laid the case before the commissioners of the united colonies, or rather those of Plimouth and New-Haven, the other two being parties, the consideration whereof was referred to the next meeting in 1647, when theMassachusets urged, ‘that Connecticut had no authority to lay a tax upon the inhabitants of another colony, that the fort was of no use to them, that a demand of this tax had hindered the union for several years, that the Massa­chusets first took possession of the river and planted there, and had been at great expence never expecting this tax, that the Massachusets people had as good right to lay the same tax for all goods imported from Connecticut to main­tain the fort at Boston.’ The Connecticut commissioners urged ‘the practice of many places in Europe, that the fort was a security to the whole river, and that the reason of this case was the same as if Connecticut should be at any expence to make the river more navigable Springfield surely would not in that case refuse to pay any part of the charge.’ The Massachusets denied ‘that the fort was a security against any vessel of force, and admitted that any expence which might make the river more useful to Springfield ought in proportion to be born by the inhabitants thereof.’ [Page 154] The commissioners of Plimouth and New-Haven deter­mined that the tax should be paid until the next meeting, but they would then hear any further objections from the Massachusets against it. In 1648 among other things the Massachusets insisted upon Connecticut's producing their patent to shew their authority. Connecticut urged that the line had never been run by persons in behalf of the two governments to ascertain whether Springfield was within the Massachusets jurisdiction or not. The com­missioners at this meeting recommended the running the line and ordered that in the mean time the tax should con­tinue. The Massachusets represented that Mr. Fenwick was to have joined with them in running the line but failed them, and thereupon it was run at their own charge by which it appeared that Weronoke (Westfield) was within their patent and had been so adjudged by the commissioners; notwithstanding this they were ready to join with their brethren of Connecticut in another survey if they would be at the charge as the Massachusets had been before, and would also produce their patent as the Massachusets had produced their patent. Connecticut commissioners denied that Mr. Fenwick had promised to join in running the line, having only in general terms promised to endeavor to clear Springfield from being within the Massachusets patent, and alledged, that the running the line referred to was a year before this promise, and therefore proposed that the southerly extent of the Massachusets patent should be first agreed upon and settled, and then at a mutual charge the line be run by some skilful man chosen by each colony, &c. that as for their patent the Massachusets knew the original could not then be obtained but they were ready to produce an authentic copy, &c.

UPON this, the Massachusets commissioners to the dis­honor of the colony produced a law of their general court imposing a custom or duty upon the other colonies of the tenor following.

‘WHEREAS the commissioners for the united colonies have thought it but just and equal that Springfield a mem­ber of this jurisdiction should pay custom or contribution [Page 155] to the erecting and maintaining of Seabrooke fort, being of no force against an enemy of any strength (before it was burnt ^*) in the commissioners own judgment expressed in their own order, which determination they have also continued by an order at their last meeting at Plimouth (though the said fort was then demolished by fire and the passage not secured) contrary to a clause provided on Spring­field behalf. And forasmuch as this jurisdiction hath ex­pended many thousand pounds in erecting and maintaining several forts, which others as well as ourselves have received the benefit of, and hath at present one principal fort or castle of good force against an enemy of considerable strength and well garrisoned and otherwise furnished with sufficient ammunition, besides several other forts and batteries whereby vessels and goods of all sorts are secured: It is therefore ordered by this court and the authority thereof, that all goods belonging or any way appertaining to any inhabitants of the jurisdiction of Plimouth, Con­necticut or New-Haven that shall be imported within the castle or exported from any part of the bay shall pay such custom as hereafter is expressed, viz. all skins of beaver, otter, moose, &c. two pence per skin, and all goods packed in hogsheads or otherwise ten shillings a ton, corn and meal two pence a bushel, biscuit six pence per hundred on pain of forfeiture,’ &c. ^†

HAD the Massachusets laid a duty on goods from Con­necticut only they might have had at least a colour, perhaps more than a colour, to justify them, but to extend their resentment to the other two colonies for giving judgment against them, no excuse can be framed for it. It was a meer exertion of power, and a proof of their great superio­rity which enabled them, in effect, to depart from the union or combination whensoever they found it for their interest, [Page 156] and if done by a single magistrate would have been pro­nounced tyrannical and oppressive: But in all ages and countries, by bodies or communities of men such deeds have been done as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.

THE union or confederacy had rendered the colonies formidable to French and Dutch as well as to the natives, and a breach at this time would have given great advantage to the enemies of New-England; the commissioners of Plimouth and New-Haven therefore agreed upon a final result of the following tenor, viz. ‘That they were in hopes according to the advice given at Plimouth this con­troversy might have been happily issued, but they find that the Massachusets line had not been since run, nor was the place where it should begin agreed upon, that the original patent or an exemplification thereof is required from Connec­ticut, altho' Mr. Hopkins had offered to swear to the truth of a copy by him presented, and that the Massachusets had imposed a burthensome custom as a return or retaliation, not upon Connecticut only the party interested, but upon Plimouth and New-Haven, whose commissioners according to an article of the union and at the request of the Massa­chusets had impartially considered the matter in contro­versy and given their opinion therein; therefore the commissioners recommend it to the general court of the Massachusets, seriously to consider whether such proceed­ings agree with the law of love and the tenor and import of the articles of confederation, but in the mean time desire to be spared in all further agitations concerning Springfield.’ ^†

THE confusions at this time in England were matter of concern and grief to many people in the colonies. There is no doubt that they concurred in sentiment in point of religion with the prevailing party in England, but I find scarce any marks of approbation of the tragical scene [Page 157] of which this year they received intelligence. Mr. Eaton the worthy governor of New-Haven, in a letter to Mr. Winthrop in 1648, writes thus, ‘I thank you for your love and pains in that sad but weighty relation you have made concerning the state of England. The ten con­siderations you mention are very observable, and call for our compassion and prayers for them that seem not enough sensible of their own danger.’ From Virginia Mr. Harrison, pastor of a congregational church,^* writes ‘that by their later letters they conceive the whole hea­vens are overshadowed, the Scots hang like a black cloud (45000 in number) upon the borders, the King fled from the army to the Isle of Wight, the agitators turned level­lers, intending to bring in a kind of parity among all conditions, none to have above 300, none under 10l. per annum, &c.’

A controversy which had long subsisted between the colony of New-Haven and the Dutch at the Manhados was settled by the commissioners of the united colonies in 1650.1650. The Dutch who had built a small trading house at Hudson's river, soon after the English began the settle­ment of New-Plimouth, courted a correspondence and friendship with them and, as a writer of that day observes, ‘gave them a mess of pottage for their birthright,’ which they had craf [...]ily before deprived them of.^‡ They un­doubtedly had a design to have possessed themselves of Connecticut river and to have prevented the English from obtaining any footing there. Those of New-Plimouth had pitched upon a place for a house in 1632,^§ when it was vacant, and in 1633 erected it although they were threat­ned [Page 158] by a party of Dutch whom they then found there. Those from the Massachusets in the years 1635 and 1636 made their principal settlement upon that part of the river where the Dutch had their house,^‖ and for many years made no attempts to remove them, allowing them free liberty of trade with English and Indians. The Dutch also admitted any English to settle among them at the Manhadoes.^* When Mr. Eaton and his company sat down at New-Haven, the Dutch from the rapid increase of the English colonies were alarmed, and charged them with encroachments, although they themselves had no pretence to any certain boundary and would sometimes challenge the country from Cape Henlopen to Connecticut river, and at other times as far as Cape Cod. The English, re­gardless of this claim went on extending their settlements to Milford, Stamford, and other places, until they were within a few miles of Hudson's river. Whether the Dutch had any pretence of title or not, no doubt can be made that they would have extirpated the English if it had been in their power, but they were few in number. Once in­deed being possessed of a ship of some force they sent her to New-Haven and seized a Dutch vessel which [...]ay in the harbour and carried her away, the English having no naval force nor fortifications on land to prevent it. At another time they set up the arms of the States at or near Stamford and threatned to do the like at New-Haven, and there were altercations for many years first between Kieft the first Dutch governor and afterwards Stuyvesant his successor, and Mr. Eaton the governor of New-Haven. The Dutch had always restrained the English, not settled among them, from trading with their Indians upon Hudson's river. In 1648 the commissioners passed an order prohibiting any French or Dutch or other foreigners trading with the Indians within the jurisdiction of the united colonies. This law if carried into execution must have put an end to the Dutch trade at Hartford. In 1650, while the [Page 159] commissioners were sitting at Hartford, the Dutch governor (Stuyvesant) came thither in order to treat, and presented his proposals in writing, dated "New-Netherlands the 23d of September N. S." being the day they were delivered. He complained of the encroachments at Connecticut river as well as towards Hudson's river, of the reception of fugitives, of the law debarring them from trade with the Indians, and of the English for selling goods too cheap to the Indians and so spoiling the trade, &c. The com­missioners took notice, that his proposals were dated at New-Netherlands and refused to treat until he altered the name of the place where they were dated. He offered that if the English would forbear stiling the place Hart­ford he would forbear stiling it New-Netherlands, and date his proposals at Connecticut. They consented that he should date at Connecticut, but would not give up their own right to date at Hartford. After several days spent in messages from one to the other, the matters in difference were submitted to Mr. Bradstreet and Mr. Prince appoint­ed by the commissioners, and to Thomas Willet and George Baxter appointed by the Dutch governor. Their result was to be binding to both parties. The line which was settled ran northerly only 20 miles in length from the sea, and afterwards as the Dutch and New-Haven should agree, so not as to come within 10 miles of Hudson's river. This must be understood so far as New-Haven had jurisdiction.^*

[Page 160]THE same governor and deputy governor were re­elected for the year 1650.^† A corporation in England constituted for propagating the gospel among the Indians began this year their correspondence with the commissioners of the united colonies, who were employed as agents for the corporation as long as the union of the colonies continued. One professed design of the colony charter was the gos­pelizing the natives. The long neglect of any attempts this way cannot be excused. The Indians themselves asked how it happened if christianity was of such importance that for six and twenty years together the English had said nothing to them about it. The answer by the English was that they repented they had not done it long ago, telling the Indians withal they were not willing to hear, &c. Some of the Indians who were taken as servants into English families attained to some acquaintance with the principles of religion, and seemed to have been affected with what they [Page 161] had been taught concerning their existence after death and with the fears of the divine displeasure. John, the Saga­more of the Massachusets, would sometimes praise the Eng­lish and their God "much good men much good God" and when he was struck with death sent for Mr. Wilson and desired him to teach his son to know the God of the English after he was dead. Mention has also been made of Wequash the Pequod; but the first instance of an Indian who gave any hopes of becoming a real christian was that of Hiacoomes, in the year 1643, at Martha's-Vineyard.^* Under the instruction of Mr. Mayhew he was induced to forsake the Indian Pawaws to attend the English assemblies, and after some years became himself a preacher to his own people. It was in the year 1646 that the general court of the Massachusets passed the first act or order to encourage the carrying the gospel to the Indians, and it was then recom­mended to the elders to consider how it might best be done. On the 28th of October four persons, who are not named, made the first visit to the Indian wigwams. Wabun the Sachem ^† had notice given him and many Indians were gathered together. None of the English were suffi­ciently skilled in the Indian language to make a prayer in it, and the meeting was opened with a prayer in English, [Page 162] but one of the company in a discourse in the Indian tongue began with the moral law and a brief explication of it and the wrath and curse God the just portion of the breakers of this law, and then informed them of the com­ing of Christ into the world to recover mankind from sin and the punishment of it, his sufferings and death, resur­rection and ascension, and that he would come again at the end of the world to be the judge of all men. They then entred into a free conversation with the Indians and desired them, upon any point which they did not understand, to ask such questions as they thought proper, which was done accordingly, and it became the constant practice after a sermon for as many of the Indians as desired it to stand up and propose questions^* to the preacher. This meet­ing gave so much encouragement that on the 11th of No­vember they paid the Indians another visit at the same place and found a greater number than were present be­fore. Two other meetings were held the same fall, and a particular account was transmitted to England and published there with the title of ‘The day breaking if not the sun rising of the gospel with the Indians in New-England.’ Mr. Winslow being in England sought to obtain sub­scriptions for encouraging the work. Mr. Eliot a minister in New-England at the same time applied himself with zeal equal to that of the missionaries of the Romish church; [Page 163] but instead of adopting a favorite maxim of some of that church, that ignorance is the mother of devotion, he endea­voured to enlighten the understandings of theIndians, to draw them from their savage, barbarous, and wandering way of life, to civility, government and cohabitation, and it was a noted saying of his ‘that the Indians must be civilized as well as, if not in order to their being, christianized.’ He obtained from the court the grant of a tract of land, to which he gave the Indian name of Noonanetum, (Rejoicing) drew as many families there as he could with design to make a fortified town, instructed them in their husbandry, and ex­cited them to industry and a prudent management of their affairs, caused some of them to learn such trades as were most necessary for them, so as that they compleatly built a house for publick worship 50 feet in length and 25 in breadth, which Mr. Wilson, in one of his letters, says ‘ap­peared like the workmanship of an English housewright.’ Besides this settlement at Noonanerum he visited and preached to the Indians at Dorchester mills, Watertown, Concord, and as far as Pantucket falls on Merrimack river, to the Indians also in the colony of Plimouth, although Massasoiet or Ousamequin and his son discountenanced the bringing the gospel to their tribe. The Naraganset Sa­chem treated with contempt a message he sent to them, but the Nipnets desired some might be sent to teach them to pray to God. Besides Mr. Winslow, Mr. Pelham and others forwarded the collections in England, and July the 27th 1649 the parliament passed an act or ordi­nance for the advancement of this good work, the follow­in breviate whereof was printed.

[Page 165]LETTERS at the same time were published from the two universities nf Oxford and Cambridge, calling upon the ministers of England and Wales to stir up their congrega­tions to a liberal contribution for the promotion of so glo­rious an undertaking.

THE purport of the first letter to the commissioners from the corporation was to acquaint them with Mr. Winslow's determination to return to New-England, which would be greatly prejudicial to the work, and to intimate to them that he ought to be no sufferer by his continuance in Eng­land. The commissioners of the Massachusets proposed to make Mr. Winslow the agent for the united colonies, but as he had gone over in the service of the Massachusets only, the rest of the colonies declined the proposal, and all that could be obtained was a letter from the commissioners to the corporation approving of Mr. Winslow's stay in Eng­land, and desiring that one hundred pounds sterling might be paid him out of the collections, ^‡ with a promise that if it was not approved of as a proper charge, it should be re­placed by the colonies.^§

[Page 166]PROPOSALS had been made in the year 1648 to Mon­sieur D'Aillebout the governor of Canada for a free com­merce between the Massachusets and that colony. The [Page 167] French professed to be greatly pleased, and a correspondence was kept up upon the subject until the year 1650, when the French governor sent an agent to Boston in order to [Page 168] settle, not meerly trade, but a league or alliance defensive and offensive between the government of Canada and the colonies of Massachusets and Plimouth, but being informed [Page 169] that all matters of that nature were left to the commis­sioners of the united colonies, he returned to Canada, and the next year two gentlemen were sent with letters to the commissioners, praying in behalf of the French of Canada, and of the christianized Indians in Accadie, the aid of the English against the Indians of the six nations, urging ‘that it was a just war, the Mohawks being breakers of the most solemn leagues, perfidious and cruel, that it was a holy war, the eastern Indians being persecuted and cruelly hand­led because of their professing the christian religion, that it was of common concern, the Mohawks disturbing and interrupting the trade both of English and French with other Indians.’ They promised a due consideration and allowance for the expence of the war. If the English would not join in the war it was then desired that the French might have leave to inlist volunteers, and that they might be victualled for the service, and if that could not be obtained that at least the French might be allowed to pass through the colonies by water and land as occasion should require. Until these points were settled they [Page 170] could not proceed upon the treaty of commerce. The commissioners having duly weighed the proposals returned an answer in substance as follows, viz.

‘THAT they were willing to admit that the French and eastern Indians might have just grounds to their own satis­faction for war against the Mohawks: That they looked upon all such Indians as received the yoke of Christ with another eye than upon others who worship the devil:^* That they desired by all just means to keep peace, if it may be, with all men even with these barbarians. That the Mohawks living at a distance from the sea have little intercourse with these parts, but in the war the English had with the Pequods 14 or 16 years before the Mohawks shewed a real respect and had offered no hostilities since. That the English engaged in no war before they had full and satisfying evidence that it was just, nor before peace upon just terms had been offered and refused. That the Mohawks, not being subject to them, nor in league with them, they could not require an account of their proceedings, and had no means of information what they had to say for themselves. That to make war with the Mohawks would expose the Indians who were neighbours to the English, some of whom professed christianity, &c. That although they were ready to perform all neighbourly offices of righteous­ness and peace to the French colony, yet they could neither permit volunteers to be taken up nor the French and eastern Indians to pass through the English jurisdiction to invade the Mohawks, lest they should expose not the Indians only but the smaller English plantations to danger. That the English were much dissatisfied with that mis­chievous trade the French and Dutch have had and still continue, by selling guns powder and shot to all the Indians, which rendered them insolent, &c. That if all other difficulties were removed yet they had no such short and convenient passage, either by land or water, as might be [Page 171] had by Hudson's river to and beyond Aurania fort pos­sessed by the Dutch. That the commissioners conceived the French deputies might proceed to settle a trade; but if they thought proper to limit it under such restrictions a fitter season for these treaties must be attended, which the commissioners would readily improve whensoever it pre­sented.’

THE college at Cambridge became more and more an object of attention, and in the year 1650 was made a body corporate by act of the general court, and received a charter under the seal of the colony.^*

[Page 172] 1651. 1652. 1653.MR. Endicot was chosen governor in the years 1651, 1652 and 1653, Mr. Dudley deputy governor.^†

[Page 173]AT a sessions of the general court in October 1651 an act or order was passed impowering the town of Boston to chuse seven commissioners to be presented to the court of assistants, [Page 174] and being authorized by them and sworn before them, or before the governor, they or any five of them, or any three together with one magistrate, might hear [Page 175] and determine all civil actions not exceeding ten pounds in value, and all criminal actions where the penalty or fine should not exceed forty shillings, the parties being such as were inhabitants of Boston neck or Noddle's island, or such as did not belong to the jurisdiction; and the county court was not to take cognizance of any such actions. This law was made for one year for trial. I do not find that it was revived.^*

[Page 176]THE committee for the state in England having im­parted their mind to Mr. Winslow the agent for the colo­ny respecting the government of the several jurisdictions in New-England, he acquainted Mr. Dudley therewith and that an answer was expected. In consequence of this advice the court at the sessions last mentioned agreed upon a petition to the parliament and another to Cromwell, then general of the parliaments forces in England, &c. The address and letters are preserved. By Mr. Winslow's let­ter it appears that it was expected that all processes in the colony should be in the name of the keepers of the liber­ties of England, or that there should be an acknowledg­ment of the powers then in being by a renewal of the patent. It is certain neither of the two ways proposed were com­plied with.

SIR Ferdinando Gorges had made attempts for many years to settle the province of Main, but to little purpose. He was a zealous royalist and neither he nor his descen­dants who were in the same interest could expect any favor from the parliament. The colony seems to have been de­serted by the proprietors, and in the year 1651 the people were in confusion and the authority of the government was at an end. In 1641 a charter had been granted by Sir Fer­dinando to Acamenticus (York) making it a corporation consisting of a mayor, eight aldermen and a recorder. His cousin Thomas Gorges was the first mayor. He lived about half a mile above what is called Trafton's ferry near Gorges point. The cellar of the house he dwelt in re­mains to this day. He went to England in 1643. The people of York say that he returned and died there. If [Page 177] so it must have been before 1651 or some mention would have been made of him. The Massachusets who, as hath been observed, claimed the province of Main as within the bounds of their charter, took the opportunity of the con­fusions there and encouraged the disposition which pre­vailed in many of the inhabitants to submit to their juris­diction, and in 1651 they appointed Mr. Bradstre [...]t, Major Denison and Capt. Hawthorn to treat with the gentlemen of that province about the surrender thereof as in their best judgment and discretion should seem meet. The next year 1652 Mr. Bradstreet and others were sent commissio­ners to summon the Inhabitants of Kittery to come in and own their subjection to the Massachusets as of right belonging to them. The inhabitants accordingly assembled Nov. 16, and agreed to submit, and about forty inhabitants subscribed an instrument of submission. The like was done at Acamenticus the 22d of the same month, and soon after at Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise. To the inhabi­tants of all these plantations larger privileges were granted than to those of the other parts of the Massachusets go­vernment, for they were all freemen upon taking the oath, whereas every where else none could be made free unless he was a church member. The province was made a county by the name of Yorkshire. The towns from that time sent their deputies to the general court at Boston.^*

THE trade of the province increasing, especially with the West-Indies where the bucaneers or pirates at this time were numerous, and part of the wealth which they took from the Spaniards as well as what was produced by the trade being brought to New-England in bullion, it was [Page 178] thought necessary for preventing fraud in money to erect a mint for coining shillings, six-pences and three-pen [...]es, with no other impression at first than N E on the one side and XII. VI. or III. on the other, but in October 1651 the court ordered that all pieces of money should have a double ring with this inscription, MASSACHUSETS, and a tree in the center on one side, and NEW ENG­LAND and the year of our Lord on the other side.^* At the same sessions a committee or council of trade was [Page 179] appointed after the example, as expressed in the order, of the parliament of Great-Britain, who were to meet at Boston or Charlestown to receive proposals for promoting trade, but nothing came from this attempt.^†

IN October 1651 hostilities began between the English and Dutch in Europe.1653. The Dutch colony at Manhados was in too feeble a state openly to annoy the English colo­nies their neighbours, and therefore desired to preserve peace in America. The English colonies carried on an advantageous trade with the Dutch, and were for that reason willing to continue friendship, and a correspondence was kept up between the subjects of the two nations. In an address from the general court to Cromwell they consider themselves as at liberty to continue in peace with the Dutch, and suppose their own act to be ne­cessary to bring them into a state of war, notwith­standing the two nations were at war in Europe.^* But in 1653 information was given by the Indians from several [Page 180] quarters that the Dutch governor was privately solliciting them to a general confederacy in order totally to extirpate the English. The massacre at Amboyna was then but a late affair. A general alarm was spread through the co­lonies. An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at Boston April 19, ‘to consider of several ru­mours and reports gathered from the Indians and others that the Dutch had plotted with the Indians and stirred them up to cut off the English.’ The result of this first meeting was, that although the evidence was so strong as that some of the commissioners looked upon it to be full proof, yet they thought it most expedient the Dutch go­vernor should have opportunity of making answer; but before any message could be sent, letters were received from him denying all which the Indians or any others had charged him with, wondering the English would give credit to Indian testimonies, and offering to come or send, or to make answer to any deputies which might be sent thither. It was thought proper to send agents to him, viz. Francis Newman, an assistant of New-Haven, John Leveret (afterwards governor of the Massachusets) and William Davis, and in a letter sent by them from the com­missioners the governor was told ‘that he had made use of Indian testimonies against New-Haven in a case of land, that Keift his predecessor had done it in a case of life, and that the Dutch governor and council at Amboyna had made a bloody use of the Japoneses confession (though extorted by torture) against Captain Towerson and the English Christians there.’ The commissioners demanded satisfaction for past injuries and security for the future. Whilst their agents were gone they determined what number of men should be raised if God should call them to war against the Dutch, viz. 500,^* and appointed Capt. Leveret the com­manding officer, unless the Massachusets should have some weighty objection against him. Notwithstanding the offers made by the Dutch governor in his letter he refused to submit to any examination into the affair by the agents or [Page 181] commissioners, any further than a committee of his own council should concur with them. They took the testi­mony of divers Indians and others, and returned to Boston. But however strong proofs there were, the commissioners were divided in opinion, and a conference was had before the Massachusets general court and many of the elders. A state of the case was drawn by Mr. Eaton on the one side and another by Mr. Denison on the other, and the elders ^† were desired to draw up their opinion, which was ‘That the proofs and presumptions of the execrable plot tending to the destruction of so many of the dear saints of God, imputed to the Dutch governor and the fiscal, were of such weight as to induce them to believe the reality of it, yet they were not so fully conclusive as to clear up a pre­sent proceeding to war before the world, and to bear up their hearts with that fulness of persuasion which was meet in commending the case to God in prayer and to the peo­ple in exhortations, and that it would be safest for the colonies to forbear the use of the sword; but advised to be in a posture of defence and readiness for action until the mind of God should be more clearly known, either for a settled peace or more manifest grounds of war.’ The deputies by their vote expressed a concurrence in senti­ments with the elders. On the 26th of May letters were received from Hartford and New-Haven advising that the Dutch governor was endeavouring, by presents and other methods, to engage the Mohawks and the Indians between Hudson's river and Delaware to fall upon the English. A messenger arrived the same day from Manhados with a long letter from the Dutch governor, complaining of en­croachments and other grievances from the English, and exculpating himself in general terms from any plots or designs against them. The commissioners required fur­ther satisfaction and security from him. Mr. Norice, [Page 182] teacher of the church at Salem, ‘in the name of many pensive hearts there,’ presented their sense to the com­missioners in favor of a war, and the commissioners them­selves were all of the same mind, except Mr. Bradstreet, one of the Massachusets commissioners, Mr. Hawthorne the other joining with those of the three other colonies; but their proceedings were interrupted by a declaration sent in by the general court of the Massachusets, ‘that no determination of the commissioners, though they should all agree, should bind the general court to join in an offensive war which should appear to such general court to be unjust.’ This declaration occasioned such alter [...]ations between the Massachusets general court and the commissioners of the three other colonies at the next meeting as threatned a dissolution of the confederacy, which seems, upon this occasion also, to have been prevented only by the inferiority of the rest to the Massachusets and their inability to stand alone. Where states in alliance are greatly disproportion­ed in strength and importance, power often prevails over right. The government of New-Haven were so sensible of their danger that they sent their agents to England to make a representation of it to Cromwell, who ordered three or four ships with a small number of forces for the reduction of the Dutch, and recommended to the Massa­chusets colony to afford their assistance. The ships were delayed and did not arrive at Boston until the latter end of May or beginning of June 1654. The governor called the assembly, which met the 9th of June, and immediately came into the following resolution: ‘The general court having received and perused a letter from his Highness the Lord Protector of the commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, full of great and favorable respect to this colony, which they desire to keep in grateful remembrance and shall be ready at all times, wherein they may with safety to the liberty of their consciences, publick peace and welfare, to their utmost to attend to his Highness's pleasure. This court therefore de­clares, that though they understand that the colony is [Page 183] not in such a capacity as may be apprehended to send forth such numbers of men as might vigorously assist in that undertaking, yet do freely consent and give liberty to his Highness's commissioners Major Robert Sedgewick^† and Capt. John Leveret, to raise within our jurisdiction the number of five hundred volunteers to assist them in their enterprize against the Dutch, provided the persons might be free from legal^‡ engagements.’ The ships had a very long passage so that the news of the peace with the Dutch, which was signed the 5th of April, prevented their proceeding. This occasioned the commander in chief to turn his forces, together with those raised in the Massa­chusets, another way, and to dislodge the French from Penobscot, St. John's, &c. where they met with no great resistance. It cannot be supposed that this was done with­out instructions from Cromwell.^§ It was a time of peace between the two nations, but the English had good right to the country, and the complaints of the French in Europe could not prevail upon Cromwell to give it up again.^* The peace with the Dutch,1654. together with ‘the hopeful estab­lishment of government in England’ occasioned a publick thanksgiving in the Massachusets (Sept. 20th) and an order [Page 184] passed the last year prohibiting trade with the Dutch was repealed. Stuyvesant the Dutch governor, in these negotiations, conducted himself very artfully. New-Haven and Connecticut were the two colonies with which he was immediately engaged in controversy. He might have been a match for one if not both those colonies, but they were in alliance with the Massachusets. His all depended upon preserving the friendship of that colony. He there­fore kept up a constant correspondence with Mr. Winthrop, and although he would not concede to proposals for a joint trade with the six nations, yet he encouraged trade between the Massachusets and Manhados and, what was more, he as well as his predecessor Kieft made great pretences to religion. Kieft was a serious man. Plimouth fell in with Connec­ticut and New-Haven, and the Massachusets must have done so too if the Dutch had committed any hostilities. Stuyvesant restrained his own people, but at the same time secretly encouraged the Indians to fall upon the English. The Naragansets were numerous, the Maquas or six na­tions were more so. A gen [...]ral union of the Indians, which it was supposed he was endeavouring, must have been the ruin of the English colonies; and although it might be expected that when they had rid themselves of the English, the Dutch would be in danger of the same fate, yet this was the least and most remote danger of the two. They were constantly in fear of the English. Their right to any part of the country had never been allowed in England. They were often threatened by the colonists in America, as the Dutch governors mention in their letters. Kieft complains to Winthrop that 'some of the English had said publickly' ‘that their countrymen were fools to suffer the Dutch to live there in the center.’

THE Massachusets complied with Cromwell's proposal to extirpate the Dutch notwithstanding their former scru­ples of the lawfulness of it. There must have been some other reasons, no doubt those I have mentioned, which caused them to be so backward in joining with the other colonies. They did not foresee what has since happened, [Page 185] that the neighbourhood of the colonies of different nations would one time or other engage the powers in Europe in their respective defence and annoyance. Without this they had nothing to fear from either Dutch or French. They were ten times as numerous as both, and continually in­creasing in much greater proportion than either of the other, whose present or future interior force could cause no great apprehensions.

WHILST these disputes with the Dutch were depending the Naraganset Indians made attacks upon the Indians of Long-Island who were under the protection of the English. This together with the conspiracy which Ninigrate the Naraganset Sachem was supposed to be in with the Dutch governor, the commissioners of the English colonies (all but Mr. Bradstreet) thought to be a sufficient ground for making war against the Indians, and came to a resolution in 1653 that 250 men should be forthwith raised in the several colonies, but the Massachusets general court refused to raise their quota. The hostilities between the Indians continuing until 1654, and many upland Indians, as they were called, viz. Wa [...]panoags,^* Pocanoticko,^* &c. being collected together, the commissioners sent a messenger to Ninigrate, who soon returned with the following answer, which is here inserted to shew the authority the English assumed at that time over the Indians, and the sense they still retained of their independancy.

‘JONATHAN GILBERT returned 18 Sept. 1654, and brought Ninigrate's answer in the words following: Having acquainted him that the commissioners were met at Hartford and that they had perused the letter sent to the governor of the Massachusets, he answered he knew nothing of any such letter and made strange of it.’

‘Concerning his invading the Long-Islanders he an­swered, Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners when as the Long-Islanders began with him and had slain a Sachem's son and sixty others of his men, and therefore he will not make peace with the Long-Islan­ders, [Page 186] but doth desire that the English will let him alone, and that the commissioners would not request him to go to Hartford for he hath done no hurt. What should he do there? If your governor's son was slain and several other men, would you ask counsel of another nation how and when to right yourselves? and added that he would neither go nor send to Hartford.’

‘Concerning the upland Indians his answer was, That they were his friends and came to help him against the Long-Islanders, which had killed several of his men. Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners with it, he did but right his own quarrel which the Long-I [...]nders began with him.’

U [...]ON the receipt of this answer the commissioners agr [...]ed to raise forthwith 270 foot and 40 horse out of the several colonies and gave a commission to Major Simon Willard to command them, with instructions ‘to take as many of said forces as should be at the place of rendez­vous by the 13th of October and to march with them to Ninigrate and to require his compliance with the demands made upon him, and, if he refused, to compel him to it, and if it should be necessary to send immediately for the remainder of the forces and a greater number if necessary.’ Willard marched with his men into the Naraganset country. Ninigrate with his men had secured themselves in a swamp where it was not thought adviseable to attack them, and the forces returned with no other success than the bring­ing off a number of the Pequods, who had been left with the Naragansets by the English ever since the Pequod war upon the promise of an annual payment for each head. The commander made it a part of his excuse that the instructions to him were equivocal. But the commissioners were offended at this proceeding and charged him with neglecting an opportunity of humbling the pride of Nini­grate, which since the return of the forces was greatly in­creased, and left him to consider what satisfaction was to be expected from him and those of his council who joined With him.^† It is to be observed that Major Willard was a [Page 187] Massachusets man and although that colony had so far complied with the rest as to join in sending out the forces yet they still were desirous of avoiding an open war. This was the second time of their preventing a general war contrary to the minds of six of the commissioners of the other colonies.^*

THE most remarkable occurrence in the colony in the year 1655 was the trial and condemnation of Mrs. Ann Hibbins for witchcraft.1655. Her husband who died in the year 1654 was an agent for the colony in England, several years one of the assistants, and a merchant of note in the town of Boston, but losses in the latter part of his life had reduced his estate and increased the natural crabbedness of his wife's temper, which made her turbulent and quarrel­some, and brought her un [...]er church censures, and at length rendered her so odious to her neighbours as to cause some of them to accuse her of witchcraft. The jury brought her in guilty but the magistrates refused to accept the ver­dict, so the cause came to the general court where the po­pular clamour prevailed against her and the miserable old woman was condemned and executed. Search was made upon her body for tetts and in her chests and boxes for puppets, images, &c. but there is no record of any thing of that sort being found. Mr. Beach a minister in Jam [...]ica in a letter to Doctor Increase Mather in the year 1684 says, ‘[Page 188]You may remember what I have sometimes told you your famous Mr. Norton once said at his own table before Mr. Wilso [...] the pastor, elder Penn and myself and wife, &c. who had the honor to be his guests. That one of your magistrates wives, as I remember, was hanged for a witch only for having more wit than her neighb [...]. It was his very expression, she having as he explain [...]d it unhap­pily guessed that two of her persecutors whom she saw talking in the street were talking of her, which proving true cost her her life, notwithstanding all he could do to the contrary, as he himself told us.’

IT fared with her as it did with Joan of Arc in France. Some counted her a saint and some a witch, and some ob­served solemn marks of Providence set upon those who were very forward to condemn her, and to brand others upon the like ground with the like reproach.^* This was the second instance upon record of any person's being executed for witchcraft in New-England.^†

ABOUT this time, however inconsistent it may seem with the professed ecclesiastical constitution and the freedom of every church, the general court in several instances interposed their authority. They laid a large fine upon the church at Malden for chusing a minister without the consent and approbation of the neighbouring churches and allowance of the magistrates, and soon after, viz. in 1653 they re­strained the north church in Boston from calling Mr. Powell to be their minister, who had the character of a well gifted tho' illiterate man, and went so far as to recommend to them Mr. Reyner who had been a minister at New-Plimouth.

‘IT was justly observed upon this occasion that let the experience of all reformed churches be consulted and it will appear that disorder and confusion in the church will not be avoided by all the determinations, [Page 189] advice and counsel of synods or other messengers of churches, unless they be a little acuated by the civil au­thority: All men are naturally so wedded to their own apprehensions that, unless there be a coercive power to restrain, the order and rule of the gospel will not be at­tended.’ ^†

MR. Endicot was governor in 1655 and was annually chosen until 1660, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor each year.^* During this period the trade of the colony was in a flourishing state, free admission being allowed to all nations, and the vessels of the colony trading to and from France, Holland, and other parts of Europe, the importation of no commodities whatsoever being prohibited, or under any clog or restraint. Notwithstanding the great variety of sectaries in England there had been no divisions of any consequence in the Massachusets, but from 1637 to 1656 they enjoyed, in general, great quietness in their ecclesiastical affairs, discords in particular churches being healed and made up by a submission to the arbitrament of neighbouring churches, and sometimes the interposition of the civil power. The reputation not only of the consti­tution of the churches, but also of the New-England clergy had been for some time very great in England, and the opinions of Mr. Cotton, Hooker, Davenport, and others, are cited as authorities by many English divines. The persecution of the episcopalians by the prevailing powers in England was evidently from revenge for the persecu­tion they had suffered themselves, and from political con­siderations and the prevalence of a party, seeing [...] [...]ther opinions and professions, however absurd, were tolerated but in New-England it must be confessed that bigotry and cruel zeal prevailed, and to that degree that no opi­nions but their own could be tolerated. They were sincere, [Page 190] but mistaken in their principles and absurd as it is, it is too evident, they believed it to be for the glory of God to take away the lives of his creatures for maintaining tenets con­trary to what they professed themselves. This occasioned complaints against the colony to the parliament and to Cromwell, but without success.^†

MR. Winslow the agent for the colony in England being dead, Mr. Leveret, one of Cromwell's commissioners in the expedition to Acadie, was appointed in his stead. Cromwell had been very desirous of drawing off the New Englanders to people Ireland after his successes there, and the inha­bitants of New-Haven had serious thoughts of removing, but did not carry their design into execution. Jamaica being conquered, Cromwell renewed his invitation to the colony of the Massachusets to remove and to go and peo­ple that island, and it appears by Mr. Leveret's letters and a letter from the general court to Cromwell that he had it much at heart.^* Cromwell foresaw that the West-India [Page 191] planters would raise estates far superior to those of the inhabitants of the northern colonies, and though a meer [Page 192] worldly consideration was not proper for him to urge, yet accompanied with the fulfilment of a divine promise, that God's people should be the head and not the tail, it was in character, and he ar [...]fully enough joined it with the other consideration. But all was insufficient to induce the people of New-England to quit a country where they could live tolerably, and were indulged with all the privileges they desired, and we have no account of many families having removed. A few accepted the invitation. Com­plaints were carried to Cromwell from Rhode-Island against the Massachusets by Clark, Holmes and others, but Mr. Leveret, who was a captain of horse under Cromwell [Page 193] during some part of the war, had much of his favor, and though he could not prevent the Rhode-Islanders from being favorably received, for no sect could fail of an advo­cate in Cromwell's court, yet he prevented so much as an enquiry into the conduct of the Massachusets. Nay Crom­well applauded the colony for banishing the evil seducers which had risen up among them, of which Mr. Wheel­wright and Mrs. Hutchinson were the chief, and probably he had a view to them in particular. This same Mr. Wheel­wright had been several years in England and lived in the neighbourhood of Sir Henry Vane, who had been his pa­tron in New-England and now took great notice of him. Vane being disaffected to Cromwell it is not likely that Cromwell had any great esteem for Wheelwright, yet he sent for him by one of his guard,^* and after a very ortho­dox discourse, according to Mr. Wheelwright's apprehen­sions of orthodoxy, "and without shewing countenance to sectaries," ^† he exhorted him to perseverance against his opposers, and assured him their notions would vanish into nothing. This meeting effectually engaged Mr. Wheel­wright in Cromwell's favor. Leveret's and Wheelwright's [Page 194] letters compared confirm a distinguishing part of Crom­well's character. Besides the complaints from Rhode-Island, Rigby, Gorges, and Godfrey, who claimed lands by patents in the eastern parts of New-England, made com­plaints to Cromwell against the colony for usurpation, and there were others who envied the flourishing state of the colony, but by means of Mr. Leveret's discreet manage­ment and the favorable opinion Cromwell had conceived, all attempts to its prejudice were to no purpose.^‡ He did not shew like favor to the other colonies.

CROMWELL seems to have been the first who had a true sense of the importance of the colonies to their mo­ther country. The expedition to Hispaniola was by him well intended, though by his servants badly executed, and his plan for enlarging the national interest in America no doubt extended further than the conquest of that island. Let us take a view of the state of the colonies at that time. Barbados was then more populous than it is at present. That island and the Caribbees were under the same go­vernment. These with Virginia, Maryland and Bermudas refused to acknowledge the parliament whilst the King lived, and it occasioned some trouble to reduce them after his death. They were all the colonies, except New-Eng­land, which were settled when Cromwell took the govern­ment upon him. There were no less than three different governors over Virginia during his short rule, Digby, Ben­net and Matthews. Barbados surrendered to Sir George Ayscough, upon condition that the government should be by governor council and assembly, and Daniel Searl being appointed their governor continued until the restoration. It was a rash thing to resist the supreme authority in England and gave great offence. Until then, all the colonies had been indulged in a free open trade to and from all parts of the [Page 195] world, unless the privileges granted to the East-India company made an exception, but Cromwell obtained an act or ordinance of the parliament prohibiting the plantations from receiving or exporting any European commodities, except in English built ships navigated by Englishmen, and all correspondence was forbidden with any nation or colony not subject to England, and no alien was allowed to set up a factory or carry on a trade in the plantations. Vir­ginia made heavy complaints, that they were not allowed to send off their produce to, nor to import necessaries from, any foreign countries, whilst England alone (they said) could not take off their produce, nor could they at that time be supplied from thence with all things necessary for them. But, however grievous this act might prove to the other colonies, it is certain that those of New-England, whether it was designed to extend there or not, suffered nothing by it. In a letter to Cromwell in 1654 ^† the Mas­sachusets seem to be under fears least they should be de­prived of the privileges which had been indulged to them by his predecessors, and hope his Highness will be no less propitious and will not be displeased with them for asserting their just privileges, to the prejudice whereof some at­tempts had been made by the commanders of ships, espe­cially by some armed with commission, which though for fear of offending they had patiently endured, yet they thought it not safe to approve of such actings, &c. If this letter had respect to any attempts to regulate the trade, they were attempts which were soon given over and caused little or no interruption, and they were not only indulged in their trade to all parts, but that extra­ordinary privilege of having their goods imported into England free from all custom which other subjects were liable to pay, seems to have been continued until the restoration. No wonder if they were envied by the other colonies, and if the merchants in England were dissatisfied also with the continuance of the last mentioned extraor­dinary favor.

[Page 196] 1656. to 1660.IN the year 1656 began what has been generally and not improperly called the persecution of the Quakers.^* Two years before, an order had been made that every in­habitant who had in their custody any of the books of John Reeves and Lodowick Muggleton, ‘who pretend to be the two last witnesses and prophets of Jesus Christ,’ which books were said to be full of blasphemies, should bring or send them in to the next magistrate within one month on pain of ten pounds for each book remaining in any person's hands after that time, but no person appeared openly professing the opinions of the quakers until July 1656, when Mary Fisher ^‡ and Ann Austin arrived from Barbados. A few weeks after arrived in the ship Spe [...]d­well of London, Robert Lock master, nine more of their itinerants, whose names "after the flesh," the language they used to the officers sent to make enquiry, were William Brend, Thomas Thurston, Christopher Holder, John Copeland, Richard Smith, Mary Prince, Dorothy Waugh, Sarah Gibbons, and Mary Witherhead.^† On the 8th of September they were brought before the court of assistants and being examined and each of them questioned how they could make it appear that God sent them, after a pause they answered that they had the same call which Abraham had to go out of his country; to other questions they gave rude and contemptuous answers, which is the reason assigned for committing them to prison. A great number of their books which they had brought over with intent to scatter them about the country were seized and reserved [Page 197] for the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going from the publick worship on the Lord's day to his own house, several gentlemen accompanying him, Mary Prince called to him from a window of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying Woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor; and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the governor and magistrates filled with opprobrious stuff. The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his house and took much pains to persuade her to desist from such extrava­gancies. Two of the ministers were present, and with much moderation and tenderness endeavoured to convince her of her errors, to which she returned the grossest rail­ings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, of the brood of Ishmael and the like.

THE court passed sentence of banishment against them all, and required the master of the ship in which they came, to become bound with sureties to the value of five hun­dred pounds to carry them all away,^* and caused them to to be committed to prison until the ship should be ready to sail. At this time there was no special provision by law for the punishment of quakers; they came within a colony law against hereticks in general. At the next sessions of the general court, the 14th of October following, an act passed laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again, that the quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction and whip­ped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing and the like for dispersing quakers books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year an additional law was made by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour's entertainment given to any [Page 198] known quaker, and any quaker after the first conviction if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other, a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time man or woman to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every quaker, who should become such in the colony, were subjected to the like punishments. In May 1658 a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a quaker's meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing,^* in October following a further law was made for punishing with death all quakers who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment.^† That some provision was necessary against these people so far as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every one will allow, but such sanguinary laws against particular doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended. The most that can be said for our ancestors is that they tried gentler means at first, which they found utterly ineffectual, and that they followed the example of the authorities in most other states and in most ages of the world, who with the like absurdity have supposed every person could and ought to think as they did, and with the like cruelty have punished such as appeared to differ from them. We may add that it was with reluc­tance that these unnatural laws were carrried into execu­tion, [Page 199] as we shall see by a further account of proceedings. Nicholas Upshall was apprehended in October 1656, fined twenty pounds and banished for reproaching the magi­strates and speaking against the law made against quakers▪ and returning in 1659 was imprisoned.^† At the same court William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, Mary Dyer and Nicholas Davis were brought to trial. The first gave no particular account of himself. Stephenson had made a publick disturbance in the congregation at Boston the 15th of June before. He acknowledged himself to be one of those the world called quakers, and declared that in the year 1656 at Shipton in Yorkshire as he was at plough he saw nothing but heard an audible voice saying, ‘I have ordained thee to be a prophet to the nations, &c.’

Dyer declared that she came from Rhode-Island^* to visit the quakers▪ that she was of their religion which she affirmed was the truth, and that the light within her was the rule, &c.

Davis came from Barustable, he came into court with his hat on, confessed he had [...]rsaken the ordinances and resorted to the quakers. The jury found "that they were all quakers." Robinson was whipped 20 stripes for abusing the court, and they were all banished on pain of death.

Patience Scott a girl of about eleven years of age came I suppose from Providence, her friends lived there, and professing herself to be one of those whom the world in scorn calls quakers was committed to prison, and afterwards brought to court. The record stands thus. ‘The court duly considering the malice of Satan and his instruments by all means and ways to propagate error and disturb the truth, and bring in confusion among us, that Satan is put to his shifts to make use of such a child not being of the years of discretion, nor understanding the principles of religion, judge meet so far to slight her as a quaker as only to admonish [Page 200] and instruct her according to her capacity and so discharge her, Capt. Hutchinson undertaking to send her home.’ Strange such a child should be imprisoned! it would have been horrible if there had been any further severity.^*

Robinson, Stephenson and Dyer at the next general court were brought upon trial, and ‘for their rebellion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves after ba­nishment upon pain of death,’ were sentenced to die; the two first were executed the 27th of October.^† Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer her son, was reprieved on condition that she departed the jurisdiction in 48 hours and if she returned to suffer the sentence. She was car­ried to the gallows and stood with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. She was so infatuated as afterwards to return and was executed June 1st 1660.^‡ The court thought it adviseable to publish a vindication of their proceedings; they urge the example of England in the provision made against jesuits, which might have some weight against a cha [...]ge brought from thence, but in every other part of their vindication, as may well be sup­posed from the nature of the thing, there is but the bare [Page 201] shadow of reason. Christopher Holder who had found the way into the jurisdiction again, was at this court banish­ed upon pain of death. At the same court seven or eight persons were fined, some as high as ten pounds, for enter­taining quakers, and Edward Wharton for piloting them from one place to another was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes and bound to his good behavior. Divers others were then brought upon trial ‘for adhering to the cursed sect of quakers not disowning themselves to be such, refusing to give civil respect, leaving their families and relations and running from place to place vagabonds like,’ and Daniel Gold was sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert Harper fifteen, and they with Alice Cour­land, Mary Scott and Hope Clifton banished upon pain of death, William Kingsmill whipped fifteen stripes, Margaret Smith, Mary Trask and Provided Southwick ten stripes each, and Hannah Phelps admonished.

THE compassion of the people was moved and many resorted to the prison by day and night, and upon a repre­sentation of the keeper a constant watch was kept round the prison to keep people off.^*

JOSEPH NICHOLSON and Jane his wife were also tried and found quakers, as also Wendlock Christopherson, who declared in court that the scripture is not the word of God, and Mary Standley, and all sentenced to banishment, &c. as was soon after Benjamin Bellflower, but John Cham­berlain though he came with his hat on yet refusing di­rectly to answer, the jury found him, ‘much inclining to the cursed opinions of the quakers,’ and he escaped with an admonition.

NICHOLSON and his wife returned and were appre­hended, but upon their petition had liberty with several others then in prison to go for England. Christopherson returned also and was sentenced to die. It is said he de­sired [Page 202] the court to consider what they had gained by their [...] proceedings. ‘For the last man (says he) that was put to death here are five come in his room, and if you have power to take my life from me God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants and send them among you in my room that you may have tor­ment upon torment.’ He was ordered to be executed the fifth day sevennight after the 14th of March 1660, afterwards reprieved till the 13th of June, but he was set at liberty upon his request to the court and went out of the jurisdiction.

BELLFLOWER afterwards in court renounced his [...]inions, as also William King (Kingsmill I suppose) the [...] instances upon record. Chamberlain was afterwards apprehended again and found a quaker and committed to close prison, but no further sentence appears.

IN September 1660 William Ledea was tried and con­victed of being a quaker and sentenced to banishment, &c. but returning and being apprehended, the general court gave him liberty notwithstanding to go to England with Nicholson and others, but he refused to leave the country and was brought upon trial for returning into the jurisdiction after sentence of banishment, acknowledged himself to be the person but denied their authority, and told the court that ‘with the spirit they called the devil he worshipped God, that their ministers were deluders and they them­selves murderers,’ He was told that he might have his life and be at liberty if he would. He answered I am willing to die, I speak the truth. The court took great pains to persuade him to leave the country but to no pur­pose. The jury brought him in guilty and he was sen­tenced to die and suffered accordingly March 14th 1660.

MARY WRIGHT of Oyster-bay was tried at the court in September 1660. She said she came to do the will of the Lord and to warn them to lay by their carnal wea­pons and laws against the people of God, told the court they thirsted for blood. The court asked her what she would have them do, she said ‘repent of your bloodshed ^* [Page 203] and cruelty and shedding the blood of the innocent Wm. Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, and Mary Dyer.’ She said her tears were her meat many days and nights before she gave up herself to this work of the Lord, but add­ed that if she had her liberty she would be gone quickly. Being found a quaker she was banished.

EDWARD WHARTON who had been whipped before, was now indicted for being a quaker, convicted and sen­tenced to imprisonment and afterwards to banishment. Judah Brown and Peter Pierson stood mute. They were sentenced to be whipped at the cart's tail in Boston, Rox­bury and Dedham.

JOHN SMITH of Salem for making disturbance at the ordination of Mr. Higginson, crying out ‘What you are going about to set up our God is pulling down,’ was committed to prison by order of court.

PHILIP VERIN was also tried and imprisoned, Josias Southwick, first banished and returning, whipped at the cart's tail, and John Burstowe bound to his good behavior. These are all ^* who were tried by the court of assistants or by the general court. Some at Salem, Hampton, Newbury and other places, for disorderly behavior, putting people in terror, coming into the congregations and calling to the minister in the time of publick worship, declaring their preaching, &c. to be an abomination to the Lord, and other breaches of the peace, were ordered to be whipped by the authority of the county courts or particular magi­strates. At Boston one George Wilson, and at Cambridge Elizabeth Horton went crying through the streets that the Lord was coming with fire and sword to plead with them. Thomas Newhouse went into the meeting-house at Boston with a couple of glass bottles and broke them before the congregation, and threatned ‘Thus will the Lord break you in pieces.’ Another time M. Brewster came in with her face smeared and as black as a coal. [Page 204] Deborah Wilson went through the streets of Salem naked as she came into the world,^* for which she was well whipped. For these and such like disturbances they might be deemed proper subjects either of a mad-house or house of correction, and it is to be lamented that any greater severities were made use of. After all that may be said against these measures, it evidently appears that they proceeded not from personal hatred and malice against such disordered persons, nor from any private sinister views, as is generally the case with unjust punishments inflicted in times of party rage and discord, whether civil or religious, but meerly from a false zeal and an erro­neous judgment. In support of their proceedings they brought several texts of the old testament. ‘Come out of her my people, &c.’ ‘If thy brother entice thee to serve other gods thou shalt surely put him to death,’ and ‘for speaking lies in the name of the Lord his father shall thrust him through when he prophecieth,’ and the example of Solomon who first laid Shimei under restraint and then for his breach put him to death, as also many passages of the new testament requiring subjection to ma­gistrates, &c. and thus from a zeal to defend the holy religion they professed, they went into measures directly opposite to its true spirit and the great design of publish­ing it to the world.

THAT I may finish what relates to the quakers it must be further observed that their friends in England sollicited and at length obtained an order from the King Sept. 9th 1661, requiring that a stop should be put to all capital or corporal punishment of those of his subjects called quakers, and that such as were obnoxious should be sent to England. [Page 205] Whatever opinion they might have of the force of orders from the crown controuling the laws of the colony, they prudently complied with this instruction and suspended the execution of the laws against quakers, so far as respected corporal punishment, until further order. Indeed before the receipt of this letter, but probably when they were in expectation of it, all that were in prison were discharged and sent out of the colony. The laws were afterwards re­vived so far as respected vagabond quakers, whose punish­ment was limited to whipping, and, as a further favor, through three towns only. But there was little or no room for carrying the laws into execution, for after these first excursions they became in general an orderly people, submitting to the laws, except such as relate to the militia and the support of the ministry, and in their scruples as to those they have from time to time been indulged. At present, they are esteemed as being of good morals, friend­ly and benevolent in their disposition, and I hope will never meet with any further persecution on account of their peculiar tenets or customs. May the time never come again when the government shall think that by killing men for their religion they do God good service.^*

FROM 1656 to 1660 I find but very few facts relative to the public affairs of the colony worth transmitting to posterity After the peace with the Dutch in Europe the trade between the English and Dutch colonies was revived, and Stuyvesant the Dutch governor in 1657 wrote to the [Page 206] commissioners of the English colonies that the limits agreed and settled in 1650, both upon the main and upon Long-Island, were ratified and confirmed by the States General of the United Provinces, and desired that, the confirmation of the Lord Protector being ready, time and place might be appointed for the exchange. The commissioners in their answer let him know, that they had ever conformed to that settlement although he had not, but they said nothing of the Protector's confirmation. It does not appear that ever they sought for it. Towards the end of this period, the changes in England were so frequent, that it was pru­dence in the colonies to take as little notice of them as might be until there appeared a prospect of a lasting estab­lishment. An express acknowledgment of Richard Crom­well was expected from the Massachusets, but they declined it. An original letter from him to the governor recom­mending the case of Mr. Sewall a minister, is all that ap­pears upon the records relative to him.^*

THE rapid increase of the Massachusets colony, toge­ther with the figure which many of the first settlers made in England before their removal, and the correspondence which they maintained with their friends of great dis­tinction there many years after, eclipsed the colony of New-Plimouth,^† whose growth and progress would other­wise have been thought considerable. The southern part [Page 207] of the colony in general, being of a light sandy soil, would have been incapable of supporting its inhabitants were it not for the large bodies of salt meadow, the hay of which serves for fodder for their cattle in the winter, and the dung from it, being an excellent manure, produces good crops of grain with little labor in the summer, light land being easily tilled. The northern parts bordering upon the Massachusets afford many good farms, particularly the town of Bridgewater, which hath been famous for the quality of the land and for good husbandry. They were few at first and but little additions were made after the Massachusets was planted, except from their natural in­crease, and yet before the year 1643, besides the town of Plimouth, they had settled Duxbury, Scituate, Taunton, Rehoboth, Sandwich, Barnstable, Yarmouth, and Eastham. Upon the death of Mr. Carver their first governor soon after their arrival, they chose in his stead Mr. Bradford, being a grave discreet man. They were so well satisfied with his administration that they continued to chuse him annu­ally until his death in 1657, except two years when they chose Mr. Winslow, and one year Mr. Prince.

THEIR ecclesiastical affairs were for divers years in dis­couraging circumstances. They had expectations that Mr. Robinson their pastor, whom they had left with one half his church in Holland, would follow them, but his death in 1624 put an end to their hopes. They were unsuc­cessful in their attempts to settle a minister, the principles of one and the manners of another were exceptionable, and having several brethren among themselves well gifted, they chose to continue without a minister for some time rather than to settle one who was not exemplary in his life, or who differed from them in points of doctrine or church government. But in 1643 they had a set of pious learned ministers,^* one of which, Mr. Chauncey, some [Page 208] years after, was chosen to the presidentship of the college in the Massachusets and removed to Cambridge.

THEY had many local laws. In criminal cases they took the Massachusets for their pattern, but in civil mat­ters they professed to take the common law for their rule more than was practiced in the Massachusets.

AN exemplary piece of justice is recorded to their honor in the year 1638, when they caused three English­men to be executed for the murder of an Indian near Providence.

PLIMOUTH colony adjoining to the Massachusets, some short disputes subsisted between them concerning bounds. In order to settle the controversy commissioners were appointed in the year 1640, viz. John Endicot and Israel Stoughton for the Massachusets, and William Brad­ford and Edward Winslow for Plimouth. It was not then effected. An observation had been taken by Nathanael Woodward in the year 1638 upon part of Charles river 41 degrees 59 minutes north latitude, the river still run­ning southward, the persons employed not being able to proceed farther for want of provisions. In 1642 the nor­thern bounds of the Massachusets were ascertained by the same Woodward with Solomon Saffery,^* and a station fixed which has since been allowed to be the Massachusets corner 3 miles south of Charles river, and from this corner the lines between the Massachusets and the governments of Plimouth▪ Rhode-Island, and Connecticut have been run and confirmed by acts of the several governments.^†

SINCE the year 1640 the people had been without any apprehensions of danger to their religious or civil privileges. They prudently acknowledged subjection to the parliament and afterwards to Cromwell, so far as was necessary to keep upon terms and avoid excep­tion, and no farther. The addresses to the parliament and Cromwell shew this to have been the case. After Cromwell's death, during the frequent changes in the supreme autho­rity in England, they seem to have taken part with none, but to have waited until some settlement was made which should have a prospect of stability.^* I have no where met with any marks of disrespect to the memory of the late King, and there is no room to suppose they were under disaffection to his son, and if they feared his restoration it was because they expected a change in religion, and that a persecution of all non-conformists would follow it.^† At [Page 210] the election in May, they could have received no intelli­gence from England to enable them to make any certain judgment of affairs. Mr. Endicot was then chosen gover­nor and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor, both of them as fixed in their principles as any of their brethren. The business of this session of the general court went over and nothing passed relative to affairs in England. On the 27th of July Capt. Peirce, a noted shipmaster in the trade be­tween England and the colony, arrived and brought the news of the King's being proclaimed. If they received at the same time the King's declaration from Breda and de­pended that a royal promise would be, as it always ought to be, religiously complied with, they need not have been under great concern about their public affairs either in church or state. No advices were received from autho­rity, and the King was not proclaimed in the colony▪ ^* nor was any alteration made in the forms of their public acts and proceedings. There was a session of the general court in October and a motion was made for an address to the King, but it did not succeed. Mr. Norton, one of the ministers of Boston, was very earnest for it, but rumors came by the way of Barbados, that the government in England was in a very unsettled state, the body of the people dissatisfied, that the Scotch had demanded Monk to be delivered up to them, that Lord Fairfax was at the head of a great army, &c. and they had seen so many changes in the course of a few months that they thought it was not very certain that an address to the King would not fall into the hands of a committee of safety, council of state, or a junto with some other title. On the 30th of November a ship arrived from Bristol, which brought advices of the proceedings of parliamen [...], and that all matters were fully settled. They were also informed by letters from Mr. Leveret their agent and others, that [Page 211] petitions and complaints were preferred against the colony to the King in council, and to the parliament (a citation being posted upon the exchange in London) by Mason, Gorges and others. The governor and assistants met forthwith, called the general court to convene the 19th of December, a very loyal address to the King was presently agreed upon, and another to the two houses of parliament. Letters were sent by Sir Thomas Temple who was a con­stant friend to the colony, to Lord Manchester, Lord Say and Seal, and other persons of note, to pray them to inter­cede in behalf of the colony. A most gracious answer was given to the address, by the King's letter dated Feb. 15. 1660, which was the first public act or order concerning them after the restoration, except a few lines the 23d of January before from secretary Morice, to inclose an order for the apprehending two of the late King's judges, both letters its probable by the same ship, which arrived in May following.

BEFORE the receipt of this letter, the governor and council March 18th took public notice of a book pub­lished by Mr. Eliot not long before, intitled The Christian Commonwealth, &c. which they declare they find on pe­rusal full of seditious principles and notions in relation to all established governments in the christian world, especially against the government established in their native country. Upon consultation with the elders their censure was de­ferred until the general court met, ‘that Mr. Eliot might have the opportunity in the mean time of making a pub­lic recantation.’

AT the next sessions in May Mr. Eliot gave into the court the following acknowledgment under his hand.

THE books were ordered by the court to be called in and this acknowledgment to be posted up in the principal towns in the colony. When the times change, men gene­rally suffer their opinions to change with them, so far at least as is necessary to avoid danger. Between the reigns of Henry the seventh and James the first, how many times did the whole body of the clergy of England change or shift their opinions in matters of greater importance?

A day of public thanksgiving was appointed by authori­ty, to acknowledge the favor of heaven in inclining the King graciously to accept and answer the address made to him.

THEY were notwithstanding under no small degree of fear, least the revolution of government in England should produce as great a change in the form of their govern­ment, both in church and state. They were alarmed from all quarters. Reports were spread that Virginia and the islands were forbid trading with them, that three frigates would soon be sent from England, and that a general go­vernor over all the colonies was to come in one of them.^* [Page 213] At the same sessions in May they passed the following vote.

‘FORASMUCH as the present condition of our affairs of the highest concernment, call for diligent and speedy use of the best means seriously to discuss and rightly to under­stand our liberty and duty, thereby to beget unity amongst ourselves, in the due observance of obedience and fidelity to the authority of England and our own just privileges. For the effecting whereof it is ordered that Mr. Simo [...] Bradstreet, Mr. Samuel Symonds, Major-General Deniso [...], Mr. Danforth, Major William Hawthorn, Capt. Thom [...] Savage, Capt. Edward Johnson, Capt. Eleazer Lusher, Mr. Mather, Mr. Norton, Mr. Corbett, and Mr. Mitchell,^* be and hereby are a committee, immediately after the dissolutio [...] or adjournment of the court, to meet together in Boston on second day next at 12 of the clock, to consider and debate such matter or thing of public [...] concernment touching our patent, laws, privileges, and duty to his Majesty, as they in their wisdom shall judge most expedient, and draw up the result of their apprehensions, and present the same to the next session for consideration and approbation, that so (if the will of God be) we may speak and act the same thing becoming prudent, honest, conscientious and faithful men.’ ^†

AN answer was drawn up and accepted by the court at a session specially appointed to receive the same.^‡

IN the ship which arrived from London the 27th of July there came passengers Col. Whaley and Col. Goffe, two of the late King's judges. Col. Goffe brought testimo­nials from Mr. John Rowe and Mr. Seth Wood, two mini­sters of a church in Westminster. Col. Whaley had been a member of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. Goffe kept a journal or diary from the day he left Westminster, May 4. until the year 1667▪ which together with several other papers belonging to him I have in my possession. Almost the whole is in characters or short hand, not very difficult to decypher. The story of these persons has never yet been published to the world. It has never been known [Page 214] in New-England. Their papers after their death were collected and have remained near an hundred years in a library in Boston. It must give some entertainment to the curious. They left London before the King was pro­claimed. It does not appear that they were among the most obnoxious of the judges, but as it was expected ven­geance would be taken of some of them, and a great many h [...]d fled, they did not think it safe to remain. They did not attempt to conceal their persons or characters when they arrived at Boston, but immediately went to the gover­nor Mr. Endicot, who received them very courteously. They were visited by the principal persons of the town, and among others they take notice of Col. Crown's coming to see them. He was a noted royalist. Although they did not disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside at Cam­bridge, a village about four miles distant from the town, where they went the first day they arrived. They went publickly to meetings on the Lord's days, and to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgivings, and were admitted to the sacrament, and attended private meetings for devotion, vi­sited many of the principal towns, and were frequently at Boston, and once when insulted there the person in­sulting them was bound to his good behavior. They appeared grave, serious and devout, and the rank they had sustained commanded respect. Whaley had been one of Cromwell's Lieut. Generals and Goffe a Major-General. It is not strange that they should meet with this favorable reception, nor was this reception any con­tempt of the authority in England. They were known to have been two of the King's judges, but King Charles the second was not proclaimed when the ship that brought them left London. They had the news of it in the channel. The reports afterwards by way of Barbados were that all the judges would be pardoned but seven. The act of indemnity was not brought over until the last of November. When it appeared that they were not ex­cepted, some of the principal persons in the government were alarmed, pity and compassion prevailed with others. [Page 215] They had assurances from some that belonged to the general court that they would stand by them, but were advised by others to think of removing. The 22d of February the governor summoned a court of assistants to consult about securing them, but the court did not agree to it. Finding it unsafe to remain any longer they left Cambridge the 26th following and arrived at New-Haven the 7th of March. One Capt. Breedan who had seen them at Boston gave information thereof upon his arrival in England. A few days after their removal, an hue and cry, as they term it in their diary, was brought by the way of Barbados, and thereupon a warrant to secure them issued, the 8th of March, from the governor and assistants, which was sent to Springfield and the other towns in the western parts of the colony, but they were beyond the reach it.^*

[Page 216] 1661.THE proclaiming the King having been deferred until August 1661 the governor, upon intelligence from Eng­land of what was doing there to the prejudice of the colony, [Page 217] did not think proper to delay it any longer, and called the general court together the 7th of August, when, after a great variety of forms for a proclamation had been pro­posed, the following was agreed to.

[Page 218] ‘FORASMUCH as Charles the second is undoubted King of Great-Britain and all other his Majesty's territo­ries and dominions thereunto belonging, and hath been some time since lawfully proclaimed and crowned accor­dingly: We therefore do, as in duty we are bound, own and acknowledge him to be our Sovereign Lord and King, and do therefore hereby proclaim and declare his sacred Majesty Charles the second to be lawful King of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, and all other the territories thereunto belonging. God save the King.’

[Page 219]AN order passed the court the same day and was posted up in Boston forbidding all disorderly behavior on the occasion, declaring that no person might expect indulgence for the breach of any law, and ‘in a particular manner that no man should presume to drink his Majesty's health,’ ^* which the order says ‘he hath in an especial manner forbid.’

AN address to the King was likwise agreed to and ordered to be sent to England.

INTELLIGENCE arriving of further complaints against the colony, and orders being received from the King that persons should be sent over to make answer, the governor called the court together again the 31st of December, and Simon Bradstreet one of the magistrates, and John Norton one of the ministers of Boston church, were chosen agents for the colony, and instructions given them, the sum of which was to represent the colony as his Majesty's loyal and obedient subjects, to endeavour to take off all scandal and objections, and to understand his Majesty's ap­prehensions concerning them, to do nothing which might be prejudicial to the charter, and to keep the court advised of these transactions and all occurrences.^†

[Page 220]THESE gentlemen engaged in the service with great reluctance, Mr. Norton particularly. A ship was stopped for them upon demurrage, and then discharged, and then stopped again. At length the committee appointed to do every thing necessary for their dispatch in the recess of the court, engaged ‘to make good all damages they might sustain by the detention of their persons in England or otherwise.’ They departed the 10th of February.

1662.THEIR reception in England was much more favorable than was expected, their stay short, returning the next fall with the King's most g [...]cious letter, some parts of which cheared the hearts of the country; and they then looked upon, and often afterwards recurred to them, as a confirma­tion of their charter privileges, and an amnesty of all past errors. The letter was ordered to be published, and in an order for a public thanksgiving particular notice is taken of ‘the return of their messengers and the continuance of the mercies of peace, liberties, and the gospel.’ ^*

[Page 221]THERE were some things however in the King's [...]ette [...] hard to comply with; and although it was ordered to [...] published yet it was with this caution, that ‘inasmuch [...] the letter hath influence upon the churches as well as civil state, all manner of actings in relation thereto shall be suspended until the next general court, that so all persons concerned may have time and opportunity to consider of what is necessary to be done in order to his Majesty's pleasure therein.’ The King expresly declares, ‘We will preserve and do hereby confirm the patent and charter heretofore granted unto them by our royal father of blessed memory, and they shall fully enjoy all the privileges and liberties granted to them in and by the same, and we will be ready to renew the same charter to them under our great seal of England whensoever they shall desire it.’ His Majesty's gracious pardon to all his subjects was likewise declared for all treasons, &c. during the late troubles, except to such as stood attainted by act of parliament, if any such should have transported themselves thither; but then it was required that all their laws should be reviewed, and such as were contrary or derogatory to the King's authority and government should be annulled and repealed, that the oath of allegiance should be duly administred, that the administration of justice should be in the King's name, that freedom and liberty should be given to all such as desired to use the book of common prayer and perform their devotions in the manner esta­blished in England and that they might not undergo any [Page 222] prejudice thereby, that all persons of good and honest lives and conversations should be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's supper, according to the book of common prayer, and their children to baptism, that in the choice of governor and assistants the only consideration to be had should be of the wisdom virtue and integrity of the per­sons to be chosen, and not of any faction with reference to opinions and outward profession, that all freeholders of competent estates, not vicious, &c. though of different persuasions concerning church government, should have their votes in the election of all officers civil and military, and finally that this letter should be published, &c.

HOWEVER reasonable the several things required by the King appear to us at this day^* yet many of them were grievous to our ancestors. The agents met with the fate of most agents ever since.^† The favors they h [...]d obtained [Page 223] were supposed to be no more than might well have been expected, and their merits were soon forgot; the evils which they had it not in their power to prevent were attributed to their neglect or unnecessary concessions. Mr. Bradstreet was a man of more phlegm and not so sensibly touched, but Mr. Norton was so affected that he grew melancholy. He died suddenly, very soon after his return (April 5. 1663.)^‡ The only thing done at this session in compliance with his Majesty's orders, besides making the letter publick, was the giving directions that all writs pro­cesses, &c. should be in his Majesty's name. A committee was afterwards appointed to consider what was proper to be done as to the other parts, who were to report the next session, and liberty was given to any of the reverend elders, to any freemen, and to any other the inhabitants to send in their thoughts, that so after serious consideration something might be agreed upon, ‘satisfactory and safe, con­ducing to the glory of God and the felicity of his people.’

THE year 1662 was remarkable for a synod or general council of all the churches, held at Boston in the month of September, by order of the general court.

THE two questions referred to their decision, and con­cerning which the country was much divided in sentiment, were these,

1st. WHO are the subjects of Baptism?

2d. WHETHER according to the word of God there ought to be a consociation of churches, and what should be the manner of it?

[Page 224]THE result of this synod was printed by order of the general court, and is particularly mentioned by Doctor Mather, Mr. Neal and other writers.^*

JOHN TOUTON a French doctor and inhabitant of Rochel in France, made application to the court in behalf of himself and other protestants expelled from their habi­tations on account of their religion, that they might have liberty to inhabit here, which was readily granted to them.

CAPTAIN Breedan who as we have before mentioned had been in England and had complained of the govern­ment for harbouring regicides, and had laid divers other [Page 225] things to its charge to render it obnoxious, returned to New-England this year and behaved with great inso­lence in the face of the court, usurping authority and lay­ing his commands on them, but he soon found they had not lost their spirit. They committed him to prison for his contemptuous carriage, and afterwards fined him two hundred pounds, ^† and ordered that he become bound in two hundred pounds with sureties, to be of good behavior, standing committed until sentence be performed. On the other hand Isaac Cole the constable of Woburn being charged with having refused to publish the King's letter, and Edward Converse one of the selectmen of that town, with having spoken disrespectfully of it, as tending to pope­ry, process was ordered against them and they were held to answer for a high misdemeanor, but the facts charged against them not being proved they were acquitted.

THE severe acts of parliament against nonconformists caused some of them again to think of a place of refuge. Several ministers came over, and more intended to follow, but New-England was threatned with a loss of their privi­leges, and if the threat had been executed they would not have been secure in these remote parts.^‡

THE inhabitants upon Connecticut river being increased to three townships, Springfield, Northampton, and Hadley, [Page 226] at the Sessions of the general court in May 1662 they were made a county by the name of Hampshire.

1663.A letter was sent signed by the governor in the name of the general court, dated Oct. 20, 1663, to Doctor John Owen desiring him to come over and to accept the call or invitation which the first church in Boston had given him to become their teacher in the room of Mr. Norton, but he could not be prevailed upon.^§

1664.IN 1664 the people of New-England were surprized with the appearance of a very large comet which conti­nued from the 17th of November until the 4th of Febru­ary following. At first it appeared in the east bearded▪ afterwards in the west with a tail. They were not alone in their opinion that comets were omens of great evils. So judicious a writer as Sleidan observes that a comet was seen all the month of August preceding the October when Zuinglius was slain; he adds that the Queen-Mother of France died about the same time. One had appeared just before Mr. Cotton's death. The death of their aged governor, and the troubles the colony met with the next year from the King's commissioners tended to confirm people in their opinion. The aurora borealis, and even eclipses, in former ages have been deemed prodigies and of ill omen.²⁷⁵

THE first prosecution I find upon record of any of the people called anabaptists was in the year 1665.1665. William Turner, Thomas Gold, Edward Drinker, John George, and Thomas Osborne, were charged before the governor and other magistrates with ‘gathering themselves into a [Page 227] pretended church state,^* in opposition to the order of the churches of Christ in the colony, and intermeddling with those holy appointments of the Lord Jesus which are pro­per only to office trust.’ They confessed they had joined in a church society, that they had been rebaptized, and that one of them administred the Lord's supper. They were admonished and threatned that if they continued to meet and practice contrary to the order of the gospel the court would proceed against them according to their de­merits. They persevered notwithstanding, and were sen­tenced by the court to be disfranchised, if they were freemen, and if they still continued their practice to be committed to prison upon conviction before one magistrate, until the general court should take further order, and some time after they were imprisoned and banished. Niti­mur in vetitum was verified in this proceeding, as it usually is in the like cases. Severity made converts, and then it was thought adviseable to cease from further prosecutions.^† [Page 228] The baptists in England were distinguished at this time into three divisions. ‘Such as look upon all who had not been baptized after they came to adult age as little bet­ter than heathens, and will not join in prayer with the most eminent congregational ministers, if they were pro­videntially in a family together. Others are sober mode­rate men and manifest the power of godliness in their conversations, and these upon our occasional meetings we join hand in heart with, and call some of them out to pray with us, and we would not have this difference in judgment between us make the least breach in affection, for many of those we look upon to be eminent precious holy men. We have a third sort, but they are not many (and most of them at London) that take into fellowship those that are godly and desire to join with them, though they come not up to be baptized, and walk lovingly to­gether.’ ^* The first baptists in the Massachusets are represented by the writers of that day to have been of the same principles with those first described. Some of them were not so. I have seen a letter, dated not many years after this time, from Mr. Miles the baptist minister at Swanzey, to one of the congregational ministers at Boston, which breathes the true spirit of the gospel and urges christian concord, charity and love, although they did not agree in every point.

[Page 229]IN the year 1664 the line between the Massachusets and Plimouth was fully and amicably settled and ran, by a committee from each colony, their return being accepted by the general court of the Massachusets and ordered to be recorded, and there is no doubt the general court of Pli­mouth colony accepted it likewise.^†

FROM the restoration until the vacating the charter the colony never stood well in England, the principal persons both in church and state were never without fear­ful expectations of being deprived of their privileges. The years 1664 and 1665 afforded them greater occasion for fears than they had met with at any time before.^* In the spring of 1664 intelligence was brought that several men of war were coming from England, and several gentlemen of distinction aboard them. Assoon as the general court met in May, they ordered the captain of the castle to give the speediest notice, upon sight of the ships, to the gover­nor and deputy governor, appointed a committee to repair on board to present the respects of the court to the gentle­men, and to acquaint them that it was the desire of the authority of the place, that strict orders should be given to the under officers and soldiers, in their coming ashore to refresh themselves, at no time to exceed a convenient num­ber, and those without arms, and to behave themselves orderly, and to give no offence to the people and laws of the place. This was no more than a prudent precaution, considering how strict the laws were against all immoralities, [Page 230] the sense the magistrates had of their obligations to exe­cute them upon all offenders without distinction, the cer­tainty that the crews of men of war would offend, and the danger of tumults, quarrels and bloodshed when they should be brought to punishment. Preparation was likewise made for receiving and entertaining the gentlemen in the best manner.

A day of fasting and prayer ^† was appointed to be ob­served throughout the jurisdiction, to implore the mercy of God to them under their many distractions and troubles according as they should stand in need. And apprehend­ing it to be of great concernment that the patent or char­ter should be kept safe and secret, they ordered the secretary to bring it into court and to deliver it, together with a duplicate, to four of the court,^‡ who were directed to dispose of them as might be most safe for the country.

THE ships arrived Saturday the 23d of July, with Col. Richard Nichols and George Cartwright, Esq ^* who to­gether with Sir Robert Carr and Samuel Maverick, Esq had received a commission ^§ from the King for reducing the Dutch at the Manhados, visiting the colonies in New-England, hearing and determining all matters of complaint, and settling the peace and security of the cou [...]ry, any three or two of them to be a quorum, Col. Nichols during his life being one. At their desire the governor ordered a meeting of the council on Tuesday the 26th. The commissioners laid their commission before the council with the King's letter of the 23d of April, and part of an [Page 231] instruction referring to the reducing the Manhados, and proposed the raising such a number of men as the country could spare, to begin their March on the 20th of August, promising that if in the mean time they could prevail by treaty or any nearer assistance, they would stop the pro­gress of raising or marching the men.

THE council gave their answer that they would cause the general court to assemble the 3d of August and com­municate the proposal to them. The commissioners then acquainted the council that there were many more things to signify to them at their return from Manhados, and the council was desired in the mean time further to con­sider of his Majesty's letter to the colony, June 28, 1662, and to give a more satisfactory answer than formerly. The commissioners then proceeded to the Manhados.

THE court assembled at the time appointed. They first resolved ‘that they would bear faith and true alle­giance to his Majesty and adhere to their patent, so dearly obtained and so long enjoyed by undoubted right in the sight of God and men.’ And then resolved to raise a number not exceeding two hundred men, at the charge of the colony, for his Majesty's service against the Dutch. The men were raised, but the place surrendering upon articles no orders were given for them to march.^† The court in the next place considered of his Majesty's letter of 1662, and repealed the law relating to the admission of freemen, and instead of it provided another that allowed English subjects, being freeholders, rateable to a certain value, certified by the minister of the place to be orthodox, and not vicious in their lives, to be made freemen, although not members of the church. The other parts of the letter were referred until the commissioners return.

[Page 232]THEY agreed upon an address to the King, setting forth the purchase of the soil from the council of Plimouth, the charter from King Charles the first, the great charge they had been at in transporting themselves and families, in purchasing lands of the natives and settling the colony, his Majesty's explicit confirmation of their privileges, &c. they then express their grief in having four persons sent over, one of them their known and professed enemy,^* with such extraordinary powers, by means whereof they were like to be subjected to the arbitrary power of strangers proceeding not by any established law but their own discretion, and being thus subjected to complaints, appeals, and the determinations of new judges, the govern­ment and administration would be made void and of no effect, and although they had but tasted of the words and actions of the gentlemen, yet they had enough to satisfy them that the powers given by the commission would be improved to the subver [...]ion of their all, that if things went on according to the present appearance they must either seek new dwellings or sink under intolerable burdens, the inhabitants would be driven to they knew not what ex­tremities, and a hopeful plantation ruined, that if any profit was expected by the King or by new rulers im­posed upon them they would be disappointed, the country being poor and but just affording subsistence, that if the people should be drove out of the country (for to a coali­tion they would never come) it would be hard to find another people that would stay long in it, that the body of the people was satisfied with the present government, that there was no government under heaven where there were no discontented persons, that there were but few among them, and fewer that had cause to be so. They appeal to God that they came not into this wilderness to seek great things for themselves, but for the sake of a quiet life. They profess their subjection to his Majesty and willingness to testify their dutiful affection in any righteous way, but it was a great unhappiness to be re­duced [Page 233] to the hard case of having no other way of doing it but by destroying their own being which nature taught them to preserve, or yielding up their liberties far dearer to them than their lives, which if they had had any reason to expect, they would not have wandered from their father's houses to the ends of the earth, a royal donation from so great a Prince being the greatest security in hu­man affairs. They sent letters humbly to sue for favor to several of the nobility, and among others to the Lord Clarendon, from whom they had an unfavorable answer.^†

THE Dutch being reduced Nichols remained at New-York, the other commissioners returned to Boston the 15th of February, and acquainted the governor and council that the next day they should go to Plimouth to deliver the King's letter to that government, and desired orders might be given to all the inhabitants to assemble together the next election day, to which it was answered that all were at their liberty, but the reason of such a motion they could not see into nor should they encourage it, not only on ac­count of the business of the season, but because the wives and children of a considerable part of the people, together with many aged persons, must be left exposed to the rage of the natives. To which Cartwright replied ‘that the motion was so reasonable that he that would not attend to it was a traitor.’ This was rough usage and could have no good consequences. The commissioners sent letters in their own name about the country to invite the people to assemble.

HAVING dispatched their business at Plimouth,^* they went to the Naraganset country, and at Warwick held [Page 234] their court, made enquiry into the titles of lands there, and made divers determinations which had no long effect, and came privately and separately to Boston the latter end [Page 235] of April, and so prevented, designedly as was supposed, that respect which was intended to have been shewn them at their arrival. Mr. Endicot the governor died the 15th of March 1665. Mr. Bellingham the deputy governor with some of the magistrates assembled, as usual, the 2d of May, the day before the election, to prepare for the busi­ness of the next day. The commissioners desired to speak with them, which though at first they refused, being no court, yet when it was urged by the commissioners, it was submitted to. Five writings were delivered as part of their instructions. The first expressing ‘the great kind­ness of the King for the colony and his desire to advance a plantation which had given so good an example of sobriety and industry to all others.’

THE second declaring ‘that the King was so far from any thought of abridging that he was very ready to enlarge all the concessions made by his royal father in the charter, or to make any alterations for the prosperity of the colony.’

THE third ‘that the principal end of their journey was to remove all jealousies the King might have of the loyalty and affections of his good subjects towards him, or which they might have of his good opinion and confidence in them and his protection over them.’

[Page 236]THE fourth ‘that by this means the designs of wicked and seditious persons would be disappointed, and a founda­tion laid for mutual confidence and satisfaction, the King would look upon his colony of the Massachusets within the same limits of affection, duty and obedience to his person and government as Kent or Yorkshire, and they again would have the same confidence of his care and protection as the others had, and all have great reason to acknowledge the good effects which by God's blessing would proceed from this commission.’ These were given as from his Majesty.

THE fifth was a message of their own, ‘assuring the council in his Majesty's name that whatever had been granted by his royal predecessor or promised by himself should to the utmost be made good, and desiring they might have no just cause to represent to his Majesty any thing which might seem to come short of that just duty and allegiance which might merit his Majesty's favor.’ They then acquainted the council with the favorable re­presentation they had made to his Majesty of the readiness of the colony to have assisted in the expedition against the Dutch, if it had been necessary.^*

BEFORE there was an opportunity for an answer they acquainted the deputy governor and the rest with two other instructions, one ‘for publishing the letters which had been sent to the King with the answers to them,’ the other ‘for laying before the commissioners a map or plan of the colony, that they might hear and determine all claims made by such as bordered upon it.’ They also complained of slanderous reports about the country that they were come to raise a revenue of £.5000 a year for the King, to lay 12d. per acre annual rent on all improved lands, &c.

[Page 237]ASSOON as the election was over, viz. on the 4th of May, these matters were laid, by the governor, before the general court. The commissioners were immediately de­sired to communicate to the court the whole which his Majesty had given in command to declare to them, that so they might have their whole work before them, but they replied, that they would not observe that method, but when they had an answer to what they had given in they would then present them with more work. The refusal itself was not so displeasing as the terms and manner in which it was expressed and delivered.

THE 5th the court gave their answer in substance as follows, reserving liberty to enlarge afterwards if there should be cause, viz.

‘THAT they acknowledged with all humble thanks his Majesty's grace and favor in his letters and messages, and they would lay hold of every opportunity to shew their duty and loyalty to him.’

‘THAT what relates to the Dutch being fully accom­plished no further answer could be expected, only an ac­knowledgment of the favorable representation which the commissioners had made of the conduct of the court.’

‘AS to a map of the colony, it was preparing and they should soon have satisfaction therein.’

‘THAT his Majes [...]y's letters had been laid before the court, and so had the papers received from the commissio­ners, and copies were spread about the country, and if the commissioners desired any further publication they would endeavour their satisfaction.’

‘THAT they were willing to advise with the commis­sioners upon the best [...] of putting a stop to all false ru­mors, and finally that their confidence of his Majesty's grace and favor and royal intentions to them, being further cherished by the commissioners, would undoubtedly draw from them more ample expressions and demonstrations of duty loyalty and good affection to his Majesty, according as by their patent they were bound.’

[Page 238]TO this answer the commissioners replied,

THAT to the preface ‘they desired the court to im­prove the liberty reserved of enlarging, &c.’

TO the first head ‘that the opportunity they seemed so willing to lay hold of was now brought to their hands.’

TO the second ‘that nothing further was necessary.’

TO the third ‘that many things of great moment could not be issued until a perfect map was had.’

TO the fourth ‘that they would not aggravate any neglect, but they hoped the general court by practical as­sertions of duty would give his Majesty satisfaction upon the points contained in the letter of 1662, which had so long slept in some hands.’

TO the fifth ‘they were fully persuaded the printing the results and conclusions which should be made on his Majesty's part, and the part of the colony, would silence all those false and malicious reports which they expected should be enquired into.’

TO the conclusion ‘that altho' their patent laid them under peculiar obligation, yet it did not circumscribe all that duty and allegiance which was due to his Majesty from natural born subjects, and which they themselves in former papers had more fully expressed.’

THE same day the commissioners communicated other parts of their instructions, viz.

‘THAT they should inform themselves of the state of the neighbouring Indian Princes, and enquire what treaties had been made between them and any of the King's sub­jects, and if there had been any failure on the part of any of his Majesty's subjects, the commissioners should take ef­fectual course that reparation and satisfaction be made for any injury sustained thereby, and use all ways and means to let those Princes and other Indians know of his Majesty's charge, &c.’

THE commissioners informed the court of great com­plaints received from the Naraganset Indians, and desired to be advised how they should attain a true information that they might do justice and give the King a just account. &c.

[Page 239] ‘THAT they should make due inquiry, what progress had been towards the foundation and maintenance of any college or schools for the education of youth and conver­sion of infidels, the King having taken abundant satisfaction in the accounts he had received of the designs of the colo­ny herein, which he hoped would draw a blessing upon all their other undertakings.’

‘THAT they should not give too easy an ear to clamors or accusations against such as then were, or had been, in places of government, except from men of equal condition, and then they should proceed to examine and determine, according to the rules of justice, without respect of persons or opinions.’

‘THAT they should not receive any complaints against a magistrate, except for something done against equity or against the charter, nor interrupt the course of justice be­tween party and party, except the proceedings should be expresly contrary to the rules prescribed by the charter, or the matter in difference arose from some expression or clause in some grant under the great seal. In those cases to examine and proceed according to justice.’

UPON the subject of this instruction the commissioners acquainted the court ‘they had received ma [...]y complaints from the English of hard measure in several kinds▪ one more especially, which they offered to communicate, and dared not refuse to examine it, but had so much respect to the authority in the several colonies that they would leave it to the choice of the court whether it should be heard at Providence in Rhode Island, or at Boston, either at that time, or after the commissioners return from the eastward where they were going.’ This referred to a criminal prosecution against one John Porter, jun. to whom they had granted a warrant of protection as it was termed.

‘THAT in due season they should inquire how far the particulars required by the King's letter of 1662 had been complied with,’ as first,

‘THAT all persons take the oath of allegiance.’

[Page 240]2d, ‘THAT all process, and administration of justice be performed in our name.’

3d, ‘THAT such as desire to use the book of commo [...] prayer, be permitted so to do without incurring any penal­ty, reproach, or disadvantage, it being very scandalous that any persons should be debarred the exercise of their reli­gion according to the laws and customs of England, by those who were indulged with the liberty of being of what profession or religion they pleased.’

4th, ‘THAT persons of good and honest conversation might enjoy the privilege, of chusing and being chose in­to places of government and the like.’

THE commissioners desired they might be enabled to give the King such information as should be fully satisfactory.

THE 8th of May they delivered three other writing [...] [...]s parts of their instructions, viz.

‘THAT they should duly inquire whether any person [...] attainted of high treason now reside there, or have been entertained there and by whom, and what is become of them, and endeavour to cause them to be apprehended and sent to England.’

‘THAT they should take care that such orders be established as that the act of navigation be punctually ob­served, it being of infinite co [...]cernment and what the hearts of the whole nation were set upon, but had been evaded, under pretence that acts made in the assembly there during the late rebellion, were in force notwithstanding the act of parliament, an assertion the King would not suffer to be made, but that all such acts of assembly should be re­pealed, taken off the files, and no more rem [...]n upon record; and that they should cause justice to be done to Thomas Dean who had been denied it in a prosecution upon the act of parliament.’

THE commissioners desired a book of the colony law [...] that they might examine, &c. and that any laws contrary to this act might be declared null.

‘THAT they should inform themselves of the whole frame and constitution of government, civil and ecclesiasti­cal, [Page 241] the yearly taxes and impositions, the shipping, the militia, horse and foot, fortified towns and forts, &c.’

THEY desired some persons might be appointed to draw up an information of all those particulars to satisfy his Majesty's desires.

BEFORE the court gave answer to these papers they sent a message, May 9th, to the commissioners to acquaint them that the court apprehended their patent to be greatly infringed by the warrant granted to John Porter, upon which the commissioners desired a conference with a com­mittee, that the court might have better information, which was agreed to and held the 11th.

THE commissioners asserted that they were to be justi­fied by their commission in what they did, and that the charter was not infringed. The committee urged ‘that the general court had full power and authority to make laws and provide for the execution of them; they were very ready to give an account to his Majesty of all their proceedings whensoever he required it, [...]ut it would be an insuperable burden, if the colony must be brought upon a level, and stand with every criminal upon whom sentence had been passed, at the bar of another tribunal which their charter knew nothing of.’ The commissioners being asked ‘whether they proposed a jury should pass upon these and the like cases? they replied no, theirs was a commission of oyer and terminer. Whether they would admit of new evidence? yea.’ The committee then further urged ‘That they esteemed it their greatest unhappiness to be held to give up their privileges by charter, and the rights of Englishmen, or else be accounted among such as denied his Majesty's authority.’ The commissioners nevertheless insisted upon their own authority, and required a submission to it. The court then proceeded to give answer to the other instructions which had been communicated.

TO that which relates to the Indians, called the 5th instruction, they say ‘that they have been too long ac­quainte [...] with the falsehood of the Naraganset and other Indians to wonder that they should complain of injuries [Page 242] when they themselves were the aggressors; that all matter [...] relating to the Indians had been managed by the com­missioners of the united colonies, and their records might be examined.’

TO the next or sixth instruction, ‘That there is a small college at Cambridge, from which they might say without boasting more than an hundred able preachers, physicians, and other useful persons had issued; for the particulars of the foundation and benefactions they referred to the president and fellows; that the country was well provided with schools, that there was also at Cambridge a small fabrick of brick for the use of the Indians, built by the corporation in England, in which there were then eight Indian scholars, one of which had been admitted into college, that there were six towns of Indians in the juris­diction professing the christian religion, that they had schools to teach the youth to read and write, and persons appointed to instruct them in civility and religion, who had orders to wait upon the commissioners and shew them the towns and manner of life of the Indians, if it should be desired.’

TO the proposition upon the 7th and 8th instructions, by which an offer is made of the choice of a place for hearing and determining complaints, they say ‘that hear­ing and determining appeals from their judgments is in­consistent with their charter; nevertheless as they desired to be doers of truth and righteousness, and not to shun the light, if the commissioners would be pleased to impart the complaints that had been brought against the govern­ment, they hoped to be able to give such answer as should satisfy his Majesty that their actions had been consonant to reason and equity, and not such as evil minded men had represented them.’

TO the ninth touching his Majesty's letter of June 1662, they say ‘that they had endeavoured formerly to satisfy his Majesty's expectations, &c. and now further say, touching the oath of allegiance, that in August last the court by a publick declaration expressed their resolution, [Page 243] God assisting, to bear faith and true allegiance to his Ma­jesty, and to adhere to their patent the duties and privi­leges thereof, that many now in authority and also many of the common people had taken the oath of allegiance be­fore they left their native country, and they had ordered that the oath in the form prescribed by the colony law should be taken by all freemen and all other housholders.’ ^*

‘AND touching civil liberties they observed the quali­fications mentioned in his Majesty's letter ^† orderly evi­denced to them ^‡ as appear'd by their late law and practice thereupon.’

‘AND as to ecclesiastical privileges they had commended to the ministry and people here the word of the Lord for their rule.’

TO the next or tenth instruction. ‘That they knew of no persons attainted of high treason who had arrived here, except Mr. Whaley and Mr. Gosse, and they before the act of parliament, and they departed this jurisdiction the February following, and a proclamation against them coming soon after by way of Barbados, the court sent two gentlemen, Mr. Kellond and Mr. Kirke, after them to Con­necticut and New-Haven to apprehend them.’

TO the eleventh instruction they say, ‘The act for trade had been for some years observed here, that they had been misrepresented to his Majesty, the act not having in any instances that they knew of been greatly violated, and such laws as appeared to be against it were repealed, and that justice had been done in the case of Thomas Dean, as they would find upon enquiry.’

TO the twelfth, ‘For the form of their constitution they refer to their patent, the annual ordinary charges of [Page 244] government were about £.1200, for their ecclesiastical constitution they had none imposed by civil authority, all that was enjoined by that, was attendance on publick wor­ship on Lord's days and other occasional days. The people who maintained, also chose their mininsters, whose admini­strations were known and they hoped consonant to the word of God, and if any deviated in such case they made use of a synod and the civil authority. The militia consisted of about four thousand foot and four hundred horse, more might be in the lists, but aged and infirm were excused. They had a fort or keep at the entrance of Boston harbour with five or six guns, two batteries in the harbour, and one at Charlestown. The number of their ships and vessels as follows, about eighty from 20 to 40 tons, about forty from 40 to 100 tons, and about a dozen ships above 100 tons.’

THESE papers were delivered to the commissioners on the 16th of May, and on the 18th they made their reply.

‘THEY were sorry to find by the court's answer to the 7th and 8th instruction that they put more value upon their own conceptions, than the wisdom of the King in interpret­ing the charter. The commissioners would reduce all the discourses upon this head to one question. Do you ac­knowledge his Majesty's commission wherein we are nomi­nated commissioners, to be of full force to all the pur­poses therein contained?’

TO their answer to the 9th instruction the commissioners reply, ‘That the court had been so far from endeavouring to give his Majesty satisfaction, by observing what he re­quired, that they had even complained of his Majesty for enjoining them, and for the commission given to enquire whether they had observed them or not, that they pro­fessed highly to prize the King's favor, and yet in the same paper refuse to do what the King required, viz. that all who came into the colony should take the oath of allegiance, making provisoes not expressed in their charter, and so curtailing the oath. That the end of the first planters coming over, as the court expressed in their ad­dress [Page 245] 1660, was liberty of conscience, and yet it was denied to those for whom the King required it. That they had tentered the King's qualifications for freemen, by suffering none to be made such who were not church members, unless they paid ten shillings to a single rate, which not one church member in a hundred did pay, and although they commend the word of the Lord to the ministry and people for their rule, yet it was with a proviso that they have the approbation of the court. The commissioners supposed the King and his council and the church of Eng­land understood the word of God as well as the Massachu­sets corporation. They feared these answers would highly offend the King, and advised to an ingenuous and free consent to what he desired.’

ON the 19th of May, the court by a message to the commissioners desired to be excused from a direct answer to the question ‘whether they acknowledged his Majesty's commission,’ &c. and chose rather to plead his Majesty charter and his special charge to the commissioners not to disturb them in the enjoyment of it; they were ready to give such an account of their proceedings as that the commissioners might be able to represent their per­sons and actions to his Majesty.

THE commissioners by a message on the 20th, insisted on a direct answer to their question, and on the 22d, the court declared, that it was enough for them to give their sense of the powers granted to them by charter, and that it was beyond their line to determine the power, intent or purpose of his Majesty's commission.

ON the 23d the commissioners informed the court, that since they had been pleased to send them a more dubious answer than the former, that they might discharge their duty to his Majesty they intended to sit to-morrow morn­ing at the house of Capt. Thomas Breading as his Ma­jesty's commissioners, to hear and determine the cause of Mr. Thomas Dean and others, against the governor and company and Joshua Scottow merchant, defendants, and that they thought proper to give this notice and expected [Page 246] that they would appear by their attorney to answer to the complaint. They sent at the same time a summons to Joshua Scottow. The court thereupon drew up a decla­ration, which they sent to the commissioners, but they not [...]ceding from their purpose, when the time appointed for their meeting was come, the court ordered the declaration to be published by sound of trumpet, in the following words:

AFTER the publishing of this declaration the commis­sioners sent the following writing to the court.

THE commissioners, at the same time, laid before the court proposals for amendments or alterations of the laws to the number of twenty six.

THE court, the same day, acquainted the commissioners that they should be ready, by writing or conference, when­ever the commissioners pleased, to lay before them the grounds and reasons of their claim and exercise of juris­diction in the eastern country, that so his Majesty might be satisfied of the true state of the controversy, and that as [Page 249] his Majesty had directed his commissioners to examine in­to the proceedings in the case of Thomas Dean and cause justice to be done, the court had summoned the said Dean before them, at nine of the clock the next day, to make out the truth of his complaint to his Majesty, and the commis­sioners were desired to be present that they might under­stand the grounds of the said complaint and that justice may be done.

THE commissioners replied the 26th, "that they could not have imagined that the court after interruption of the authority committed by his Majesty to the commissioners would have assumed to themselves the hearing of the same case wherein the governor and company are impleaded, it being unheard of and contrary to all the laws of christen­dom that the same persons should be judges and parties, and declared it contrary to his Majesty's will and pleasure that the cause should be examined by any other person [...] than themselves.

THE commissioners broke off from any further con­ference and all, except Colonel Nichols, went to New-Hampshire and the province of Main, where they appoint­ed justices of the peace and exercised divers acts of govern­ment, and then returned to Boston. The court declared that their proceedings at the eastward tended to the dis­turbance of the publick peace, and desired a conference with them concerning their doings there, but received such an answer from Sir Robert Carr as determined them to put a stop to all further treaty. He told them, amongst other things, that the King's pardon to them for all their deed [...] during the late rebellion was conditional, and depended upon their future good behavior, and threatened the lea­ders or contrivers of their measures with the punishment which so many concerned in the rebellion had met with in England. They had no better success at Connecticut than in the Massachusets colony. At Plimouth and Rhode-Island they met with less opposition. They sat as a court at Providence and Warwick in the colony of Rhode-Island, and spent divers months in the [Page 250] colony examining into purchases and titles of lands [...] [...]he Indians, hearing the complaints of Gorton and his company against the Massachusets, enquiring into the pro­ceedings of the executive powers of that colony, and re­ceiving all complaints which discontented persons were ready to offer.

COL. NICHOLS, by his discreet behavior, gained the esteem of the people, and afterwards, whilst he was gover­ [...]or of New-York, kept up a friendly correspondence with the governor and company of the Massachusets. Carr and Cartwright were men very unfit for such a trust, and by their violent proceedings rendered themselves odious. Maverick seems to have been appointed only to increase the number and to be subservient to the others. He had lived in the colony from its beginning. He was alway [...] in opposition to the authority. Upon the restoration h [...] went home to complain to the King, was two or three years solliciting that commissioners might be appointed; at length the measures against the Dutch at New-York being agreed upon, the conduct of that affair and this ex­traordinary power was committed to the same persons. He was in the colony again in 1667 with a message from Col. Nichols, which is the last account given of him. Sir Robert Carr went first to Delaware and soon after home to England, and died at Bristol June 1st 1667, the day after he landed.^* Cartwright in his passage was taken by the Dutch, stripped and very ill used. He had taken the minutes of all their proceedings, and went home th [...] most enraged; but the enemy took all his papers from him and he never could recover them. The principal per­sons in the colony were afraid of further proceedings. Captain Gookins one of the assistants writes to his friend in 1666, ‘In all probability a new cloud is gathering and a new storm preparing for us, which we expect every day.’

THE government of the colony I imagine will not be thought culpable for refusing entirely to submit to the absolute authority of the commissioners, which must have [Page 251] superseded their charter, and if this authority had bee [...] once admitted they would have found it very difficult ever after to have ejected it. Some part of their conduct may appear extraordinary; particularly their refusing to make the oath of allegiance necessary, unless with restriction [...] and limitations, and to cause all proceedings at law to be more expressly in his Majesty's name and by his authority. From some original manuscripts, which discover the senti­ments of some persons of influence amongst them upon the nature of civil subjection, their conduct in this and some former instances may be pretty well accounted for.

THEY distinguished civil subjection into necessary and voluntary. From actual residence within any government necessarily arose subjection, or an obligation to submit to the laws and authority thereof. But birth was no necessary cause of subjection. The subjects of any prince or state had a natural right to remove to any other state, or to an­other quarter of the world, unless the state was weakned and exposed by such remove, and even in that case, if they were deprived of the right of all mankind, liberty of con­science, it would justify a separation, and upon their re­moval their subjection determined and ceased. The country to which they themselves had removed was claimed and possessed by independent princes, whose right to the lord­ship and sovereignty thereof had been acknowledged by the Kings of England.^* They therefore looked upon themselves obliged and accordingly, as appeared by their records, actually had purchased ^† for valuable considera­tions, not only the soil, but the dominion, the lordship, and sovereignty of those princes, and without such pur­chase, [Page 252] in the sight of God and men, they had no right [...] title to what they possessed. The King indeed, in imita­tion of other Princes of Europe who laid claim to coun­tries meerly from the discovery of them, had granted this country to certain of his subjects, and the first planter [...] thought it proper to purchase the title of such grantees, to prevent molestation from them or from other states, and they had also received a charter of incorporation from [...] King, containing a mutual compact, from whence arose a new kind of subjection, to which they were held and from which they would never depart.

THIS was what they called voluntary civil subjection arising meerly from compact, and from thence it followed, th [...]t whatsoever could be brought into question relative to their subjection must be determined by their charter. The compact between the King and the city of London, as con­tained in it's charter, was not the constituting caus [...] of sub­jection in the inhabitants there, because they were resident, and from thence necessary subjection remained, but when residence the sole grounds of this necessary subjection ceases, then it become voluntary and depends upon compact alone. By this compact they acknowledged they were so bound, that they were not at liberty to subject themselves to, or to seek protection from any other prince, they were to pay a fifth part of all silver and gold mines, they were to make no laws repugnant to the laws of England; &c. but on the other hand they were to be governed by laws made by themselves, and by officers elected by themselves, &c. But however pleasing these principles were in speculation, or whatever foundation they may have in nature, yet they could not continue to practice upon them, nor would they bear the test when adopted by English subjects. In a short time, as we shall see hereafter, they were content fully to comply with the oath of allegiance without qualifying it, and to give up other points which they had before insisted upon, and their posterity, who claim by birthright as well as charter the peculiar privileges of Englishmen, and who enjoy the protection, are very sensible that they likewise owe [Page 253] the allegiance of English subjects, which by a general rule of law is not considered as local, but perpetual and unalienable.^*

THE King's letter to New-Plimouth dated April 10, 1666, highly approving their behavior, may be seen in the appendix. Mr. Maverick, who had been one of the com­missioners, delivered to the governor a writing of the same date, said to be copy of a letter to the Massachusets from the King,^† wherein he requires five persons to be sent to England to answer for the conduct of the colony, and that Mr. Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne be two of the number. A special court was called by the governor, September 11th, to consider of this letter, and those of the elders who were in town were desired to be present to give their advice. A letter was agreed upon to Mr. Secre­tary Morrice, wherein the court seem willing to doubt of the genuineness of the King's letter, and excuse themselves from sending any persons over, supposing the ablest among them could not declare their cause more fully than it had been already done.^‡

I WILL finish what relates to these commissioners with a short account of a prosecution commenced by one of them against Arthur Mason a constable.

[Page 254]THE commissioners with other gentlemen meeting sometimes at a publick house called the Ship ^§ tavern, the constable expected to find them there upon a Saturday evening, which would have been a breach of law, but be­fore he came, they had adjourned to Mr. Kellond's a merchant, who lived opposite to the tavern. Another con­stable, who had been at the tavern before, had been beaten by them. Mason who had more courage and zeal, went into the company with his staff, and told them he was glad to see them there, for if he had found them on the other side the street he would have carried them all away, and ad­ded, that he wondered they should be so uncivil as to beat a constable and abuse authority. Sir Robert Carr said it was he that beat him and that he would do it again. Ma­son replied, that he thought his Majesty's commissioners would not have beaten his Majesty's officers, and that it was well for them that he was not the constable who found them there, for he would have carried them before autho­rity. Sir Robert asked if he dare meddle with the King's commissioners. Yes▪ says Mason, and if the King himself had been there I would have carried him away; upon which Maverick cried out, treason! Mason, thou shalt be hanged within a twelvemonth. Sir Robert Carr spake to Sir Thomas Temple and some others of the company, to take notice of what passed, and the next day Maverick sent a note to Mr. Bellingham the governor, charging Mason with high treason for the words spoken, and requiring the governor to secure him. The governor appointed a time for Maverick to come to his house and to oblige himself to prosecute the constable at the next court of assistants, but Maverick, instead of appearing, thought proper only to send another note, promising to appear against the constable and charge him home, and therefore required his person should be secured. The governor thought it adviseable to cause Mason to recognize, as principal, in five hundred pounds, with two sufficient sureties in two hun­dred [Page 255] and fifty each, for his appearance; but the day before the court, Maverick sent another note to the governor, desiring to withdraw his charge, being ‘satisfied that altho' the words were rash and inconsiderate, yet there was no premeditated design in Mason to offer any injury to the King or his government.’ The governor returned for an­swer, ‘the affair was of too high a nature for him to inter­pose in, Mason being bound over to answer.’ Upon his appearance a bill was laid before the grand jury, wherein he was charged with maliciously and treasonably uttering the treasonable words mentioned. According to the li­berty taken by grand juries at that day, they only found "that the words charged were spoken," and Mason being brought upon trial and the words fully proved, the court of assistants suspended judgment, and referred the cause to the next general court, where it was resolved, that although the words were rash, insolent, and highly offen­sive, yet, as his accusers and witnesses all cleared him from any overt act, or evil intended against the King, the court did not see cause to adjudge him a capital offender, but sentenced him to be admonished in solemn manner by the governor.^‡ However trivial this anecdote may appear, yet there are circumstances which throw some light upon the character of the commissioners, as well as that of the governor and the judiciary and ministerial powers of the government at that time.

THE commissioners had prevailed on some of the in­habitants of the towns in New-Hampshire^* to sign a petition and complaint to his Majesty of the wrongs they had sustained from the Massachusets, "who had usurped the government over them," but the inhabitants of Dover in town meeting, and Portsmouth and Exeter by writings under the hands of the town officers, declared their dissent, and all the towns desired to be considered as part of the Massa­chusets colony, as they had been for many years before.^† [Page 256] Three persons ^† were also appointed to repair to the province of Main, to settle the peace of the town [...] there, by bringing them to an orderly submission, which was not immediately effected.^‡

I HAVE endeavoured impartially to relate the pro­ceedings between the commissioners and the colony. On the one hand, I think it appears that the government had not sufficient excuse for not complying more fully with what the King required of them by his letter in 1662. Mr. Norton their agent, who knew the resolutions of the King and his ministers, saw the necessity of it. Thi [...] would probably have prevented such a commission from issuing. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the commission was a stretch of power, superseding in many respects the authority and powers granted by the charter, and there appears in the conduct of the general court, upon this occasion, not an obstinate perverse spirit, but a modest steady adherence to what they imagined, at least, to be their just rights and privileges.^§ At the same time they endea­voured not only by repeated humble addresses, and pro­fessions [Page 257] of loyalty, to appease his Majesty, but they pur­chased a ship-load of masts (the freight whereof cost them sixteen hundred pounds sterling) and presented to the King, which he graciously accepted, and the fleet in the West-Indies being in want of provisions, a subscription and contribution was recommended through the colony, for bringing in provisions to be sent to the fleet for his Ma­jesty's service.^* It appears by the record that several towns had liberally subscribed, and it was recommended to the rest not to fall short of what had been done by those who had gone before them, but I find no record of the whole amount. About two hundred and fifty of the in­habitants of St. Christophers, which had been taken by the French, arriving in the spring of 1666, and more being daily expected, provision was made by the court for the relief and support of such as were in necessity. Upon the news of the great fire in London a collection was made through the colony for the relief of sufferers. The a­mount of it cannot be ascertained. I have a letter from Mr. Seaman and other dissenting ministers in London, to Mr. Syms and Mr. Shephard ministers of Charlestown, advising the receipt of £.105 sterling collected in that church. If others contributed in proportion, a large sum must have been raised.

THERE had been a press for printing at Cambridge for near twenty years. The court appointed two persons ^† in October 1662 licencers of the press, and prohibited the publishing any books or papers which should not be super­vised by them, and in 1668 the supervisors having allowed of the printing "Thomas a Kempis de imitatione Christi," [Page 258] the court interposed, ‘it being wrote by a popish minister, and containing some things less safe to be infused among the people,’ and therefore they commended to the licen­cers a more full revisal, and ordered the press to stop in the mean time. In a constitution less popular this would have been thought too great an abridgment of the sub­ject's liberty.

1666. to 1670.FROM 1666 to 1670 Mr. Bellingham was annually chosen governor, and Mr. Willoughby deputy governor. Nova Scotia and the rest of Acadie which had been rescued from the French by Cromwell, were restored by the treaty of Breda. The French made little progress in settling this country. The only inconvenience the Massachusets complained of, until after the revolution, was the encou­ragement given to the Indians to make their inroads upon the frontiers. Sir Thomas Temple who, with others, had a grant of the country first from Cromwell, and after­wards from King Charles, thought he had reason to com­plain, and the King's order was repeated to him to give up his forts to the French, some pretence being made for not complying with the first order.

AFTER forty years, the greatest part of our first emi­grants had finished their pilgrimage, and were arrived at the place of their everlasting abode. Some of them lamented their being born too soon to see New-England in it's most flourishing state. This will be the case with their posterity for many g [...]erations yet to come. Mr. Wilson the first minister of Boston church died August 7th 1667, in the 79th year of his age. He left an amiable character, and is represented by his contemporaries as one of the most humble, pious and benevolent men of the age. He was son of Doctor Wilson a prebend of St. Paul's, Rochester and Windsor, and rector of Cliff, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He married a daughter of Lady Mans [...]ield, and a near kinswoman of Sir William Bird. It was with much difficulty that he persuaded her to go to New-Eng­land. After having spent one winter there without her, he returned to England to fetch her. His life has been [Page 259] published by Dr. Mather. I have it in manuscript by ano­ther hand. In both are related many instances to shew hsi prophetick spirit. We may very well remark upon those sort of prophecies, Qui bene conjiciet, hunc vatem. Richard Mather a learned grave divine and minister of Dorchester died the 22d of April 1669, aged 73. Charles Chauncy batchelor of divinity, the venerable learned president of the college, died the 19th of February 1671, in his 80th year.^* [Page 260] Besides these, we are not to omit Jonathan Mitchell the minister of Cambridge, who died the 9th of July 1668, in his 43d year, and is always spoken of as one of the most learned men and best preachers in his day. Mr. Daven­port, who had been minister of New-Haven from the first settlement of that colony, removed to Boston about the year 1667, to the great grief of his people, and against the mind of many of the principal persons of the church in Boston, which caused them, some time after, to separate from their brethren, and to form a new society ever since known by the name of the south church.^* He died of the palsie March 16th 1670, in the 73d year of his age.^†

MR. Gorges's claim to the province of Main, supported by the acts of the commissioners, had encouraged the peo­ple to withdraw from their subjection to the Massachusets, but the province, according to some accounts, was in the utmost confusion, and in 1668 some of the principal per­sons applied to the general court of the Massachusets to reassume the jurisdiction over them. The court always thought it the part of good governors, as well as of good judges, to amplify their jurisdiction, and from a sense of their duty to God and the King published a declaration, [Page 261] requiring the inhabitants of the county of York to yield obedience to the laws of the colony, and to chuse officers within the several towns as they had done before the late interruption. As this proceeding was made one of the grounds of complaint against the colony, a more particular account of it may not be improper.

THE declaration of the court was of the form following.

‘WHEREAS this colony of the Massachusets in ob­servance of the trust to them committed by his Majesty's royal charter, with the full and free consent and submission of the inhabitants of the county of York, for sundry years did exercise government over the people of that county, and whereas about three years now past, some interruption hath been made to the peace of that place and order there established, by the imposition of some who pretending to serve his Majesty's interest with unjust aspersions and reflections upon this government here established by his royal charter, have unwarrantably drawn the inhabitants of that county to submission unto officers that have no royal warranty, thereby infringing the liberty of our charter and depriving the people now settled of their just privileges, the effect whereof doth now appear to be, not only a disservice to his Majesty, but also the reducing a people that were found under an orderly establishment to a confused anarchy: The premises being duly considered, this court doth judge meet, as in duty they stand bound to God and his Ma­jesty, to declare their resolution again to exert their power of jurisdiction over the inhabitants of the said county of York, and do hereby accordingly, in his Ma­jesty's name, require all and every of the inhabitants there settled, to yield obedience to the laws of this colony as they have been orderly published, and to all such officer [...] as shall be there legally established by authority of his Majesty's royal charter and the order of our commis­sioners, whom this court hath nominated and impowered to settle all affairs necessary for the government of the people there, and to keep a court this present summer [Page 262] the first Tuesday in July, at York town, as hath bee [...] formerly accustomed, and for that end we have com­manded our secretary to issue out warrants to the inha­bitants there in their respective towns to meet to chuse jurors, both grand and petit, constables and other officer [...] for the service of that county as the law requireth, the said warrant to be directed unto Nathanael Masterson, who is by this court appointed marshal of that court as formerly, and by him the said warrants are to be de­livered to the several constables to be accordingly exe­cuted, a due observance whereof, with an orderly return to be made to the court to be held as aforesaid, is hereby required of all persons respectively concerned as they will answer the contrary at their peril.’

By the court, Edward Rawson, secr'y."

THE commissioners appointed were Major General Leveret, Mr. Edward Tyng,^* Capt. Waldron,^† and Capt. Pike.^‡ They made re [...]urn to the general court who gave them thanks for their good services, allowed and approved of what they had done, and ordered their proceedings to be entered upon their records as followeth.

THIS proceeding of the Massachusets was reported and published by Jocelyn ^* in a more unfavorable light, and [Page 268] as an act of greater force and violence. Indeed, he do [...] not pretend that there was any opposition made by the in­habitants, but only by the particular persons appointed by the commissioners to govern there, and it always appeared to be the desire of a great part of the people to live under the government of the Massachusets.

THE people of New Hampshire had continued in a quiet and orderly state ever since the year 1641. There was no person who had any pretence to the powers of government. Mason having only a grant of the soil from the council of Plimouth, but Sir Ferdinando Gorges received a royal char­ter, granting the same royalties, privileges and franchises as are of right or ought to be enjoyed by the bishop of Dur­ham, in the county palatine of Durham, with power to con­stitute a deputy governor, a chancellor, a treasurer, a marshal, a judge of admiralty, officers of admiralty for ordering ma­ritime affairs, master of ordnance, a secretary, &c. and by repeatedly nominating some such officers and attempting to establish a form of government consisting of different per­sons from those appointed by the Massachusets, there were always two different parties and interests kept alive in that province. New-Hampshire had been so long united to the Massachusets that the people of both colonies were of one heart and mind in civil and religious affairs. The town of Portsmouth shewed an instance of their great re­gard to the public interest, and in 1669 made a collection, as it is termed in the instrument presented to the general court, more probably a subscription, of sixty pounds per annum, for the term of seven years, for the use of Har­vard college, to be paid into the hands of the overseers, [Page 269] and they say they hoped to make it more.^* The colony about this time made a greater figure than it ever did at any other time. The report made by the commissioners to the King had produced no further troubles from Eng­land. The plague, the fire of London, the discontents among the people of England, caused by their jealousies of a design to subvert the constitution there, may well e­nough be supposed to have been the cause of a respite in favor of the people here. The Massachusets governed without opposition the province of New-Hampshire and province of Main, and were beginning settlements even further eastward. The French were removed from their neighbourhood on the one side, and the Dutch and Swedes on the other. Their trade was as extensive as they could wish. No custom-house was established. The acts of parliament of the 12th and 15th of King Charles the second, for regulating the plantation trade, were in force, but the governor, whose business it was to carry them into execution, was annually to be elected by the people, whose interest it was that they should not be observed. Some of the magistrates and principal merchants grew very rich,^† and a spirit of industry and oeconomy prevailed through the colony. But a change of affairs came on soon after.

MR. Bellingham continued governor in 1671 and 1672.1671. to 1673. ^‡ Mr. Leveret was chosen deputy governor both those years, and in 1673 he succeeded Mr. Bellingham in the place of [Page 270] governor, when Mr. Samuel Symonds was chosen deputy governor.

THE strict union, which had been from the be­ginning between the civil and ecclesiastical parts of the constitution, was about this time in danger of being broke, or greatly weakned. After Mr. Wilson's death, the first church in Boston invited Mr. Davenport, the minister of New-Haven, to succeed him. He was then about 70, had gone into the wilderness with persons closely attached to him, and remained with them about 30 years, and they were extremely averse to his leaving them; and besides, he was at the head of a party more strict and rigid than the body of the people of the country, for he had always opposed the admitting to baptism the children of any who were not in full communion with one or other of the churches. It is not strange that there should have been a party of Boston church which opposed his settlement. The two parties in this church, the first in rank (although the church of Salem was the oldest) in the country, pro­duced two parties, not in the other churches only, but in the state also. A considerable part of the church, both for number and estate, formed themselves, as has been ob­served, into a separate society. Seventeen ministers^* bore a public testimony against the proceedings of the three elders^† of the first church in Boston, viz. against Mr. Davenport [Page 271] for leaving his church at New-Haven, contrary to his pro­fessed principles, and against all of them for communicating parcels only of letters from the church of New-Haven to the church in Boston, by which artifice the church was deceived, and made to believe the church of New-Haven consented to his dismission, when if the whole had been read, it would have appeared they did not. This testimo­ny was sent to the elders the day before a public fast. An answer was given, in which the elders deny that the letters concealed would have been evidence of the refusal of the church of New-Haven to consent to Mr. Daven­port's leaving them and settling at Boston, the church was only unwilling to make his dismission their immediate act. Neither the church of New-Haven nor the elders of the church of Boston can be wholly justified. There does not seem to have been that fairness and simplic t in their proceedings which the gospel requires. The first church refused the invitation of the new society to join with other churches in ordaining their officers, &c. The mi­nisters and members of churches in the colony were en­gaged, some on one side and some on the other, and the contentions were sharp;^* at length the house of deputies espoused the cause of the first church, and having at their session in May 1670 appointed a committee to enquire into the prevailing evils which had procured or been the cause of the displeasure of God against the land, they reported, among other causes, these that follow, viz. [Page 272] ‘Declension from the primitive foundation work, inno­vation in doctrine and worship, opinion and practice, an invasion of the rights, liberties and privileges of churches, an usurpation of a lordly and prelatical power over God's heritage, a subversion of gospel order, and all this with a dangerous tendency to the utter devasta­tion of these churches, turning the pleasant gardens of Christ into a wilderness, and the inevitable and total extirpation of the principles and pillars of the congre­gational way; these are the leaven, the corrupting gan­grene, the infecting spreading plague, the provoking image of jealousy set up before the Lord, the accursed thing which hath provoked divine wrath, and doth fur­ther threaten destruction.’ They then take notice of the late transaction of churches and elders in constituting the third church in Boston, as irregular, illegal, and disorderly.^*

SEVERAL of the ministers at the next session of the general court presented a petition or address, acknow­ledging the great goodness of God in favoring the land for so long a time with a godly and able magistracy, and desiring that it might also be remembered that the people were led forth into this wilderness not only ‘by the hands of Moses, but also of Aaron, viz. that reverend ministry which had transported the ark of the covenant, the pre­sence of God in his ordinances settled in gospel order.’ This being premised they solemnly professed that they still adhered to the safe and sober principles of the congrega­tional way, in opposition to separation, morellian or anar­chical confusion and licentious toleration. This profession they made, to vindicate their integrity and innocency from the unjust charge of innovation and loud cry of apostacy laid upon the generality of the ministry, heightened by the [Page 273] reports of the committee chosen by the house of deputies in their last session, and the votes of the major part of the house. They go on and say, that ‘this charge evidently appears to be the transports of a party, by instancing the business of the third church, and so designing to hinder the consummation of that work of God, in the peaceable settlement thereof in actual and full communion with other churches, and by misrepresenting that weighty and wor­thy transaction, before inquiry had been made into the state of the case. These things were matters of great grievance, inasmuch as an antiministerial spirit had thereby been strengthened and emboldened, the hearts and hands of those who labored in the ministry weakened, the spirits of many being filled with groundless jealousies and suspicions against the ministrations of the elders. They made this humble representation in hopes of redress, either by being called upon publicly to vindicate themselves, or by the court's moving for a general convention of churches by their elders and messengers, for the decision of questions and accommodation of differences, or by such other means and measures as to the wisdom of the court should seem meet.’ ^*

THE court took this address into their immediate con­sideration, and having first asserted their own authority, and that the acts of the court were not liable to question by any, and that free debates were the indubitable right of the court, they then acknowledged, that in an hour of temp­tation such acts may pass in one court as may, according to principles of religion, prudence and state interest, be re­viewed, and upon mature deliberation be rectified in another; and in the case then under consideration the court thought it their duty to declare, that several expressions in the votes referred to in the petition appeared exceptionable; and, that the court might remove all just grounds of grievance in [Page 274] the hearts of the reverend elders, and that their ministry might not be made ineffectual by that antiministerial spirit that too much ran through the country, it was ordered that all papers referring to the case should be accounted useless, and not be improved against the reverend elders, as having been the cause of God's displeasure against the country; and whereas many had taken upon them to publish the secrets of the court in that case, the court further dec [...]ared, that they knew no just cause of those scandalizing reflections indefinitely cast upon magistrates, elders and churches, either in reference to the new church in Boston or otherwise, and therefore, until they were further informed, they judged them to be innocent, calum­niated and misrepresented. The court then profess, that they will adhere to the primitive ends of their coming over, and retain the sober principles of the congrega­tional way and the practice of their churches, ‘in their purest and most athletick constitution.’ ^*

I HAVE been more particular in relating this transaction, because it gives us a pretty good idea of the connection be­tween the civil and ecclesiastical power, the churches, not­withstanding their claim to independency, being liable to controul as oft as their proceedings were disapproved by the civil magistrate, and on the other hand, the ma­gistrates, who were annually elected, being sometimes liable to be displaced by the influence of the clergy in elections, when their proceedings were supposed to bear hard upon the liberties of the churches, for the clergy still retained a great proportion of the weight they had at the begin­ning. Indeed parishes were multiplied in the colony, many of them small, and in new settlements. The stipends to the ministers were lessened, and soon after this time some of them complained, as many curates do in England, "that they prophecied in sackcloth." Notwithstanding [Page 275] this, as long as the charter continued, their influence in the affairs of government continued, as we shall have fur­ther occasion to observe.

THE war with the Indians, commonly called Philip's war, endangered the very being of the colony, and it was a question with some, whether the Indians would not prevail to a total extirpation of the English inhabitants. At the first arrival of the English, the Indians were treat­ed with kindness, to obtain their friendship and favor; but they having no acquaintance with fire-arms, the Eng­lish grew by degrees less apprehensive of danger, finding by means of corslets or armour that they were not much exposed to danger from bows and arrows of so simple con­struction as those of the Indians. The quarrels which the Indians had always been engaged in amongst them­selves were a further security to the English, who on the one hand endeavoured to restrain them from an open war with one another, and on the other to keep up so much contention as to prevent a combination, and to make an appeal to the English, as umpires, necessary from time to time. The English, before their arrival, had such ideas of the Sachems, that at the first meetings respect was shewn them, in some proportion to what would have been required by the Prince of a petty state in Europe; but the base sordid minds of the best of them, and the little authority they had over their own subjects soon rendered them contemptible. At New-Plimouth, the governor in the first treaty with Massasoiet, in 1620, acquainted him that King James considered him as his good friend and ally. This was too great an honor for Massasoiet, he was con­tent to acknowledge the King to be his sovereign. The next year the governor caused the petty sachems to sign an instrument, in which they owned themselves to be subject to King James.^* Subjects, was a word of which [Page 276] they had no precise idea. For near forty ^* years togethe [...] ▪ they were under no great concern, or of no long continu­ance, in that colony from the neighbouring Indians, Massa­soiet or Ousamequin always courting the friendship of the English. After his death ^† and the death of his eldest son Wamsutta or Alexander, Metacom or Philip ^‡ his second son a man of great spirit, by his behavior raised suspicions of a design against the English, but appearing before the court in Plimouth in 1662 he expressed his desire to con­tinue in friendship, and promised that he and his successors would always remain faithful subjects to the Kings of England, and that he would never alienate his lands, and [Page 277] never make war with any other Indians without the privity and allowance of the government of New-Plimouth.^§ The Indians within the Massachusets bounds were not un­der one general Sachem, but divided into smaller cantons. These, one after another, were brought to acknowledge their subjection to the Massachusets government, particu­larly in 1643, when danger was apprehended from the Naragansets, five Sachems subjected themselves by the same instrument.^‖ Besides rules and orders which they were encouraged to make for their own government, for any offence against the English they were punished by the English laws, and so likewise for any capital or heinous of­fence among themselves. The case of a squaw convicted of adultery was referred to the elders, for advice whether she should die or not. They were merciful to her and she escaped with a smart whipping. Notwithstanding the laws to restrain all persons from selling guns or ammuni­tion to the Indians, they were generally furnished with both, and were become good marksmen.

IN 1670 the Pokanoket or Philip's Indians were agai [...] suspected, by their frequent assembling together, by fixing up their guns, grinding their hatchets, and other prepara­tions, and by insults offered to the English in different [Page 278] places, to be meditating a general war. The government of Plimouth, in March, sent messengers to them to inquire into the reason of this behavior, and at the same time wrote to the Massachusets, acquainting them therewith. The governor and magistrates, always averse to an open breach, immediately dispatched their own messengers^* to Taunton, to prevent a war if possible, which Plimouth had intimated that they should be obliged to begin, if they could not otherwise bring the Indians to reason. They met at Taunton the 13th of April, where the governor^† and two other of Plimouth gentlemen^‡ met with them, and whilst they were in conference and examining wit­nesses concerning the behavior of the Indians, the gover­nor received a message from Philip, signifying that he was at three mile river, and that he desired the governor to come thither to speak with him. The governor returned answer^§ that he was at Taunton ready for a treaty, and expected Philip to come to him, promising security. Philip refused to move until two of the governor's messengers^‖ offered to remain as hostages, and then he declined coming into the town, and resolved to go on as far as the mill, with all his men in arms, desiring the governor to come to him there. This return was made to the governor, with further intelligence that Philip was on the march with all his men in arms, and soon after he appeared at the mill, placing centinels round a hill near to it, but sent no mes­sage into the town. Some within the town were for attacking him, but the Massachusets commissioners were afraid of the event and would not consent to it. All agreed that the governor should not condescend to go out to him. At length the Massachusets commissioners offered to go out and try to persuade him to come in. At first he was unwilling, and his counsellors declared he should not go, but finally he consented, provided his men might go [Page 279] with him, they to be on one side of the meeting-house and the English on the other. Philip denied that he had any further purpose in bringing his men together and arming them, than to defend himself from any attacks which might be made by the Naraganset Indians, some of whom had been engaged in quarrels with some of his people; but upon enquiry it appeared, that he was on better terms with the Naragansets than ever before, and plentiful evidence being produced of his preparations both of ammunition and provisions, and of parties of his men being destined for the attack of Taunton, Seaconk, and other places, he was confounded and made a full con­fession. Such improvement was made of it by the com­missioners that they required of him satisfaction for past damages and security against future injuries. The first was not long insisted on, but with respect to the latter, he was prevailed on to deliver up what English arms he then had with him, being about 70 guns, and to promise to send in the remainder in a few days. A writing was also drawn up, which he consented to sign, acknowledging his past breach of faith, and promising future fidelity.^*

THE loss of so many guns must have been grievous to Philip at a time when he only waited a good opportunity of falling upon the English. His submitting to the [Page 280] acknowledgment in writing was of no consequence. The Indians, in general, will promise any thing required of them to remove an impending danger, or to procure an imme­diate benefit, and they regard such promises not a minute longer than it is for their advantage to do it. When Philip was at liberty he thought no more of his engagements, the guns were not brought in, and he himself refused to come to Plimouth, when required. Many strange Indians resorted to him. On the 23d of August Mr. Morton secretary, in the name of the court of Plimouth, wrote to the Massachusets governor, to be communicated to the council, acquainting him that they had summoned Philip to appear on the 13th of September, that if he did not do it they had determined on the 20th to send out forces to reduce him to reason, unless better reason should sea­sonably appear to them, by the Massachusets advice, to prevent it, that it was a common cause, and they should well accept of assistance, but it was plainly intimated that if aid should be refused they would engage alone. Philip happened to come to Boston, with his counsellors, the same day the letter was received, and represented his case so favorably to the governor and council, that, in their answer to Plimouth, they urged that government to refer the difference between Philip and them to commissioners from the Massachusets and Connecticut.^* Plimouth de­clined this proposal and insisted on Philip's appearance at the time proposed,^† but finally the Massachusets declaring [Page 281] that there did not appear sufficient grounds for commenc­ing hostilities, Plimouth consented to give Philip further time until the 26th, promised him safe conduct, and de­sired commissioners from Massachusets and Connecticut to be present and give advice. Whilst Philip was at Boston [Page 282] he engaged that he would not enter into a quarrel with Plimouth until he had first addressed himself to the Massa­chusets for advice and approbation.

THE mediators met at Plimouth, and matters seemed to be accommodated, Philip signed to such articles as it was thought reasonable he should do, and were as follows.

"WE Philip and my council, and my subjects, do acknow­ledge ourselves subject to his Majesty the King of England and the government of New-Plimouth, and to their laws.

"2dly. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the government of Plimouth one hundred pounds in such things as I have, but I would intreat the favor that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at present.

"3dly. I do promise to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves heads, if I can get them, or as many as I can procure, until they come to five wolves yearly.

"4thly. If any difference fall between the English and myself and people, then I do promise to repair to the governor of Plimouth to rectify the difference amongst us.

"5thly. I do promise not to make war with any but with the governor's approbation of Plimouth.

"6thly. I promise not to dispose of any of the lands that I have at present but by the approbation of the governor of Plimouth.

"FOR the true performance of the premises. I the said Sachem Philip of Pawkamauket, do hereby bind myself and such of my council as are present, ourselves, our heirs, our successors, faithfully. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our hands the day and year above written.^*

‘IN the presence of the court and divers of the gentlemen of the Massachusets and Connecticut.’

The mark P of Philip the Sachem of Pawkamauket The mark [...] of Uncompan The mark [...] of Wotokom The mark [...] of Samkana.

[Page 283]THE English have been charged by some writers with acts of injustice to the Indians, which have provoked them and occasioned the frequent wars. There have been many instances of abuses offered to particular persons among the Indians by evil minded Englishmen, and the inhabitants of some parts of the province which have suf­fered most by Indian cruelties, may have been under too strong prejudices, and by this means offenders, when brought upon trial, may have been acquitted by too fa­vorable juries. We are too apt to consider the Indians as a race of beings by nature inferior to us, and born to servitude. Philip was a man of a high spirit, and could not bear to see the English of New-Plimouth extending their settlements over the dominions of his ancestors; and although his father had, at one time or other, conveyed to them all that they were possessed of, yet he had sense enough to distinguish a free voluntary covenant from one made under a sort of duresse, and he could never rest until he brought on the war which ended in his de­struction. The eastern wars have been caused by the attachment of those Indians to the French, who have taken all opportunities of exciting them to hostilities against the English.

FROM 1671 to 1674^* we meet with no transaction of moment relative to the Indians,1674. to 1676. but it is affirmed that Philip was all this time using measures to engage the [Page 284] Indians in all parts of New-England to unite against the English. The Indians about Hadley confessed such a plot. The Naragansets had engaged to bring four thousand men. This could not be done immediately. The English were upon the watch. Some fire-arms had been taken from the Indians. To provide sufficient arms, ammunition and provisions, whilst under suspicion, was a work of time. They did not expect to be prepared be­fore the spring of 1676, but Philip precipitated his own nation and his allies into a war before they were prepared. This was evident from the distraction of the Indians in all parts of New-England, upon the first news of the distur­bance [Page 285] from Philip. They were amazed, not knowing which way to turn, sometimes ready to declare for the English, as they had been used to do in the former con­tests with Philip, at other times inclining to join with Philip, as first or last most of them did. The war was hurried on by a piece of revenge, which Philip caused to be taken upon John Sausaman a praying Indian. He had been bred up in the profession of the christian religion, was some time at the college, and afterwards employed as a schoolmaster at Natick, but upon some misdemeanor fled to Philip, who made him his secretary and chief counsellor and confident. After remaining some years with Philip, Mr. Eliot the Indian evangelist, who had been his spiritual father, prevailed with him to return to the christian Indians at Natick, where he manifested public repentance for his apostacy and became a preacher, and conformed more to the English manners than any other Indian. In the year 1674 Sausaman upon some occasion went to Namasket (Middleborough) where he fell into company with some of Philip's Indians, and with Philip himself. There, he discovered by several circumstances that the Indians were plotting against the English. He informed the governor what he had discovered, and told him that if he should be known to be the informer it would cost him his life. It was not long after, that Sausa­man was met by three or four Indians upon a frozen pond, they knocked him down and put him under the ice, leav­ing his gun and hat upon the ice to make the world be­lieve that he accidentally fell in and was drowned. When the body was found and taken up the wounds appeared upon his head. An Indian happened to be upon an hill at a distance, and saw the murder committed. He con­cealed it for some time, but at length discovered it. The murderers were apprehended, tried upon the Indian's tes­timony and other circumstances, convicted and executed, two of them denying the fact to the last, the third, when he came to die, confessing he was a spectator of the mur­der committed by the other two. This trial was at Pli­mouth [Page 286] in June 1675.^* Philip, enraged to see the imme­diate actors brought to punishment by the English laws, and expecting that it would be his own turn next, being conscious that the murderers were employed by him, took no pains to exculpate himself, but gathered what strangers he could, and together with his own men, marched them up and down the country in arms. The English of Plimouth ordered a military watch in every town, but took no other notice of the Indians behavior, hoping, that when Philip saw no measures were used for apprehending him, the threatned storm would blow over, as it had done several times before. But the Indians coming into him from seve­ral quarters, gave him fresh courage and he behaved with insolence, first threatning the English at Swansey, then killing some of their cattle and at length rifling their houses.^† An English man was so provoked, that he fired upon an Indian and wounded him.^‡ June 24th in the morning, one of the inhabitants of Rehoboth was fired up­on by a party of Indians, and the hilt of his sword shot off.^§ The same day in the afternoon, being a fast, as Swanzey people were coming from public worship, the [Page 287] Indians attacked them, killed one and wounded others, and killed two men who were going for a surgeon, beset a house in another part of the town and there murdered six more. The Massachusets, before this, had determined to raise 100 men for the assistance of Plimouth, but, before they marched, it was thought best to send messengers to Philip at Mount Hope^* to divert him from his design if possible, but the messengers, seeing some of the Swanzey men lying murdered in the road, did not think it safe to go any further, and returned as fast as they could with this intelligence to Boston. On the 26th, a foot company under Capt. Henchman, and a troop under Capt. Prentice marched from Boston towards Mount Hope, and were overtaken by another company of 110 volunteers under Capt. Mosely,^† and all arrived at Swanzey the 28th, where they found Plimouth forces under Capt. Cudworth. They made the minister's house, (Mr. Miles^‡) near the bridge, their head quarters. About a dozen of the troop went immediately over the bridge where they were fired upon from out of the bushes, one killed and one wounded. This action drew the body of the English forces after the enemy, whom theypur sued a mile or two until they took to a swamp, killing about half a dozen of them. Philip thought it best to qui [...] [...]is station at Mount Hope. A day or two after, Major Savage ^§ being arrived with more forces [Page 288] from Boston and a general command, marched into the In­dian towns ^* which they found deserted, with marks of great haste. They discovered Philip's wigwam amongst the rest. They met with none of the enemy. The next day they returned to their head quarters at Swanzey. It is not my design to enter into every minute circum­stance of the war.^† The Massachusets government sent Capt. Hutchinson as their commissioner to treat with the Naragansets.^‡ It was thought convenient to do it sword [Page 289] in hand, therefore all the forces marched into the Nara­ganset country. Connecticut afterwards sent two gentle­men in behalf of that government, and, on the 15th of July, they came to an agreement with the Naraganset In­dians, who favoured Philip in their hearts, and waited only a convenient opportunity to declare openly for him, but whilst the army was in their country were obliged to sub­mit to the terms imposed upon them.^*

[Page 290]ASSOON as the treaty was finished, the forces left the Naraganset country and came to Taunton, the 17th in the evening. Hearing that Philip was in a swamp at Po­casset, the Massachusets and Plimouth forces joined, and arrived at the swamp the 18th, which they resolutely entred. They found about one hundred wigwams empty. The enemy had deserted them and retired deeper into the swamp. The English followed, but in disorder, which was inevitable, penetrating a thick swamp. They found they were in danger one from another, every man firing at every bush he saw shake. Night coming on, it was ne­cessary to retreat. They lost fifteen men. How many [Page 291] they killed of the enemy is uncertain. It was an unsuc­cessful attempt, and the more unfortunate because, as they were afterwards informed, Philip was in such distress that if they had followed him half an hour longer he would have surrendered himself and his men, which would have put an end to the war.^† This disappointment encouraged the Indians in other parts of New-England to follow Philip's example, and begin their hostilities against the English. Some few had begun before. The Nipnet or Nipmuck Indians had killed four or five people at Men­don in the Massachusets colony, the 14th of July. The governor and council, in hopes of reclaiming the Nipnets, sent Capt. Hutchinson with 20 horsemen to Quabaog (Brookfield) near which place there was to be a great ren­dezvous of those Indians. The inhabitants of Quabaog [Page 292] had been deluded with the promise of a treaty, at a [...] agreed upon, the 2d of August. Some of the principal of them accompanied Capt. Hutchinson thither. Not finding the Indians there, they rode forward four or five miles, towards the Nipnets chief town. When they came to a place called Meminimisset, a narrow passage between a steep hill and a thick swamp, they were ambushed by two or three hundred Indians, who shot down eight of the company, and mortally wounded three more, Capt. Hut­chinson ^* being one of the number. The rest escaped through a by path to Quabaog. The Indians flocked into the town, but the inhabitants, being alarmed, had all ga­thered together in the principal house. They had the mortification to see all their dwelling houses, about twenty, with their barns and outhouses burnt. The house where they had assembled was then surrounded, and a variety of attempts m [...]de to set fire to it. At length the Indians filled a cart with hemp and other combustible matter, which they kindled, and, whilst they were thrusting it toward [...] the house, a violent shower of rain fell suddenly and extinguished the fire.^† August 4th, Major Willard, who had been sent after some other Indians westward, hear [...] of the distress of Brookfield, when he was about 4 [Page 298] or 5 miles from Lancaster, which caused him, with 48 men, to alter his course, and the same night he reached Brookfield, after 30 miles march; and though the Indian scouts dis­covered him and fired their alarm guns, yet the main body, from their high joy, always accompanied with a hor­rid noise, heard nothing of them. Willard joined the besieged,^* and the Indians immediately poured in all the shot they could, but without execution, and then quitted the siege and destroyed all the horses and cattle they could find and withdrew to their dens. They were not pursued, being much superior in numbers. The English were not yet used to fighting. A party likewise were sent from Springfield to the relief of Brookfield. Finding it effected, they returned, meeting none of the enemy. Philip and his people continued in the swamp at Pocasset until the last of July. After several skirmishes with Captain Church and other parties, they escaped from the swamp, notwithstanding the Massachusets forces kept their guards round it, and went away to the westward, without being very closely pursued, the reason of which, Mr. Hubbard says, it is better to suspend than too critically to enquire into. The 5th of August, Philip with about forty men, besides women and children, joined the Nipmuck Indians in a swamp ten or twelve miles from Brookfield.^† The [Page 294] Indians upon Connecticut river near Hadley, Hatfield and Deerfield, began their hostilities about the same time, as also those at Penicook and other places upon Merrimack river, so that, before the end of August the whole Massa­chusets colony was in the utmost terror. Philip having left Plimouth, and the Naragansets not having engaged, that colony was less affected. There were several skir­mishes about Hatfield, viz. at Sugarloaf-hill, at Deerfield and Squakeag, (Northfield) the latter end of August and beginning of September, in which the English, upon the whole, were losers. September the 1st, Hadley was at­tacked upon a fast day, while the people were at church, which broke up the service and obliged them to spend the day in a very different exercise.^* The commanders in that part of the country, not being able to do much service by sending out parties, determined to garrison the towns, and to collect a magazine of provisions at Hadley. There being about 3000 bushels of corn at Deerfield in stacks, Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was sent to guard it down in carts, and were set upon by seven or eight hundred Indians, and all the English but seven or eight were cut off. Capt. Lothrop and his men fought bravely, but in the Indian manner, betaking themselves to trees, which in so great a [Page 295] disproportion of numbers, must be inevitable destruction▪ for many of the lesser party must be unguarded and ex­posed. Capt. Moseley, who was quartered at Deerfield, came out with his company too late to rescue Lothrop, but, keeping his men together in a body, fought the whole number of Indians for several hours with the loss of two men only, until Major Treat with about 160 Mohegi [...] Indians came to his aid and put the enemy to flight. This was a heavy stroke to the county of Essex, to which most of Capt. Lothrop's company, being young men, be­longed. A body of Indians, who had a fort about a mile from Springfield, had hitherto professed great friendship to the English, but Philip's Indians prevailed with them to join in a plot for the destruction of the town, and to receive in the night three hundred of those Indians into the fort. It was discovered the night before by Top, a Windsor Indian, which, altho' it saved the lives of many of the Inhabitants, yet was no security for their dwellings, thirty odd houses, besides barns, &c. being burnt before forces came from Westfield, Hadley, and other parts, to repel the Indians.^* The 19th of October, they came with [Page 296] all the force and fury they could raise upon Hatfield, but were repulsed, the Connecticut and Massachusets forces being, by good providence, at hand so as to prevent any great loss. This discouraged them from continuing any longer in that part of the country, and they withdrew to the Naragansets, their general rendezvous. Some strag­glers remained until the end of November, and a few [Page 297] lurked in the swamps all winter, doing now and then some mischief, enough to keep the inhabitants upon constant watch and guard. In November a party was sent out under Capt. Henchman to Hassanimisco (Grafton) Men­don, and the towns thereabout. They returned without any remarkable exploit.

THE Naragansets,^* contrary to their engagements, had received and comforted Philip's Indians and others, the enemies of the English. It was not doubted that some of [Page 298] that nation had mixed with the others in their hostilities. If they should all openly engage in the spring there would be no resisting them; scattered in every part of the coun­try, all the forces the English could raise would not be a match for them. One company of soldiers after another had wasted away in the year past. There was no great room to hope for better success in the year to come. The commissioners of the united colonies therefore agreed to raise one thousand men, and to march in the winter into the Naraganset country. The Massachusets were to raise 527, the other two colonies the remainder. Mr. Winslow^† the [Page 299] governor of Plimouth was pitched upon for the general. The 8th of December, the Massachusets forces marched from Boston, and were soon after joined by Plimouth men. Connecticut men joined them, the 18th, at Pettyquamscot. The evening and night were stormy and the men had no covering. At break of day, the 19th, they marched through the snow fourteen or fifteen miles, until one o'clock after­noon, when they came to the edge of the swamp where the enemy lay. They had met with an Indian who was disgusted with the rest, and offered himself as a pilot. The Indians knew of the armament coming against them, and had fortified themselves with all the art and strength they were capable of. The English fell in suddenly and unex­pectedly upon this seat of the enemy, and neither drew up in any order of battle, nor consulted where or how to assault. Some Indians appearing at the edge of the swamp, they that were in the front of the army, in the march, fired upon them. The Indians returned the fire and fled. The whole army entred the swamp, following the Indians to their fortress, which was upon a piece of upland in the midst of the swamp, pallisadoed all round, and within a hedge of near a rod thick. At one corner only, was a gap the length of one log, where the breastwork was not above four or five feet high, but they had placed a block­house over against this passage. At this passage, and no where else, the English must enter. As it pleased God to order it, they fell in upon that part of the fort where the passage was. The captains entred at the head of their companies. The two first, Johnson and Davenport, were shot dead at the entrance, as were many of their men. Four other captains, Gardner, Gallop, Siely, and Marshall, also lost their lives. Assoon as the forces were entred, they attacked the Indians in their places of shelter, who fought desperately, and beat the English out of the fort; but after two or three hours, the advantage of the English was such that they began to fire the wigwams, which were five or six hundred, and in many of them the Indian wo­men and children perished, the men which were left alive [Page 300] fled into a cedar swamp at some small distance, withou [...] any necessaries of life, or any shelter from the cold and storms, except the boughs of trees. The day being near spent, the English thought it high time to retire to their quarters, 15 or 16 miles distant, carrying dead as well as wounded men with them. Many of the wounded men perished, by being exposed to this long march in a cold night, who might otherwise have been saved. The num­ber of killed and wounded amounted to 170.^* Some of the enemy confessed they lost 700 fighting men that day, besides 300 more who died of their wounds and the hard­ships to which they were exposed. The number of old men women and children which perished by the fire, cold▪ and famine, they could not tell.^† The Indians took possession of the fort the next day.^‡ The English made no further attack.^§ They were scant of provisions, the [Page 301] weather being extreme cold delayed the vessels which had it on board. Some weeks were spent doing nothing, ex­cept that some proposals of peace were made on both sides, which came to nothing. February the 5th the army re­turned to Boston. There was a remarkable thaw in January, which melted the snow and opened the earth, so that the Indians could come at the ground-nuts, which seems to have been all their provisions, some from among [Page 302] themselves reporting that corn was sold for two shillings [...] pin [...]. They took this opportunity to leave the Nara­g [...]n [...]et country. A general junction of the I [...]dians was thereu [...]on expected, and every part of the English colo­nies was in terror. The 10th of February several hun­dred of the enemy assaulted Lancaster, burnt the houses [Page 303] and killed and captivated 40 persons, the minister's wife and children among the rest, he himself (Mr. Rowlandson) being absent. Mischief was done about the same time at Marlborough, Sudbury and Chelmsford. The 21st they fell upon Medfield, where there were two or three hun­dred soldiers, and yet they burned half the town down [Page 304] and killed eighteen of the inhabitants. The 25th they burned seven or eight houses at Weymouth. This seems to be their nearest approach to Boston, between fifteen and twenty miles distant, at least they did no mischief nearer.^*

MARCH was a troublesome month, the Indians attacking North-Hampton and Springfield upon Con­necticut river, Groton Sudbury and Marlborough in the Massachusets, Warwick and Providence in Rhode-Island colony, burning their [...]uses and barns, and destroy­ing the cattle, and many of the inhabitants. They killed also eleven persons of one family in Plimouth, (Mr. Clark's) and on the 26th of March Capt. Pierce of Scituate in that colony, with 50 English, and 20 Indians of Cape Cod, being drawn into an ambushment by a small number of the enemy, found themselves surrounded by a great body of Indians, who killed every Englishman and great part of [Page 305] the friend Indians.^* The 28th of the month, they burned 40 houses, besides barns, at Rehoboth. Where Philip spent the winter was never certainly known. Some con­jectured that he went to the Mohawks, others that he went to Canada, which his friends said was his intention in the fall. He knew the premium set upon his head, disguised and concealed himself, so that we hear but little of him until he was killed.^† His affairs were now at the highest flow, and those of the English never at so low an ebb. But presently after, a sudden turn came on. The beginning of April, the Connecticut men under George Denison of Stonington, with some friend Indians, killed and took prisoners forty four of the enemy, and before the end of the month, the same commander, with sixty six volunteers English, and one hundred and twelve Pequod Indians, took and slew seventy six more of the enemy, without the loss of one man in either of these exploits. Between these two successful actions, happened a very unfortunate one for the Massachusets. April 20th, news came to Boston of the loss of Capt. Wadsworth and 50 of his men, going to relieve Sudbury attacked by the enemy. In May and June, the enemy appeared in various parts of the colonies, but their vigor abated, their distresses, for want of provisions and ammunition, increased, and at the same time the Mohawks fell upon them and killed 50 of them. It was commonly said, that Philip fell upon a party of Mohawks and killed them, and reported that they were killed by the English, expecting by this means to engage that nation in the war, but one that was left for dead revived and escaped to his countrymen, and in­formed that, not the English, but Philip and his Indians had been the murderers, which brought that revenge upon the guilty, which, without this discovery, would [Page 306] have been taken of those who were innocent. The beginning of July, the Connecticut forces met with a party of Indians in the Naraganset country, pursued them into a swamp, and killed and took 80 of them, without any loss, except one or two friend Indians, and in their march back 60 more of the enemy fell into their hands.^* The Massachusets and Plimouth men, in several parts of the country, were likewise very successful from time to time, killing and taking small parties of Indians scattered about the country, and no commander was more fortunate than Captain, afterwards Colonel Church, of Plimouth colony. He has published an account of his exploits. But Philip was the object. Upon his life or death war or peace depended. News was brought, that, after a year's absence, he had returned to Mount-Hope, his old quarters, and that great numbers of Indians were flocking to him, with intent to fall upon the neighbouring towns. The Massa­chusets and Plimouth, both, ordered their forces after Philip. The former returned to Boston, having missed Philip, but they killed and took 150 of the enemy, who were now so reduced that they were continually coming in and surrendering themselves upon promise of mercy. Two hundred in one week came in to Plimouth. Philip fled from one swamp to another, divers times very nar­rowly escaping, losing one chief counsellor after another; his uncle and sister, and at last his wife and son were taken prisoners. Being reduced to this miserable condition, he was killed the 12th of August, as he was flying from a party under Capt. Church, out of a swamp near Mount-Hope. One of his own men, whom he had offended, and who had deserted to the English, shot him through the [Page 307] heart. Instead of his scalp, he cut off his right hand, which had a remarkable scar, well known to the English, and it produced a handsome penny, many having the cu­riosity to see it. This was a finishing stroke, the parties of Indians that remained being drove from one hole or swamp to another, so that before winter they were all killed, captivated, or forced to surrender themselves, ex­cept some few, who were supposed to have fled to the French, and others, to nations of foreign Indians. The cruelties which had been exercised upon the English were urged in excuse for the treatment which the Indians re­ceived, who were made prisoners or surrendered themselves. In all the promises of mercy, those, who had been principal actors in any murders of the English, were excepted, and none had any promise made of any thing more than their lives. A great many, therefore, of the chiefs were executed at Boston and Plimouth, and most of the rest were sold, and shipped off for slaves to Bermudas and other parts. Every person, almost, in the two colonies, had lost a relation or near friend, and the people in gene­ral were exasperated;^* but all does not sufficiently excuse this great severity.

THE same time that Philip began his hostilities in Plimouth colony, the Tarenteens, or Eastern Indians, were insulting the English settled in New-Hampshire and the province of M [...]in. They began with robbing the English, as they passed in their boats and canoes, and plun­dering their houses of liquors, ammunition, and such move­ables as they could easily carry off. In September (1675) [Page 308] they came to the house of one Wakely, an old man, in Casco bay, and murdered him, his wife, and four children and grand-children, and carried four more of his grand-children away captives. They then fell upon Saco, and killed thirteen men, and burned the houses, killed six men and a woman at Black-point (Scarborough) and burned 20 houses. They next fell upon Kittery, and killed two men. Mr. Plaisted, lieutenant of the town, with 20 English, went out to bury the dead, and was set upon by the Indians. He fought bravely, with seven of his men (the rest flying) until he and his son, and one more, were killed. The other four escaped to the garrison. They then came to­wards Piscataqua, making spoil upon the inhabitants on the branches of that river, viz. at Oyster-river, Salmon-falls, Dover, Exeter, &c. burning their houses and barns, and a mill belonging to Mr. Hutchinson, a merchant in Boston, and killing more or less of the people in every place, to the number of about fifty, in the whole. The govern­ment's hands were full, from the attempts of Philip and his accomplices, and, during the summer, nothing more was done, than to commit the care of the eastern plantations to the chief officers of the respective regiments, to defend them against the enemy; but in the fall, forces were drawn from the other counties, in order to have marched into the eastern country, but were prevented by the severity of the weather, which sat in sooner than usual. The Indians in those parts at the sa [...]e time sued for peace, and there was a good prospect of its being settled; but the endea­vours of Major Waldron to effect it were next year frus­trated. However, during the winter, and the next spring, and the greatest part of the summer, those plantations were at rest.

THE accounts which were transmitted to England of the distresses of the colony, during the war, although they might excite compassion in the breasts of some, yet they were improved, by others, to render the colony more ob­noxious. A fine country, it was said, was in danger of being lost to England, by the penuriou [...]ess of those who [Page 309] were at the head of affairs, in not raising monies for the defence of it, and by their obstinacy in refusing to apply to the King for relief. This appears as well by other letters, as by one from Lord Anglesey to Mr. Leveret,^* [Page 310] between whom there was a friendly correspondence kept up. In Cromwell's court Mr. Leveret had been, perhaps, upon a level with Mr. Annesly.^* There seems to have been no ground for the charge; neither men nor money were wanting for the service. An application to England, for men, was unnecessary, and I meet with no papers which in­timate that there was any thought of it in any persons in the colony. Fighting made soldiers. Assoon as the in­habitants had a little experience of the Indian way of fighting, they became a match for them. An addition to their numbers they did not want. Be that as it may, this is certain, that as the colony was at first settled, so it was now preserved from ruin without any charge to the mo­ther country. Nay, as far as I can judge from the mate­rials I have, the collections made in the colony, after the fire of London, for the relief of the sufferers there, and, upon other occasions, for the relief of divers of the plan­tations, with other public donations, from the first settle­ment until the charter was vacated, will not fall much, if any thing, short of the whole sum that was bestowed upon the colony, from abroad, during that time.

IN the heighth of the distress of the war, and whilst the authority of the colony was contending with the natives for the possession of the soil, complaints were [Page 311] making in England, which struck at the powers of government, and an enquiry was set on foot, which was continued from time to time, until it finally issued in a quo warranto, and judgment thereupon against the charter. In the summer of 1676,^* Edward Randolph was sent to the Massachusets with his Majesty's letter of March 10th, 1675-6, and copies of the petitions and complaints of Mason and Gorges.^† The King commanded that agents should be sent over, to appear before him in six months after the receipt of the letter, fully instructed and im­powered to answer. The governor summoned a special court, to meet the 9th of August. The elders which were then in town were desired to attend, and to consi­der of this question proposed to them by the court, viz.

‘WHETHER the most expedient manner of making answer to the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, about the extent of our patent line, be, by sending agents or attornies to answer the same, or to answer by wri­ting only?’

THEY soon agreed upon the following answer.—‘It seems unto us the most expedient way of making an­swer unto the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Mason, about the extent of our patent line, to do it by appoint­ment of agents, to appear and make answer for us, by way of information at this time, and in this case, pro­vided they be with utmost care and caution qualified as to their instructions, by and according to which they may negotiate that affair, with safety unto the country, and with all duty and loyalty unto his Majesty, in the pre­servation of our patent liberties.’ The reasons for their opinion were subjoined. The court determined [Page 312] according to this advice. William Stoughton^* and Peter Bulkley ^† were chosen for the purpose. Soon after their arrival in England, a hearing was had before the Lords of the committee of the council, upon the principal points of their agency, the claims of Gorges and Mason, in both which they were unsuccessful. The province of Main was confirmed to Gorges and his heirs, both as to soil and government. To put an end to all future disputes, as well as to gratify many of the inha­bitants of that province, John Usher was employed by the Massachusets to purchase the right and interest of Gorges's heirs, which he did for twelve hundred pounds sterling, and assigned it over to the governor and company. This, instead of conciliating matters, gave fur­ther offence to the crown.^‡ With respect to Mason's claim, it was determined, that the Massachusets had a right to three miles north of Merrimack river, to follow the course of the river, so far as it extended, and that the expressions in the charter do not war [...]rant the over-reach­ing those bounds by imaginary lines or bounds.^*

[Page 313]THE controversy between the Massachusets and Mr. Mason having subsisted so many years, it may not be amiss to set his claim or pretence in its true light. A copy of a grant, made by the council of Plimouth to Capt. John Mason, of all the lands between Naumkeak and Merri­mack, dated March 9th, 1621, is the first, in order of time, that has been produced. This grant was said to be only sealed, unwitnessed, no seisin endorsed, nor possession ever given with the grant, and no entry upon any record.

ANOTHER copy of a grant, August 10th 1622, of all the lands from Merrimack to Sagadehoc, which, it was said, did not appear to have been signed, sealed, or wit­nessed, by any order of the council.

ANOTHER grant, or copy of a grant, of part of the same lands, viz. all between the rivers Merrimack and Piscata­qua, to Captain John Mason alone, dated Nov. 7, 1629.

[Page 314]ANOTHER grant in 1635, April 22d, of all the lands between Naumkeag and Piscataqua river.^*

IN all this confusion of grants, or copies of grants, the greatest stress is laid upon that of November 7th, 1629. It is a strange thing, that the council of Plimouth, unless all those grants, prior to the Massachusets grant, had been either deemed imperfect and invalid from the beginning, or else resigned and thrown up, should grant the same lands to the Massachusets, Mason and Gorges both being members, and the most active members of the council. I [...] is not easy to account for a grant of all the lands be­tween Merrimack and Piscataqua to Mason in 1629, when three miles between those two rivers had been granted the year before to the Massachusets. The grants which were made, or pretended to be made, in 1635, were the efforts of a number of the members of the council, to secure some part of the dying interest to themselves and posterity, in which they all failed.^†

[Page 315]SIR William Jones, the attorney general, gave his opinion upon the whole case, which was transmitted to the Massachusets, and is as follows.

[Page 319]A commission was issued by the crown for the govern­ment of New-Hampshire.1679. The Massachusets thereupon forbore any further exercise of jurisdiction. The towns of Salisbury, Amesbury and Haverhill, by their original grants from the Massachusets colony, extending more than three miles from Merrimack, the Massachusets continued to exercise jurisdiction over the whole of those towns, although, according to the determination, part of them lay without the patent.

BESIDES this controversy about bounds, the agents had other complaints to answer. Randolph, who, the people of New-England said, ‘went up and down seeking to de­vour them,’ returned to England, and represented the colony as refusing any obedience to the acts for regulating the trade of the plantations. A ship, belonging to Mr. Usher, put the owner ashore at some English port, and went over to Holland. Mr. Stoughton writes (1st Dec. 1677) ‘Randolph upon this news was full of business, being employed, as he said, by my Lord treasurer, to make enquiry about it, in order to further proceedings, but now we have intelligence as if that vessel were again put into Plimouth, and had not been in Holland. If she either make her market here, or pay her duties before she go elsewhere, it may help to allay matters. The country's not taking notice of these acts of navigation to observe them, hath been the most unhappy neglect that we could have fallen into, for, more and more every day, [Page 320] we find it most certain, that without a fair compliance in that matter, there can be nothing expected but a total breach, and all the storms of displeasure that may be.’

THE Quakers also renewed their complaints against the colony. In the distress of the colony by the Indian war, among other sins, which were the cause of it, the toleration shewn to quakers was thought to be one; the court therefore made a law ‘That every person found at a quaker's meeting should be apprehended, ex officio, by the constable, and, by warrant from a magistrate or commissioner, shall be committed to the house of cor­rection, and there have the discipline of the house ap­plied to them, and be kept to work, with bread and water, for three days, and then released, or else shall pay five pounds in money, as a fine to the country, for such offence, and all constables neglecting their duty, in not faithfully executing this order, shall incur the penalty of five pounds, upon conviction, one third whereof to the informer.’ I know of nothing which can be urged, in any wise tending to excuse the severity of this law, unless it be human infirmity, and the many instances in history of persons of every religion being fully persuaded that the indulgence of any other was a toleration of im­piety, and brought down the judgments of heaven, and therefore justified persecution.^* This law lost the colony many friends.

[Page 321]SEVERAL addresses were made to the King, from the general court, whilst the agents were in England, and the court made several laws to remove some of the exceptions which were taken in England, particularly an act to punish high treason with death; another requiring all persons above 16 years of age to take the oaths of allegiance, on pain of fine and imprisonment; ‘the governor, deputy governor and magistrates having first taken the same, without any reservation, in the words sent to them by his Majesty's order.’ Mass. Records. The King's arms were ordered to be [Page 322] carved and put up in the court-house. But it was a more difficult thing to conform to the acts of trade They ac­knowledge in their letter to the agents they had not done it. They ‘apprehended them to be an invasion of the rights, liberties and properties of the subjects of his Majesty in the colony, they not being represented in parliament, and according to the usual sayings of the learned in the law, the laws of England were bounded within the four seas, and did not reach America; how­ever, as his Majesty had signified his pleasure that those acts should be observed in the Massachusets, they had made provision, by a law of the colony, that they should be strictly attended from time to time, although it great­ly discouraged trade, and was a great damage to his Majesty's plantation.’ The passing this law plainlyshews the wrong sense they had of the relation they stood in to England.^* The people of Ireland, about the same time, were under the same mistake. Perhaps they had not greater colour for an exemption from English acts of parliament than a colony of natural born subjects, depart­ing the kingdom with the leave of their prince. Particu­lar persons in Ireland did penance for advancing and ad­hering to these principles. The whole colony of the Massachusets suffered the loss of their charter, this being [Page 323] one great article of charge against it. I am glad I have this instance of Ireland, and that so sensible a gentleman as Mr. Molineux, the friend of Mr. Locke, engaged in the cause; for it may serve as some excuse for our ancestors, that they were not alone in their mistaken apprehensions of the nature of their subjection. No prejudice can be caused, by this mistake, against their posterity. They have indeed as high notions of English liberties as their ancestors had, and, as a British colony, they humbly hope for all that tenderness and indulgence from a British par­liament which the Roman Senate, while Rome remained free, shewed to Roman colonies, but they are sensible that they are colonists, and therefore subject to the controul of the parent state.

MR. Leveret continued governor, by annual election, from his being first chosen in 1673, until his death, March 16th 1678. The weighty affairs of the war, and the agency, during his administration, conducted with pru­dence and steadiness, caused him to be greatly respected.^* He was succeeded by Simon Bradstreet (May 1679) who was one of the first assistants, and had continued to be annually chosen an assistant fifty years together, being about seventy six years of age when he first entered upon the office of governor. A few months before, upon the death of Mr. Symonds, Mr. Bradstreet succeeded him as deputy governor. Upon Mr. Bradstreet's being chosen governor, Thomas Danforth came into the deputy gover­nor's place, and they were continued in their respective places, from year to year, until the dissolution of the government.

[Page 324]WHILST the agents were in England, days of fasting and prayer, some by the court, some by the whole people, were repeatedly appointed by authority, to implore the divine blessing upon their endeavours for obtaining favor with the King, and the continuance of charter privileges, and November 21st 1678 was observed as a fast by all the churches in the three colonies. A council or synod of the churches in the colony of Massachusets being con­vened by order of court in May 1679, these two questions were referred for their consideration and answer.

QUEST. 1st. What are the reasons that have provoked the Lord to bring his judgments upon New-England?

QUEST. 2d. What is to be done that so those evils may be removed?

I do not censure the authority of the colony for their great anxiety on this occasion, or for using every proper measure to obtain the smiles of heaven, as well as the favor of their earthly sovereign, and only remark, that we have no evidence of any extraordinary degeneracy.^* At this time Great-Britain, Scotland especially, was suffering under a prince inimical to civil and religious liberty, New-England therefore, without a miraculous interposi­tion, must have expected to share the same judgments, and perhaps had not greater reason to make the two in­quiries than either of the two kingdoms.

THE complaint of Gorges and Mason, and the uncer­tainty of the event, restrained the general court from any attempt to hold possession of the country eastward of Main. Upon the exchange of Surinam for New-York, that country, and the islands and countries contained in the former grant to the Duke of York, were granted anew, and Major Andros, governor under the Duke, erected [Page 325] a fort, and established a custom-house at Pemaquid, part of the territory between Kenebeck and St. Croix. Whilst the Dutch were in possession of New-York, this territory had been neglected, and the inhabitants being without any powers of government, the Massachusets (in 1672) had sent their commissioners, who appointed and held courts, and established civil and military officers from Pemaquid to Georges, the sea-coast being well inhabited, and the fishery in a flourishing state, but upon the Duke's taking possession, by his governor, they laid aside their pretences to jurisdiction.

THE agents were detained in England until the fall of 1679. They thought themselves not at liberty to return without the King's express leave. The po [...]ish plot prevented an attention to plantation affairs, and i [...] [...] thought too great a hardship to detain them any longer. Upon their repeated application they were dismissed, and arrived at Boston, December 23d. They had obtained nothing but time, a further opportunity for the colony to comply with the requisitions made by the crown. Assurances seem to have been given by the agents that other persons should be sent over to supply their places, and although, upon their return, no mark of disapprobation of their conduct was shewn by the general court, but a vote passed thanking them for their pains, yet many were dissatisfied, especially with Mr. Stoughton, who they thought to have been too compliant.^* They brought with them the King's letter of July 24, 1679, containing the follow­ing requisitions.

1. THAT agents be sent over in six months, fully in­structed to answer and transact what was undetermined at that time.

[Page 326]2. THAT freedom and liberty of conscience be given to such persons as desire to serve God in the way of the church of England, so as not to be thereby made ob­noxious, or discountenanced from their sharing in the go­vernment, much less that they, or any other his Majesty's subjects (not being papists) who do not agree in the con­gregational way, be by law subjected to fines or for­feitures, or other incapacities.

3. THAT no other distinction be observed in making of freemen, than that they be men of competent estates, rateable at 10s. according to the rules of the place, and that such, in their turns, be capable of the magistracy, and all laws made void that obstruct the same.

4. THAT the ancient number of eighteen assistants be henceforth observed, as by charter.^*

5. THAT all persons coming to any privilege, trust or office, take the oath of allegiance.

6. THAT all military commissions, as well as the pro­ceedings of justice, run in his Majesty's name.

7. THAT all laws repugnant to, and inconsistent with, the laws of England for trade, be abolished.

8. WHILE Mr. Gorges's complaint was before the council, the agents, without his Majesty's permission, who was some time in treaty for the same, bought Mr. Gorges's interest in the province of Main, for 1200 l. His Majesty had heard of some effects, of a severe hand upon his sub­jects there, and therefore required an assignment of the said province, on repayment of the said 1200 l.

9. THAT, as for that part of New-Hampshire province three miles north of Merrimack river, granted to Mr. [Page 327] Mason, the government whereof remained vested in his Majesty, designing to settle the same to the satisfaction of his subjects there, the Massachusets recall all com­missions granted by them for governing there.

A compliance with the first of these instructions was delayed. The reasons assigned were, the danger of the seas (Connecticut agent having been taken by the Alge­rines) and the heavy debt of the colony,^* which made it almost incapable of the expence.

AS to the second and third, they had no laws to restrain the inhabitants from chusing church of England men into the magistracy, or other office, that law, confining the privi­lege to church members, being long since repealed, and all protestants of 10s. rateable estate were capable of being made freemen.

THE fourth, they complied with at the next election, in 1680.

AND also with the fifth sixth and seventh, in manner as has been mentioned.

THEY justified their purchase of the province of Main, at the desire of the inhabitants, and in favor to them; and denied their having ever used any acts of severity, and were silent as to the re-conveying it.

THE 9th and last they had complied with, as we have just mentioned.

THE first commission for the government of New-Hampshire, was to Mr. Cutt, as president of the province. The following letter was voted, by the new assembly, at their first meeting, and sent to the governor of the Massachusets, to be communicated to the assembly there.

1680.THIS letter was read in general court May 22d 1680, and ordered to be recorded.

[Page 329]THE province of Main continued to be protected by the Massachusets. After the purchase from Gorges the major part of the court were of opinion that it should be sold again to the highest bidder towards reimbursing the expence of defending it, which they computed at eight thousand pounds, and a committee was appointed for this purpose, but this vote was reconsidered. However there was a necessity of a different administration from what there had been formerly. Whilst the province was sup­posed to be included in the bounds of the Massachusets charter, the towns were represented in the general court, and it was to all intents and purposes considered as a county, but the determination of 1667 had confined the Massa­chusets to three miles north or north east of Merrimack river. The colony must consider it self therefore in the place of Gorges invested with the powers granted to him by charter or patent. Accordingly, they appointed their deputy governor Thomas Danforth, president of the pro­vince of Main, to govern under the Massachusets, the lords proprietaries, and to be accountable to them, and thither he repaired towards the end of 1679 together with Mr. Nowell, &c. and there appointed officers, held courts, and made provision for administring government in the form prescribed by the patent to Sir Ferdinando Gorges.^*

RANDOLPH kept a continual watch upon the colony, and went divers times to England with complaints, and re­turned with fresh orders and powers.^† In 1676 he brought over the complaint of Mason and Gorges. In 1678 [Page 330] he came over, with power from the commissioners of the customs, as an inspector and to make seizures and bring in­formations for breaches of the acts of trade, but he was generally if not always condemned in costs, and it appears by a representation, he afterwards made to the commis­sioners, that he had been a great sufferer. He brought with him also a commission to divers persons, himself at the head of them, to administer an oath to the governor faithfully to execute the duty required by the act of trade.^* The governor, Mr. Leveret, did not take the oath in con­sequence of that commission. Randolph was in England again in 1679 ^† and returned the latter part of the same year.

THE governor at the first session after the receipt of new orders from the King, took the oath, which was ad­ministred by the deputy governor in open court, not a [...] one of the commissioners. Randolph went home agai [...] the next winter to renew his complaints, and upon his re­turn to Boston,1681. in 1681, brought with him a commission from the crown for collector and surveyor and searcher of the customs in New-England. ^‡ He laid his commission before the general court and desired he might be aided in the execution of his office with their countenance and au [...]ho­rity, [Page 331] but no notice being taken of his application he set up an advertisement in the town house to acquaint all persons concerned that an office was erected, &c. This, he said, was taken down by the marshal by order of the general court or some of the members, he therefore in a letter to the governor demands the final resolution of the court, whether they will admit the said patent to be in force or not, that he might know how to govern himself. There is no record of any resolution of the court herein. During these distresses of the colony there were two parties sub­sisting in the government, both of them agreed in the importance of the charter privileges, but differing in opi­nion upon the extent of them, and upon the proper mea­sures to preserve them. The governor, Mr. Bradstreet, was at the head of the moderate party. Randolph in all his letters takes notice of it. The governor's son in a letter from New-London, April 1681, writes ‘As to what you say about the change some people expect this election, so far as it concerns yourself it may be an advantage. Better the ruin, if it must be so, under other hands than yours. Time will make it appear who have been the faithful and wise conservators of New-England's liberties, and that the adored saviours of our interests, many of them, have consulted very ill the interest espoused by them.’ Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Dudley, and William Brown of Salem, these fell in with the governor. The deputy go­vernor, Mr. Danforth, was at the head of the other party, the principal members of the court with him were Major Gookins of Cambridge, Peter Tilton of Hadley, Elisha Cooke and Elisha Hutchinson of Boston. This party op­posed the sending over agents, the submitting to acts of trade, &c. and were for adhering to their charter accord­ing to their construction of it, and leaving the event. Gookins, being aged, desired a paper he drew up as his dying testimony might be lodged with the court, contain­ing the reasons of his opinion. He was a very zealous but an upright man and acted from principle. He seems to have been the only magistrate who a few years before [Page 332] opposed the people in their rage against the Indians, friends and enemies without distinction, and exposed himself to the reproaches of his brethren in the magistracy upon the bench, as well as to hootings and offensive language from the populace as he passed the streets. Tilton was one of the most rigid, and was concerned in a paper, published about that time, representing the great apostacy both of magis­trates and ministers.

IN 1680 ^† a letter had been received under the King's sign manual, charging the colony with neglecting to send over other agents in the room of those who had obtained leave to return, and requiring that they be sent in three months after the receipt of the letter, and that they come prepared to answer the claim which Mason had made to the lands between Naumkeag and Merrimack. Immediately upon [Page 333] the receipt of this letter, the court chose two agents, Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Nowell, and instructions were drawn up, but both of them peremptorily refused to engage in the affair; Mr. Stoughton, notwithstanding the exceptions some had taken to his former conduct, being strongly urged to it. As for Mason's claim, it was looked upon as ground­less and extravagant, and the court gave themselves but little concern about it further than to observe, that if he had any pretence to the lands, his title would be fairly tried upon the spot, where by law and according to the opinion of the attorney and sollicitor general in 1677, it ought to be tried. After this, Randolph^* brought to Boston the King's letter of October the 21st 1681,^† complaining ‘that the collector had not been able to exe­cute his office to any effect, that attachments had been brought against him and his officers for doing their duty, that he had been obliged to deposit money before he could bring an action against offenders, that [Page 334] appeals, in matters relating to the revenue, had been refused, and that they had seized into their hands the moiety of forfeitures belonging to his Majesty by law.’ It was therefore required, ‘that fit persons be sent over, without delay, to answer these complaints, with powers to submit to such regulations of government as his Majesty should think fit, that restitution be made of all monies levied from the officers, that they be encouraged in put­ting the acts of trade in execution, without charge, as in England, that an account be given of forfeitures received, and that appeals be allowed.’ The court denied the charge, and said in their answer, ‘that Mr. Randolph was acknowledged collector, and his commission enrolled, that no suits had been countenanced against any officers, except where the subject had been unjustly vexed, that they knew of no forfeitures, except a fine upon a master of a ship for abusing the go­vernment, that they would encourage his officers, and re­quire no deposit for the future; but as to admitting appeals, they hoped it would be further considered.’ However, the sending over agents could be no longer delayed. At a court called in Feb. 1681, when his Majesty's letter by Mr. Randolph was read, they determined to come to the choice of agents. Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Dudley were chosen, the court being much divided. Mr. Stoughton again utterly refused, and Mr. Richards^* was chosen in his stead. The design of taking away the charter became every day more and more evident. Agents impowered to submit to regulations of government, were, in other words, agents impowered to surrender their charter. However, the general court would have been glad to put a more favorable construction upon it, it being inconsistent with his Majesty's repeated declarations, and therefore they directed their agents not to do, or consen [...] to any thing that should violate or infringe the liberties [...]nd privileges granted by charter, or the government established thereby. A new matter of charge had been brought against them [Page 335] in England, viz. the coining money. This they excused, ‘it having began in the times of the late confusions, to prevent frauds in the pieces of eight current among them, and if they had trespassed upon his Majesty's prerogative, it was through ignorance, and they humbly begged his pardon.’ The other points of exception were answered as before mentioned. The agents sailed May 31st. A public fast was appointed to be observed June 22d, through the colony, to pray for the preservation of their charter and success to the agency. Randolph was in England not long after them, ready to disclose every thing the agents desired to conceal. The governor had desired him to do nothing to the prejudice of the colony. He promised, in his answer, that if they would make a full sub­mission to his Majesty, he would endeavour to procure his Majesty's royal pardon, and the continuance of their pri­vileges, so far as that they should have liberty of conscience and the free exercise of their religion, and that no money should be raised without the consent of the people; for other matters their agents were most proper to sollicit.^* The agents in their first letters to the general court, acquaint­ed them, ‘that his Majesty was greatly provoked by their so long neglecting to send agents, and they desired the court to consider whether it was best to hazard all, rather than satisfy his Majesty as to the mode of submission to the laws for regulating trade, since they seriously intended to submit to the substance.’ They had not then been heard before the council, but soon after, upon presenting the court's address, they were commanded to shew their pow­ers and all their instructions, not publicly, but to Sir Lionel Jenkins, secretary of state, and it appearing, upon perusal, that they did not contain such powers as had been [Page 336] required, they were informed by Lord Radnor, that the council, nem. con. had agreed to report to his Majesty, that unless the agents speedily obtained such powers as might make them capable to satisfy in all points, a quo warranto should proceed. The agents represented the case of the colony as desperate, and left it to the court to de­termine whether it was most adviseable to submit to his Majesty's pleasure, or to suffer a quo warranto to issue. Many cities had submitted. Bermudas^* in the plantations, and the city of London had refused, and quo warranto's had gone out, the determination of which might enable the Massachusets to judge what would be prudent for them to do.^†

[Page 337]UPON receipt of these advices, it was made a question, not in the general court only, but amongst all the inhabi­tants, whether to surrender or not. The opinions of many of the ministers, and their arguments in support of them, were given in writing, and, in general, it was thought better to die by the hands of others, than by their own.^‡ An address was agreed upon by the general court, another was prepared and sent through the colony to be signed by the several inhabitants, which the agents were to present or not, as they thought proper, and they were instructed to deliver up the deeds for the province of Main, if required, and it would tend to preserve their charter, otherwise not; and they were to make no con­cessions of any privileges conferred upon the colony by the charter.

CRANFIELD, governor of New-Hampshire, being on a visit at Boston, advised to the agents waiting upon Lo [...]d Hide, and tendering him an acknowledgment of 2000 guineas for his Majesty's private service, and, at the same time, promised to represent the colony in a favorable light. The court agreed to the proposal, and shewed him the letter they wrote to the agents thereupon, but he, infa­mously, represented the colony as rogues and rebels, and made his game of them for making such an offer, and the agents complained of their being ridiculed for the s [...]am put upon the country.^* Upon the agents receiving this final resolution of the court, their business [...] at an end. It was immediately determined a quo warran [...] should go against the charter, and that Randolph should be the messenger of death. The agents arrived at Boston the 23d of October 1683, and the same week Randolph ar­rived [Page 338] ^† with the quo warranto, and a declaration from the King, that if the colony, before prosecution, would make full submission and entire resignation to his pleasure he would regulate their charter for his service and their good, and with no further alterations than should be necessary for the support of his government there. Two hundred copies of the proceedings against the charter of London were sent at the same time, by advice of the privy council, to be dispersed through the province. The governor and major part of the assistants, despairing of any success from a defence, passed the following vote: ‘The magi­strates have voted, that an humble address be sent to his Majesty by this ship, declaring that, upon a serious consideration of his Majesty's gracious intimations, in his former letters, and more particularly in his late declara­tion, [...] his pleasure and purpose is only to regulate our charter, in such a manner as shall be for his service and the good of this his colony, and without any other alteration than what is necessary for the support of his government here, we will not presume to contend with his Majesty in a course of law, but humbly lay ourselves at his Majesty's feet, in a submission to his pleasure so declared, and that we have resolved, by the next oppor­tunity, to send our agents, impowered to receive his Majesty's commands accordingly. And, for saving a de­fault for non-appearance upon the return of the writ of quo warranto, that some meet person or persons be appointed and impowered, by letter of attorney, to appear and make defence, until our agents may make their appearance and submission, as above. The magistrates have passed this with reference to the consent of their brethren the deputies hereto. EDWARD RAWSON, secretary. 15th Nov. 1683.’

[Page 339]THIS lay in the house, under consideration, a fortnight, and was then passed upon as follows:

‘Nov. 30, 1683. The deputies consent not, but ad­here to their former bills. WM. TORREY, Cler.’

HAD this been made [...]n act of the general court, it is doubtful whether the consequent administration of go­vernment would have been less arbitrary than it was, upon the judgment against the charter; but, upon the revolu­tion, they might have reassumed their charter, as Rhode-Island^* and Connecticut did their respective charters, there having been no judgment against them.^†

A letter of attorney was sent to Mr. Humphrys, to ap­pear and answer for the province. Addresses were sent, one after another, but to no purpose. In September, a scire facias was received by Mr. Dudley and communicated to the governor, who called a special court. The time for their appearance at Westminster was past before it was re­ceived [Page 340] in Boston.^‡ No other answer, than another hum­ble address, was attempted. The case was desperate, and judgment was entered up, copy of which was received by Mr. Rawson, July 2d 1685.

BEFORE any new government was settled, King Charles died. Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the governor,^* and recom­mended the proclaiming King James, without delay. This was done, with great ceremony, in the high street in Boston (April 20th.)

THERE were all the symptoms, notwithstanding, of an expiring constitution. Several of the towns neglected to [Page 341] send their deputies in the year 1684. Little business was done at the court. The people, indeed,1684. shewed some resent­ment against the magistrates, who had been forward for surrendering. Mr. Dudley, Richards and Brown were dropped, Cooke, Johnson and Hutchinson chose in their stead. Mr. Bradstreet, the governor,^* Mr. Stoughton, Bulkley, Saltonstall and Gidney had fewer votes than usual. There seems to have been as much indifference in the legislature about public affairs in 1685, expecting every day to be superseded.1685.

THE election for 1686 was the 12th of May. Mr. Dudley being left out, Mr. Stoughton,1686. from complaisance to him, refused to serve.^†

THE 15th, the Rose frigate arrived from England, with a commission to Mr. Dudley,^‡ as president, and divers others, gentlemen of the council, to take upon them the [Page 342] administration of government. A copy of the commission was presented, and the following answer resolved upon by the court, nemine contradicente.

[Page 343]THE court appointed a committee to take into their [...]ustody such papers as referred to the charter, and titles of land, by purchase from the Indians or otherwise, and ordered the secretary to deliver the same, and adjourned to the second Wednesday in October.

THE 25th of May the president and council met, and his Majesty's commission was published.

NEW Plimouth, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, who were less obnoxious, and had been more pliant than the Massachusets, were all to be in like degree sufferers, although not included in Mr. Dudley's commission,^* the execution was only respited a few months.

WE have taken no notice of the affairs of New-Pli­mouth since the year 1676. Having conquered Philip's country of Mount-Hope, now Bristol, it was confirmed to that colony by King Charles. The Massachusets had applied for it. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plimouth, died in 1680, Dec. 18th, and was succeeded by Thomas Hinkley, who continued until that colony was included in the same commission with the Massachusets, &c. It was agreed, that the grand council of Plimouth could confer no powers of government. They had nothing therefore to support them at New-Plimouth, but the King's approbation, from time to time, of their proceedings. It might then well be expected that they should act with great caution, to avoid giving offence. They had been amused, from year to year, with assurances that the King would grant them a charter. Such an one as Connecticut had received they prayed for. The name of the Massachusets was odious. The governor kept upon good terms with Randolph, who engaged to do every thing in his power to obtain the [Page 344] charter.^* They had orders to send over a copy of their patent, in order to form a new one, in which the Nara­ganset country was to be included; but, upon the quo warranto coming over to Massachusets, Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the governor, Sept. 27th 1683,—‘I must deal plainly with you. It is not probable any thing will be determined, in that behalf, until his Majesty do see an issue of proceedings in relation to the Massachusets co­lony, and that, upon regulating their charter, that colony be brought under such an actual dependance upon the crown as becomes his Majesty's subjects. From hence it will be, that your patent will receive it's model; and although you may be assured of all you desire, yet it will be expected that, in acknowledgment of so great favors, such provisions may be inserted as are necessary for the maintenance of his Majesty's authority.’ After this, they could have no great reason to hope for success. However, they continued▪ their pursuit, and in Nov. 1683, they forwarded another address, wherein they congratu­lated his Majesty upon his deliverance, in answer to their prayers they hoped, from the late horrid conspiracy, ^† and they had appointed the 15th instant for a day of solemn thanksgiving, for the salvation of his Majesty's royal person from that and other hellish conspiracies. They go on to pray his Majesty's favor, in granting them a charter, having sent over a true copy of their patent from the council of Plimouth. Randolph writes to the governor of Plimouth, the 4th of March following, that he had pre­sented the address, with the necessary amendments, to his Majesty in council, that it would be printed, was graciously received, and that they would find the benefit of it, in dispatch, and settlement of their colony. Upon the death of King Charles, they were distinguished by King James from the other colonies, by a letter under his sign manual,^‡ acquainting them with his accession to the throne, the [Page 345] great things the parliament had done, the defeat of Ar­gyle, and the landing of Monmouth, and the care taken to prevent his success, all to prevent any false and malicious rumors that might be spread among his Majesty's subjects at that distance. An address was sent to the King, upon his accession, taking notice of the assurances they had re­ceived from his royal brother, and praying that his Majesty would fulfil them. This was the last effort.^* Connecticut kept more silent, inactive and reserved, submit­ting when compelled to it, and reassuming their rights assoon as they had opportunity for it.^†

[Page 346]TO avoid any interruption in relating the several steps taken for vacating the charter, we have passed over some events, the remembrance of which should be preserved.

THE Indians at the eastward continued thei [...] hostilities after those at the westward were subdued and dispersed. In August 1676, they surprized the house of Mr. Ham­mond, an ancient trader at Kenebeck, and from thence crossed over to Arowsick island, where there was a large house, with, what was there esteemed, a strong fort, built round it, belonging to Major Clark and Capt. Lake▪ ^* two merchants of Boston, who owned the island and great part of the main land near to it. The Indians hid themselves in the night under the walls of the fort. When the cen­tinel left his station at day-light, some of the Indians followed him in at the fort gate, whilst the rest ran to the port holes, and shot down every person they saw. Captain Lake, finding the Indians had possessed themselves of the fort, escaped with Capt. Davis ^† and two others, at a back door, to the water side, intending to pass to another island near to Arowsick. Capt. Lake was killed just as he landed. His bones were, after some time, found and brought to [Page 347] Boston. Davis was wounded, but made his escape, as di [...] the other two. At these two houses, fifty three English were killed and taken. The news of this stroke broke up all the plantations at and near Keneb [...]ck, the inhabi­tants transporting themselves to Piscataqua and Boston, or some other place of security. This brought the Indians further westward, to Casco, Spurwinck, Black-point, Wells, and Cape N [...]dduck, within the bounds of York, at all which places th [...] did more or less mischief. Mugg, a noted Indian▪ well known to the English,^* was at the head of the enemy. The prisoners, by his means, were treated with more humanity and courtesy than had bee [...] known, and he sent one or two of them to Piscataqua, in order to ransom their friends; but the goods sent for their ransom were seized by other Indians. Mugg himself came to Piscataqua, and afterwards to Boston, where, in behalf of Madockawando and Cheberrina, sachems of Penobscot, he entered into treaty with the governor and council, Nov. 13th 1676. This was the first treaty with any of the Tarrateens, or eastern Indians. ‘They promised to cease all acts of hostility, to return the captives, to do their utmost to repair the damage sustained by the English, to buy no powder or ammunition of any other than per­sons deputed by the governor, provided they could have a supply in that way, and to account all other eastern Indians in the number of their enemies, who did not assent to the same covenant and agreement.’ No mention is made of any subjection to the government of the colony, or to the King of England, but they are considered as a free inde­pendent people. The treaty is at large in Mr. Hubbard's history of the war. The Indians continued, notwithstand­ing, to do mischief on the eastern frontier in 1677, when Major Andros, by virtue of his commission from the Duke of York, having placed forces at Pemaquid, the Indians made overtures of peace and friendship, and, as a proof of their sincerity, brought in 15 English captives, and they continued for some time quiet. An attack was made upon [Page 348] the western frontiers, by 40 or 50 Indians, said to be river Indians,^* but whether Connecticut or Hudson's river is not mentioned. This was the 19th of September 1677. They surprized many of Hatfield, as they were raising a house and unarmed, and killed and carried away about twenty, and the next day took three or four more from Deerfield.

BY the advice of the governor of New-York, com­missioners were sent, about this time, from the Massachu­sets and Connecticut, to the Maqua's, to secure their friendship to the English interest in general, and to engage them against the Tarrateens, or eastern Indians, who had been their ancient enemies. I suppose this was the first treaty ^† between the Mohawks, or Five Nations, and the Massachusets colony. ^‡

[Page 349]IN the year 1685, Mr. Hinkley, governor of Plimouth, sent to the corporation in England an account of the praying Indians then in that colony. They amounted to 1439, besides boys and girls under 12 years old, which were supposed to be more than three times that number.⁴²¹

MR. Dudley's short administration was not very grievous.^* The house of deputies, indeed, was entirely laid aside, but the people, the time being short, felt little or no effect from the change.

[Page 351]MR. Dudley, having made Randolph trumpeter of his attachment to the prerogative and answered his ends, soon after grew cool towards him. Randolph in return vilified Dudley, in a great number of letters he wrote to London about a month after his arrival, which letters, or the copies, are preserved.^† Mr. Stoughton was Mr. Dudley's chief con­fident. He was not suspected by the body of the people of being unfriendly, or of want of strong attachment to the religious principles and to the ecclesiastical constitution of the country, and his compliance, in taking a share in the admi­nistration, was charitably supposed to be, at least in part, for the sake of keeping out oppressors and tyrants. Mr. Dud­ley professed as great an attachment to the interest of the colony as Mr. Stoughton, and was very desirous of [Page 352] retaining their favor. A letter, the day he demanded the government, to Mr. Mather, then the minister of the greatest influence in the colony, is a proof of it.^* The people were not so charitable as to believe him sincere. However, there was no molestation to the churches of the colony, but they continued both worship and discipline as before. The affairs of the towns were likewise ma­naged in the same manner as formerly.

THEIR courts of justice were continued upon the former plan, Mr. Stoughton being at the head of them. Trials were by juries as usual. Even in the court of admiralty, the trials were by juries, but, as the jurors were returned by the marshall, very different verdicts were given from what would have been given under the former ad­ministration. The president, as ordinary, took all matters of wills and administrations into his own hand. In general, the former laws and established customs, so far as related to judicial proceedings, seem to have been their rule, although the government which framed them was dis­solved. Mr. Dudley considered himself as appointed to preserve the affairs of the colony from confusion until a governor arrived, and a rule of administration should be more fully settled. The necessity of the thing justified the former magistrates in continuing, so long as they did, to exercise authority, although the judgment against the charter had been declared in form; otherwise, under the [Page 353] same administration in England, which had caused their charter to be vacated, they would undoubtedly have been called to answer. But their authority was weak. Mr. Dudley writes to his friend Randolph, Sept. 1685, ‘I suppose it cannot be thought expedient or safe to let the government here be at such strange uncertainties, as it must needs be, until his Majesty's pleasure be known.’

CONNECTICUT, Plimouth and Rhode Island continued their former administration. Mr. Dudley had some dis­pute with Plimouth governor concerning the admiralty jurisdiction, which he claimed as vice-admiral of New-England, but it remained undetermined.

DECEMBER 19. 1686, Sir Edmund Andros arrived at Nantasket, in the Kingfisher, a 50 gun ship, with com­missions from King James for the government of New-England. He was less dreaded than Kirk, but he was known to be of an arbitrary disposition. He kept a correspondence with the colony, whilst he was governor of New-York. His letters, then, discovered much of the dictator. The depressed state of the colony prevented a proper return. He landed at Boston the 20th, and his commission was published the same day.

THE beginning of his administration gave great en­couragement. He made high professions of regard to the public good and the welfare of the people both of merchants and planters, directed the judges to administer justice according to the custom of the place, ordered the former established rules to be observed as to rates and taxes, and that all the colony laws not inconsistent with his commission should be in force.

THE major part of his council were men, who although they had been of the moderate party, yet they wished the public interest, and would have been glad to have conti­nued under the old form of government. With a good share of firmness of mind they might have been serviceable so long as they were permitted to hold their places in council. But their behavior under the old charter dis­covered they had more of the willow than of the oak in [Page 354] their constitutions. Perhaps if they had been less pliable they would have soon been displaced and others more in­clined to oppression appointed in their stead.^* Sir Edmund had no affection for them. Palmer, Brockholt, Mason, Usher, and Randolph of the council, together with West, Bullivant, Graham ^† and others, who were not of the council, were his confidents and advisers. Soon after his arrival there appears, by some loose minutes, to have been a pretty full meeting of the council. Many of them re­turned home, and a few only who lived at or near Bosto [...] attended constantly, and some of those complained that the governor had always three or four of his creatures to say yes to every thing he proposed, after which no opposition was allowed.^‡ Nero concealed his tyrannical disposition [Page 355] more years than Sir Edmund and his creatures did months. It was not long before the case of some who apprehended themselves oppressed came under consideration; one of the council told them that they must not think the privileges of Englishmen would follow them to the end of the world. This gave an alarm through the government, and it was never forgotten.

ONE of the first acts of power, after the change of government, was the restraint of the press. Randolph was the licenser. There was not so much room to complain of this proceeding as if the press had been at liberty before. It only changed its keeper, having been long under re­straint during the former administration. A restraint up­on marriages was more grievous. None were allowed to marry except they entered into bonds with sureties to the governor, to be forfeited in case there should afterwards appear to have been any lawful impediment. Magistrates still continued to join people in matrimony. Other provision could not immediately be made. There was but one episcopal minister in the country. His name was Ratcliffe. Sir Edmund considered the congregational ministers as meer lay men. Randolph wrote to the bishop of London, ‘I press for able and sober ministers, and we will contribute largely to their maintenance, but one thing will mainly help, when no marriages shall hereafter be allowed lawful but such as are made by the ministers of the church of England.’

THERE had been very few instances of even occasional assemblies for religious worship according to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England for more than fifty years. When the commissioners from King Charles were at Boston in 1665 they had a chaplain with them, but there was no house for public worship. Most of the in­habitants who were upon the stage in 1686 had never seen a church of England assembly. About that time, a small number of persons formed themselves into a society which had increased, if we may give credit to Randolph, [Page 356] in 1686 to near 400 persons.^* The agents in England, and the general court in their answers to the complaints against them in 1677, had declared that no persons should be hindered from performing divine service according to the church of England.^† This was enough to prevent any open discouragement even whilst the charter govern­ment continued. When the governor and many of the council were members of the church of England, it might well be expected that they would countenance and en­courage the establishment and growth of that church. They did not stop there. The people were menaced that their meeting-houses should be taken from them, and that public worship in the congregational way should not be tolerated.^‡ Randolph had the insolence to reprove and threaten the governor of Plimouth for exacting taxes from the quakers for the support of the ministry in that colony [Page 357] before the authority was superseded.^* But it was not long before the people were freed from their fears of per­secution, by King James's proclama [...]ion for a general tole­ration. The design was seen by some, but the greater part swallowed the bait. Several churches had agreed to set apart days of thanksgiving for his Majesty's gracious declaration for liberty of conscience. The governor for­bad them. The reason is not mentioned. It must be supposed to have been this, that he looked upon it to be the royal prerogative to appoint such days. He told them they should meet at their peril, and that he would send soldiers to guard their meeting-houses. Many congre­gations agreed to address the King. Some persons who supposed popery to be at the bottom, strongly opposed the addresses. The late deputy governor was at the head of them.^†

[Page 358]SWEARING by the book which had never been prac­tised was now introduced, and such as scrupled it were fined and imprisoned.

THE fees to all officers under the charter had been very low. They are generally so where they are estab­lished by the people. Under the new administration they were exorbitant. Fifty shillings was the common fee for probate of a will. The governor was supreme ordinary, and acted by himself,^* except a few months whilst he was at New-York and in the eastern country, when Mr. Dud­ley was his deputy.^† It was a great burthen upon widows and children who lived remote, to be obliged to come to Boston for every part of business relative to the settlements of estates. The fees of all other officers were complained of as oppressive. The harpies themselves quarrelled about their share of the prey. Randolph, who from his com­mission of secretary, expected all the clerkships in the country, complains that West, who seems at first to have been a deputy only, ran away with a thousand a year of his dues.^‡

[Page 359]BUT the greatest profit arose from patents for lands. The charter being vacated the people were told that their titles to their estates were of no value. The expression in vogue was that "the calf died in the cow's belly." Be­sides, the general court had not made their grants under the seal of the colony. This was represented as a notable defect which possession and improvement could not heal. However, it was made public that all who would acknow­ledge the insufficiency of their title derived from the for­mer government, by petitioning for new patents, should be quieted upon reasonable terms. The fees for the patents varied according to circumstances both of persons and estates. In the complaint to King James it is alledged that the fees of some amounted to fifty pounds. Prudence was used. Men's titles were not questioned all at once. Had this been the case, according to the computation then made, all the personal estate in the colony would not have paid the charge of the new patents. Some that had been most attached to the old administration were among the first who were threatned. I find a petition of Samuel Sewall, who had been a magistrate (afterwards chief justice) for confirmation of his title to a valuable island in Boston harbour (Hog island.) In a letter to a friend, a short time after, he laments his compliance. There are many hun­dred [Page 360] petitions of the same kind upon the files. Some favorites looked with an envious eye upon some of the best estates, especially where the property was in a town or company. A petition of Capt. Hutchinson and others labored, although their title was originally derived from the Indian sachems and proprietors, and the lands had been long possessed and improved. One of the best islands in New-England, in Plimouth harbour, called Clark's island, from the name of the person who first landed there, had been appropriated for the benefit of the poor of the town. This was granted to Nathaniel Clark, who had been secre­tary of that colony, and was afterwards of Sir Edmund's council and one of his greatest tools.^* Randolph petitioned for half an acre of land, to be taken out of the common in Boston, for a house lot. The answer given to it does not appear. In the latter part of the administration petitions multiplied grea [...]ly and property became every day more and more precarious.^† This was not the only invasion of [Page 361] their property. The governor with four or five of his council laid what taxes they thought proper. This the people complained of as their greatest grievance. They thought themselves intitled to the liberties and immunities of free and natural born English subjects, and that conse­quently no monies ought to be raised from them but by [Page 362] their representatives. They had no hopes of a restitutio [...] of their charter privileges in general, but they hoped that even under so arbitrary a Prince they should be allowed a house of representatives.^* This was among the first things they applied for. King James assured their agent he would take as much care of New as of Old England, and no doubt he intended to bring his subjects in both under the same regulation. The charges of government, over and above the fees of the several officers, were not ex­cessive. Under the charter the salaries were below the dignity of the offices, the highest allowance to the gover­nor not exceeding one hundred pounds per annum. What salary Sir Edmund received does not appear. The second year of his administration the public charge was greatly en­creased by a war with the Indians. There was a general sub­mission to the taxes, and the assessments were proportioned upon the inhabitants of the towns by officers chosen by themselves. It is probable this was the reason of conti­nuing to the towns some of their privileges. Every town was suffered to meet once a year to chuse their officers, but all meetings at other times or for other purposes were strictly forbidden. An intire new model of government was intended, but there was not time to perfect it. There are minutes of a great number of bills passed the council and approved by the governor, but the bills themselves are lost. The old laws of the colony seem to have continued the rule for the administration of justice, except where they were superseded by any new edicts. Mr. Dudley and Mr. Stoughton were two of the judges of the superior court, and neither of them disposed to go to the extremes [Page 363] which some others of the council wished for.^* The law proceedings were more formal than they had been.

THE monies applied for the propagation of the gospel among the Indians amounted to six or seven hundred pounds sterling per annum, which continued to be entrusted with some of the old magistrates and ministers. Mr. Boyle^† who had been long governor of the corporation in Eng­land was a very moderate churchman, and most of the members were dissenters or favorers of the cause. The archbishop of Canterbury promised Randolph ^‡ that a com­mission should be directed to some persons to audit and report the accounts of that money. The legality of such a commission, it being contrary to the charter of the corpo­ration, might have been questioned perhaps with as good reason as the legality of the royal order, which his grace and the six bishops soon after very justly refused to obey. One would think that meerly a difference of place should not make the same measure towards English subjects ap­pear reasonable in the one case, and arbitrary and oppressive [Page 364] in the other The archbishop either altered his sentiments, or was diverted by greater affairs from pursuing his design.

1688.THE Indians upon the frontiers in the summer of 1688 renewed their hostilities. A garrison had been kept at Pemaquid, but it was no security to the scattered settle­ments upon the frontiers. The governor from a preju­dice against the late administration, by whom, without sufficient grounds for it, he supposed the Indians had been treated with too great severity, if not injustice, resolved to try mild measures and endeavour to win them by good words and small courtesies. Randolph, writes to William Pen, Nov. 9, 1688, ‘This barba­rous people, the Indians, were never civilly treated by the late government, who made it their business to encroach upon their lands, and by degrees to drive them out of all. That was the grounds and the be­ginning of the last war. His excellency has all along taken other measures with them. I hope the proclama­tion and the Indians confidence in the governor's favor to such as shall submit, may put a stop to their present rage.’ Castine, a Frenchman who lived among the In­dians at Penobscot, made profession of friendship to the English, but was suspect [...]d to be a false friend and to stir up the Indians against them. His trading house was plundered this year whilst he was absent from it, which he rightly charged upon the English. The Indians in­formed some of their captives that Castine furnished every Indian who engaged against the English with a pound of powder, two pounds of lead and a quantity of tobacco. Some cattle belonging to the inhabitants of North Yar­mouth having been killed by the Indians, a justice of peace, — Blackman, seized a party of 18 or 20 Indians at or near Saco. Reprisals were made the 5th Sept. and one Henry Smith and his family taken at New Dartmouth, and the next day Edward Taylor and his family were taken from the same place, and all carried to Taconnett, up Kenebeck river, where they found nine captives taken from the lower parts of the river. The Indians killed divers [Page 365] of these captives in their frolicks, as appears by Smith's examination, who made his escape from them.^* Sir Ed­mund was then at New York.^† Upon his return to Boston he ordered the Indians which Blackman had seized to be released. The Indians returned several English captives in exchange. The 20th October, he published a proclama­tion commanding the Indians to set at liberty his Majesty's subjects lately taken by them, and that such Indians, as had been actually concerned in the murder of any of his Majesty's subjects, should surrender themselves by the 11th of November, to answer for their crimes, or otherwise be pursued and proceeded against with the utmost severity; and all that were innocent were allowed to live near the English towns if they desired it, and all persons were to take notice and conform themselves accordingly. The Indians treated the proclamation with contempt. The English being laid under restraint, were more unsafe than if war had been publicly declared.

THE people in general, as has been observed, were patient under the new government. There are a few instances of prosecution for contempt of, or opposition to the autho­rity. One John Gold of Topsfield was tried and con­victed, by verdict of a jury, of treasonable words, what they were is not mentioned, and fined fifty pounds, &c. Mr. Appleton of Ipswich, who had been an assistant, and Mr. Wise the minister of that town, were imprisoned.^‡ [Page 366] Mr. Wise, after the revolution, brought an action against Mr. Dudley, chief judge, for denying him the benefit of the habeas corpus act. Mr. Mather, one of the ministers of Boston, had been a very active person in dissuading from the surrender of the charter, and published reasons against it. Randolph frequently mentions him, in his letters, as a factious person. He behaved with so much prudence as to give no room to take hold of any part of his conduct. A forged letter was therefore forwarded, in his name, by way of Barbados, directed to a person in Amsterdam, but intercepted and shewn by Randolph to Sir Lionel Jenkins, who was reflected upon in the letter. There were many passages in favor of Ferguson, Lord Shaftsbury, Oates, &c. all which must have made the writer obnoxious to the King and his ministers, and raised a prejudice against the country. Sir Lionel either suspected the forgery, or treated the thing with contempt, asking whether it was that star-gazer ^* wrote it, so that Randolph missed his aim. Mr. Mather, two or three years, after being informed of the danger he had been in, exculpated himself in a letter to a friend, and charged the forgery upon Randolph or his brother. This letter coming to Randolph's knowledge, he brought an action of defamation against Mr. Mather, and laid his damage at five hundred pounds. The jury gave the defendant costs. But Randolph, I know not how, was bringing a new action for the same defamation. Mr. Mather's friends advising him of it, he kept concealed to avoid the service of the writ. About this time some of the principal men of the colony flattered themselves that they might obtain a partial relief by a representation of their grievances to the King, and Mr. Mather was thought a proper person to be their agent or messenger, and he embarked in the night and in disguise. The service of Randolph's writ would have prevented his voyage.^†

[Page 367]THERE seems to have been but little room to hope for success. King James was making daily advances to­wards despotism in England. It was not likely that he should consent to any degree of liberty in the colonies. Sir Edmund knew too well the disposition of his master to give himself any concern about the complaints preferred against him. There were two persons in London at that time who had been assistants under the charter, Samuel Nowel and Elisha Hutchinson. They joined with Mr. Mather in a remonstrance to the King. One of the new council, Richard Wharton, sensible of the distresses of the country, concurred with the others also, as appears by his letters, but all was to no purpose. At first indeed, a report was agreed upon by the committee for foreign plantations, in which an assembly was mentioned, but Lord Sunderland struck out that clause with his own hand before the re­port was presented.^* The inhabitants of Cambridge made a particular application,^† and Mr. Hinkley the late [Page 368] governor of Plimouth petitioned in behalf of that colony. The sum of the application made by the agents was con­tained in the following heads, viz.

‘THAT his Majesty's subjects in New-England may be quieted in the possession of all property both in houses and lands, as they enjoyed them before the government was changed on the 24th May 1686, and that the ancient records there settled for title of lands may be confirmed.’

‘THAT there be liberty of conscience in matters of re­ligion, that their former methods of swearing in giving evidence may be allowed, and that all their meeting-houses may be left free to them according to the inten­tion of the builders thereof.’

‘THAT no laws may be made nor monies raised there, without the consent of a general assembly as it is in the other plantations.’

‘THAT all townships may have liberty to assemble and manage the business of their several precincts as un­der the former government, and have power to receive and dispose of all voluntary contributions.’

‘THAT the college at Cambridge in New-England the revenues thereunto belonging, be confirmed in the hands of a president and fellows as formerly.’

THIS application meeting with no success, the agents preferred the following petition.

[Page 369] ‘TO the right honorable the Lords Committee for trade and plantations.’

‘THE humble petition of Increase Mather, Samuel Nowell, and Elisha Hutchinson, sheweth, THAT since your Lordships seem to be of opinion that his Majesty will not at present grant an assembly to be held within his dominion of New-England for the making of laws or raising of money, the petitioners hum­bly conceive that it will be much for his Majesty's ser­vice and the peaceable government of his subjects there, that, until his Majesty shall be graciously pleased to grant an assembly, the council should consist of such persons as shall be considerable proprietors of lands within his Majesty's dominions, and that, the counties being con­tinued as at present, each county may have one at least of such of the inhabitants of the same to be members thereof. And that no acts may pass for law but such as have or shall be voted by the manifest consent of the major part of the council. And that all laws so made may, by printing, be published for the general instruction of all the inhabitants.’

‘YOUR petitioners therefore most humbly pray that your Lordships would be pleased favorably to report the same to his Majesty for his gracious direction and order therein, and your petitioners as in duty bound shall pray, &c.’

HOWEVER modest these desires may appear to us at this day, who are in the possession of such ample privileges, yet they could not prevail in the reign of King James. The solicitations in England had not the least influence upon measures in New-England.^*

WRITS of intrusion were brought against some of the principal persons in the colony, who refused to petition for patents. Col. Shrimpton hired Deer-island of the town of Boston, the rent was appropriated to the support of a school. An action was commenced for recovering [Page 370] possession.^* Besides the real oppressions from this arbitrary administration, many groundless jealousies were raised which increased the terror of the people. Castine, it was inti­mated, was robbed with the privity of the authority, in order to incense the French and Indians.^† Upon the first insurrection of the Indians, the inhabitants began to fortify and garrison their houses. Sir Edmund ordered them to desist. An Indian who came in to Sudbury affirmed to the people there that the Indians understood from the governor that the French and Irish would take possession of Boston in the spring. A Penicook Indian affirmed that the Maquas or Mohawks had sent a messenger to inform the Penicook tribe that Sir Edmund had hired them to fight against the English. These idle stories were spread about the country. The Mohawks, it is true, made peace with the French, under the influence of Sir Edmund. The close connection between the courts of England and France at this time well accounts for it.

THE Indians neglected to comply with the governor's order to deliver up the murderers. They continued their hostilities. He thereupon raised a small army of seven or eight hundred men,^‡ and, in the beginning of November, marched at the head of them, through frost and snow, into the eastern country. This measure was [Page 371] universally condemned. The men being exposed to ex­treme hardships, without any prospect of service, the In­dians taking care to keep out of their reach. Some of his enemies charged him with a design to starve or freeze the men, but other persons, who were more candid, acknowledg­ed that he readily took to himself his full share of the hard­ships of the campaign, and that he was a kind and good ge­neral to the men under his command. Notwithstanding his care, many died with hardships, more, it was thought, than the whole number of Indians at that time in hostility. Not one Indian was killed. They all fled into their more remote dens, where they remained the whole winter. Be­sides the fort at Pemaquid, Sir Edmund built a fort at Pejypscot falls, and another at Sheepscote, and placed gar­risons in them, and, upon his return to Boston, lest the command of the country with Anthony Brockholt, one of his council and favorites.

IN the summer of 1688,^* the governor received a new commission, which was published, with great parade, from the balcony of the town-house.^† And soon after, he re­ceived [Page 372] the joyful news of the birth of a prince, and ordered a general thanksgiving through his government. The suspicions concerning this birth, were transmitted with the news, and v [...]ry easily received by the people in general.^*

During [...] win [...]er of 88, there was no account received in New-England of the landing of the Prince of Orange. Something [...]ra [...]pired by way of Virginia as the spring opened. The rumour brought the governor from Pema­quid to Boston. Soon a [...]ter his arrival, viz. April 16th, he writes to Brockholt. ‘There's a general buzzing among the people, great with expectation of their old [Page 373] charter, or they know not what; hope, that all magi­strates and officers will be careful not to be wanting in their duty, and particularly trust, that the soldiers be in good order, and diligent to avoid surprize, and see they have provisions fitting duly served out, and, if occasion, more than the ordinary allowance, &c.’—A few days before, one Mr. Winslow came from Virginia, and brought a printed copy of the Prince of Orange's declaration. Upon his arrival, he was imprisoned by justice Foxcroft and others, for bringing a traiterous and treasonable libel into the country, as the mittimus expressed it. Winslow offered two thousand pounds bail, but it could not be accepted. A proclamation was issued, charging all officers and people to be in readiness to hinder the landing of any forces which the Prince of Orange might send into those parts of the world. The old magistrates and heads of the people silently wished, and secretly prayed, for success to the glorious undertaking, and determined quietly to wait the event. The body of the people were more im­patient. The flame, which had been long smothered in their breasts, burst forth with violence, thursday the 18th of April, when the governor and such of the council as had been most active, and other obnoxious persons, about fifty in the whole, were seized and confined, and [...]he old magistrates were reinstated. This was certainly a rash precipitate proceeding. Little or no inconvenience could arise from a few days delay. The revolution in England could not, at any time, have been effected without risque to all persons there who moved in it. Their lives depended on the success of the attempt. But the fate of New-England depended upon that of Old. If the Prince suc­ceeded, they might have assumed the government without any hazard. If he failed, had they remained quiet, they would have been in no worse state than before; but the consequence of an insurrection would have been death to the principal actors, and a still harder slavery than before to all the rest of the inhabitants. An anonymous letter, directed to the governor of Plimouth, gives a more cir­cumstantial [Page 374] account of this revolution than any that has yet been printed.

THE former governor, Mr. Bradstreet,^* with several of the magistrates chosen in 1686, and some of the prin­cipal merchants and other principal inhabitants, being con­vened at the town-house, signed the following message to Sir Edmund Andros, which was the first public act done by them.

The letters came to Springfield the 23d of September, and a day or two after to Boston. The French men, not long after, by some means or other were retaken and carried to Canada, where they were punished as deserters. Before their execution they confessed the whole. Mr. Nelson was carried out with them in expectation of the same fate. They were shot before his eyes. He was sent back to prison and soon after to France, but on his passage pre­vailed with a fellow passenger to convey intelligence of a second design of 12 men of war and 2000 troops which were every day from Piscataqua to Carolina. He was confined in France in a small hole for two years, without opportunity of seeing any per­son but a servant who brought his victuals to a grate. A gen­tleman, who had taken notice of the person who carried the vic­tuals from day to day, had the curiosity to enquire what prisoner was there, and to speak to him at the grate, and to ask if he could do him any service. Mr. Nelson desired no other favor than to have a letter sent to England to inform Sir Purbeck Temple of his condition, which was done, and soon after a demand was made of his release or exchange. He was then looked upon as a person of some importance. He was sent to the Bastile, and just before the peace of Ryswick was allowed to go to England, upon his pa­role and security given by a French gentleman for his return. The peace being concluded and he intending to return was forbad to do it by King William, but to prevent any trouble to his friend he went contrary to order, and surrendered himself. Being dis­charged, upon his return to England he was brought into trouble there for going back to France contrary to the King's order, but at length returned to his family after ten or eleven years absence.

[Page 379]HOWEVER exceptionable the first rising of the people might be, yet this measure of the magistrates and other gentlemen seems to have been necessary. It is difficult to [Page 380] conceive in what other way the people could have been quieted. Had they been left to themselves, the conse­quences must have been terrible. Some who had been the most firm in support of the charter were afraid, how­ever, of being called to account for their concern in this action.^*

[Page 381]A long declaration was r [...]d from the balcony or gallery of the town-house. This is printed at large in Neale and other writers. There would be room to doubt, whether this declaration was not a work of time and prepared beforehand, if it did not appear, by the stile and language, to have been the performance of one of the mi­nisters of the town of Boston,^‡ who had a remarkable talent for very quick and sudden composures; besides, it was not printed until several days after, and perhaps was corrected and enlarged. Indeed, it fully appears from many private letters, still preserved, one of the best sorts of evidence of the truth of historical facts of this nature, that none of the magistrates were privy to the rising of the people, and, in the people themselves, it seems to have been sudden and without any previously concerted plan.

THE next day, April 19th, an order was signed by most of the persons who subscribed the advice to Sir Edmund, and also by Wm. Johnson of Woburn, and James Russell of Charlestown, directed to John Pipon, commander of the castle, and accompanied with an order from the late governor, to deliver the fort and stores to Capt. Fairweather, which was complied with. The 20th, the tumult being abated▪ the new council began to consider what form of government they should establish in the room of that which was dis­solved. They first invited divers other persons to join with them, who were required to sign an approbation of the advice given to Sir Edmund, and, being thus strength­ned, they took the title of ‘A council for the safety of the people and conservation of the peace.’ Those who [Page 382] thus associated with the first mentioned, were James Russell, John Phillips, Penn Townsend, Joseph Lynde, John Joyliffe, Eliakim Hutchinson, Nath. Oliver, John Eyre, Jeremiah Dummer, Win. Johnson, John Hawthorne, An­drew Belcher, Richard Sprague, James Parker, Dudley Bradstreet, Nath. Saltonstall, Richard Dummer, Robert Pike, John Smith, Edmund Quincy, William Bond, and Daniel Pierce. They chose Mr. Bradstreet their presi­dent, Isaac Addington clerk of the council, and Wait Win­throp commander in chief of the militia, and appointed officers in the several ports for entering and clearing vessels, and John Foster and Adam Winthrop, two of their number, stewards or treasurers.

THEY continued to pass orders, from time to time, for the regulation of the inhabitants, but the authority was weak, and there was a necessity of a further settlement. They were careful to avoid reassuming their charter. Besides the exceptions that might be taken whilst the decree against it stood in full force, there were many who were desirous of a settlement from England, sensible of the defects in the charter; and when the governor and assembly afterwards addressed for the restitution of it, they desired such further privileges as were necessary. They had, no doubt, received advice of the convention called by the Prince of Orange, and in imitation of it, on the second of May, they recommended to the several towns in the colony to meet, and depute persons, not exceeding two for each town, except Boston four, to form an assembly▪ to sit the ninth of the same month. Sixty six persons met and presented a declaration to the president and former magistrates in particular,They declare the governor deputy governor and assistants chosen and sworn in 1686, according to charter rights, and the deputies then sent by the freemen of the several towns, to be the govern­ment now settled in the colony. Records. taking no notice of such as had associated with them, but upon receiving an answer in writing, they desired the whole council to continue in their station until the 22d instant, at which time it was agreed there should be a meeting of the representatives of [Page 383] all the towns in the colony, at Boston, who were to be specially instructed by their towns. Letters had been sent to Plimouth and to Connecticut, ^* to acquaint the principal gentlemen there with what had been done at Boston. Both those colonies were content the governor should be confined at Boston, and both reassumed their old form of government. Nothing passed relative to New-Hampshire or Rhode-Island. Assoon as the news reached New-York, Nicholson, the lieutenant-governor, dispatched the follow­ing letter, directed to Simon Bradstreet and Wait Win­throp, Esq'rs. and others.

[Page 385]The following answer was returned.

THE representatives of 54 towns met at Boston, on the 22d of May.^* They soon discovered a desire to re­assume the charter. The major part of the council were against it. Two days were spent in disputes. The peo­ple without doors were also much divided in sentiments. On the 24th, the governor and magistrates, chosen in 1686, signed a paper, declaring their acceptance of the care and government of the people, according to the rules of the charter, for the conservation of the peace and safety of the people, until, by directio [...] from England, there be an orderly settlement of government, provided an addition should be made of fit persons to assist them, as was desired, and that what had been before done be allowed, and the stewards be reimbursed: This they did for the satisfaction [Page 387] of the people, and from the present necessity, but they did not intend, nor would be understood to intend, an assump­tion of the charter government. Their declaration was accepted by the representatives, notwithstanding its being qualified in the conclusion of it.^† The next day, Mr. Winthrop, and most of the other gentlemen who had acted as members of the council, and who had a strong party in favour of their continuing so to act, generously quitted all claim to it, in confidence, as they express it, that the peo­ple will be inviolably preserved in their obedience to the directions expected from England, and that the persons of all the gentlemen confined should be well treated, and promised to endeavour to pacify the people, who were [...]is­satisfied on their account, and to promote the public tran­quility, as far as should be in their power.

THE 26th (being Sunday) a ship arrived from England with advice of the proclaiming King William and Queen Mary. This was the most joyful news ev [...]r received in New-England. The fears of the people, of a [...]y very bad consequences from their late actions, were now over. On the 29th the proclamation was publis [...]d in [...]oston, with greater ceremony than had been known, [...] governor and council, civil and military officers, merchan [...] of the town, and principal gentlemen of the town and country being on horseback, the regiment of the town, and many com­panies of horse and foot from the country, appearing in arms; a grand entertainment was prepare [...] in the town-house, and wine was served out to the soldiers.

THE 5th of June, the representatives of the several towns, upon a new choice, assembled at Boston. The council immediately proposed to them to exhibit articles against the gentlemen seized by the people, or else to con­sent to their inlargement, upon security given, but this was not agreed to.^* The next day, the representatives [Page 388] urged to the council, to take upon them the part they ought to bear in the government, according to the charter, until orders should be received from England, and declared ‘they could not proceed to act in any thing of public con­cerns, until this was conceded.’ An acceptance was voted, this declaration being given as the reason of the vote. By these steps the change was made from the unlimited power of Sir Edmund and four of his council, to the old government, which had continued above fifty years; but the weight and authority did not return with the form. They were scrupulous of their power themselves, and made an apology, in an address to the crown, for causing certain pirates to be executed. They found it very difficult to raise men, and continue them in service, for the defence of the province. Several contemptuous pamphlets against them were published with impunity. Thirty years before, the authors of the like would have been guilty of a capital offence. And although the first advices, received after­wards from England, gave them some grounds to expect a re­establishment of government in the old form, yet these ad­vices were soon succeeded by others which caused them to despair of it.^* Mr. Mather, the agent in England, waited the event of the Prince of Orange his expedition. Soon after the withdraw of King James, Mr. Mather was intro­duced [Page 389] to the Prince of Orange, by Lord Wharton, and prevented the circular letter before mentioned, for con­firming governors, being sent to New-England. The 14th of March, Lord Wharton introduced him again to the King,^† when, after humbly congratulating his Majesty's accession, Mr. Mather implored his Majesty's favor to New England. The King promised all the favor in his power, but hinted what had been irregular in their former government. Whereupon Mr. Mather undertook that, upon the first word, they should reform any irregularities they should be advised of, and Lord Wharton offered to be their guarantee. The King then said, that he would give orders that Sir Edmund Andros should be removed and called to account for his mal-administration, and that the King and Queen should be proclaimed by the former magistrates. Mr. Mather was a faithful agent, and was unwearied in securing friends for his country. Besides several of the nobility and principal commoners, he had engaged the whole body of the dissenting ministers, whose weight, at that time, was far from inconsiderable.

THE family of Ashurst had always been friendly to New-England. The first addresses after the restoration were sent to Mr. Ashurst, Mr. Leveret and Mr. Richard Hutchinson, to be delivered to the King. Sir Henry Ashurst a member of parliament was more particu­larly engaged at this time by Mr. Mather, who de­sired that he might be impowered by the colony to appear as their agent. Mr. Hampden, another member, also shewed great friendship. The house of commons voted the taking away the charters of the plantations to be a grievance,^* and a bill passed the house for restoring [Page 390] charters, and the New-England charters were expresly mentioned, but whilst the bill lay in the house of Lords, the parliament, sooner than expected, was prorogued, the King going to Ireland. The King, from the beginning, discovered a design to reserve the appointment of the gover­nor to himself. It was in vain, after losing this chance in parliament, to try for the restoration of the old charter. A new charter, with as many of the old privileges as could be obtained, was all that could be hoped for. In the mean time, application was made, for express power and autho­rity to be granted to the colony to exercise government according to the old charter, until a new could be settled. This was obtained.^† At the same time an order was sent, [Page 391] commanding the delivery of the sails taken from the Rose frigate, and another order for Sir Edmund Andros, and the other persons, to be sent to England.^† Mr. Mather [Page 392] intended to have returned to New-England with these or­ders, but his son being taken with the small-pox at Deal, prevented his embarking. Letters arrived in England, presently after the King's order to the old magistrates, from Sir Edmund Andros, Mr. Dudley, &c. complaining of their usage. Nicholson and Usher came to London also with their complaints, and the Indians falling upon Piscataqua about the same time, it was imputed to the revolution in the Massachusets, and the friends of New-England were afraid the powers would be recalled,^* and a governor sent over without delay.

THE letters did not arrive in New-England until very late in the year, but came very opportunely to calm the commotions which had very much increas [...] there. Sir Edmund, his servant having enticed the centinel to drink and then to suffer him to be upon guard in his stead, escaped from the castle and went to Rhode-Island, where Major Sanford stopped him, and sent him back to the castle again.^† The first opportunity after the arrival of the [Page 393] King's order, he, with Mr. Dudley and several others, embarked for England.^† The general court thought it adviseable to send over two of their members to join with Sir Henry Ashurst and Mr. Mather in maintaining their charges against their oppressors, as well as in solliciting the restoration of the charter, with such additional privileges as should be thought proper, viz. Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes,^* both of them assistants. Mr. Cooke was a gentle­man of good understanding, and had been well educated, had always adhered stiffly to the old charter, and when all the rest of the assistants declined reassuming it, he alone was in favor of it.^‡ Mr. Oakes was a man of less conse­quence, but attached to the same side, having been some time a representative of the town of Boston, and not of the assistants when they refused to reassume. They were instructed, among other things, to sollicit in parliament, or elsewhere, the confirmation of their ancient charter and [Page 394] and all it's rights and privileges, civil and sacred, and, if there should be opportunity, to endeavour the obtaining such farther privileges as might be of benefit to the colony. The agents disagreed, and by this means certain articles in­tended against Sir Edmund were never signed by them.^* [Page 395] He obtained, some time after, the government of Virginia, where he died. Mr. Dudley was appointed chief justice of New-York, and the latter end of the year 1690, was at Boston, in his way to his post. Nicholson endeavoured for the government of New-York, but had not interest to carry it, and was appointed lieut. governor of Virginia▪ under Lord Howard of Effingham.^*

THE war with the Indians, which began before the revolution of government, continued all the year after▪ Madockawando, sachem of the Penobscots, who came into Pemaquid, was sent to Boston, where he arrived just about the time the governor was confined. The authority treated him kindly and sent him home, and at the same time wrote to St. Castine, and desired him to use his in­fluence over the Indians, and offered him safe conduct, if he inclined to come to Boston. Madockawando had pro­mised his interest for redemption of the captives which had [Page 396] been taken, and for putting an end to the war; but both he and Castine deceived the government. Madocka­wando proved a most virulent enemy.

THE Indians of Penicook, upon Merrimack river, in the spring of the year 1689, professing great friendship to Major Waldron, of Quochecho,^* were civilly treated by him, and one of their chiefs was lodged in his garrison. The Indian in the night, opened the gate to a great number of Saco and Penicook Indians, who lay hovering round it. They killed the major and twenty two others, and carried away twenty nine captives, and plundered and burnt the neighbouring houses. The authority at Boston were equally anxious for the protection and defence of the people as if they had been within the colony, and sent out forces for their relief. Intelligence arrived, soon after, of mischief done in several parts of the county of York, or province of Main, and, on the 22d of August, the fort at Pemaquid, the command of which (being garrisoned by 14 men only) was given to one Weems, an officer Sir Edmund had left there, was besieged by the Indians. It was so situated as to be overlooked from a rock near to it.^† From thence the Indians galled the garrison to such de­gree, that the next day they capitulated upon terms, which were kept with Indian faith, some of the men being butchered and the others carried captive. There were no hopes of security by sea or land, the French from Quebec instigating the Indians and joining parties with them, and the French from Acadie, by their small privateers, infesting the coasts and taking many vessels. In the winter, therefore, the general court were meditating an attempt both upon Port-Royal and Quebec. Sir William Phips ^‡ [Page 397] came to New-England in the summer of 1689. He was thought the fittest person for the command of the forces. Eight small vessels, with seven or eight hundred men, was thought a sufficient force for Port-Royal.

THE fleet sailed the 28th of April,1690. and returned the 30th of May. The fort at Port Royal being in no capacity to stand a siege, surrendered with little or no resistance. Sir William took possession (as appears by his journal) of the whole sea coast, from Port-Royal to Penobscot and the New England settlements. The plunder was thought equal to the whole expence. But this was conjecture. The acquisition was so easy, that the court were confirmed in the prosecution of their design upon Canada. Besides, the ravages began upon the frontiers by French and Indians, assoon as the spring opened, made it appear more necessary than ever. Casco fort, with above 100 persons, was besieged^* and taken, whilst the forces were gone to Port-Royal. There was a still further inducement, they hoped to re­commend [Page 398] themselves to the King's favor, and to obtain the establishment of their government. A small vessel had been sent to England express, the beginning of April, with a representation of the exposed state of the colony, and the necessity of the reduction of Canada, and praying for a supply of arms and ammunition, and a number of the King's frigates to attack the French by sea, whilst the colony forces should march by land and perform their parts.^* [Page 399] But their hands were too full in England to give any attention to this proposal. The Massachusets, however, determined to proceed, and Connecticut and New-York engaged to furnish a body of men. Two thousand were expected to march by Lake Champlain and attack Montreal, at the same time that the forces by sea should be before Quebec. It was late in the season to undertake this great affair, but they tarried longer than otherwise they would have done, in expectation of the stores they had sent for to England. None arriving, the 9th of August the fleet sailed from Nanta [...]ket. There were between thirty and forty vessels, great and small, the largest of 44 guns and 200 men, perhaps not of superior strength to a sixth rate man of war, the whole number of men about two thou­sand. They did not arrive before Quebec until the 5th of October. Great dependance was had upon a division of the French force, but it happened, most unfortunately, that the forces designed against Montreal had retreated, and the news of it had reached Montreal before the fleet arrived at Quebec, so that Count Frontenac, the French general, was able to employ the whole strength of Canada against this little army.^* This must have struck a damp [Page 400] upon the spirits of the English forces, and they could have but little hopes of succeeding. Le Hontan, a French writer, says, the general was at Montreal when he heard the news of the fleet's being in the river, and that, if the English had made their descent before his arrival at Quebec, or two days after, they would have carried the place without striking a blow, there not being 200 French in the city, which lay open and exposed on all hands, but that they lost three days in consulting, before they came to a resolution. Success is wisdom with mankind in general. From the ill success of this undertaking, both English and French writers have treated it with ridicule and peculiar contempt. The next morning after the fleet arrived, Sir William sent a summons ashore. If it was too pompous, the answer was too insolent. The English were called hereticks and traitors, and told, that if it had not been for the revolution, New-England and Canada would have been all one. The French say, the major who car­ried the summons was threatned with a gibbet, and had like to have swooned. No notice is taken of this in the English journals, and it is not likely to be true. An [Page 401] attempt was made to land the next day (the 7th) but the violence of the wind prevented. The 8th they landed all the effective men, amounting to between twelve and thirteen hundred.^* They were fired upon from the woods by French and Indians, and marched in disorder, and did not attempt to cross Charles river, which lay be­tween them and the town. Night overtook them. Upon examining a deserter, he gave them such an account of the strength of the French as discouraged them from ad­vancing any further. The ships were drawn up the next evening before the town. They did little damage to the enemy, but were much shat [...]ered by the cannon from their batteries. The forces continued ashore until the 11th, rather upon the defensive, when they embarked with pre­cipitation. A council of war was called the next day, and proposals were made for another attempt, after a few days refreshment for the men; but tempestuous weather came on, which drove some of the vessels from their anchors and scattered the whole fleet, and they made the best of their way back to Boston, where Sir William arrived the 19th of November. Some of the fleet were blown off to the West-Indies, one was lost upon Anticosta, and two or three were wrecked or never heard of. It appears by manuscript letters, that about two hundred men were lost by the enemy and sickness.^† The small pox, which pre­vailed in Boston before they sailed, had got into the army. Many died of the camp disease after their return, and spread the infection among the inhabitants of Boston. This was a humbling stroke to New-England. The return of the New-York and Connecticut forces was the most visible cause of the disappointment. Walley, who had the command of the land forces, gave in a journal of his proceedings to the general court. His conduct was censured by particular persons, but there was no public enquiry.

[Page 402]THE government was utterly unprepared for the return of the forces. They seem to have presumed, not only upon success, but upon the enemy's treasure to bear the charge of the expedition. The soldiers were upon the point of mutiny for want of their wages.^† It was utterly impracticable to raise, in a few days, such a sum of money as would be necessary. An act was passed for levying the sum, but the men could not stay until it should be brought into the treasury. The extreme difficulty, to which the government was thus reduced, was the occasion of the first bills of credit ever issued in the colonies, as a substitute in the place of money.^* The debt was paid by paper notes from two shillings to ten pounds denomination, which notes were to be received for payment of the tax which was to be levied, and all other payments in the treasury. This was a new experiment. They had better credit than King James's leather money in Ireland, about the same time. But the notes would not command money, nor any commodities at money price. Sir William Phips, it is said, exchanged a large sum, at par, in order to give them credit. The soldiers in general were great sufferers, and could get no more than twelve or fourteen shillings in the pound. As the time of payment of the tax approached, the credit of the notes was raised, and the government allowing five per cent. to those who paid their taxes in notes, they became better than money. This was gain to the possessor, but it did not restore to the poor soldier what he had lost by the discount.^‡ Sir William Phips, after a few weeks tarry in [Page 403] Boston, embarked for England, to sollicit an expedition from thence against Canad [...], the government, at the same time, sending their humble address to their Majesties, shewing the necessity of it.

WHILST the forces were gone to Canada, and the event uncertain, the Indians pretended to be disposed to peace. [Page 404] Major Pike and Major Hutchinson, ^† two of the assistants, were appointed to treat with them at Wells, but nothing was done. On the 29th of November, six of the chiefs, viz. Edgeremet, Toqualmot, Watombamet, Naictumbuit, Walombee, and John Hawkins,^* brought in ten captives, and, in behalf of the Penicook, Winnapissiaukee, Ossapy, Pigwacket, Amascoggin, Pejepscot, Kenebeck Indians, and all adjacent places, within the territories of those Sagamores, agreed upon a truce until the first of May en­suing, upon which day they were to meet at the house of lieutenant Storer, in Wells, and to bring in all the English captives, and to settle articles for a firm and lasting peace. This agreement was made at Sagadehoc, with Capt. John Alden, appointed by the governor and council for that purpose. In consequence of this truce, the land enjoyed rest for the winter.

1691.AT the day appointed, Mr. Danforth, the deputy governor, and several others, with a proper guard, re­paired to Wells, but no Indians appeared. Capt. Con­verse went out, and meeting with some of them, they came in, bringing two captives with them, and promised in twenty days to bring in all the rest. The deputy governor returned disappointed, and a fresh supply of 35 men were sent to Storer's house, where they were scarcely arrived, when, on June 9th, an attack was made upon the garrison by 200 Indians, with Moxus, a noted Sachem, at their head; but the fortunate arrival of these recruits pre­vented the enemy from succeeding. Divers were killed at Berwick, Exeter and Cape Nidduck. A small army was sent into the eastern country by sea, which landed at Maquoit, and marched to Pejepscot, but met with none of [Page 405] the enemy. As the English were re-embarking they were attacked by a great body of Indians. Their vessels were aground. English and Indians kept firing all night. The Indians were, by this army, diverted from going over to the Isles of Shoals, which they intended to have done. The frontiers were unmolested after this, until the 28th of Sep­tember, when 7 people were killed and taken at Berwick, and the next day, between 20 and 30 at Sandy-beach; and in October, a family was destroyed at Rowley, and another at Haverhill. On the 25th of January the town of York was destroyed. Most of the houses were un­guarded. A gun fired by the Indians caused many of the inhabitants to run to their doors. They found themselves surrounded with Indians; about 50 of the English were killed upon the spot, and near an hundred captivated. The minister, Shubael Dummer, who was in great esteem, was shot dead, as he was mounting his horse at his door, and his wife and family made prisoners. They set fire to the houses, four fortified houses only holding out a­gainst them, viz. Alcock's, Prebles's, Harman's and Nor­ton's. A party of men were sent from Portsmouth, but too late to give relief.

WHILST the colony was thus distressed within themselves, their enemies in England took the advantage of their di­stresses, and used them as an argument against the restitu­tion of the charter, imputing all to the bad administration of government. The difference between their agents also increased. Mr. Wiswall, a minister of Plimouth colony, a gentleman of piety and learning, was in Boston when Mr. Cooke and Oakes were about to embark, and he was de­sired to go with them. He had no credentials. He joined in politicks with Mr. Cooke, rather than with Mr. Mather. The people of Plimouth were extremely desirous of continuing a separate government, but if that could not be obtained, they chose to be annexed to the Massachusets, rather than New-York. When Mr. Slaughter was ap­pointed governor of New-York, Plimouth was put into his commission, but by the industry and discreet application [Page 406] of Mr. Mather, the commission was altered.^* An or­der, after this, was issued to the Lords chief justices, Holt and Pollexfen, and the attorney and sollicitor general,^† to draw up a new charter for the Massachusets, and Pli­mouth was included in it. When Mr. Wiswall understood this, he opposed it, in hopes of obtaining a separate grant. This offended the sollicitor general, and he struck out [Page 407] Plimouth, and it was again intended they should be an­nexed to New-York. When this news reached the colony of Plimouth, many people were alarmed, yet their general court persisted in desiring Sir Henry Ashurst, their agent, to apply for a separate charter, without signifying that they chose to be joined to the Massachusets, rather than to New-York, nor could they raise any money, the people about Bristol, Dartmouth, &c. pretending that there was no hopes of any charter for them, nor the Massachusets neither. The sentiments of many of the best men in the colony were known to Mr. Mather, otherwise, it is not improbable, Plimouth would finally have been included in New-York commission, although near 300 miles distant.^*

[Page 408]WHEN Mr. Mather found it impossible to obtain the restitution of the old charter, his next care was to preserve as many of the privileges contained in it as he could. Sir Henry Ashurst joined with him in all his measures. Mr. Cooke was for the old charter or none at all. Mr. Oakes, the other agent, joined with Mr. Cooke.^† It was doubtful whether they had authority, by their instructions, to sollicit for any other. In the first draught of a new charter, the governor only was reserved to the King, the deputy governor and council, and other officers, were to be chosen by the people, and the governor had no nega­tive in any case. This draught was made by the attorney general, according to what he took to be the King's mind, as expressed in council. It was presented at the council board the 8th of June 1691,^* when it was objected, that, [Page 409] ‘by such a charter as this, the King's governor would be made a governor of clouts,’ ^* and an order passed for pre­paring the heads of another draught. When they were prepared, a copy was given to Mr. Mather, with an order from their Lorships, that ‘if the agents were not satisfied therewith, they should bring in their objections to the attorney general.’ Mr. Mather was so dissatisfied, that he declared he would sooner part with his life than con­sent [Page 410] to them. He was told ‘the consent of the agents was not desired; the agents of New-England were not plenipotentiaries from a sovereign state; if they declared they would not submit to the King's pleasure, his Majesty would settle the country, and they might take what would follow.’ Sir Henry Ashurst, with Mr. Mather, drew up, notwithstanding, their objections against the minutes, insist­ing upon the King's promise, and that charters might as well be refused to be restored to any of the corporations in Eng­land, where they had been taken away, as to New-England.^† The objections were presented to the attorney general [Page 411] and laid before the council, and a copy sent to the King in Flanders, but all had no effect. The King approved of the minutes and disliked the objections made to them, and the charter was drawn up by Mr. Blaithwait^* according to them. The only question with the agents was, whether to submit to this new settlement, or to signify to the mini­sters of state that they had rather have no charter at all. Mr. Cooke continued firm to his first principles, and as he would never take any one step towards obtaining the charter, so he utterly refused to accept of it, when granted, [Page 412] and he endeavoured to prevent the colony from accep [...] ­ing it also.^† Mr. Wiswall's principles and conduct wer [...] the same with Mr. Cooke's, and he endeavoured to pre­judice the colony of Plimouth against the charter, as th [...] [Page 413] other did that of the Massachusets.^* The nomination of the officers reserved to the crown were left, for the first time, to the agents, or rather to Mr. Mather, who was considered as instar omnium.†

SIR WILLIAM PHIPS was the person recommended for governor. He had been chosen by the colony an assistant, the year before, and was acceptable to the people in general. Mr. Stoughton had been appointed deputy-president [Page 414] president by King James, and altho' he had not recovered his interest so far with the people as to obtain a vote for an assistant, yet he stood well with many persons of in­fluence, particularly with Mr. Mather, the son, who wrote to his father in favor of him.^† Mr. Addington, the secretary, was at that time secretary to the colony. The emoluments of that office were small, compared with the duty, and so he was in less danger of a competitor. The 28 counsellors were persons of the best characters in the several parts of the colonies, of which, by the charter, they were to be inhabitants or proprietors. Several who had been of the assistants chosen by the people, were left out of the number, Mr. Cooke in particular, also Thomas Danforth, William Browne, William Johnson, John Smith, Thomas Oakes, and Jeremiah Swayne. All these, except Mr. Browne, who was supposed to have been too com­pliant with Sir Edmund, were rigidly attached to the old charter, and Mr. Mather, no doubt, expected they would appear in opposition to the acceptance of the new; for, however extraordinary it may appear, the people of the country were far from being unanimous in submitting to it, expecting, that if it should be refused, they might main­tain their right to their old privile [...]es. They thought it would be a singular hard case, that the effects of the late despotism must be felt by them alone, of all their Ma­jesties subjects, all other charters, whether there had been judgments against them, or whether there had been a surrender only, being, by one means or other, restored. But, it was said, there was this difference between the case of the Massachusets and most of the other charters. In general, there was no room for legal exception to the powers exercised by the corporations, but the Massachusets charter not being intended, when it was granted, for such government as is necessary to be exercised in a colony [Page 415] remote from its mother country, a reversion of the former judgment would have been of no service; and Sir George Treby declared to Mr. Mather, Sir John Somers and the two Lords chief justices being present and assenting to it, that ‘if the judgment against the charter should be re­versed, and the government should exercise those powers which, before the quo warranto, they had done, a new writ would issue out against them in Westminster-hall, and there would be a judgment against them, and such an one as that there would be no room for a writ of error.’ By the old charter, it was said, they had power to im­prison or inflict punishment, in criminal cases, according to the course of corporations in England, but that, unless capital cases be expressly mentioned, the power would not reach them; that no power was given to erect judicatories or courts for probate of wills, or with admiralty jurisdiction, nor any power to constitute a house of deputies or repre­sentatives, nor to impose taxes on the inhabitants, nor to incorporate towns, colleges, schools, &c. which powers and privileges had been, notwithstanding, usurped. Whether many of the corporations in England had not deviated as much from their original constitution, and whether par­ticular persons are not punishable for usurpations, and not the corporation itself extinguished or dissolved, as was urged in the case of the city of London, it is not necessary to determine. Seventy years practice under a new charter, in many respects to be preferred to the old, has taken away, not only all expectation, but all desire of ever re­turning to the old charter. We do not envy the neigh­bouring governments which retained, and have ever since practised upon, their ancient charters. Many of the most sensible men in those governments would be glad to be under the same constitution that the Massachusets province happily enjoys.

SIR William Phips arrived at Boston, with the charter, the 14th of May 1692. He issued writs for a general assembly, which met the 8th of June following.

[Page 416]ALTHOUGH a party was formed which opposed a submission to the charter, yet a majority of the court wisely and thankfully accepted it, and appointed a day of solemn thanksgiving to Almighty God, for ‘granting a safe arrival to his excellency the governor and the Rev. Mr. Increase Mather, who have industriously endeavoured the service of this people, and have brought over with them a settlement of government, in which their Majesties have graciously given us distinguishing marks of their royal favour and goodness.’

SIR William arrived just at the beginning of as strange [...]n infatuation as any people were ever under. A consi­derable number of innocent persons were sacrificed to the distempered imagination, or perhaps wicked hearts, of such as pretended to be bewitched. But having proceeded as far as I proposed, I leave the relation of this unfortunate affair, and other transactions and occurrences since the pre­sent charter, to be communicated to the public by some abler pen.

IT was one great design of the first planters of the Massachusets colony to obtain for themselves and their posterity the liberty of worshipping God in such manner as appeared to them to be most agreeable to the sacred scriptures. Whilst they remained in Eng­land they continued in the communion of the church, such of them excepted as were excluded from it for nonconformity to some of the ceremonies. With some of the ceremonial parts of worship they were all more or less dissatisfied. The canons or laws of the church, and the rigid execution of them▪ they accounted a grievous burden. The form of government in the church was not a general subject of complaint. They were very careful to distin­guish themselves from the Brownists and other separatists. Had they remained in England and the church been governed with the wisdom and moderation of the present day, they would have remained, to use their own expres­sion, ‘in the bosom of that church where they had re­ceived their hopes of salvation.’ ^* They were of the same stamp with Doctor Preston, Doctor Sibbs, Mr. Hil­dersham, Rogers, Dod and other old puritants, who though called nonconformists, yet I suppose never separated, but refrained from such ceremonies and such parts of the liturgy only as they scrupled to use. However, they did not sup­pose the form of episcopal government to be enjoined by divine authority so as to make it unlawful to submit to, or to establish any other form. They knew very well that [Page 418] upon their arrival in America they would be no longer subject to any diocesan in England, but they took no mea­sures for the establishment of episcopacy under any re­strictions or limitations by royal or national authority. They must, however, have supposed some form or other of church government would be necessary, but they were far from being determined what it should be. ^*Mr. Hil­dersham advised them to agree upon it before they left England, but it was neglected; perhaps it was impracticable. They knew how far Mr. Endicot had proceeded in form­ing the first church, and how much it resembled the con­stitution of the separatists at Plimouth, and soon after the news of it, one company who were designed for New-England, formed themselves into a church in the new hos­pital at Plimouth, and John Warham and John Maverick were chosen and ordained their ministers. Both of them had before been ordained by bishops. The separatists used to boast that ‘if the old puritans were secure of the magis­trate's sword and might go on with his good licence, they would shake off the prelate's yoke and draw no longer in spiritual communion with all the profane in the land, and though they then preached and wrote against the separatists, yet if they were in a place where they might have their liberty they would do as they did.’ ^† The inconveniencies we suffer under one extreme, it must be allowed, carry us in­sensibly into the other. The New-England puritans, when at full liberty, went the full length which the separatists did in England. It does not follow that they would have done so if they had remained in England. Upon their removal, they supposed their relation both to the civil and ecclesiastical government, except so far as a special reserve was made by their charter, was at an end, and that they had right to form such new model of both as best pleased them. In the form of worship, they universally followed the New-Plimouth church. I find a common prayer book among the list of books presented by William Backhouse for the use of the ministers, but it was never made use of in any [Page 419] church. The first notice, after the charter, of any step to­wards forming themselves into a church estate was, upon oc­casion of great sickness and mortality, about a month after their arrival, when the governor, at Charlestown, wrote to Mr. Johnson at Salem, to set apart a day to humble them­selves and seek God in his ordinances, and solemnly to enter into covenant with him, and as they lived in three^* distinct places and had men of ability in each, they might become three dictinct bodies. At Charlestown, the governor, de­puty-governor, Mr. Johnson, who had removed from Salem, and the minister, Mr. Wilson, on the 30th of July, the fast day, entred into a church covenant; two days after, they allowed five more to join them, and so others, from time to time, and at length, they, in form, chose Mr. Wilson for their minister and ordained him;^† but all joined in a pro­testation that it was not a renouncing of the ministry he received in England, but that it was as a confirmation, in consequence of their election.^‡ In the other plantations they formed themselves into distinct churches, one after another, but seem to have had no settled scheme or plan of church government, until Mr. Cotton ^§ came over, in 1633. His praise was in all the churches, as the prin­cipal projector of the plan of government of the New-England churches, which, from that time, took the name of congregational. This was called the middle way be­tween brownism and presbyterianism, ^‖ and is said to be distinguished by four characteristicks, viz.

1st. THE subject matter of the visible church, viz. saints by calling, such as are acquainted with the principles of religion, and who profess their faith, and the manner [Page 420] how they were brought to the knowledge of God by faith in Christ, either vivâ voce, or else by a publick de­claration thereof made by the elders, as it has been deli­vered to them in private; although, if such profession be scandalized by an unchristian conversation, it is not to be regarded.

2d. THE constitutive part of a particular visible church ought to be, a restipulation or mutual covenanting to walk together in their christian communion, according to the rule of the gospel.

3d. No church ought to be of larger extent or grea­ter number than may ordinarily meet together in one place, for the enjoyment of all the same numerical ordinances and celebrating all divine worship, nor fewer, ordinarily, than conveniently may carry on church work.

4th. THAT there is no jurisdiction to which parti­cular churches are or ought to be subject, by way of au­thoritative censure, nor any other church power, extrinsical to such churches, which they ought to depend upon any other sort of men for the exercise of.

THESE are said to be the principles upon which a platform of church government was formed.

AN odious sense had been affixed to the name of inde­pendents, which seems to have been the reason why it was avoided, rather than any material distinction in the constitution of the churches which appears or can be inferred from either of those characteristicks; but the platform, agreed upon and published in 1648, although it does not own that dependance which shall subject any one church to any other, or even to the whole united toge­ther, yet it professes a relation which one church hath to another,^* and connects them together by certain rules to [Page 421] be observed as the terms or conditions upon which such connection is to continue, and, upon the irregular walk or demeanor of any one church, they are no longer to remain members of the same body, and the other churches are not to admit them to their fellowship or communion. And, although it was the business of a synod, or general council of all the churches, to debate and determine mat­ters of religion, and to give directions relating to the worship of God and the good government of the church ‘which were to be received with reverence and sub­mission,’ yet the synod was to exercise no church censures by way of discipline, nor any act of church authority or jurisdiction, further than was done at the first council of the apostles, elders, and whole church, as recorded in the 15th chapter of Acts, which was declared to be a prece­dent. [Page 422] All this provision may appear but a weak band of society, and, one would think, that meerly being rejected from a society, which, it is to be presumed, after sufficient cause given for such rejection, there would remain no great fondness for continuing with, would be no great punishment. But this constitution of church government was adapted to the constitution of civil government, both as popular as can well be conceived, and notwithstanding an acknowledgment or declaration from both, of separate and distinct rights, yet each was aiding and assisting to the other.^* By the laws established in the colony, no man [Page 423] could have a share in the administration of civil govern­ment, or give his voice in any election, unless he was a member of one of the churches.^* No church could be gathered without the allowance of the magistrates, con­sisting of and elected by members of the churches, and a minister, for preaching to such a society, was liable to a penalty. Mr. Matthews a minister, about the year 1650, was fined ten pounds for this offence. A law was made in 1638, that if any person stood excommunicated six months, they should be liable to fine, imprisonment, or banishment, as the court of assistants should determine; but this law approached too nigh to the ecclesiastical laws [Page 424] in England, so much complained of, to continue long in force, and in 1639 it was repealed. But the first laws seem to deprive an excommunicated person, and also a whole church, if separated from the rest, of all civil pri­vileges, although the platform does not suppose deprivation of civil rights and authority to be the necessary conse­quence, yet even by the platform, all others were to ‘for­bear to eat and drink with excommunicated persons.’ Whilst they remained in this state they would have very little chance for a public post where all the electors were church members.^*

THE elders or ministers, although they were not con­sidered as one of the estates, yet no matters of great weight or moment, whether of a religious or c [...]vil nature, were determined without their advice, and a formal reference to them; (in early times they were generally present in the courts) and they were thus naturally led to use their influence with their people to acquiesce in and approve of the measures which they themselves had been consulted upon and advised to.

BUT however defective this constitution may appear in theory, we shall seldom meet with an instance where there has been so steady and so general an adherence to the principles upon which it was founded, and so much har­mony subsisting not only in particular churches but be­tween one church and another for fifty years together.

IN general, the ordination of ministers was by imposi­tion of the hands of their brethren in the ministry, but some churches, perhaps to preserve a more perfect in­dependency, called for the aid of no ministers of any other churches, but ordained their ministers by the imposition of the hands of some of their own brethren.^† The ordi­nation [Page 425] at Salem, August 29th 1660, was performed in this manner, as I find minuted by a gentleman then just ar­rived from England, who was present. ^* ‘The church at Salem kept this day as a fast for the ordaining a teacher and a ruling elder. Mr. Higginson preached in the morning, continuing until one o'clock, then broke off for one hour, then, the congregation being assembled again, they went to the work of the ordination, which was thus—first Mr. Higginson who was to be ordained teaching elder prayed, after prayer, Major Hathorne a private member, being, it seems, desired by the church, stood up and spake to the brethren of the church that they should now if they did continue in the mind they were in before as to the choice of Mr. Higginson for their pastor declare their consent by silence; and then spake to Mr. Higginson to declare his acceptance, and then spake to the messengers of the churches that were sent to be present, and to all others, to speak if they knew any weighty reasons against their proceeding to ordination, and then, none speaking, MajorHathorne and two of the deacons of the church, laying their hands on Mr. Higginson's head, pronounced words of ordination and prayed over him, and then Major Hathorne ex­horted the church in a few words to remember their duty, &c. towards him whom they had ordained to be their pastor. Then Mr. Higginson did after the same manner as is before expressed, proceed to the ordination of Mr. Brown for the ruling elder, which being done they sung a psalm and concluded with prayer. After the exercise I was invited to the elder's house, where was good company and good cheer.’

[Page 426]MOST of the churches, not all, had one or more ruling elder. In matters of offence, the ruling elder, after the hearing, asked the church if they were satisfied; if they were not, he left it to the pastor or teacher to denounce the sentence of excommunication, suspension or admonition, according as the church had determined. Matters of of­fence, regularly, were first brought to the ruling elder in private, and might not otherwise be told to the church. It was the practice for the ruling elders to give public notice of such persons as desired to enter into church fel­lowship with them, and of the time proposed for admit­ting them, if no sufficient objection was offered; and when the time came, to require all persons who knew any just grounds of objection to signify them. Objections were fre­quently made, and until they were heard and determined, the ruling elder seems to have moderated in the church, but the churches consent to the admission was asked by the pastor or teacher, who also rehearsed and proposed the church covenant and declared them members. When a minister preached to any other than his own church, the ruling elder of the church, after the psalm sung, said pub­licly, ‘if this present brother hath any word of exhorta­tion for the people at this time, in the name of God let him say on.’ ^* The ruling elder always read the psalm. When the member of one church desired to receive the sacrament at another, he came to the ruling elder who proposed his name to the church for their consent. At the communion they sat with the minister. I find nothing further relating to this officer in their public assemblies. They were considered, without doors, as men for advice and counsel in religious matters, they visited the sick, and had a general inspection and oversight of the conduct of their brethren. Every thing which I have mentioned as the peculiar province of the ruling elder, so far as it is in itself necessary or proper, may with propriety enough be performed by the minister. It is not strange therefore that this office in a course of years sunk into almost an entire desuetude in the churches. Indeed the multiplying [Page 427] unnecessary and mere nominal officers, or officers whose duties and privileges are not with certainty agreed upon and determined, seems rather to have a natural tendency to discord and contention than to harmony and peace.

WE meet with nothing peculiar, in the beginning of the churches, relative to the office of deacons. Mention is made of the duty of deaconesses or widows, who were ‘to shew mercy with chearfulness, and to minister to the sick and poor brethren,’ but I find no instance of any specially chosen or appointed to this service.

THE ministers of the several churches in the town of Boston have ever been supported by a free weekly con­tribution. I have seen a letter from one of the principal ministers of the colony expressing some doubts of the law­fulness of receiving a support in any other way. In the country towns, compulsory laws were found necessary; and in the year 1654 the county courts were impowered to assess upon the inhabitants of the several towns which neg­lected the support of the ministry a sum sufficient to make up the defect.^†

IN Boston, after prayer and before singing, it was the practice for several years for the minister to read and ex­pound a chapter. Whether it was because this carried the service to too great a length, or any other reason could be given for it, in a few years it was laid aside, except when it came in place of a sermon.^‡ Exceptions, may we not [Page 428] say [...]avils, have been made, by some learned serious mini­sters, against reading the scriptures as part of the divine service without an exposition. The other parts of reli­gious public worship, and the manner of administring the sacraments, not differing from what is at this day the practice of the churches of New-England and of the church of Scotland, it is unnecessary to take any notice of them.

FROM a sacred regard to the religion of the christian sabbath, a scruple arose of the lawfulness of calling the first day of the week Sunday, and they always, upon any occasion, whether in a civil or religious relation to it, stiled it either the Lord's-day or the Sabbath. As the exception to the word Sunday was founded upon its su­perstitious idolatrous origin, the same scruple naturally followed with respect to the names of all the other days of the week, and of most of the months, which had the same origin; accordingly; they changed Monday, Tuesday, &c. into the second and third days of the week, and in­stead of March and April, used the first and second months, and instead of the third Tuesday in May, the language was, the third third day of the third month, and so of the rest.^* All their records and other writings are dated in the common form, which they brought from England with them, until the year 1636, when Mr. Vane was go­vernor, but after that, the alteration seems to have been very strictly observed in all public and private writings and discourse for many years together. In the interregnum it much obtained in England, but the scruple there went off at once, upon the restoration, here, it abated, and it con­tinues scarce any where at this day, except among the people called Quakers. Perhaps the great dislike to some other peculiarities of that people caused the decline of that custom in the colony, and made them consider the singularity in the same light with some others of the same nature, which they condemned.^†

[Page 429]THAT every thing approaching to an acknowledg­ment of the authority of the pope and his power of canonization might be avoided, they never used the addition of saint when they spake of the apostles and the ancient fathers of the christian church, and even the usual names of places were made to conform. The Island of Saint Christophers was always wrote Christophers, and by the same rule all other places to which saint had been prefixed. If any exception was made, an answer was ready: Abra­ham, Isaac and Jacob had as good right to this appellation as Peter, James and John.

THEY laid aside the fasts and feasts of the church of England, and appointed frequently, as occasion required, days of fasting and thanksgiving, but, besides these occa­sional fasts and thanksgivings, they constantly, every spring, appointed a day for fasting and prayer to implore the divine blessings upon their affairs in the ensuing year; and in the fall, a day of thanksgiving and public acknowledg­ment of the favors confe [...]ed upon them in the year past. If they more readily fell into this practice from the ex­ample of the people of God of old, yet they might well have been justified without any example. It has continued without interruption, I suppose, in any one instance, down to this day. This is a custom to which no devout person of any sect will take exception. By a law of the colony, every person absenting himself from the public worship, on these days, without sufficient excuse, was liable to five shil­lings fine. It would have been as well, perhaps, if this provision had been omitted.

THESE were the principal of the special ecclesiastical or religious customs. There were some attempts to intro­duce [Page 430] singularities into some of the churches, particularly, Mr. Davenport of New-Haven, who afterwards re­moved to Boston, required all his congregation to stand up whilst the text was naming; the principal reason which was given for it being, that it was the word of God and deserved peculiar honor;^* and Mr. Williams of Salem re­quired all the women of his congregation to wear veils; but neither of these customs spread, or were of any long continuance. It was observed, as to the latter, that so un­couth an appearance, contrary to the practice of the Eng­lish nation, would probably draw more eyes than if they were dressed like other women. Mr. Cotton of Boston, happening to preach at Salem, soon after this custom began, he convinced his hearers that it had no sufficient founda­tion in the scriptures: The married women had no pre­tence to wear veils as virgins, neither married nor un­married would chuse to do it from the example of Tamar th [...] harlot, nor need they do it for such purpose as Ruth did in her widowhood. His sermon had so good an effect that they were all ashamed of their veils and never ap­peared covered with them afterwards.^†

DURING the fifty years the charter continued, there were very few instances of any society of christians differing, professedly, in doctrine, discipline or form of worship from the established churches. The number of baptists was small. The quakers came over in small parties, but not­withstanding the strange delusion they were under in courting persecution, and the imprudence of the authority in gratifying this humor as far as their utmost wishes could carry them, as has been observed in the course of the history, yet they were never numerous enough to form a society of any consequence, except upon the bor­ders [Page 431] of Rhode Island.^‡ Nor was there any episcopal church in any part of the colony until the charter was vacated.

THE test, which we have just mentioned, went a great way towards producing this general uniformity. He that did not conform was deprived of more civil privileges than a nonconformist is deprived of by the test in England. Both the one and the other must have occasioned much formality and hypocrisy. The mysteries of our holy re­ligion have been prostituted to meer secular views and ad­vantages. Besides this test, another reason may be assigned. As good if not better lands than any in the colony lay contiguous to it, and men of different opinions chose to remove where they might enjoy both civil and religious liberty, rather than remain and be deprived of either. In this way, birth and quick growth were given to a neighbouring colony, which admitted persons of all religions, and gave equal privileges to all, and as soon as what they called a sectary sprang up in the Massachusets colony it was trans­planted to Rhode Island.

I shall finish what I have to say upon the ecclesiastical constitution of the colony with a short summary of the platform, as I find it prepared by a very sensible divine,^* who made a figure in the colony soon after the platform was established.

1. "ECCLESIASTICAL policy, church government or church discipline, is nothing else but that form and order which is to be observed in the church of Christ upon earth, both for the constitution of it and all the admini­strations which therein are to be performed, the parts of which are all of them described in the word of God, and it is not left in the power of any to alter, add, or diminish any thing therein.

2. THERE is a catholic visible church, viz. the company of those who profess the christian faith, whether in church [Page 432] order or not; but there is no political catholic church, the state of the members of the visible church, since the coming of Christ, being only congregational.

3. A congregational church, by the institution of Christ, is a part of the visible church, consisting of a company of saints by calling, united into one body by an holy cove­nant for the public worship of God and the mutual edifi­cation one of another in the fellowship of the Lord Jesus; the matter of which, as to its qualification, ought to consist of such persons as have attained the knowledge of the principles of religion, who are free from gross scandal, and with the profession of their faith and repentance walk in blameless obedience to the word of God; as to its quantity, it ought not to be of greater number than may ordinarily meet together conveniently in one place, nor fewer than may conveniently carry on church work. The form of such a church is an agreement, consent or visible covenant, whereby they give themselves unto the Lord to the ob­serving the ordinances of Christ together in the same society.

4. THE fraternity or brotherhood of such a church is the first subject of all ordinary church power, which is either a power of office or of privi [...]e [...]e. But the power of privilege is in the brethren, [...] and immediately, the other is in them no otherwi [...]e [...] that they design the persons unto office, who only are [...] and exercise that power.

5. THE ordinary officers of the church are such as concern their spiritual and moral, or temporal and natural good. Of the first of which are pastors, teachers, ruling elders, 1 Tim. v.17. In the last mentioned, most of the churches in New-England, as many of the congregational churches elsewhere, are not so well agreed, accounting ruling elders should be able to teach.

6. IT is in the power of the churches to call their own officers and [...]em [...]ve them from their office again, if there fall out just cause, yet so as the advice of neighbour churches, where it may conveniently be done, be first had. [Page 433] They who are to officiate ought to be tried and proved before they be elected. 1 Tim. v.22.

7. ELD [...]RS are to be ordained by imposition of hands, which is to be performed by the elders of the same church, if it be furnished with any, or those of neighbour churches, and it may be done by some of the brethren deputed thereunto, which latter is also disapproved by Dr. Horn­beck, the learned professor of divinity at Leyden, from Numb. viii.10.

8. THE power of government in a congregational church ought to proceed after the manner of a mixed administration; for, in an organick church, no act can be consummate without the consent both of the elders and brethren, so as the power of government or rule in the elders prejudice not the power of privilege in the bre­thren, nor the power of privilege in them prejudice the power of rule seated in the elders, seeing both may sweetly agree together.

9. FOR the maintenance of the ministers of the church, all that are taught are to communicate to him that teach­eth, in all good things, and in case of neglect, the magi­strate ought to see that the ministry be duly provided for.

10. FOR the admission of members, there ought to be either a personal relation in publick, or by the elders ac­quainting the church what satisfaction they have received from the persons in private. The things wherein satis­faction is required are faith and repentance, which ought to be found in all church members.

11. WHERE members of churches are called to remove from one church to another, it is convenient, for order sake, that it be done by letters of recommendation or of dismission.

12. THE censures of the church, which are for the preventing, removing, or healing offences, are excommu­nication or admonition, wherein the church ought to pro­ceed according to the rule, Matt. xviii.15, 16, 17. wherein the offence is to be brought to the church by the mouth of the elders.

[Page 434]13. PARTICULAR churches, although they are distinct and have not one power over another, yet, because they are united unto Christ, not only as a mystical but as a po­litical head, they ought to have communion one with another, by way of mutual care, consultation, admonition, and participation in the same ordinances.

14. SYNODS, orderly assembled and rightly proceeding according to the pattern of Acts xv, are the ordinance of Christ, and, if not absolutely necessary to the being, yet necessary to the well being of churches, for the establish­ment of peace and truth therein. And many churches may so assemble together by their messengers and elders. And their directions and determinations▪ so far as conso­nant to the word of God, are to be received with reverence and submission, not only for their agreement therewith, without which they bind not at all, but also for the power whereby they are made, as an ordinance of God appointed thereunto in his word.

15. CHURCH government and civil government may very well stand together, it being the duty of the magi­strate to take care of matters of religion, and to improve his civil authority for observing the duties commanded in the first as well as in the second table, seeing the end of their office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of the subject in matters of righteousness and honesty, but also in matters of godliness. 1 Tim. ii.1, 2."

AFTER all that may be said in favor of the constitution, the strength of it lay in the union, declared in the last article, with the civil authority. The usual way of de­ciding differences and controversies in churches, it is true, was by a council consisting of the elders and other messen­gers of neighbouring churches, and where there was a general agreement in such councils, the contending parties generally acquiesced, but if the council happened to differ in apprehensions among themselves, or if either of the contending parties were contumacious, it was a common thing for the [...]ivil magistrate [...]o interpose and put an end to the dispute.

AT the first meeting of the court of assistants at Charlestown, Aug. 23d 1630, they established rules of proceeding in all civil actions, and insti­tuted subordinate powers for punishing offenders. The supreme authority being in the court of assistants, they re­solved upon frequent meetings for the due execution of it. As it was necessary for every family to provide lodgings before winter, the first law proposed and passed was for the regulating the price of wages of workmen, under a penalty to him that gave as well as to him who received more than the limited price.^* They proceeded to other laws for punishing idleness and encouraging industry; and, as they were in the midst of savages much more numerous than themselves, they obliged every man to attend military exercises, and limited the bounds of their plantations that none might be more exposed than was necessary.

IN civil actions, equity, according to the circumstances of the case, seems to have been their rule of determin­ing. The judges had recourse to no other authorities than the reason and understanding which God had given them. In punishing offences they professed to be govern­ed by the judicial law of Moses, but no farther than those laws were of a moral nature.

WHILST they were thus without a code or body of laws, and the colony but just come to it's birth, their sen­tences seem to be adapted to the circumstances of a large family of children and servants, as will appear from the following, which, from amongst many others of the same sort, I have taken out of the public records.

[Page 436]Josias Plaistowe, for stealing four baskets of corn from the Indians, is ordered to return them eight baskets, to be fined five pounds, and hereafter to be called by the name of Josias, and not ^† Mr. as formerly he used to be.

Captain Stone for abusing Mr. Ludlow, and calling him justass, is fined an hundred pounds, and pr [...]ibited coming within the patent without the governor's leave upon pain of death.

Serjeant Perkins ordered to carry forty turfs to the fort for being drunk.

Edward Palmer for his extortion, in taking two pounds thirteen shillings and four pence for the wood work of Boston stocks, is fined five pounds, and ordered to be set one hour in the stocks.

Captain Lovel admonished to take heed of light carriage.

Thomas Petit for suspicion of slander, idleness and stub­bornness, is censured to be severely whipped, and to be kept in hold.

Catherine the wife of Richard Cornish, was found suspi­cious of incontinency, and seriously admonished to take heed.

Daniel Clarke, found to be an immoderate drinker, was fined forty shillings.

John Wedgewood, for being in the company of drun­kards, to be set in the stocks.

John Kitchin, for shewing books which he was com­manded to bring to the governor, and forbidden to shew them to any other and yet shewed them, was fined ten shillings.

Robert Shorthose, for swearing by the blood of God, was sentenced to have his tongue put into a cleft stick, and to stand so for the space of half an hour.

Great numbers of the like kind might be added.

[Page 437]IN the year 1634, the plantation was greatly increased, settlements were extended more than 30 miles from the capital town, and it was thought high time to have known established laws, that the inhabitants might no longer be subject to the varying uncertain judgments which other­wise would be made concerning their actions. The mini­ste [...], and some of the principal laymen, were consulted with, about a body of laws suited to the circumstances of the colony civil and religious. Committees, consisting of magistrates and elders, were appointed almost every year, for 12 or 14 years together, and whilst they were thus fitting a code, particular laws, which were of greatest necessity, from time to [...] were enacted; and in the year 1648 the whole collected together were ratified by the court and then first printed.

MR. Bellingham of the magistrates, and Mr. Cotton of the clergy, had the greatest share in this work.

LET us consider the character of our new planters, the state and conditio [...] they were in before they left Eng­land, and after their arrival in America, and we shall see the sourc [...] of the peculiarities in their laws and customs. It has been o [...]erved that they were dissatisfied not only with the cer [...]onies but also with the rigid discipline at that time, of t [...]e church of England: In this indeed they were not singular; the principal commoners, great part of the clergy, and many of the nobility, were of the same sentiments. [...]ey must have had very tender and scru­pulous minds [...] they would not have banish'd themselves from their dear country, friends and acquaintance, and launch'd into an unknown world rather than submit to any thing against their judgments and consciences. They professed a sacred regard to the word of God in the old and new testament as a sufficient rule of conduct, and that they were obliged to follow it. They looked upon the observation of the first as well as second table necessary to be enjoined; and as the constitution of their churches would not admit of ecclesiastical courts, provision must be made for the punishment of many offences here by the [Page 438] civil magistrate which are not offences by the common law. Whether every breach of the laws of the first as well as second table has not such a tendency, by meer ex­ample, to disturb the peace of civil society, as that provi­sion for the punishment thereof is necessary, by some autho­rity or other, I need not determine: They thought it had, and upon this principle they did not chuse such punish­ments for crimes as were meerly in proportion to their affecting the safety or peace of society, a principle upon which the nations of Europe have been more and more modeling their criminal laws for several ages past, but annexed greater penalties to some immoralities and im­pieties than had been known in the country they left, determined many others to deserve the notice of the civil magistrate which would have escaped it in England, and perhaps judged some actions criminal which to minds less scrupulous would have appeared indifferent.^† The generality of the colony being very near upon a level, more than common provision was necessary to enforce a due obedience to the laws, and to establish and pre­serve the authority of the government; for although some amongst them had handsome fortunes, yet in general their estates were small, barely sufficient to provide them houses and necessary accommodations; a contempt of au­thority was therefore next to a capital offence. The country being new and uncultivated, the utmost industry, oeconomy and frugality were necessary to their subsistence, and laws, with heavy penalties to enforce the observance of them. They were in the midst of savages whose numbers were much greater than their own, and were under con­tinual alarms and apprehensions of danger, and a strict dis­cipline [Page 439] could not be dispensed with. If we add, that they were at their full liberty, the troubles in England taking off from the colonies the attention of the several succes­sions of supreme power there, for near thirty years toge­ther; from all these circumstances we may pretty well ac­count for all the peculiarities in the laws of the colony.

IN that branch of law more especially which is dis­tinguished by the name of crown law, they professed to have no regard to the rules of the common law of England. They intended to follow Moses's plan, as has been observed, but no farther than it was of a mo [...]al nature ^* and obligatory upon all mankind, and perhaps they did not, in many instances, err in judgment upon the morality of actions, but their grand mistake la [...] in supposing certain natural punishments, in every [...]tate, alike proportioned to this or that particular kind of offence, and which Moses had observed; whereas such punishments are and ought to be governed by the par­ticular constitutions and circumstances of the several king­doms and states where they are app [...]d▪ and [...]ough they were undoubtedly well fitted to the s [...]ate of the ancient Israelites, and the great end of punishment, [...]iz. the preventing the like offences, could not, it may be, have been otherwise so well effected, yet they were by no means [Page 440] obligatory upon other states whose constitutions or circum­stances differed; and other states have therefore continually more or less varied from them. Idolatry was the sin which easily beset the Israelites, and it was necessary to make it a capital offence. Perhaps if it should be thought proper to prohibit idolatry in China, at this day, the same penalty might be necessary, and ye [...] not so in New-England.

MURDER,^† [...]odomy, witchcraft, arson, and rape of a child under ten years of age, were the only crimes made capital in the colony which were capital in England, and yet, from the mistaken principle I have just mentioned, their laws were more sanguinary than the English laws; for many offences were made capital here which w [...]re ot so there. The first in order, being a breach of the first command in the decalogue, was the worship of any other God be [...]ides the Lord God. Perhaps a roman catholic, for the adora [...]ion of the host, might have come within this law. After the miserable Indian [...] submitted to the English laws, special provision was made, by another law, that if any of them should powow or perform outward worship to their false gods, the powower (who was their priest) should be fined five pounds, and others present twenty shillings each. The Indians have been punished upon the latter law, but I never met with an instance of a prosecution of any Englishman upon the former.

TO blaspheme the holy name of God, Father, Son, or Holy Ghost, with direct, expre [...], presumptuous, or high­handed blasphemy, either by wilful or obstinate denying the true God, or his creation or government of the world, cursing God, or reproaching the holy religion of God, as if it was a politic device to keep ignorant men in awe, or to utter any other kind of blasphemy of the like nature and degree, was also made capital.

MAN stealing, from Exodus xxi.16. was also capital.

[Page 441]SO was adultery with a married woman, both to the man and woman, altho' the man was single, and several have suffered death upon this law.^* Male adultery with an unmarried woman, was not capital.

HE who was convicted of wilful perjury, with intent to take away the life of another, was to suffer death, from Deut. xix.16. This crime may well enough be denomi­nated murder, and yet a wilful perjury, by which a man's life is in fact taken away, was never made capital in Eng­land. Many offences are made so, which seem to be in­ferior in their guilt and consequences to the public. The difficulty of conviction may be one reason, and the dis­couragement, it would sometimes be, to witnesses to give their testimonies another and stronger reason in vindica­tion of the common law. In this instance the Massachu­sets law agreed, I take it, with the civil law, the laws of Scotland at this day, and of many other states in Europe.

A Child, above sixteen years of age, that cursed or smote his father or mother, unless provoked by cruelty and in its own defence, or unchristianly neglected in its education, and also a stubborn and rebellious son, according to Deut. xxi.20, upon conviction, were to suffer death. There have be [...]n several trials upon this law. I have met [Page 442] with one conviction, but the offender was rescued from the gallows by order of the King's commissioners in 1665.^*

HIGH treason is not mentioned.^† Before they had agreed upon the body of laws, the King's authority in England was at an end. Conspiracy to invade their own commonwealth, or any treacherous perfidious attempt to alter and subvert fundamentally the frame of their polity and government was made a capital offence.

RAPE, it was left to the court to punish with death or other grievous punishment at discretion.^‡ No judge would desire to have a capital punishment left to his dis­cretion, and it may be doubted whether, in any case, it can be of public utility.

SEVERAL offences were capital upon a second con­viction, as the returning of a romish priest into the juris­diction [Page 443] after banishment upon the first conviction. The law was the same with respect to quakers also.

THE denial of either of the books of the old and new testament, which were all enumerated, to be the written and infallible word of God, was either banishment or death for the second offence, at the discretion of the court, and what is very extraordinary, an inhabitant who was guilty of this offence upon the high seas, was made liable to the penalty.

BURGLARY, and theft in a house or fields on the Lord's day, were capital upon a third conviction. These were all the offences which they made capital.

LARCENY or theft, was punishable by fine or whipping and restitution of treble the value, and theft boot by a forfeiture of the value of the goods to the government.

THE penalty of drunkenness was ten shillings, excessive drinking three shillings and four pence, tippling above half an hour, half a crown, prophane cursing and swearing, ten shillings, and if more than one oath at a time, twenty shillings.

I have seen a letter, dated about the year 1660, where­in a gentleman writes to his friend in London, that ‘he had lived several years in the country and never saw a per­son drunk nor never heard a profane oath.’

THE penalty of prophanation of the sabbath was ten shillings.^*

FORNICATION, might be punished by enjoining mar­riage, by fine or corporal punishment, and a freeman, for this offence, might be disfranchised upon conviction.^†

IDLENESS, was no small offence; common fowlers, tobacco-takers, and all other persons who could give no good account how they spent their time, the constables were required to present to the next magistrate, and the [Page 444] selectmen of every town were required to oversee the families, and to distribute the children into classes, and to take care that they were employed in spinning and other labour, according to their age and condition.

CONTEMPT of authority, was punished with great severity, by fine, imprisonment or corporal punishment.

LESSER offences, as all breaches of the peace, and also every offence contra bonos mores, where there was no determinate penalty, the court, before which the offence was tried, punished at discretion.

THEY had a law against slavery, except prisoners taken in war. Negroes were brought in very early among them.^* Some judicious persons are of opinion that the permission of slavery has been a public mischief.

THEIR laws concerning marriage and divorce were somewhat singular. I suppose there had been no instance of a marriage, lawfully celebrated, by a layman in England▪ when they left it. I believe there was no instance of marriage by a clergyman after they arrived, during their charter, but it was always done by a magistrate, or by per­sons specially appointed for that purpose, who were con­fined to particular towns or districts. If a minister hap­pened to be present, he was desired to pray. It is difficult to assign a reason for so sudden a change, especially as there was no established form of the marriage covenant, and it must have been administred many times in the new plan­tations by persons not the most proper for that purpose, considering of what importance it is to society that a sense of this ordinance, in some degree sacred, should be main­tained and preserved.^† At this day, marriages are solem­nized by the clergy, and altho' the law admits of its being done by a justice of peace, yet not one in many hundred is performed by them.^‡

[Page 445]IN matters of divorce, they left the rules of the canon law out of the question; with respect to some of them pru­dently enough. I never heard of a separation, under the first charter, a mensa et thoro. Where it is practised, the innocent party often suffers more than the guilty. In general, what would have been cause for such a sepa­ration in the spiritual courts, was sufficient, with them, for a divorce a vinculo. Female adultery was never doubt­ed to have been sufficient cause, but male adultery, after some debate and consultation with the elders, was judged not sufficient. Desertion a year or two, where there was evidence of a determined design not to return, was always good cause; so was cruel usage of the husband. Consan­guinity they settled in the same degrees as it is settled in England and in the Levitical laws. It is said, a man may give his wife moderate correction without exposing him­self to any penalty in the law; our legislators had more tender sentiments of this happy state, and a man who struck his wife was liable to a fine of ten pounds or corpo­ral punishment: A woman who struck her husband was liable to the same penalties.^†

[Page 446]IN testamentary matters, the county courts had juris­diction by law.^* In the beginning, they so far fol­lowed the civil law as to consider real estates as meer bono, and they did not confine themselves to any rules of distri­bution then in use in England, and which afterwards were more fully established by the statute of distributions. They considered the family and estate in all their circumstances, and sometimes assigned a greater portion to one branch than another; sometimes they settled all upon the widow; in other cases assigned the whole estate to the administra­tors, or to any relation who would undertake to support or provide for the family and pay certain sums to the children when they came to age or marriage. All this seems to be necessary in a new pl [...]tation, where most people soon spent what little per [...]onal estate they had in improvement upon their lands. When they established a general rule, they conformed very near to the rules re­specting personal estate in England, only they gave the eldest son a double portion,^† and in the real estate, the widow generally was considered for her dower only, but still, according to the circumstances of the estate and fami­ly, the court would consider the widow and allow her a greater or lesser part, and enjoin her to take care of the children unable to provide for themselves, in proportion to what she received. They had no law for the distribu­tion of the estates of persons dying insolvent; however as executors and administrators were not held to prefer in payment one debt to another, whether by judgment, bond or simple contract; the usual way was, for a creditor of an insolvent person to apply to the general court to appoint commissioners to examine the claims, and also to discover the estate by examining upon oath, &c. and each creditor [Page 447] was paid in proportion.^† The common law was altered with respect to fee simple estates, and they descended to every child. It seems very natural to suppose that estates in fee tail would descend in like manner, except so far as the entail limited or cut the fee, as in gavelkind all the sons take as heir of the body. Notwithstanding this, the construction of a general tail was such, that the heir at common law took as heir of the body, to the exclusion of the other children. Traitors and Felons might dispose of their estates, real and personal, by will, after sentence, and if they died intestate, distribution was made as in other cases, there being no forfeitures. They held their lands as of the manor of East Greenwich in the county of Kent, in free and common socage, and not in capite nor by knights service. They strangely supposed that socage tenure included all the properties and customs of gavel­kind, one of which is, "the father to the bough, the son to the plough.^† God having forbad the alienation of lands from one tribe to another in the common wealth of Israel, so among the first laws of the colony it was provided, ‘that no free inhabitant of any town should sell the lands allotted to him in the town, but to some one or other of the free inhabitants of that town, unless the town gave consent, or refused to give what others offered without fraud.’ This law could not continue long in force. All the valuable ends were answered by making lands liable to pay taxe [...] upon them to the town where they lay, tho' the lands be not the property of the inhabitants.

THEY made provision by temporary laws for the charges of government. This was done for divers years in the most equitable way, by assesting every inhabitant in proportion to the profits of his whole estate real and per­sonal, [Page 448] and his income by any ways and means whatsoever▪ This is practicable only in cases where the taxes are not very heavy. By imposts, excises and other duties, taxes are insensibly paid, which if proportionably laid upon every individual, and paid in one sum out of an annual in­come, would be thought intolerable. The clergy, at all times, have been exempt from all taxes for their persons or estates under their own improvement, not meerly be­cause this was agreeable to the Levitical law, ^* but because they depended upon the people from year to year for their support, and whatever was added to their annual expence by a tax, so much must have been added by the people to enable their ministers to pay it. After the year 1645, im­posts and excises were introduced. Where the officers are annually elected by the people, one great objection against such duties, viz. the influence such officers may have upon the peoples liberty, in other elections, can have no place.

THEIR military laws at first were more severe, every person being required to appear in arms in order for mili­tary exercise once every month. Some few persons in public office were only excepted. This was afterwards lessened to eight times in a year, and at length to four. Every inhabitant was to be furnished with arms and am­munition. A few months actual service against the Indian enemy in Philip's war, made better soldiers than all their exercise at home had done in forty years.

UPON the division of the colony into regiments, colo­nels and lieut. colonels were appointed to each regiment. This lasted but a short time; ever after they had one field officer only to every regiment, a serjeant major, and a major general for the whole. He was chosen by the free­men. The officers of the several companies, ordinarily, were chosen by the companies respectively, and presented to the general court for their approbation.

IT may not be amiss to add a brief account of their legislative and judiciary forms, and some special customs.

[Page 449]THE magistrates or assistants, and the deputies or re­presentatives of the people, at first, sat together in one room, and, for several years voted together, without any distinction, the major part of the whole number determin­ing the vote, for in 1635, when the general court was ordered, for time to come, to be held twice a year only, it was at the same time resolved, that inasmuch as in those courts held by the magistrates and deputies, there might a­rise some difference of judgment in doubtful cases, there­fore no law, order or sentence should pass as an act of the court, without the consent of the greater part of the ma­gistrates on the one part, and the greater number of the deputies on the other part, and for want of such accord, the cause or order was to be suspended, and if either party thought it sufficiently material, a committee was to be chosen, one half by the magistrates and one half by the deputies, which committee might chuse an umpire, and by them the cause was to be determined. This was a pru­dent precaution on the part of the magistrates, for their number being limited, and the number of deputies increas­ing in proportion as new towns were planted, without such provision, the magistrates would, in a few years, have lost all their weight in the legislative part of the government. There is no record of the general court's sitting and act­ing in distinct and separate houses until the year 1644. In the charter, as has been observed, there was no mention of a house of representatives; a general court was to con­sist of the magistrates and freemen, and this occasioned the dispute whether there was a negative voice in each part of the legislative body, but at length it was agreed, that, in matters of legislation, they should act distinct and separate, and that no legislative act should be valid that was not approved by the major part of each house.

THE judicial power, both in civil and criminal matters, was at first exercised by the court of assistants, except in cases cognizable by a justice of peace. In divers cases of violent death, juries of inquest were impannelled by the governor, and a jury was also impannelled for trial of any persons charged by the jury of inquest. I find but one [Page 450] instance of trial by jury in any case, except murder, and that was in an action of assault and battery, until Novem­ber 1633, when it was ordered that process should be directed by the secretary to the beadle, to warn 24 jurors, 14 days before the court, who were to be named by the secretary. In 1624, an order or law was made, that no trial should pass upon any for life or death, without a jury regularly chosen by the freemen. Grand juries were first established by law in September 1635. At the first court afterwards, an hundred offences were presented.

THE colony increasing, and the settlements extending remote from the capital, it was soon found necessary to make a division into shires or counties, and courts were held in each county, in some four in a year, in others two, in Yorkshire or the province of Main, but one. These courts were held by the magistrates who lived in each county, or any other magistrates who would attend, toge­ther with such other persons as the freemen of the county, from time to time, should nominate and the general court approve of, so as to make five in all, any three to hold a court. They had power to determine all civil causes,^* and all criminal, the penalty not extending to life, member, or banishment. Grand and petit juries were summoned to at­tend them. Appeals from them lay to the court of assistants and from thence to the general court. The higher offences against law were cognizable by the assistants only, except upon application, by appeal or petition, to the general court. In all actions, civil or criminal, in which any stranger was a party or interested, who could not stay, without damage, to attend the ordinary courts of justice, the governor or deputy governor, with any two magistrates, had power to call a special court to hear and determine the cause, either civil or criminal, if triable in a county court; the record of the proceedings to be transmitted to the records of the courts of assistants. In divers towns, a petty court was established for small debts and trespasses under twenty shillings: And in every town the selectmen, who were annually chosen by the town, had power to hear and [Page 451] determine all offences against the by-laws of the town, the penalty of which could not extend beyond twenty shillings, and the by-laws could not extend to matters criminal in their nature, but were limited to the regulation of their buildings, fences, streets, &c. to the preventing nusances, and to other matters tending to the convenience and ac­commodation of the inhabitants.

THE star chamber, high-commission, as well as all the ecclesiastical courts, were in their zenith when our ancestors left England, but they brought away no affection for them. A discontented attorney, ^* who published, in 1642, a little pamphlet relative to New-England, says, that ‘in their general courts and quarter sessions, they exercised all the powers of parliament, King's bench, com­mon pleas, chancery, high commission, star chamber, and all other the courts of England, and in divers instances put to death, banished, fined, cut off ears, whipt and imprisoned for ecclesiastical and civil offences.’ It will appear from their ecclesiastical constitution, and the professed indepen­dency of the churches, that there was no room for the exercise of great part of the powers of the spiritual courts.

ALL causes which in England would have fallen within the jurisdiction of the high court of admir [...]lty, were like­wise heard and determined in the courts of common law. There were divers instances of trials, condemnations and [Page 452] executions for piracies, murders and other felonies com­mitted upon the high seas. I imagine, the necessity of the thing, that justice might be done, must have been the plea for this extraordinary proceeding. To have sent such of­fenders to England where they might have had a trial, to the legality of which no exception could have been made, would have been much more regular, and the expence at­tending it must have been matter of little weight, when compared with the putting men to death where the autho­rity for it was but doubtful, if even that may be said in favor of it.

THEIR judicial proceedings were in as summary a way as could well consist with the preservation of any tolerable degree of method or order. They seem to have not much regarded forms in books of entries. Writs and processes were not in the King's name, and were very concise. I find a writ in 1650 in this form.

THEY did not trouble themselves with pleas in abatement. They made no alteration upon the several changes of govern­ment in England. There is no room to suppose that the omission of his Majesty's name proceeded from disaffection, or that they imagined themselves altogether independent. So far as their dependance was expressed in their charter it could not be disputed. The reasonable and necessary connexion between a colony and the state from which it springs, per­haps, was not fully understood. They were not long afraid of any checks or restraints from the powers at home. After a few years, the authority of the King in England was at an end. The house of commons▪ in 1642, passed [Page 453] a resolve which shews the colony to have been a favorite. Both Oliver and Richard Cromwell, during their protec­torates, wrote to the government in a stile more proper for one ally to another, than for the head of a sovereign state to one of its branches or dependances.

FOR more than the ten first years, the parties spake for themselves, for the most part; sometimes, when it was thought the cause required it, they were assisted by a patron, or man of superior abilities, but without fee or reward.

WHERE there was so much of equality in the circum­stances of the inhabitants, and once a year every office ex­pired, it is not strange that every order of men should be fond of acquiring and retaining their full share of power and authority; and, although it had been a known rule in the constitution they came from, that matters of evidence were determinable by the jury, and points of law, ordina­rily, by the court, and the general court was so sensible of the expediency of this rule, that in 1642, they passed a temporary law or order, ‘that in all trials between party and party, the jury shall find matter of fact, with da­mages and costs, according to their evidence, and the judges are to declare the sentence upon it, or they may direct the jury to find according to the law,’ yet the jury seldom found a special verdict, which, a contempo­rary writer says, was the cause of many inconveniences.^* I do not find that this law was ever revived. It was a very common thing for the court to refuse to receive the verdict of the jury, and, in this case, the cause was carried before the general court. The jury some­times gave their verdict, that there were strong grounds of suspicion, but not sufficient evidence to convict. The court would give sentence upon this verdict, and punish for many offences which, by the evidence upon trial, the party appeared to them to have been guilty of, although he was not convicted of the particular crime he was charged with. Secundum allegata et probata was a rule of pro­ceeding to which they did not confine themselves.^†

[Page 254]IN criminal prosecutions, regularly, a bill was to be found by a grand jury, in which they were not very formal. Sometimes, the bill would be indorsed, that the jury had strong grounds of suspicion, but not sufficient evidence to put upon trial. I have met with instances of one of the court standing up, after a verdict of the petty jury of not guilty, in a capital trial, and charging the pri­soner, in open court, with burglary and theft, which were not capital, and a new trial ordered upon such charge. The court would sometimes ask the party charged whe­ther they would be tried by bench or jury.

AN attorney-general was not an established officer. On some occasions, a person has been specially authorized to bring informations for the King or government.^† The treasurer, as receiver general for the colony, took care for the recove­ry of public dues. In criminal matters, a spirit of virtue produced informers, without reproach to their characters.

OATHS were administred with no other ceremony than holding up the hand. This was sufficient to distinguish a witness from the rest of the court. Kissing, or laying the hand upon the book, was scrupled as an idolatrous cere­mony, and it has never since been practised in the govern­ment, nor the other governments in New-England, except when special commissions from England, to take depositions to be used in some of the courts of law there, have made it necessary. There is no law to enjoin this or restrain any other mode. Oaths are said to be, generally, admini­stred according to the religion he that swears holds to be true. The Christian is sworn upon the gospels, the Jew upon the old testament,^* and the Mahometan upon the [Page 455] alcoran. To have the fear of God before our eyes is all that is essential, and this is more likely to be produced by a due gravity and solemnity, at the administration, on his part who administers the oath, as well as his who takes it, than by any particular ceremony. Gentlemen who come among us from other parts of the British dominions ap­prove of this form, and it is kept up now, more from the decency of it, than from any religious scruples.

FOR the first twenty years, they used too little forma­lity in their deeds and conveyances of the titles to lands; but, in the year 1651, it was thought necessary to order that no estate of inheritance should pass, unless it was ex­pressed in the deed or conveyance ‘to have and to hold to the grantee and his heirs forever,’ or words to that effect, and so no estate tail, except expressed, ‘to the heirs male of the body lawfully begotten forever, or to the grantee for life, or term of years, &c.’

AS early as the year 1640, they made provision for a public registry, and no mortgage, bargain, sale, or grant of any realty was good, where the granter remained in possession, against any persons, except the granter and his heirs, unless the same was acknowledged before a magi­strate and recorded, and all grants that had been before made were to be acknowledged and recorded within one month after the end of October that year, if the party was within the jurisdiction, if not, within three months after their return, otherwise to be void, except as aforesaid.

EVERY marriage, birth and death was likewise regi­stred, first in the town, and, at the end of the year, carried by the town clerk, or clerk of the writs, as he was then called, to the county register; and every neglect was punished with twenty shillings fine.

THE Massachusets first planters distinguished the natives by four divisions, eastern, western, northern and southern. The eastern people had the ge­neral name of Tarrateens or Tarrenteens; they had their residence at Kennebeck and the other rivers in the pro­vince of Main and country east of it, and were part of the Indians called by the French Abenakis. The several subdivisions of these Tarrenteens or Abenakis, according to the rivers where they dwelt or generally resided, as St. John's, Penobscot, Norridgewock, Ameriscoggin, Saco, &c. were not known to the English until many years after.^† There was great enmity between the Tarrenteens and Aberginians, or Indians of Massachusets bay, who although they had been formerly a great people, yet were so re­duced that upon alarms they would fly to the English houses as to asylums, where the Tarrenteens durst not pursue them. The French traders were better known than the English to these Tarrenteens, and early planted prejudices against the English which could never be eradi­cated. These were the Indians who first used fire arms, which with ammunition they obtained from the French▪ The second year after the Massachusets planters arrived, the Tarrenteens destroyed some of the English who went to trade with them, and pretended that they were drowned, but the truth being discovered, some of the Indians con­cerned in the murder were taken and hanged. Although they refrained from open hostilities for above forty years, [Page 457] yet they kept no great correspondence with, nor shewed any affection for, the English colonies, but at all times were attached to the French, who speak of them as the most mild and docile of any of the Indian tribes. The western Indians went by the general name of Mohawks,^* and under this name were included all the Indians west­ward of Quinnipiack (New-Haven) although the Indians of Hudson's river,^† the Moheganders or Mackhanders, were people of a different nation and language. The name of Mohawks struck terror into the Indians who lived east of them.

The southern Indians were divided into many distinct nations or tribes. Those upon Long-Island and the main land opposite upon the sea coast were accounted among the most savage. The Massachusets Indians had but little knowledge of them. There was another sub­division, by the name of the River Indians, who had seated themselves in several commodious places upon the banks of Connecticut river. The next to them were called Mohegins, between Connecticut river and the Pequod river, and upon some of the higher branches of the last mentioned river. Then came the Pequods, seated be­tween and about New-London and Stonington, near to the sea coast. These were supposed to be among the most warlike, active and daring, and made the Naragansets, though more numerous, stand in awe of them, and would have made the English do so likewise if they had been owners of English arms, and understood how to use them. They were represented to have been under greater pre­judices against the English, from the beginning, than any other tribe. Next to the Pequods were the Naragansets, who lived along the sea coast from Stonington round point Judith, and on what is called the Naraganset bay. They consisted of several lesser principalities, but all united [Page 458] under one general ruler, called the chief sachem,^† to whom all the others owed some kind of fealty or subjection. The Nianticks were included and considered as a branch of the Naragansets. The Naragansets must have been very nu­merous. None of the Indians were supposed to increase, but to be continually decreasing, not in the English colonies only, but among the French in Canada also, and yet in 1675 at the beginning of Philip's war it was generally agreed that the Naraganset tribe consisted of 2000 fight­ing men. They were the most curious coiners of the wampompeag,^‡ and supplied the other nations with money, pendants and bracelets, also with tobacco pipes of stone, some blue and some white, they furnished the earthen vessels and pots for cookery and other domestic uses. They were considered as a commercial people and not only began a trade with the English for goods for their own consumption, but soon learn'd to supply other distant nations at an advanced price, and to receive bever and other furs in exchange, upon which they made a profit also. The Pequods jeered them for their indisposition to war, and called them a nation of women.

[Page 459]THE Wamponoags were next to the Naragansets. Their sachem was Massasoiet or Woosamequin, whose chief seat was sometimes at Pokanocket ^* or Sowam, and at other times at Namasket now Middleborough. The Nipnets, who were seated upon some lesser rivers and lakes or large ponds, more within the continent, where Oxford now is and towns near it, were supposed to be tributaries to Massasoiet. The Indians upon Cape Cod, although not considered as part of the Wamponoags, yet were supposed to be also under some kind of subjection to Massasoiet. However, it is certain, that when Philip, the son of Massasoiet, had engaged almost all the other Indians of the country in war with the English, his sollicitations could not prevail with those of Manamet to join him, but they adhered to the English, and were a defence to Sandwich and the towns further upon the cape. There seems to have been two cantons or sachemdoms of the cape Indians, one extend­ing from Eel river in Plimouth, to the south shore of the cape, and comprehended what are now called the Mashpee Indians,^† and then extended upon the cape to the eastern part of Barnstable, and as far westward as Wood's-hole, [Page 460] and divers petty Sachems or Sagamores were com­prehended in this division, of which Mashpee was one; the eastern part of the cape from Nobskusset or Yarmouth made another sachemdom, the capital of which was Nausit or Eastham: These were known to the people of New-Plimouth by the name of Nausit Indians. The Indians upon Nantucket, and those upon Martha's Vineyard, are supposed to have been distinct and separate tribes, having their own Sachems and Sagamores. The Nantucket Indians were a large body.

THE several scattered tribes from the Pockanockets to Pis [...]ataqua river, were called the Northern Indians, and by some Aberginians. There were many distinct settle­ments, upon the lesser channels of Piscataqua or Newi­chewannock river. Merrimack also had it's receptacles, from the mouth fifty miles or more, as Wainooset, Patucket, Amoskeag, Penicook, &c. and Newbury falls was a noted plantation, there being plenty of fish there at all seasons. And for the same reason, and because of the great plenty of shell fish, at Agawam (Ipswich) there was a noted tribe with their Sachem. Naumkeag (Salem and Marblehead) and Saugus (Lynn) made another division. Saugus Indians had a distinct Sachem, known by the English name of George, who lived forty years or more after the English came there.

AT Massachusets, near the mouth of Charles river, there used to be a general rendezvous of Indians. That circle which now makes the harbours of Boston and Charlestown, round by Malden, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hing­ham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the capital of a great Sachem,^† much reverenced by all the planta­tions [Page 461] of Indians round about, and to him belonged Na­ponset (Dorchester mills now Milton) Punkapog (Stoughton) Wessagusset (Weymouth) and several places upon Charles river, where the natives were seated. At Mistick a Saga­more was seated, upon a creek which meets with the mouth of Charles river.

IT is not possible to make a just computation of the number of Indians within the limits of New-England. It is agreed that they looked with a jealous eye upon the English planters, and, when it was too late, repented that they had not, by a general union, discouraged and prevent­ed the first attempts of settlements among them.

THE life of hunters and fishermen is said to be averse to human society, except among the members of single families. The accounts which have been transmitted of the na­tives, at the first arrival of the Europeans, represent them to have been as near to a state of nature as any people upon the globe,^† and destitute of most of the improve­ments which are the usual effects of civil society. Some writers ^§ tell us, that husbands and wives, parents and chil­dren, lived always in one room or wigwam, without any apartments, and made no privacy of those actions which nature teaches even some irrational animals,^‡ to be ashamed of in public. All agree, that a young woman was not less esteemed for having accompanied with a man, their usual practice being to live together upon trial, before they took one another for husband and wife.^‖ We hear of no [Page 462] instances of refined conjugal affection. The superior strength of the man to that of the woman, instead of being employed in the most laborious services necessary for their mutual support, was made use of to keep the wife in sub­jection, and oblige her to every kind of drudgery, not only to the carrying her children upon her back in all their removes, but to the carrying their provisions and packs of every kind, in their huntings and other marches. The women not only provided bark and stakes, the materials of their houses or cabins, but were the housewrights who built them, and as often as the family moved, for the sake of fishing or hunting, the women took down the houses and carried them on their backs. They planted, hoed and gathered the corn, and provided barns (holes in the ground cieled with the rind of trees) for the reception of it. Nor to mention their employments in providing shell-fish and other fish for the family, bearing burdens, of wood and wat [...]r, dressing their food, &c. The men commended themselves for keeping their wives employed, and con­demned the English husbands for spoiling good working creatures. A family seems, necessarily, to carry an idea of government, but parents had no authority over their [Page 463] children. The storgee in the parent might be observed towards their young. No return was made on the part of the child, but, assoon as it was capable, it was as ready to resist and oppose its parent as any other person.

EVERY nation or tribe had one whom they acknow­ledged as the head or chief. The son succeeded to the father. If no son, the Queen ruled; if no Queen, the next of kin of the blood royal.^* They gave the title of Sachem to the chief, and sometimes that of Sagamore. Some suppose these two titles to be indifferently used, others that the Sagamores had a small territory,^† and perhaps were, in some degree, dependant upon a Sachem. There were several Sagamores in the Massachusets bay, Sagamore George at Saugus or Lynn, John at Medford, Passaconaway at Merrimack, his son at Wechuset, Shawanon at Nashaway, and many others. Massasoiet, the chief of the Wompa­noag Indians, was always called Sachem, so was Myantino­mo, chief of the Naragansets, and Sassacus of the Pequods.

WHAT power and authority the Sachems and Sagamores had it is more difficult to determine.^‡ Murder, and a bare attempt upon the life of their chief, are said to have been capital offences. Such a malefactor, being apprehended, (an escape to another nation was not very difficult) the Sachem called some of his wisest men together, and the offender being pronounced guilty, his brains were beat out [Page 464] with a tomahawk. Other punishments they had not. We hear of no laws. Where they had no idea of property, but few laws were necessary. They had nothing to lose, worth even any corporal punishment, much less the life of a subject, where they were not over stocked. Of personal in­juries and affronts every man was his own avenger; they had no religion which forbad rendering evil for evil. Mili­tary authority they had none; every man fought and ran away at his pleasure; for this reason, they never could stand a body of English, and their wars between themselves were extremely precarious: Uncas, with an inferior num­ber of Mohegins, and of no repute, beat Myantinomo at the head of the Naragansets, who held the Mohegins in contempt. Their arms were bows and arrows, their cap­tains, only, carried a spear. Their bowstrings were made of Moose sinews. Their arrows were pointed with a small flat stone, of a triangular form, the basis of which they fastened with a leathern string into a cleft made in the end of a young stick of elder wood; and, simple as they were, they did execution upon naked bodies. Many of these stones, or heads of arrows, are found, to this day, in the earth, in places where the Indians used to resort. After the arrival of the English, they made the heads of their arrows of brass, fastened them to a small stick 6 or 8 inches long, formed to fix into the end of the pithy elder, which they bound round to strengthen it. They seldom missed their mark, when they aimed at a beast or bird, running or flying. In their wars they are said to have always engaged in a loose dis­orderly manner, and assoon as their artillery was spent, to have taken to their heels. The Mohawks secured their bodies against the arrows of other Indians by a covering of seahorse skins. Their principal weapon was the toma­hawk, a club two or three feet long, with a knob at the end; since they knew the use of iron, improved by the addition of a sharp pointed hatchet opposite to the knob. Roger Williams says it was their constant practice to strike off the heads of their dead enemies, at which they were very expert.

[Page 465]THEY were remarkable for firm well compacted bodies, strong and active, capable of enduring the greatest hard­ships and fatigues, regardless of cold, whilst travelling in the severity of winter.^* Having made holes in the ice, they would sit round them, upon their naked bottoms, catching pickrel, breams, pearch, and other freshwater fish. A small pouch of parched corn, ground or rather pounded into meal, and called Nuichicke, which is well enough translated Nocake,^† would support them several days in their travelling, when they could get no other provisions; and sometimes they were destitute even of this; but after abstinence they never failed of a proportionable indulgence, the first opportunity they had for it, and would make up at one meal for all they had missed. Their cloathing was of the skins of wild beasts; after the English came, they began to use woollen, and in a few years wholly laid aside skins. One of their old garments of skins would purchase a new one of woollen, and a good quantity of strong water or sack into the bargain. The men threw a light mantle or covering over them, and although they wore a small flap, called Indian breeches, yet they were not over nice in concealing their nudities.^‡ The women were more modest, [Page 466] and wore a coat of cloth or skins, wrapt like a blanket, about their loyns and reaching down to their hams, which they never put off in company, and if the husband had a mind to sell the wife's beaver petticoat, he must have provided another of some other sort, before he could pre­vail with her to part with it. In winter, the old men sometimes wore a sort of trousses of skins, fastened under their girdles with buttons. Their shoes without heels, which they called Mockassins,^* were cut out of a moose's hide. Their ornaments were pendants in their ears, carved of bone, shells and stone, in the form of birds, beasts or fishes; belts of wampompeag upon their arms and hanging down over their shoulders. Their hair was cut into va­rious forms and stuck with feathers. Upon their cheeks, and in many parts of their bodies, some of them, by inci­sions, into which they conveyed a black unchangeable ink, made the figures of bears, deer, moose, wolves, eagles, hawks, &c. which were indelible, and generally lasted as long they lived.^†

THEIR food, in winter, was birds and beasts of all sorts, fish from the ponds, and shell-fish. In summer▪ they had fish from the sea, but no way to save that or their meat from putrefaction; berries of all sorts, green corn, beans,^‡ and squashes. They boiled their victuals in earthen pots; their spits were sticks fastened in the ground, cleft a-top, where they fixed their meat, and placed them round a fire until they had sufficiently toasted it. The earth was their table; trenchers, napkins or knives they knew not the use of. Salt they had none, nor bread.^§ Indian corn boiled was the nearest akin to bread. They had no set meals, eat [Page 467] when they were hungry as long as victuals lasted, and being improvident, not caring for the morrow, they and their families would sometimes keep a fast of two or three days together. Water was their only drink.^* Their houshold furniture was very small. A skin or mat was their bed; they never used a chair or stool, always sitting on the ground.^† A few earthen and wooden vessels an­swered all the purposes of a family. As they had no metals of any kind, what few tools they had were of stone. Their hatchet and chizzel are kept as curiosities; the former somewhat in shape like an iron hatchet, sa [...]ing that, instead of an eye for the handle, it had a neck, where they fasten­ed a withe.^‡ Their arts and manufactures lay in a very narrow compass. Their skins they dressed by scraping and rubbing, and sometimes stained or coloured them with odd sort of embroideries. They had a sort of cordage or lines, from the wild Indian hemp, with which they made nets 30 or 40 feet long, for taking Sturgeon. They had two sorts of canoos, one of pine or chesnut trees, which they burned hollow, and then scraped the inside with clam shells and oyster shells, and hewed the out side with stone hatchets. Those were generally two feet wide, and about 20 feet long; the other sort were made of the bark or rind of the birch tree, with knees or ribs, and though easily [Page 468] broken upon the rocks or shore, yet were tight and secure against the waves. Some of these were very neat, and the most ingenious of any part of their manufactures.^*

THEY that speak most favorably, give but an indifferent idea of the qualities of their minds. Mr. Wilson speaks of them, but with compassion, as the most sordid and contemptible part of the human species. Mr. Hooker says, they are the veriest ruins of mankind upon the face of the earth. Perhaps, the Indians about the Massachu­sets bay were some of the lowest of the American nations. We hear nothing of that formality and order in their counsels, but little of those allegories and figures in their speeches and harangues, which the Frencho bserved among the Iroquois and other nations, at the beginning of their acquaintance with them. Indeed, in their discourses to­gether upon any matter which they deemed important, they seldom used any short colloquiums, but each spake his mind at large without interruption, the rest of the company giving attention, and when he had finished some other gave as large an answer. They shewed courtesy to the English at their first arrival, were hospitable, and made such as could eat their food welcome to it, and readily instructed them in planting and cultivating the Indian corn, and some of the English who lost themselves in the woods, and must otherwise have perished by famine, they relieved and conducted home. Their manner was to come into the English houses without knocking, and to sit down without ceremony. R. Williams compared the Quakers to them. There was no trading with them but for ready pay. He that trusted them lost his debt and his customer.

[Page 469]THE principle or persuasion that all things ought to be in common ^* might cause hospitality, where the like was expected in return, without any great degree of virtue. Some appearances there were of compassion, gratitude and friendship, and of grief at the death or distress of their children or near relations. Some degree of these social affections is inseparable from human nature. Vices they had many. They were false, malicious and revengeful. The least injury caused in them a deadly hatred which could never be allayed. They were infinitely cruel to their enemies, cutting and mangling their bodies, and then broiling them alive upon hot embers, and inflicting the most exquisite torments they could invent. They were not known to feed upon the flesh of their enemies after the English came among them.^† The men were lazy and idle, never employing themselves about any other business than what was of absolute necessity for their support, and such as the women were not capable of. More dirty, foul and sordid than swine, being never so clean and sweet as when they were well greased.^‡ Drunkards they were not, but the only reason was they had nothing that would [Page 470] intoxicate them. Assoon as they had a taste of the English sack and strong waters, they were bewitched with them, and by this means more have been destroyed than have fell by the sword. The English women had nothing to fear, as to any attempt upon their honor. The same obser­vation is made of the Canada Indians, with respect to the French women. La Hontan, a French author, who has given a different account, is charged with a fondness for em­bellishing his memoirs and being very credulous. They had their choice among their own women. We have but little reason to wonder that so few Englishmen incline to cohabit with Indian women.

THEY had some sports and games with which they some­times diverted themselves. Football was the chief, and whole cantons would engage one against another. Their goals were upon the hard sands, as even and firm as a board, and a mile or more in length, their ball not much larger than a hand ball, which they would mount in the air with their naked feet, and sometimes would be two days together before either side got a goal. They had two principal games of chance, one they called puim, this was much the same with a game Charlevoix mentions among the Miamis, which he calls jeu des pailles, or the game of straws. They took a number of packets of small sticks or straws, unequal in number but near of a size, and shuf [...]ling them together, he, to whose lot the highest number fell, was the forwardest in the game. Another game they called hub­bub, the same the French called jeu de plat, the game of the dish among the Hurons. They took five small pieces of bone, flatter than a die and longer, black on the one side and white on the other, these they put into a small wooden tray or platter, and giving it a stroke on the ground the bones all flew into the air, and the gamesters whisk their hands to and fro among the bones, and then smite them­selves on the breast and thighs, crying out, hub, hub, hub, so as to be heard at a great distance. According as the bones happened to be more or less of one colour, so they won or lost. Whilst any one continued to win he held [Page 471] the tray, and upon his losing gave it to the next. The Negroes in Guinea have a game of the same sort, which the call paw-paw. Shooting at marks was a diversion for their children, assoon as they were capable of drawing a bow. Swimming, running and wrestling they were, as early, ac­customed to. Their hunting and fishing, being all they did, which could be called labor, for their maintenance or support, served also as diversions. Deer, Moose and Bears were their chief objects, Wolves, Wild Cats, Raccoons, Otters, Musquashes, and even Bevers, were not much re­garded, until the English, from the value they set upon their skins or furs, encouraged the pursuit of them. Be­sides their bows, they had other devices to take their game, sometimes by double hedges a mile or two in length, and a mile wide at one end, and made narrow, by degrees, un­til they came to a gap of about six feet, against which they lay hid to shoot the Deer, as they came through in the day time, and, at night, they set Deer traps, being springs made of young trees. They had their traps also for Bevers and Otters. Their ordinary fishing was with hooks and lines. They made their hooks of bones, their lines of wild hemp, stronger and neater than the English lines.^* They had a way of taking Sturgeon by lighting a torch made of birch bark, which weaving to and fro by the side of their canoo would delight the Sturgeon and cause them to come tumbling and playing, throwing up their white bellies into which the Indians struck their spears or darts.^† The Sturgeons backs were impenetrable. They had grand fishings at the several falls of the rivers, at most of which a canton or company of Indians had their chief residence, and at fixed seasons the several neighbour­ing cantons met by turns, partly for recreation and partly [Page 472] to make provision for the year. During these meetings, all that came were at home and had all things in common, and those who had entertained their neighbours expected the like kindness.

RELIGION they had as little as can well be imagined. Some notions they had of a future state, a Mahometan paradise, where they were to solace themselves in fruitful cornfields and fine flowery meads, with pleasant rivers to bath in; curious wigwams, provided for them without any labor of their own; hunting, fowling and fish­ing without any weariness or pains to molest them; but at the door was a snarling animal who denied a peaceful en­trance to all unworthy of it.^* This caused them to bury the bows and arrows of the deceased with their bodies, to affright or repel Cerberus, and good store of wampom­peag to purchase some peculiar favors or privileges.^† Their enemies, and others unworthy the joys of elyzium, they consigned to an eternal habitation and place of torment. However warm some of their imaginations might be, it is agreed that in general no people had greater fears of death discovered by the distress and despair of the dying person, and the sighs and groans of the surviving parents or near friends, who mourned without hope. Idolatry ^‡ there were [Page 473] no signs of among them. They acknowledged a God, whom they mentioned by the word Ketan; he gave them rain in time of drought, and fair weather after great rains. Upon him they had their first dependence for recovery from sickness, but if he failed them they applied to their powows, which, it is most likely, brought upon them the [Page 474] charge of worshipping the Devil. The powows the English called their priests. We have many idle stories of the intercourse they had with the Devil. Their craft was in danger from the preachers of the gospel, who condem­ned their cheats and juggles as diabolical, and they were great opposers of the gospel, and threatned the new converts with death and destruction, and many were so intimidated that the powows were supposed to have fascinated or be­witched them. Passaconaway, a great sagamore upon Mer­rimack river, was the most celebrated powow in the country. He made the Indians believe strange things; that he could make water burn, rocks move and trees dance, and metamorphize himself into a flaming man; that in winter he could raise a green leaf out of the ashes of a dry one, and produce a living snake from the skin of a dead one.^†

[Page 475]WHEN the powow was sent for in any malady, after a hideous bellowing and groaning, he made a stop, and all the auditors with one voice uttered a short note, and then the powow renewed his roaring, smiting his naked breast and thighs, and jumping about until he foamed at the mouth. The patients were frequently cured of imagi­nary distempers, by these ridiculous pranks, and such in­stances of recovery worked upon the credulity of the Indians, so far as to make them to suppose the powows could heal them and poison them when they pleased. The latter was the easiest, and it is not unlikely that they had enough of the Devil in them to do it, in order to carry on the fraud and raise their characters. These poor deluded creatures were soon convinced that the English medicines had a healing virtue beyond all the charms of the powows.^* There is a noted instance of Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plimouth, his reviving old Mossasoiet, by the help of a dose of Mithridate, when given over by his own physicians. Mr. Mayhew visiting the son of Towanquattick, a Saga­more at Martha's Vineyard, who was ill of a fever, and whom the powows pronounced a dead man, let him blood, and he soon recovered.^† Many of the powows became converts to Mr. Eliot and Mr. Mayhew; among the rest, Passaconnaway, the Sagamore already mentioned. Some of the converts gave this account, that ‘when any of the Indians fell into a strange dream, wherein Chepian ap­peared [Page 476] unto them as a serpent, the next day they tell the other Indians of it, and, for two days after, the rest of the Indians dance and rejoice for what they tell them about this serpent, and so they become their powows.’ Being asked what these powows do, and what use they are of, they said▪ ‘their principal employment was to cure the sick, by certain odd gestures and beating themselves, and then they shall pull out the sickness by applying their hands to the sick person and so blow it away.’ This account was given to Mr. Eliot, who made this inference, ‘so that their powows are great witches, having fellowship with the old serpent, to whom they pray, and by whose means they heal sick persons, &c.’ Some of them were jugglers, and without arriving to any great degree of per­fection, they might raise the admiration of the generality of their blockish countrymen. However, the contempo­raries of the aboriginals all say, that, besides the Ketan, or their good spirit, they had some notion of an evil spirit, which is sometimes called Chepian, but generally Abamo­cho,^* lord of those infernal regions to which they con­signed their enemies. Mr. Mayhew, in a letter dated in 1650, relates a conversation between Hiacoomes a christian Indian, and Myoxco, a chief man of a place at the Vine­yard. Myoxco demanded how many Gods ^† the English [Page 477] worshipped, and being answered, one, he reckoned up about 37 principal gods he had; and shall I, said he, throw away these 37 gods for one?^*

THE Indians of Canada, according to Charlevoix, had an infinite number of genii, or subaltern spirits, good and bad, who had their particular worship. Very circum­stantial accounts have been published, by the French writers, of the religious rites and ceremonies of the nor­ [...]hern Indians, their feasts and fasts, their priests, and even their nuns or vestal virgins; which accounts have either been too easily received, or else the northern differed much from the more southern Indians, who, at best, gave themselves but little concern upon any point of religion. A deep enquiry into futurity could not consist with that indolent state of mind, which they made the summit of all happiness. An Indian convert discoursing with Woosama­quin, the great Sachem, he enquired of the convert, what worldly good things he had gained by his new religion; and not receiving a satisfactory answer, gave himself no further thought about it. Mr. Mayhew ^† says, that upon the first proposals of religion to them, they generally made these three enquiries. 1. What earthly riches they should [Page 478] get. 2. What approbation they should have from other sa [...]amores and governors. 3. How they should come off from the powows. ^*

MANY people pleased themselves with a conjecture, that the Indians in America were the descendants of the ten tribes of Israel. There was as little affinity between the Indian and the Hebrew language, as between the languages of any two nations upon the earth, and the New-England Indians had no one custom peculiar to the Israelites, except that of the separation of the women on certain occasions. This custom obtained among most of the nations upon the continent. The French speak of others, viz. that, at cer­tain repasts, they never make use of knives; it is not pro­bable they ever had any to use, on any occasion, until they were brought to them from Europe, they called the first English, Knifemen; that they never break the bones of the beasts they eat, and that, in some of their songs, you may distinguish the word Hallelujah. One Capt. Crom­well, a rich bucanier, who died at Boston about 1646, assured governor Dudley, that he had seen Indians to the southward circumcised. This increased the faith of many.^† The authors of the universal [...] to have as little grounds for the conjecture, that the Indians are the poste­rity of the ancient Scythians, and [...] Massachusets, a com­pound Indian word, might be derived from Masagetes.

[Page 479]OUR ancestors attempted to account for the first peopling America, consistent with the sacred history of the creation, but were obliged to leave the matter in the same uncertain­ty, as all others have done who have since made the like attempt.

THE language of the Indians, from Piscataqua to Con­necticut, was so nearly the same, that they could tolerably well converse together. It was observed, that without the greatest difficulty, they could not be brought to pronounce the letters L or R. For Lobster, they said Nobstan. The Tarrenteens sounded the R easily. Labials they used with freedom. It is observed of the western Indians, particular­ly the six nations, that they have no labials in all their lan­guage, and they and the Nipnets, who lived little more than 100 miles from them, could not better understand one another than the English and Chinese.

AT the beginning, our planters promised themselves great things from the soil, and imagined they were rich, having the property of so great an extent of territory. The general court allowed no more than 200 acres of land, in the first dividend, for 50 pounds sterling advanced for the plantation. Mr. Johnson, in a will made in 1629, supposes his interest, as a proprietor, worth six hundred pounds ster­ling,^* but many years had not passed, before an ingenious writer ^† observed, that the planters had found, by experi­ence, that their improved lands were of no greater value (in many places not so great) than the labor and expence in subduing them. Several accounts of the opinions, which at first prevailed, both of the soil and climate, have been preserved. Wood, a writer of a fertile imagination, who lived in the country four years, which, from some passages in his history, appear to have been before the year 1636, or the Pequod war, says ‘The soil is, for the general, a warm [Page 480] kind of earth, there being little cold spewing land, no moorish fenns, no quagmires, the lowest grounds be the marshes, over which, every full and change, the sea flows; these marshes be rich ground and bring plenty of hay, of which the cattle feed, and like as if they were fed with the best up-land hay in New-England,^* of which likewise there is great store, which grows commonly be­tween the marshes and the woods. This meadow ground lies higher than the marshes, whereby it is freed from the overflowing of the seas, and besides this, in many places where the trees grow thin, there is good fodder to be got amongst the woods. There be likewise in divers places near the plantations great broad meadows, wherein grow neither shrub nor tree, lying low, in which places grows as much grass as may be thrown out with a seyth, thick and long, as high as a man's middle, some as high as the shoulders, so that a good mower may cut three load in a day. Many object this is but coarse fod­der. True it is, that it is not so fine to the eye as English grass, but, being made into hay, the cattle eat it as well as lea hay, and like as well with it. The worst that can be said against the meadow grounds is, that there is but little edish or after pasture, which may pro­ceed from the late mowing, more than any thing else.^† [Page 481] For the more upland grounds, there be different kinds, in some places clay, some gravel, some a red sand, all which are covered with a black mould, in some places a foot deep, in others not so much. Such is the rank­ness^* of the ground, that it must be sown the first year with Indian corn, which is a soaking grain, before it will be fit to receive English seed. For the natural soil, [Page 482] I prefer it before the counties of Surry or Middlesex, which, if they were not enriched with continual manur­ings, would be less fertile than the meanest grounds in New-England; wherefore, it is not impossible, nor much improbable, that, upon improvements, the soil may be as good, in time, as England. If any man doubt of the goodness of the ground, let him comfort himself with the cheapness of it; such bad land in England, I am sure, will bring in store of good money. There hath as good English corn grown there as can be desired, espe­cially rye, oats and barley; there hath been no great trial of wheat and beans, only thus much I affirm, that these two grains grow well in gardens.’

THIS author's account of the country is not unfavor­able. An anonymous manuscript, which was sent to Eng­land in the beginning of the year 1637, gives us a dif­ferent idea.

‘THE soil, it is, for the nature of it, mixed; the upland, rather participates of sand than clay, yet our rye likes it not, an argument it is both cold and barren, yet I find some of it, manured, to yield some increase, but not to answer expectation; the low lands are, for the most part, covered with underwoods, the soil, which is a mixture of clay and sand, seems to have been fattened by the conti­nual fall of leaves from the trees growing thereon. This soil is like your woodland in England, best at first, yet afterwards grows more barren. This raised the report of so rich a soil, but we^* that came after found, by dear experience, that affection, not judgment, was the author of it; for, after five or six years, it grows barren beyond belief; and whereas, after, the land in England proves fertile for grass, this yields none at all, but, like the land about Dunstable, puts on the face of winter in the time of summer. I do believe, that if we had marl, lime, or other manure, this barrenness might, in part, be cured, [Page 483] but, as yet, we are destitute of these supplies. The na­tural coldness confutes the opinion of those, who did con­ceive it to be originally fertile, and experience confirms this to be true, for beans, millet, and fitches and roots▪ which delight in a cold soil, prosper here alike. For the present, we make a shift to live, but hereafter, when our numbers increase, and the fertility of the soil doth de­crease, if God discover not means to enrich the land▪ what shall become of us I will not determine, but, it is probable, we must either disband ourselves, like beasts streightned in their pasture, and so be liable to destruction from the natives (I mean the Pequods) or else, continu­ing together, be made the subject of some fearful famine and the misery that accompanieth it. Hay, we have here of the low lands, such as it is, which, in my opinion, is inferior in goodness to our reed and sedge in England, for it is so devoid of nutritive vertue, that our beasts grow lousy with feeding upon it, and are much out of heart and likeing; besides, it breeds among them sundry diseases, which we know not how to cure. Some have learned to make better provision, by burning the grass when it is near ripe, and so suffering a new crop to spring out of the ashes of the old. This they cut down, before it be half ripe, and make it into hay, but this proves like your after meath in Old England, not fit to labour with, yielding a saint nourishment, which brings our cattle so low, and many times to diseases of which they hardly ever recover.’

A gentlewoman, a few years after, in another manu­script, sends the following account. ‘When I remember the high commendations some have given of the place, and find it inferior to the reports, I have thought the reason thereof to be this, that they wrote surely in strawberry time.—When I have thought again of the mean reports, and find it far better than those reports, I have fancied the eyes of the writers were so fixed on their old English chimney tops, that the smoke put them [Page 484] out. The air of the country is sharp, the rocks many, the trees innumerable, the grass little, the winter cold, the summer hot, the gnats in summer biting, the wolves at midnight howling, &c. Look upon it, as it hath the means of grace, and, if you please, you may call it a Canaan.—I perceive some among you have imagined, they might enlarge their estates by coming here, but I am taught that great men must look to be losers, unless they reckon that gain which, by the glorious means of life, comes down from heaven. Men (by what I hear) of your rank and worth, will be welcome on New-England's coasts; he only can advise you best, who can lead you to his place, &c.’

MR. Hubbard, whose manuscript history was wrote about 1680, could make a better judgment.

‘AS for the soil, it is, for the general, more mountain­ous and hilly than otherwise, and, in many places, very rocky and full of stones, yet intermingled with many plains and valleys, some of which are sandy and inclinable to barrenness, especially those which abound with pitch pines, and there are many such, as likewise many swamps or boggy places, full of small bu [...]hes and underwoods. But, here and there, are many rich and fruitful spots of land, such as they call interval land, in level and cham­pain grounds, that oftentimes are overflown by the chan­nels of water which run beside them, which is supposed to enrich the soil that is so watered.^* The fatness of the earth washed by the rains, and mel [...]ing of the snow from the surface of the higher parts of the country, [Page 485] being, by those floods, cast upon the levels which lie by the sides of those greater streams. In many such places, their land hath been known to be sown or planted full forty years together, without any considerable abatement of the crop, never failing of thirty or forty bushels per acre. But for the generality of the soil, it is of a lighter sort of earth, whose fruitfulness is more beholden to the in­fluence of the heavens, advantage of the season, skill and industry of the tiller, than to the strength of its own temper. Such as came hither first upon discovery▪ chanced to be here in the first part of the summer, when the [...]arth was newly adorned with its best attire of herbs and flowers, flourishing with such early fruits as weather beaten travellers are wont to refresh them­selves with beholding, as strawberries, gooseberries, ras­berries, cherries, and whorts, as they observed who first landed about Martha's Vineyard, from whence they promised themselves and their successors a very flourish­ing country, as they did who landed first upon the coast of Florida, All sorts of grain sown in the spring, are found to grow pretty naturally here. The cold oft­times proves so extream, as to kill that which is com­mitted to the ground before winter.’ ^* From these [Page 486] several accounts, some judgment may be made of the opi­nion our forefathers had formed of the country. Expe­rience convinced many of them, that the value of the land when cleared, would make but poor wages for their labor in clearing it. It is a happy thing, that a fondness for freeholds to transmit to posterity, with privil [...]ges annexed to them, excited so many of the first planters of America to hard labor, and supported them under hard fare. A great part of this vast continent, filled with wild beasts and savage men scarcely superior to them, now affords the necessaries and conveniences of a civilized life, equal to the like tracts of improved country in other parts of the globe. History affords us no instance of so great improve­ments in so short a time. The same passion still continues▪ and affords a prospect of the like happy e [...]fect for ages yet to come.

A natural history of the country will afford a volume of it self, and it is a work much wanted, and would en­tertain the curious. The botanical part would be very useful. I have not leisure, and if I had, I have not a genius for such an undertaking. I wish some person, who has both the one and the other, would undertake it.