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MEMOIRS OF THE Principal Transactions OF THE LAST WAR BETWEEN THE English and French in North-America. FROM THE Commencement of it in 1744, to the Conclusion of the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle. Containing in Particular An ACCOUNT of the Importance of Nova Scotia or Acadie, and the Island of Cape Breton to both Nations.

The THIRD EDITION. LONDON, Printed. BOSTON, NEW-ENGLAND; Re-printed and Sold by GREEN and RUSSELL, at their Printing-Office in Queen-street. MDCCLVIII.

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To His GRACE the Duke of NEW CASTLE, First LORD Commissioner of His MAJESTY's TREASURY, KNIGHT of the Most Noble Order of the GARTER, &c. &c.

MY LORD,

THE Events, which are the Subject of these Me­moirs, had their Rise in North America, when your Grace's particular Department, as one of his Ma­jesty's Principal Secretaries of State, put the Affairs of that Continent under your Grace's more immediate Di­rection: And those, who are acquainted with the first Springs and Movements, which set these Expeditions on foot, and with the Character of the Person in America, who was chiefly instrumental in conducting them there, must be sensible, that the Success was wholly owing to the Influence of your Grace's Administration, and ought therefore to be reckoned among the other happy Effects of it.

These, my Lord, together with the Ambition, which the Author has of making his public Acknowledgments to your Grace for personal Obligations, are the Motives, which have induced him to take the Liberty of addres­sing the following Sheets to your Grace; and encour­age him to hope, that they will be honoured with your Grace's Protection.

I am sensible, my Lord, that the Success of the last War in North America was not equal to the great Idea [Page iv]formed in your Grace's Mind at that time for the Ser­vice of your King and Country.

Had your Grace's Plan transmitted to New England in 1746 for the Reduction of Canada been carried into Execution that Year, as it would have been, if it had not been frustrated by unforeseen, inevitable Accidents in Europe, against which it was not in the Power of Hu­man Policy to provide; that would have crowned the War with the most important Conquest to the Interests of Great Britain, that was ever made upon the Conti­nent of America.

But, my Lord, short as the Events of the War fell of your Grace's Scheme; yet the Consequences were, not only the Preservation of Great Britain's most essential Territory in North America for securing to her the Possession of all her other Colonies there (at a time when the Enemy had reduced it to such Extremities, that its Fate seemed to depend upon as slender a Thread, as it could possibly do; but an Acquisition to his Ma­jesty's Dominions, which, in all Appearance, accelerated the Extinction of a most expensive War to Great Bri­tain, and laid the Foundation for restoring at that time the public Tranquility of Europe.

May your Grace's unwearied Counsels for the Na­tion's Welfare be constantly attended with Success, e­qual to the Patriot Views, with which they are formed; and your King and Country long reap the salutary Fruits of them.

I have the Honour to be with the highest Respect, My LORD, Your GRACE's most obliged, and most devoted Servant.
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MEMOIRS OF THE Principal Transactions of the Last War between the English and French in North-America.

THE two first Objects of the War in North-America were Nova-Scotia or Acadie, and the Island of Cape Breton: against the former of these the French, soon after the Declaration of War in Eu­rope, made three Attempts; in the first of which they surprized the Island of Canso, burnt its Forts and other Buildings, destroyed the Fishery there, and carried the Garrison Prisoners to Louisbourg; and in the two last reduced Annapolis-Royal, the principal Fort and ancient Metropolis of the Province, to great Extremities: In the Year following the Colonies of New-England prosecuted an Expedition against Cape Breton; in which they took it, and brought the Inha­bitants of the Island of St. John's, situate in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to make their Submission upon the same Terms with those granted to Louisbourg, and to give Hostages for delivering Possession of the Island to the English.

[Page 10] As an Account of the Importance of the two first­mentioned Places to both Nations will throw Light up­on the several Operations and Incidents of the War, it will be proper here briefly to state it.

Nova-Scotia is the Key of the Eastern Colonies up­on the Continent of North-America; it has about nine­ty Leagues of Sea-Coast upon the Atlantic Ocean ex­tending from Cape Canso Eastward, which lies at the Entrance into the Gut or Streights of that Name (thro' which there is a Passage into the Gulf of St. Lawrence) to Cape Sables Westward, which forms one Point of the Entrance into the Bay of Funda: This Coast a­bounds with most commodious Harbours for capital Ships of War, and Banks of the best Cod-Fish in North­America; and is very advantageously situated for com­manding the Navigation of that Part of the Ocean: Its Eastern Side forms Part of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, along which it lies extended about 110 Leagues from the Gut of Canso, at it's Entrance into the Gulf, to Cape Rozier, which forms the South Point of the Mouth of the River St. Lawrence, through which the whole Country of Canada receivs all its Supplies and Supports from France: This Coast also has several good Fisheries and Harbours, particularly the Bay of Gaspe, Bay des Chaleurs, and Bay Verte, the latter whereof is separa­ted by a narrow Isthmus, about 18 Miles long, from the Bay of Funda, which is about 50 Leagues deep, and comprehended within the Province: In this Bay are the three Basons of Annapolis, Minas or Les Mines, and Chiegnecto; the Coasts whereof and Banks of the adja­cent Rivers abound with Salt Marshes, which by the Force of a rich Soil, constantly recruited with marine Salts, and so, not to be impoverished by constant Til­lage, produce large Crops of English Grain, with little Labour to the Husbandman; and among other Rivers, which fall into it, lies that of St. John's through which the City of Quebec has a Communication with the Bay, and across the Head of that, through the Gulf of St. [Page 11] Lawrence, with Louisbourg: The North Side of the Province is bounded by the Southern Bank of the River St. Lawrence, along which it is extended from Cape Rozier to Le Bik, about 80 Leagues; and the Western Side by the River Pentagoet or Penobscot, which sepa­rates it from New-England: Its inland Parts afford a Plenty of Pasturage, with all Kinds of Roots, produces good Oak Timber for Ship Building, and white Pine Masts, and has a large Store of Mines in the Distrist of Minas or Les Mines, which derives its Name from them.

Thus situated, it is evident, that Nova-Scotia, when in the Hands of the English must be a Barrier to the British Colonies in North-America; and the Command it gives them of the Navigation of the Gulf of St. Law­rence and Bay of Funda, puts it into their Power to cut off the Communication between France and Canada, through the River of St. Lawrence, which empties it­self into the former, and St. John's that falls into the latter; which leaves the French no Entrance into it, except by the Missisippi; the Passage through which, the River Ohio and the great Lakes and Rivers beyond it, to Montreal, is a most difficult Navigation of 2000 Miles, for the greatest Part against the Stream, and incumber'd with Falls, so that it is impracticable for France to give her Colonies in Canada an effectual Support through this Route; and consequently in such Case she must hold them at the Will of Great Britain.

On the other hand, whilst Nova Scotia is in the Pos­session of the French, it puts it into their Power, by the Command it gives them of the Navigation to and from the British Northern Colonies, particularly those of New England, to harrass and distress them exceedingly; and by its near Situation to the Eastern Parts of the Mas­sachusetts Bay, and the Province of New Hampshire, to deprive Great Britain of the Naval Stores, which are now drawn from the King's Woods there for masting the Royal Navy: And whereas the cold Climate and un­fruitful [Page 12]Soil of Canada and Cape Breton yield only a bare Sustenance for their present Inhabitants, and make those Colonies incapable of supporting a large Number of Troops; in which Circumstance consists very much the Security of the British Colonies against the Incroachments of France; if France was augmented with the Province of Nova Scotia, which is fertile of every Species of Provisions, she would then be able to maintain in North America a numerous standing Army.

The New England Colonies, in every Period of this Provinces's Subjection to the French, continually felt most pernicious Effects from it, in Depredations upon their Trade, and Incursions into their Territories; so that in 1654 Oliver Cromwell, for their Protection, was obliged to seize on all its Forts and dispossess the French of the whole Country: After the Restitution of it to them by the Treaty of Breda, New England again ex­perienced the same mischievous Consequences from their Possession of it, which always threatned Destruction to her Colonies: And not to mention the intermediate Ex­peditions form'd against it from those Governments, and the alternate Change of Possession, it has undergone; when France was sunk to its lowest Ebb of Power in Europe, by a long Series of adverse Campaigns, during Queen Ann's Reign, yet even then the New-England Go­vernments were so distressed by this Province's remain­ing in the Hands of the French (though the Number of its Inhabitants did not exceed 4000), that they twice addressed the Crown in the strongest Terms to sit out an Armament from England for the Re-conquest of it; in consequence of which an Expedition was formed a­gainst it, under the Command of General Nicholson, who took it: And the Negociations at the Treaty of Utrecht, by which it was ceded to Great-Britain, will shew with what extreme Reluctance France made the Cession; and that nothing but the feeble State, she was then in, could have reduced her to submit to it.

[Page 13] By the Cession of this Province, and Placentia in New­foundland, to the English, the French were left without any Harbour, or Sea Coast in that Part of the Atlantic Ocean; in Consideration of which the Land of Cape Breton, which lay within the ancient Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadie, but was excepted by the Treaty of Utretcht out of the Cession, was yielded to France.

This Island, or rather Collection of Islands, called by the French Les Isles de Madame, which lie so con­tiguous, that they are commonly supposed to be but one, and comprehended under the Name of the Island of Cape Breton, or L' Isle Royale, has a Sea Coast upon the At­lantic Ocean extending from the Gut of Canso, the Eastern Boundary of Nova Scotia, about 34 Leagues E. N. E. to the Entrance into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, between the Easter most Part of the Island, and the West of Newfoundland, from which it is about 17½ Leagues distant: Its Western Side forms Part of the Gulf; and the Importance of it to the French may be estimated from the Advantages which they have reaped from it since it has been in their Possession.

Altho' the Harbour of Louisbourg is not a very good one for Shipping, and the Island is barren; and but a small Number of Ships fish there, in Comparison of those which are employed in the French Fisheries on the Banks of Newfoundland, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the neighbouring Shores, Bays, Harbours, &c. yet the Situation of it is such, that all their fishing Vessels can repair thither on any Danger or Emergency; espe­cially those which fish in the Gulf, on the Main, or at the Northwest of Newfoundland, none of which are a­bove one or two Days Sail, at most, from Louisbourg; as may also those Vessels which load with Mud-Fish on the Banks; so that this Island is the Center and Protecti­on of their whole Fishery: And of what Value that has been to them will appear by the following Computation taken of it from Persons intimately acquainted with eve­ry Branch of it, according to the State, in which it was carried on, this Year before the War.

[Page 14] According to this Computation the Quantity of their Fish caught that Year was 1,149,000 Quintals of dry Fish, and 3,900,000 Mud-Fish; the Value of both which, including 3,116¼ Ton of Train Oil drawn from the Blubber, amounts to 926,577 l. 10s. according to the prime Cost of the Fish at Newfoundland; and with the Addition of its Freight to the several Markets, where it is sold, makes 949,192 l. 10s. Sterling; and, if to this is added the Consumption, which is made of their coarse Woollens by the Men employed in the Fishery, reckon­ing for each a Blanket, Watch Coat, Rug, Pea-Jacket, &c. in the Whole 30s. per Man, as also the Brandy they consume, together with the Canvas, Cordage, Nets, Hooks, Grapplins, Anchors, &c. that the Ships and Shallops of this Fishery must expend at Sea and on Shore, the Va­lue of it will amount at least to one Million Sterling per Annum, at which it is generally computed.

But in order to form a just Estimate of the Value of this Branch of Trade to the French, the Consideration of its beneficial Consequences should be taken in; these consist principally in the following Articles:

1st, The Train Oil produced by it is necessary to the French in their Woolen Manufactory; in which they have already rival'd us with too much Success; and their Sugar Colonies abroad, which cannot do without it, are supplied with it from France out of this Fishery.

2dly, The Trade, it opens for them into the Mediter­ranean, and all the Roman Catholick States, where they carry their Fish to Market, and by the Means of it force a Vent for other French Manufactures; which has been found so beneficial to their commercial Interest, that they have been indefatigable in the Cultivation of it, sparing no Pains nor Cost, and using every Art to monopolize it; for which Purpose, from the Beginning they have used their utmost Endeavours in time of War between the two Nations, to procure a Neutrality in North America, so far as relates to the Fishery there; that they might even then carry it on, and prosecute their Voyages unmolested.

[Page 15] 3dly, The great Increase of their Navigation and Seamen arising from this Fishery; in which 564 Ships, besides Shallops, and 27,500 Seamen are employed; Circumstances, especially the latter, which considered with regard to their maritime Force, are of themselves as valuable to France as the Revenue of the Fishery it­self: Well therefore might Pere Charlevoix in his His­tory of New-France observe, ‘That this Fishery was a more valuable Source of Wealth and Power to France, than even the Mines of Peru or Mexico would be.’

And this great Branch of Trade may be said to depend upon their Possession of the Island of Cape Breton, as it is impossible for them to carry it on without some con­venient Harbour of Strength to supply and protect it; and Louisbourgh is the only one, they have in this Part of the Atlantic Ocean.

Besides the Fishery, there are likewise other Advan­tages which arise to the French from their Possession of this Island; France has not one Sea Port for the Relief and Shelter of her trading Ships either to, or from the East or West Indies open to them any where in North America, to the Northward of the River Missisippi, ex­cept Louisbourg; and of consequence, that whole Trade would be expos'd to the English Privateers from the Northern Colonies in time of War, without any Place to retreat to; and in time of Peace, they would be with­out any Sea Port, they can call their own, or lay any Pretensions to in those Seas; but Louisbourg serves them as an Harbour for their Ships employed in this Trade to resort to for Wood and Water, to clean or repair, for Convoy from thence to Old France, and on occasion of any Distress; as it likewise does to their Vessels to and from Canada, by having the Cover and Command of great Part of the Gulf of St. Lawrence; without which Protection and Retreat their Trade from thence, and even the Country itself, would not be worth the Expence, which France is at for the Maintenance of them.

[Page 16] To all this must be added, that the Possession of this Island puts it into their Power to annoy the Trade of the British Northern Colonies in time of War with their Privateers from this Harbour, to so great a Degree, that it has ever been called by the English, the Dunquerque of North-America.

From the foregoing Enumeration of the Advantages accruing to the French from their Possession of this Island, it is obvious of what Importance the Possession of it would be to the English.—The English, when the French are intirely excluded from the Cod Fishery; which they must be, when they lose Cape Breton, and are not allowed any Privilege at Newfoundland, would have the whole Benefit of it to themselves; in which Case all the Roman Catholic States must then depend on the English solely for their Baccalio; which, besides the Profits arising immediately from it, would give them almost the whole Trade of the Mediterranean, with an Increase of 27,000 Seamen for the Royal Navy, and put it absolutely in their Power to cut off all Communication between France and Canada, except through the Missi­sippi (as is before observed) and threby not only render Canada of little or no Utility to the French, but de­prive it of all effectual Support from France, against any Attempts of the English for the Reduction of it.

From the State of these two Colonies it is clear, what the Difference would have been to Great Britain in the Course of this War, if instead of the Preservation of No­va Scotia and Reduction of Cape Breton, she had lost the former to the French, and they had kept Possession of the latter: In that Case, France by gaining the prin­cipal Key of the Northern Colonies, extending her Sea Coast 90 Leagues further upon the Atlantic, and aug­menting her Territories in Canada, and the Island of Cape Breton with so large a Provision Country as Nova Scotia, lying contiguous to both of them, would have had it in her Power to introduce and support a Body of regular Troops there, which in Conjunction with the [Page 17]Militia of Canada and the Indians upon the Continent (every one of which, the Six Nations not excepted, would soon then have gone over to their Interest) would over­run the British Colonies already surrounded with a Line of French Forts carried on upon the Back of them for that Purpose.

If ever Great Britain should receive such a Blow in her American Dominions, it would be in vain to hope to retrieve it by her superior Naval Force; on the other hand, if it is considered, how much the Strength of the French Marine would be thereby increased, and that of the British diminished, little doubt can be made, that the present Superiority of the Naval Force of Great Britain to that of France would survive the Loss of her Colonies but a few Years.

Upon the Cession of Nova Scotia to Great Britain at the Treaty of Utrecht, it was garrisoned with nine Companies of the late Lieutenant General Philips's Re­giment of 31 privates each, five of which were posted at Annapolis Royal and four at Canso.

As to the French Inhabitants (whom for distinction­sake I shall call Acadians) which were found in the Pro­vince at the Reduction of it, they were by the Treaty allowed their Option either to retire with their moveable Effects to any other Place within a Year, or to remain there and be subject to the Kingdom of Great-Britain, and to have the free Exercise of the Catholic Religion, as far as the Laws of Great-Britain would allow.

Much the greatest Part made their Election to remain in Nova Scotia, but could not be induced to take the Oath of Allegiance, pleading in Excuse, that if they bound themselves to take up Arms in defence of the English Government, they should be exposed to be made a Sacrifice to the Ravages of the Indians in the French Interest: Upon this Plea General Phillips, then Gover­nor of the Province, permitted them to stay there for some Years without giving this Test of their Allegiance; but at length, to bring them to comply, he indulged them, [Page 18](though without being authoriz'd, as appears, by the Crown,) with an Exemption from bearing Arms upon any Occasion whatever; they were likewise not only allow­ed the public Profession of the Romish Religion, but suf­fered to be supplied with French Missionaries from Ca­nada, who under the Bishop of Quebec exercised Rule over them in secular as well as spiritual Matters, enfor­cing an Obedience to their Decisions and Mandates by the Infliction of Ecclesiastical Penalties; whilst the only, or at least principal Act of Government exercised by the English Governor among them seems to have been, the Appointment, or rather Allowance from time to time, of Deputies chosen by and among themselves for their se­veral Districts; and even those frequently behaved in the Execution of their Office, as if they thought them­selves scarcely accountable to the English Government for the Exercise of that Authority.

By this means, though these Inhabitants became En­glish Subjects by Virtue of the Treaty and their Oath of Allegiance; yet the French Governor in Canada pre­served the chief Influence and Command over them, and cultivated in them their former hereditary Attachment to the French King; so that they continued a distinct Body of French Roman Catholics, exempted by the English Government from bearing Arms in Defence of it; and kept by their Priests so unmixed with and separate from the English, that but two English Families could settle among them, tho' several had attempted it; the Conse­quence of all which was, that the Increase of these Aca­dians, instead of strengthening the King's Government, as they naturally ought to have done, became dangerous to it; and by remaining in the Province were of much greater Service to France, than if they had removed into the French Government immediately after the Treaty of Utrecht, as they were a growing Stock in Nova-Scotia for settling it with French Inhabitants, even whilst it was in the Hands of the English; and at the same time con­tributed to the Growth of Cape Breton by supplying it [Page 19]with Provisions; whereas by removing into Canada, they would have been rather burdensome to it by occasioning (for some Years at least) a Scarcity of Provisions among the Inhabitants there.

In the mean time the Island of Cape Breton, which it appears from the Negotiations of the Treaty of U­trecht, France had it much at Heart to obtain the ex­clusive Possession of, was immediately begun to be forti­fied and settled with French Inhabitants, in doing which no Costs or Pains was spared: A new Colony was set on foot to consist of Fishermen only with suitable Encou­ragement; the Town of Louisbourg was built and gar­risoned: the Harbour made at an immense Charge al­most impregnable; and the Place became so national an Object, that it was valued by France equal to any one other of her Colonies; and the Fishery flourished so fast, that they could soon afford to undersell the English at foreign Markets: for the Protection of this Trade, Ships of War were annually sent from France, to visit and supply the Settlers and Fishery with what they wanted, and had Orders not only to protect and defend the Sea Coasts of this Island and the Gulf of St. Law­rence, and their Vessels upon the Banks of Newfound­land, &c. from Insults, but to keep up their Pretensions to the several Banks either within or without their Line, and make to themselves a Privilege of Fishing where they pleased, by force of Custom: And so early were these Encroachments on the English at Canso, and upon the fishing Banks along the Sea Coast of Nova-Scotia (from which France was wholly excluded by an express Article in the Treaty of Utrecht) that it was found ne­cessary to have one of the King's Ships sent every Year from England, and station'd at Canso to guard against them: And to such a Pitch had the French advanced the Trade, Shipping and Settlements of this Island by the Year 1744, that upon the breaking out of the War, Mr. Duquesnel then Governor of the Colony, within three Days after the Declaration of it arrived from France, [Page 20]fitted out an Armament under the Command of Mr. Du­vivier from Louisbourg (being favoured therein by the casual Absence of the Canso Station Ship, omitted to be sent that Year, as was likewise the usual Station Ship to Boston) which entering the Harbour of Canso about 20 Leagues distant by Night, surprized the Fort, burnt it with the other Buildings there, destroyed the Fishery (as is before observed) and carried the Garrison, which consisted of about 80 private Men fit for Duty, to Lou­isbourg; where, by the Terms of their Capitulation they were to remain Prisoners of War for one Year from the 24th of May 1744, at the End of which they were to be sent by the French Governor, either to Annapolis Royal or to New-England.

Among the Artifices practised by the French of Can­ada, for paving their Way to regain the Possession of Nova-Scotia, and seize the first Opportunity for that Purpose; the following may serve as a remarkable Spe­cimen: A short Time before the Declaration of War, and when the Colonies were in full Expectation of it, the French procured the Indians of St. John's River to send a Deputation of their principal Men to the Com­mander in Chief of Annapolis Royal, on pretence of re­newing the Covenant of Peace and Amity with his Go­vernment (which was accordingly done with the usual Indian Formalities) but in reality to lull the Governor into a false Security with respect to the Indians, and at the same time gain Admittance into the Fort, in order to discover the State of it, and hold themselves in readi­ness to attack it, upon the first Summons; which they did, and together with the other Indians of their River composed Part of the Body, which invested the Fort under the Command of Le Loutre.

The first Notice, the English had of Canso's being taken and burnt, was brought to Boston by a Fisherman, who had descried, as he was fishing upon a Bank opposite the Island, a Cloud of Smoke rising from some Ruins; and at the same time missed the Sight of the Block-house [Page 21]and other Buildings there, which used to be seen off at Sea from the Bank, he was upon; and this was in a Day or two confirmed by another Massachusetts Fish­erman, who after being chaced by a French Vessel, went on Shore upon the Island, where he found all the Build­ings in Ruins, and that the Garrison, Inhabitants and and Cattle were removed off.

This Intelligence left the Governor and Council of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay no room to doubt from what Quarter the sudden Blow must come, and that the War, which before was expected to break out soon between Great-Britain and France, had been pro­claimed in Europe.

For this Success Te Deum was sung at Paris, and publick Rejoicings made, and a pompous Account of it was published in the French Papers; which, as the Con­quest considered in itself appeared but small, was impu­ted to a Vanity of magnifying the slightest Actions to the World; but France estimated it from the Importance, which the Destruction of the English Fishery, and the Reduction of the whole Province of Nova-Scotia would be of to her; and looked upon her Success against Canso as a sure Forerunner of the Reconquest of the one, and the utter Destruction of the other; both which they had in View to accomplish and that her Hopes were not without Foundation will appear from the State of the Province at this Juncture: The whole Defence of it, after the Reduction of Canso, consisted in the Fort of Annapolis Royal, the Works of which were of Earth revested with Timber, but so ruinous in several Parts, that the Cattle could walk over them into the Fort; and the Garrison had not above 80 Men fit for Service, the rest being superannuated, or Invalids.

The following Circumstances increased the Alarm upon this Occasion: A few Months before the Arrival of this Account, the * Massachusetts Governor had re­ceived Letters from the Lieutenant Governor and [Page 22]Commander in Chief of the Province of Nova Scotia, acquainting him, that his Majesty's Fort at Annapolis Royal was in so defenceless a Condition, and the Gar­rison so weak, that in case of a sudden Rupture with France, they should, without speedy Assistance from Boston, be in Danger of falling into the Enemy's Hands: It was also known that his Majesty's Engineer for Nova­Scotia had, in the preceeding Winter received Orders from the Board of Ordnance, to build a new Fort of Stone at Annapolis Royal; as soon as the Season would permit, and that he was preparing to lay the Foundati­on of it; which would make the Garrison less attentive to repair the Works of the old Fort.

This Account therefore of the Motions of the French gave just Grounds to dread their following the late Blow, they had given Canso, with an immediate Attempt a­gainst the Fort of Annapolis Royal; the Reduction of which would have put them into the Possession of the whole Country of Nova-Scotia, with about 16,000 French Inhabitants, who were justly suspected of a Dis­position to join with them against the English.

Wherefore to prevent the Garrison at Annapolis Royal from being surprized by the Enemy, and to apprize Mr. Mascarene of the Necessity of repairing the old Fort in the best manner, the ruinous State of its Works, and the short time he had to do it in, would admit; the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay dispatched an ar­med Vessel in the Service of the Province, to Annapolis Royal, with an Account of the Motions of the French, and a Promise to send the Garrison a speedy Rein­forcement.

Upon this Emergency likewise he represented to the Assembly the imminent Danger, his Majesty's Fort at Annapolis-Royal, with the whole Province of Nova­Scotia, was in; and pressed them to enable him to send it immediate Succours; whereupon with their usual Readiness to exert themselves upon all Occasions for his Majesty's Service and the common cause, they gran­ted [Page 23]a Bounty and other Encouragements for four Com­panies of Volunteers of 60 private Men each to in list, together with three Months Provisions, and the Costs of their Transportation; but as the Charge of maintaining the Garrisons of that Province appertained to the Crown, they left the Pay for the Officers and Men to be pro­vided for by the Governor; who accordingly proceeded to raise them with the utmost Expedition, upon the Faith of his Proclamation: but as the Urgency of the Service would not admit of staying till the whole Complement could be raised, and the Fate of the Province was brought to a Crisis; as soon as 80 of them could be got ready to embark, which was within a few Days, he sent them under Convoy of the Massachusetts Snow of 16 Carriage Guns to Annapolis Royal, where upon their Arrival they found the Fort had been invested eleven Days by a Body of about 700 Indians mix'd with a few French Inhabitants in Indian Disguise, and the Priest Le Loutre at their Head: This Enemy, though without Artillery for making regular Breaches, yet as the Works were ruinous and assailable almost on every Side, attacked it without In­termission, but chiefly in the Night; whereby the Garrison was kept in a continual Alarm in every Quarter, and both Officers and Men were so harrassed and worn out by constant Fatigue of Duty and continual Watches, that they could not have held out many Days longer: And it was perhaps in some degree owing to the Barbarity of a savage Foe, and the Reproach which would have ari­sen from the King's Fort's being given up, by a Garrison of regular Troops, to an undisciplined Indian Rout, with a Priest at their Head, together with the daily Ex­pectation of Succours from Boston, that they held out in Defence of the Fort so long as they did.

Upon the Appearance of this Reinforcement in the Basin of Annapolis, and the Snow's saluting the Fort with a Discharge of its Cannon, the Indians were thrown into such Confusion and Panic, that they not only made a precipitate Retreat, and gave the Troops an Opportu­nity [Page 24]of landing and marching into the Fort, without the least Opposition, but soon after dispersed, and could not be brought back to give the Garrison any Molestation, till Mr. Duvivier's Attempt against it two Months after.

This Relief gave the Garrison time to breathe, and repair the Works of the Fort, and kept the French In­habitants, who by this Visit from Boston were persuaded that the Garrison would be effectually supported, in such respect, that upon the Departure of the Indians they re­newed their Communication with it, and readily furnish­ed whatever Materials and Workmen were wanted for strengthening the Fort; and supplied the Garrison with Refreshments.

Soon after this the Massachusetts Governor sent to Annapolis Royal a second Party of 100 of the new rai­sed Succours, with an armed Brigantine belonging to the Province; which Reinforcement put the Garrison into a State of Security against an Indian Enemy, and the Fort by this time was so much strengthened, that it was not to be reduced without a Train of Artillery.

The fourth Company was designed to be composed wholly of Indians, if possible, to be employed in scout­ing Parties, through every Part of the Peninsula both by Land and Water, for which Service they were to be pro­vided with two Row-Gallies, so that the raising and fit­ting this Company out took up more Time than the other three.

Whilst these Operations were carrying on, Mr. Du­vivier, who commanded the Armament upon the Descent against Canso, was sent by * Mr. Duquesnel, immediately after his Return from that Expedition, upon another against Placentia in Newfoundland: This Attempt, in which he was disappointed by contrary Winds, made a very happy Diversion in favour of Nova-Scotia; where it was apprehended he would have immediately proceed­ed upon the Reduction of Canso; had he done that, he would have surprized the Fort and Garrison at Annapo­lis Royal as he did that at Canso; before they had got [Page 25]any Notice of the Declaration of War, or were in the least apprised of his coming.

It was indeed an Error in Mr. Duquesnel's Conduct, that he did not strike his first Blow at Annapolis Royal; his Forces, in conjunction with Le Loutre's Indians, must at that Time have secured the Conquest of it, be­fore any other of the English Colonies, or even the Gar­rison at Canso could have gained Intelligence of the At­tempt; this would have put him in Possession of the whole Province, except Canso, with 4 or 5000 fighting Men ready to join him; and the Reduction of Canso after that could not have been a matter of the least Dif­ficulty; his Omission to avail himself of so favourable an Opportunity for making an Acquisition of this impor­tant Province at one Stroke, seems to have proceeded from his too eagerly grasping at Placentia, and the De­struction of the English Fishery at Newfoundland, al­most at the same Instant; but to whatsoever Cause it was owing, it was certainly the Preservation of Nova-Scotia by giving an Opportunity for relieving it with Succours from Boston.

Upon Mr. Duvivier's Return from the Expedition a­gainst Placentia, which was towards the latter End of August, Mr. Duquesnel lost no Time for making an Attempt against Annapolis Royal; and for that Purpose dispatched Mr. Duvivier with some Troops from Lou­isbourg to Beau Basin; there he landed, and being join­ed by the Indians, who waited his Arrival at Minas, proceeded with a Body of about 700 Men to Annapolis Royal, and invested the Fort, in Expectation of being soon followed up the Bay of Funda by three French Men of War of 70, 56 and 30 Guns, with 280 more Land Forces, and a large Train of Artillery and Ord­nance Stores, that Mr. Duquesnel then depended upon sending him out of the Squadron, which at that Time lay in Louisbourg Harbour, and was destined to convoy the West India Fleet in their Return to France: These did not follow him; if they had, it would have enabled [Page 26]him to form a regular Siege by Land and Water against the Fort, and in all Probability to have carried it: How­ever Mr. Duvivier, by assuring Mr. Mascarene in a Letter, that the French Ships were already got to the Mouth of the Bay, and that though he should fail of this expected Rein for cement, he was determined to spend the Winter in the Siege, so far succeeded, as to bring Mr. Mascarene to treat with him about a Surrender of the Fort, in case of the Arrival of those Ships, with the Land Forces and Ordnance Stores which he assured him, they had on board; but this Treaty breaking off upon Mr. Duvivier's insisting at last, that the Fort should be immediately put into his Hands upon his Promise to re­deliver Possession of it, if the expected Armament did not arrive by a Time limited; and the Garrison most oppor­tunely receiving a further Reinforcement by the Com­pany of Indian Rangers about the same Time from the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay, the French Com­mandant despairing of the Arrival of the Vessels with the Troops, Artillery and Stores, decamped and retired to Minas, with an Intent (as it was then apprehended) to winter there, and work upon the Inhabitants to join with him in an Attempt against the Garrison early in the Spring; of their readiness to do which, their Behaviour ever since the Time of his having entered Minas, they had given great Reason to suspect them.

To prevent this by dislodging Mr. Duvivier and his Party from their Winter Quarters, and guard the Basin of Annapolis' Royal against an Attempt by Sea with any small-Vessels of War, which might be fitted out from Louisbourg, the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay (who was then unacquainted with the Arrival of the French Squadron there) determined to send to Anna­polis-Royal, though it was very late in the Year, an ar­med Snow, Brigantine and Sloop belonging to the Pro­vince, with Orders to take in some small Cannon and Mortars, with such a Detachment of Soldiers from the Garrison, as Mr. Mascarene could spare, and proceed [Page 27]to Minas, in order to land them with a Party of Seamen and drive Mr. Duvivier from thence; and in the mean time acquainted Mr. Marcarene with this Design.

Whilst these Preparations were making at Boston in the latter End of October, the Governor had Intelligence brought him by a Fisherman from the Isle of Seals, that he had seen forty Hours before three French Vessels standing up the Bay of Funda; these were found af­terwards to be a Banker of about 400 Ton with a Brig­antine and Sloop, which Mr. Duquesnel upon being disappointed of Assistance from the Men of War had fit­ted out from Louisbourg in a warlike Manner, and or­der'd to proceed up the Bay of Funda with Ordnance Stores for attacking the Fort at Annapolis Royal by Sea, whilst Mr. Duvivier, whom he supposed they would find before the Fort, attacked it by Land; whereupon the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay dispatched, the Day following, a Schooner to Mr. Mascarene with Ad­vice of the Designs of the French, and Assurances that he would send the three armed Vessels before-mentioned, all well appointed, in four Days to his Assistance.

The French Vessels accordingly arrived at the Nar­rows below the Basin of Annapolis, where they came to an Anchor till they could get Information whether Mr. Duvivier, was still before the Fort: Two Days after, the English Schooner, which carried the Dispat­ches for Mr. Mascarene, incautiously fell in among them in the Night Time; and the Master in his Sur­prize suffered the Governor's Dispatches to fall into the Enemy's Hands; the Effect of this was, that the French Commodore finding Mr. Duvivier had retired from be­fore the Fort, and that a Naval Force was coming after him from Boston, cut his Cable and immediately quit­ted the Bay, and by that means escaped the Massachu­setts Vessels, which entered the Bay soon after he had got out of it.

The Massachusetts Vessels upon their Arrival at Annapolis Royal attempted to look into the [...] of [Page 28] Minas and Schiognecto in quest of Mr. Duvivier and his Party, according to their Orders from Boston; and to assist the Inhabitants in such manner as Mr. Mascarene should direct: But the Season being very tempestuous, the Navigation of the Bay exceeding dangerous, and Mr. Mascarene having received certain Advice, that the Indians were dispersed, and Mr. Duvivier gone with the Remainder of his Party to Louisbourg (as in Fact he was) after staying at Annapolis till the latter End of Ja­nuary to countenance the Garrison, and keep the French Inhabitants in a proper Respect and Awe, reurned to Boston.

Mr. Duvivier having retired to Minas, the Com­pany of Rangers was posted without the Fort, under the Cover of the Cannon, and secured by such further De­fence, as could be immediately raised with Pickets and other slight Works; which manner of posting them was better adapted for the Service they were to be employed in, at the same time, that it was more agreeable to them than to be lodged in Barracks within the Fort.

Before their Arrival, the Garrison was confined with­in the Walls of the Fort, so that the Spot upon which it stood might justly be said to be the only one in the Province, which they were Masters of: But these Indians under the Management of Officers who understood the proper Use of them, and to whose Or­ders they were perfectly obedient, soon freed it from that Restraint, and were in many other Respects of in­finite Service to it: By their sudden Excursions (fre­quently made in the Night Time) into different Parts of the Province either by Land Marches, or Descents in their Row-Gallies, they gained Intelligence of the Mo­tions of the Enemy, and secret Correspondence kept up between them and the Inhabitants, and, when Occasion required, seized such of the latter, as appeared to be Ringleaders and the most dangerous among them; by which means, and sometimes by surprizing Parties of the [Page 29]Cape Sable Indians, which were found in the neighbour­ing Woods, they not only became a Terror to the French Inhabitants, but to the Indians too; and the Garrison Troops, by going out with them in Parties, were like­wise made serviceable in that Duty.

To these timely Reinforcements and Succours, the Governor and his Majesty's Council of Nova-Scotia in their Letter of Thanks to the Governor of the Massa­chusetts Bay impute the Preservation of his Majesty's Garrison and the whole Province from falling into the Enemy's Hands that Year; and his Majesty, upon hav­ing an Account of the Proceedings for the Preservation of the Province laid before him, was pleased in Council to declare his Royal Approbation of his Conduct there­in, and that his Majesty would stand to the Engagements which he had made upon this Occasion in his Name; and a Copy of his Majesty's Royal Declaration was ac­cordingly transmitted to him at Boston under the Seal of the Council Office.

Whilst these Matters were in Agitation, a Flag of Truce arrived some Time in August at Boston from Louisbourg with English Prisoners to be exchanged, and Dispatches from Mr. Duquesnel to the Massachusetts Governor, who learned from the former, that the Cans [...] Soldiers were confined very close in unwholesome Pri­sons, and suffered great Hardships, by which some had died, and others been forced into the French Service; and in the Letter, Mr. Duquesnel proposed to him a Neutrality between the French and English Colonies, so far as related to the Fishery; as also that for the fu­ture the fishing Vessels of each Nation should carry on their fishing and prosecute their Voyages unmolested by the other; in Answer to this Proposal, the Massachu­setts Governor told him, he could not avoid expressing some Surprize, that after he had taken and burnt Canso, destroyed the whole English Fishery along that Coast, and made the Fisherman Prisoners, contrary to the Trea­ty of Neutrality concluded in 1686 between the two [Page 30]Kingdoms, he should propose one upon the Foot of a private Convention between the Governors of two Colo­nies, and even without offering to indemnify the Eng­lish for the Damages they had already sustained by his Hostilities from Louisbourg; that he was obliged like­wise to acquaint him, he was sorry to hear, his Ma­jesty's Troops which were made Prisoners at Canso by Capitulation for one Year only, underwent such Hard­ships in their Confinement at Louisbourg, as destroyed some of them, and forced others, for Relief, to engage in the French King's Service; whereby the Articles of the Capitulation were frustrated, and his Majesty was lilely to have few or none of his Troops left to be re­turned at the End of the Year; that as he doubted not of Mr. Duquesnel's Disposition to have the War carried on with Moderation and Humanity towards those, who should have the Misfortune to be made Prisoners on ei­ther Side, and a due Regard to the Rights of each Crown in its Subjects, who should be made Prisoners by Capitulation, he would propose that the Cans [...] Troops should be sent to Boston as soon as might be, and he would be answerable that both Officers and Soldiers should perform the Conditions, upon which they sur­rendered; and he hoped Mr. Duquesnel would have no Objection to the Proposal, as his sending them away would ease the Government of France of the Expence of maintaining them, the Remainder of the Year.

The French Governor, upon receiving this Proposal, acquainted the English Officers with it; and let them know, he should accede to it, upon their giving their Pa­role, that neither they nor the Soldiers should serve against the French for the Space of one Year after the Expiration of that, for which they had agreed by the Ar­ticles of Capitulation to remain Prisoners: And upon their objecting to it, he told them, that as their remain­ing at Louisbourg would be inconvenient, he should, if they did not accept of these new Terms, be obliged to send them to Quebec, from whence it would be impracti­cable [Page 31]for them to get Home long before the Time, he proposed to them.

Though the French Governor's exacting from the Officers this new Agreement, whereby the King was to be deprived of the Service of his Troops one Year lon­ger than they had surrendered themselves for, was a manifest Infringement of the Articles of the Capitula­tion, and what the Officers had no right to consent to; yet they thought it for his Majesty's Service to submit to it; and accordingly gave their Parole; upon which the Troops were sent to Boston.

Upon the Arrival of the Officers there the Governor of the Massachusetts-Bay gained such Intelligence of the State of Louisbourg, as with other Motives induced him to entertain a Design of forming an Expedition a­gainst it early in the succeeding Year.

These Motives were as follows:

With regard to the State of Louisbourg, it appeared that the Garrison and Inhabitants must be distressed in a short Time for want of Provisions, having been a few Weeks before exhausted by furnishing the East India Fleet and Squadron, which convoyed it, with Supplies for prosecuting their Voyage to France.—That the Troops of the Garrison, which consisted only of six Companies of Marines and one Swiss of 100 Men each were short of Complement, and badly disciplined, the whole greatly discontented, and the Company of Swiss very mutinous; that the Inhabitants were but few, and most of them unacquainted with the Use of Fire Arms; that several Parts of the Fortifications were out of Re­pair, particularly the Grand Battery, which had one End almost open, occasioned by a new Work's being unfinished, and many other Parts of it extremely low, and the whole commanded by a Hill close behind it.— That Mr. Dutchambon, who succeeded Mr. Duques­nel, then lately dead, as Governor of the Colony, was wholly unskilled in the Defence of a Fortification, the Engineer absent, and the other Officers not much used [Page 32]to military Discipline; and that their Number of Troops was so small, as put it intirely out of their Power to de­fend the several Parts, they were liable to be attacked in.—That though the Harbour was strongly fortified, there were many convenient Places in Chapeau Rouge Bay for landing Troops, Cannon and Stores on the back Side of Louisbourg, free from any Annoyance, and lay­ing up the Transports in such manner, that the Troops might have it in their Power to Retreat to them upon an Emergency; that the City of Louisbourg had no Bat­teries upon the Land Side; and the Extent of it was so small, that every House in it was exposed to the Bombs and Cannon of the Besiegers; which must oblige both Inhabitants and Soldiers when off Duty, to retire into the Casmates, that were extremely damp and unwholsome. —That the Grand Battery, which could not make any Defence by Land, and from the before-mentioned State of it appeared not to be tenable, when attacked on that Side, would probably be deserted on the first Approach of an Enemy; and that by getting Possession of it, and erecting Fascine Batteries near the Light­House, and in other convenient Places, it would be difficult, if not impracticable for any Ships to enter the Harbour against the Fire from them.—Upon all which Accounts it was extremely improbable that the Place should hold out long against a Body of 3 or 4000 Men without Succours from France, which might be pre­vented from receiving Intelligence of its Circumstances in Time to send it Relief, by the armed Vessels, which might be collected in the Colonies, and would be a sufficient Force to intercept whatever might come from Canada, as also any Merchant Ships with Provisions from France in the Spring.

The other Motives, which induced the Governor to think of forming an immediate Expedition against it, were—That Mr. Duvivier was sent by Mr. Duquesnel, a short Time before his Death, to France, in order to represent to the Government the weak Condition of [Page 33] Annapolis Royal, and State of the whole Province of Nova Scotia; and to procure an Armament from thence early the next Year to make an Attempt against it:— That the New-England Fishery was wholly destroyed; as would likewise the Trade of the Northern Colonies be by the French Ships of War and Privateers from Louisbourg the Year following; that the Reduction of Louisbourg would be the most effectual Means of se­curing Nova-Scotia, restoring the English Fishery, and destroying that of the French, and protecting the Trade of the Colonies; and would facilitate the Conquest of Canada itself, if that should be thought proper to be attempted in the succeeding Year: But in case the Suc­cess of the Expedition should fall short of the Reduction of Cape Breton; yet the certain Effects of it would be the recovering of the Island of Canso, and the whole Fishery along the Coast as far as Newfoundland by de­stroying the Buildings, and breaking up all the Settle­ments and Fishery upon the Island of Cape Breton; the causing such a Diversion as would probably secure Nova Scotia for the following Year at least; and the disarm­ing the Harbour of Louisbourg of the Grand Battery; which would make it more practicable for the King's Ships to enter it, in case a naval Armament should be sent against it from England; all which would greatly over­pay the Expence of the Attempt.

It was not doubted, that the French would form ano­ther Attempt from Canada against Annapolis Royal early in the Spring; but as the Fort was then in a much bet­ter Posture of Defence by the Repairing of its old Works, and the Addition of new ones, and its Garrison strength­ened with the several Reinforcements sent from Boston, and it appeared probable to the Massachusetts Governor, that the Expedition against Cape Breton, which he had determined to set on Foot, would make a considerable Diversion in favour of it, he sent no further Reinforce­ments to it that Year: Early in the Spring 1745, Mr. Marin, as was expected, invested the fort with about [Page 34]1100 French Indians from Canada, but could make no Impression upon it; he continued however his Hostili­ties there, till the Landing of the New England Troops upon the Island of Cape Breton, whereupon the French Governor found means to send for him to come to his Assistance; which broke up the Siege of Annapolis Rayal, and ridded the Province of the Enemy for sixteen Months.

About the Middle of January 1744-5 the Massa­chusetts Governor recommended it in a Message to the Assembly to prosecute an Expedition against the Island of Cape Breton early in the Spring.

The Assembly, upon the Secretary's laying the Mes­sage before them, bound their Members to Secrecy; and after three Days close Deliberation upon it, sent him an Answer; the Substance of which was, ‘that they were sensible of the Necessity there was for making an Attempt, as soon as possible, for the Re­duction of the Island of Cape Breton; but the Un­dertaking was too great for the Abilities of the Pro­vince, and prayed him to represent to his Majesty, how essential it was for the Security of the Colonies and his Service in North-America, that an Expedition should be fitted out from England against this Island, and that they were ready to contribute towards the Prosecution of it to the utmost of their Power.’

If every Advantage proposed by the Governor in this Expedition had depended upon effecting the Reduction of the Island, the Measure recommended by the Assem­bly must have been more eligible to him than setting on foot, without the Sanction of the King's Orders, an At­tempt of that Consequence; which, if it had failed of Success, might have been condemned as imprudent and rash; but as he was fully persuaded of the high Proba­bility, or rather Certainty of succeeding at least in the other Points before-mentioned, particularly the Preser­vation of his Majesty's Province of Nova-Scotia from [Page 35]the Danger, it appeared to be threatned with that Year from France; the recovering the English Fishery, and Destruction of that of the French; and that the same Advantages, which presented for effecting this early in the Spring, could not be expected afterwards in the Course of the War, he thought it incumbent on him to avail himself of that Opportunity for promoting the Na­tional Interests as well as those of the Northern Colo­nies; which must have been lost, if he had waited till he could have received his Majesty's Pleasure thereupon.

The Subject of the Assembly's Deliberations, and the Result of them, notwithstanding the Care taken to keep them secret, had so far transpired, that Marblehead, the principal fishing Town, and Boston the chief trading Town and Metropolis of the Province had determined to Petition the General Court to have the proposed Ex­pedition set on foot; and the Governor thereupon mo­ved the Assembly in two other Messages to resume the Consideration of this Enterprize; and the more effectual­ly to induce them to come into it, recommended to them to examine the Persons, from whom he had received his Intelligence, concerning the Practicableness of it.

The Assembly immediately entered into a second Consideration of the Affair and after spending three Days more in examining the Persons, whom the Governor re­ferred them to, with the closest Attention, came to the following Resolves.

That it was incumbent upon the Massachusetts Government to embrace the favourable Opportunity, which then ossered, for attempting the Reduction of the Island of Cape Breton.

That the Captain-General should be desired to issue his Proclamation for the inlisting 3,000 Volunteers (which they increased after to 3,250), for that Pur­pose, under such Officers as he should appoint.

That Provision should be made for furnishing the necessary warlike Stores for the Expedition.

That four Months Provisions should be laid in.

[Page 36] That a Committee should be appointed to procure fit Vessels to serve as Transports, to be ready to de­part the Beginning of March.

That a suitable Naval Force should be provided for their Convoy, as the General Court should there­after order.

And that Application should be forthwith made to the Governments of New-York, New Jersey, Pen­silvania, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, to furnish their respective Quota's of Men and Vessels to accompany or follow the Forces of the Province.

From these Resolves it appears, that this Expedition was undertaken by the Province of the Massachusetts Bay before it was known, whether any of the other Co­lonies would assist them in it; and upon this Circum­stance in a great Measure depended the Success of it; neither the Dispatch nor Secrecy, with which it was to be pushed on, would admit of a Participation of Councils with the other Colonies in the Formation and Direction of it: The Length of Time, it would have taken up before all the Governments concerned would have a­greed, first upon the Expediency of the Attempt, after­wards upon their respective Quota's of Troops and other Expence, the Plan to be form'd, the Partition of Com­mand in the Execution of it, and other Points, would in all Probability have rendered the Scheme abortive; whereas, when the voting of every thing requisite for carrying the Attempt on in the best manner centered in the Assembly of one Province, whose Governor had the Direction of the whole, there was a fair Prospect of suc­ceeding in it: It was besides an easier Task to bring the other Colonies to accede to an Expedition, in which they were deeply interested, after it was resolved upon, and undertaken by the Massachusets Government, than to induce them to a Concurrence in it at first, as Prin­cipals: But if every one of the other Governments had failed to assist in it, as some of them in fact did, the Massa­chusets [Page 37]was determined to have taken the whole Burthen of prosecuting it upon themselves.

The Governments, which joined with the Massa­chusets Bay in this Expedition, were those of Connecti­cut, New-Hampshire, and Rhode Island; the first vo­ted 500 Men for the Service, upon Condition that the Massachusets Governor would give the commanding Officer of their Forces the second Commission in the Expedition, which he accordingly did by his Commissi­on: The Province of New Hampshire voted 300, and the Colony of Rhode Island the same Number.

The Colony Naval Force for this Enterprize consist­ed of 3 Frigates of 20 Guns each, a Snow of 16, a Bri­gantine of 12, and 5 armed Sloops mounting from 8 to 12 Carriage-Guns, provided at the Expence of the Mas­sachusets Bay; and of the Connecticut and Rhode Island Sloops, both of 10 or 12 Carriage Guns, and a small armed Vessel from New Hampshire.

The Train of Artillery collected by the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay consisted of 8 Cannon of 22 lb Ball, 12 of 9 Pound, 2 Mortars of 12 Inches Diameter, one of 11, and one of 9, taken from his Majesty's Cas­tle William in the Massachusetts Harbour, being all that could be spared from thence without weakening the Fort too much, and ten Cannon of 18 Pound Ball borrowed by him for this Occasion of the Governor of New York: This is the whole, which could be pro­cured in Time, and the Massachusetts Governor de­pended upon its being increased with some Pieces of Or­dnance from the Grand Battery in Louisbourg Harbour, soon after the landing of the Troops upon the Island; in Confidence of which a suitable Quantity of 42 Pound Ball was transported from Boston with the rest of the Ordnance Stores for the Siege.

As the Massachusetts Assembly at first entered into the Expedition upon the coolest Deliberation; so did they on the other hand exert themselves with uncommon Vigour in the Prosecution of it: As soon as the Point [Page 38]was carried for undertaking it, every Member which had opposed it, gave up his own private Judgment to the pub­lic Voice, and vied with those, who had voted for the Expedition, in encouraging the Enlistment of the Troops, and forwarding the Preparations for the Attempt.

The Bounty, Pay, and other Encouragements allow­ed by the Massachusetts Government to both Officers and Men, especially the former, was small; but the Spirit, which reigned through the Province, supplied the Want of that; the Complement of Troops was soon Inlisted; not only the Officers, who served in this Enter­prize, were Gentlemen of considerable Property; but most of the Non-commissioned Officers and many of the private Men had valuable Farms, and enter'd into the Service upon the same Principles that the old Roman Citizens in the first Consular Armies used to do, with a Resolution to behave like Men, who were to fight pro aris et focis; which they were persuaded was the Case in this Enterprize.

The Vote of Assembly for undertaking the Expediti­on was not passed till the 25th of January, when intense cold Weather begins to set in; yet all the Vessels of War were got ready for the Sea, (the principal one of which was but then lately put upon the Stocks), the Transports were provided, the Provisions, Artillery, Ordnance, and other Stores shipp'd, the whole Arma­ment equipped, and the Troops embarked at Boston, within seven Weeks after the Governor had issued his Proclamation for setting it on foot, and several of the armed Vessels were upon their Station before Louis­bourg, many Days before, in order to hinder Intelli­gence or Supplies from getting in; and to prevent it's being sent from the Colonies Embargoes were laid, and every Precaution taken; and the Preparations were con­ducted with such Secrecy, that the first Notice, which the French had of the Attempt, was given them by the Appearance of the English in Chapean Rouge Bay.

The Massachusetts Governor, from the Beginning. [Page 39]depended on the Assistance of some of his Majesty's Ships in North-America, and as soon as the Expedition was determined upon, sent an Express Boat to the late Sir Peter Warren, then Commodore Warren, at Anti­gua, acquainting him with it, and desiring his Assistance in it with such Ships, as could be spared from his Ma­jesty's Service in the Leeward Islands; at the same Time he informed the late Sir Chaloner Ogle of it, who was then upon the Point of returning Home from Ja­maica with a Squadron of his Majesty's Ships, and pro­pos'd to him to make Louisbourg in his Way; and as soon as the Troops were embarked, he acquainted his Majesty's Ministers with the Expedition, and his Motives for setting it on Foot, informing them, that 4000 New England Forces would be landed upon the Island of Cape Breton in April, if no unforeseen Accident pre­vented; but that in case it should not be his Majesty's Pleasure to support the Expedition, he had concerted Measures in such manner, as to provide a safe Retreat for them; that though he could not take upon him to promise the Reduction of the Island, yet he would be answerable for the Success of the Attempt so far, as that Canso should be recovered for his Majesty, all the Buildings in the Town of Louisbourg, and upon the whole Island destroyed, the French Fishery depending upon it broke up; and the English Fisheries upon the Bank of Nova-Scotia, and all along the whole Coast as far as Newfonndland restored; and that at least the Grand Battery in the Harbour of Louisbourg should be taken, so that the Advantages gained in the Expedition would abundantly recompense for the Expences incurr'd in it, even though it should fail of the Reduction of the Island to the Obedience of his Majesty; and he desir­ed particular Directions, whether in case a Conquest should be made of the Island, he should cause the For­tress and Works in the Harbour to be demolish'd, or kept to be garrisoned by his Majesty's Troops.

Upon the Arrival of the Express sent to England, it [Page 40]was determined there to support the Expedition, and in consequence of it his Majesty's Ships Pincess Mary, Hector, Chester, Canterbury, and Sunderland were dis­patched with Orders to join Mr. Warren's Squadron at Louisbourg, which they did during the Siege; in Answer to the Dispatches sent to Sir Chaloner Ogle at Jamaica Admiral Davers who relieved him, acquainted the Gover­nor, that he had pressed him much to comply with the Pro­posal of his Letter, but could not prevail on him to do it: And in Answer to his Letter sent to Mr. Warren at An­tigua, he received one from him, dated the 24th of February, inclosing a Copy of the Consultation of the Captains then present, held on Board the Launceston the 23d of February, in which was set forth, ‘That Commodore Warren having laid before them a Letter from Governor Shirley of his Majesty's Province of New-England, together with a Scheme for attacking and surprizing the Fort and Town of Louisbourg and Cape Breton, requesting some of the Ships from that Station, to his Assistance, they had taken the same into their mature Consideration, and it appearing the said Scheme had been undertaken without first receiving his Majesty's Approbation, and that no Orders had been sent by the Lords of the Admiralty for any Ships giving their Assistance, and that the taking any of the Ships off those Stations (in the Room of the Wey­mouth, which had been unfortunately lost) would be a great weakening of those Islands, and could be of no great Service in such an Undertaking, and it might be attended with bad Consequences, as a Squadron of the Enemy's Ships were daily expected at Matinique.

‘They therefore unanimously agreed and gave it as their Opinions, that it would be most for his Majesty's Service for Commodore Warren to send the North America stationed Ships away to their respective Sta­tions, and remain there himself in the Superbe, till Answers could return to his Express from England by the Mercury, whom, it was their Advice to send [Page 41]away immediately with the Account of the unhappy Accident that had befallen the Weymouth, and Copies of Governor Shirley's Letters and Schemes, in order to receive their Lordships Directions thereupon.’

This Pacquet arriv'd at Boston the Day before the New England Fleet failed from thence for Louisbourg, at which time the Governor was not certain that the Ex­pedition would be supported with any of his Majesty's Ships; and as the Contents of it, if publickly known, could have had no good Effect for his Majesty's Service at that critical Conjuncture, he did not think it adviseable to communicate them to the General Assembly, or any Person whatever except the Commander in Chief of the Expedition, and the General Officer then next in Command to him.

A few Days after Mr. Warren had dispatched the Express Boat back to New England, his Majesty's Sloop Hind arrived at Antigua with Orders for him to repair forthwith to Boston ‘with such of the Ships under his Command, as could be spared from his Ma­jesty's Service in the Parts where he was stationed, in order to concert Measures with Governor Shirley for the Protection of the Trade, Annoyance of the Ene­my, and his Majesty's General Service in North-A­merica.

Pursuant to these Orders, Mr. Warren forthwith sail­ed from Antigua in the Superbe, taking with him his Majesty's Ships Mermaid and Launceston, with an In­tention to proceed directly to Boston; imagining that Mr. Shirley upon receiving the late Answer to his Letter de­siring the Assistance of some of the Ships under his Com­mand in the Expedition against Cape Breton, had let drop all Thoughts of proceeding in it; but upon get­ting Intelligence in his Passage, that the New England Armament had sailed from Boston for Louisbourg, and was to stop a short Time at Canso Island, he changed his former Sentiments concerning the unadviseableness of prosecuting the Enterprize without his Majesty's express [Page 42]Orders; and by a Schooner, which he took up at Sea, acquainted Mr. Shirley, that instead of coming to Boston he should proceed directly to Canso, there to consult with the General, and from thence go before Louisbourg and assist in the Expedition; and as he was short of Provisions, Ammunition and other Stores for that Ser­vice, he desired Mr. Shirley to send him thither the Quantities expressed in his Letter, as speedily as he could.

What rendered this News still more agreeable to the Massachusets Government was, the great Esteem they had for Mr. Warren on account of his known Disposi­tion for promoting his Majesty's Service in the Northern Colonies, the Opinion they entertained of his Vigilance and other Qualifications for the Sea Command upon that Expedition, and the good Understanding, which subsist­ed between him and the General of the Land Forces.

On the 24th of March 1744-5 the Massachusets Troops amounting to 3250, exclusive of Commissioned Officers, embarked at Boston, and sailed under the Con­voy of the Shirley Galley, Captain Rous Commander, and arrived the 4th of April at Canso Island, which was appointed by the Governor to be the Place of Rendez­vous for the Transports and Cruizers, and for a Commu­nication of Intelligence between himself at Boston, the General of the Land Forces before the City of Louis­bourg, and the Commander of the Ships before the Har­bour; as also for lodging all Stores not in immediate Use in the Camp and Fleet: Here they found the New Hampshire Forces, consisting of 304 Men and Officers, had arrived four Days before them; and on the 25th they were joined by the Connecticut Troops, amounting to 516, inclufive of Commissioned Officers: As to the 300 expected from Rhode Island, they did not join the Forces of the other Governments till after Louisbourg was taken.

Chapeau-Rouge Bay, which was the Place appointed for landing the Troops, being so filled with Ice as to make that impracticable before the latter End of April, [Page 43]the Forces were detained until then at Canso; where the General form'd the Detachments ordered to be em­ployed in the several Attacks proposed to be made im­mediately after the landing the main Body at Flat Point Cove, according to the Plan of Operations which had been concerted at Boston, and there given him in Charge by the Governor's Instructions.

During the Stay of the Troops at Canso, a Block­house was erected upon a Hill there picketed round, and defended by eight Cannon of nine Pound Ball; and two armed Vessels sent into Bay Verte in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to take or destroy some Vessels which, ac­cording to Information, lay there in order to take in Provisions for Louisbourg.

In the mean Time, April 18th, the Renommée, a French Ship of War of 36 Guns nine Pounders with 300 Seamen and 50 Marines, charged with public Dis­patches, sell in with the armed Vessels in the Service of the Massachusets Government before Louisbourg Har­bour, where she maintained a running Fight with them, but got clear by outsailing them: This Ship afterwards fell in with the Connecticut Troops under the Convoy of their own Sloop, and that of Rhode-Island, the latter of which she attack'd and damaged considerably; but finally the Sloop got off, as did the Transports and other Sloop, during the Engagement: And after making two more Attempts to push into the Harbour without Suc­cess, she returned to France without having delivered her Pacquets, from whence she sail'd again the Begin­ning of July, with six Ships more, being the Brest Squa­dron destined against Annapolis Royal.

April the 22d his Majesty's Ship Eltham of 40 Guns arriv'd at Canso from New-England, under Orders from Mr. Warren; and the 23d Mr. Warren in his Majesty's Ship Superbe of 60 Guns, with the Launceston and Mer­maid of 40 Guns; and after staying there some Hours, and conferring with the General by Letter sailed to Louisbourg in order to cruize off the Harbour.

[Page 44] On the 29th of April the Troops embark'd in four Divisions of Transports, and sailed for Chapeau-rouge Bay, with an armed Snow and two armed Sloops in the Service of the Massachusetts Government, under the Fire of whose Cannon they were to land: And at the same time a Detachment of 270 Men, under the Com­mand of a Colonel, and Convoy of an arm'd Sloop in the Pay of New-Hampshire Government, were sent to St. Peter's, a small French Settlement on Cape Breton, with Orders to take the Place, burn the Houses, and demolish the Fort; which was accordingly effected.

On the 30th of April, between Nine and Ten in the Morning, the Fleet having the main Body of the Troops on board came to an Anchor in Chapeau-rouge Bay, at the Distance of about two Miles from Flat Point Cove: Upon the Discovery of this the Enemy fired some Cannon, and rang their Bells in the Town to al­arm and call in their People living in the Environs, and sent out of the Town a Detachment of about 150 Men, under the Command of Mr. Boularderie, late an Officer in one of the Regiments in France, to oppose the land­ding of the Troops; whereupon the General made a Feint of landing a Party of his Men in Boats at Flat Point Cove, in order to draw the French thither (which had its Effect) and upon a Signal from the Vessel those Boats returned, and joined another Party under his Stern, from whence were landed two Miles higher up the Bay, about 100 Men, before the Enemy could get up there; whom they briskly attack'd, though under the Advantage of being covered with their Woods, after killing six of them upon the Spot, taking as many Prisoners, (among whom was Mr. Boularderie), and wounding several o­thers, forc'd the Remainder to make a precipitate Flight towards the Town, in which some others were taken Prisoners, with the Damage sustained on the Part of the English, of only two Men being slightly wounded: On the same Day about 2000 more of the Troops were landed without Opposition, and the Remainder, being near 2000, the Day following.

[Page 45] On the Day following a Detachment of 400 Men marched round to the North-east Harbour, behind the Range of Hills there, and burnt all the Enemy's Hou­ses and Stores in the Neighbourhood, at the Distance of about a Mile from the Grand Battery; whereupon the Enemy deserted it the same Night, leaving the Artille­ry, consisting of 28 Cannon of 42 Pound Ball, and two of 18 Pound, with the Ordnance Stores (except their Powder, which they threw into a Well), so precipitately, that they only spik'd up their Cannon in a slight Man­ner, without knocking off the Trunnions, or doing other Damage to them, and but very little to the Carriages: The next Morning a Party of sixteen Men discovered, that the Enemy had abandoned the Grand Battery, and drove off a Party of them, as they were attempting to reland there that Morning in Boats.

As soon as the New England Men had taken Pos­session of the Grand Battery, the French kept an inces­sant Fire against it with their Cannon and Bombs both from the Town and Island Battery; the former of which is distant 5913 Feet from it, and the latter 4800; not­withstanding which three Cannon in the Grand Battery, which pointed against the Town, were cleared by the Day following, and the Enemy's Fire was returned upon the Town from them, as was that from their Island Bat­tery soon after, by other Cannon, which pointed against it, and were drilled within a few Days.

The New England Troops, within the Compass of 23 Days from the time of their first landing, erected five Fascine Batteries against the Town, mounted with Cannon of 42 lb. 22 lb. and 18 lb. Shot, Mortars of 13, 11, and 9 Inches Diameter, with some Cohorns; all which were transported by hand, with incredible Labour and Difficulty, most of them above two Miles; all the Ground over which they were drawn, except small Patches or Hills of Rocks, was a deep Morass, in which, whilst the Cannon were upon Wheels, they several times sunk so deep, as not only to bury the Carriages, but their [Page 46]whole Bodies: Horses and Oxen could not be employed in this Service, but all must be drawn by Men, up to the Knees in Mud; the Nights, in which the Work was done, were cold and foggy, their Tents bad, there being no proper Materials for Tents to be had in New England, at the Out-set of the Expedition: But notwithstanding these Difficulties, and many of the Men's being taken down with Fluxes, so that at one time there were 1500 incapable of Duty, they went on without being discou­raged, or murmuring, and by the Help of Sledges trans­ported the Cannon and Mortars over these Ways, which the French had always thought impassable for such heavy Weights; and besides this, they had all their Provisions and heavy Ammunition, which they daily made use of, to bring from the Camp over the same Way upon their Backs.

To annoy the Besiegers in making their Approaches, and carrying on their Batteries, the Enemy erected now Works, from which, as well as from the Cannon of other Batteries, and their Mortars, they continually maintain­ed a strong Fire, till they were silenced.

The most advanced of the New England Batteries (which was finished the 17th of May) was within the Distance of 250 Yards from the WestGate of the Town; so that from this Battery several of the Enemy were killed by the Musquetry of the Besiegers, as were some of their Men by the Enemy from the Walls; and indeed this Battery was so near the Enemy's Works, that the Men were obliged to load the Cannon there under the Fire of their Musque­try, which was very sharp on both Sides, the French generally opening the Action every Morning with the Fire of their small Arms for two Hours; which was constantly returned with Advantage: The Exe­cution done from the Batteries of the Besiegers was very considerable; the West Gate was entirely beat down, the Wall adjoining very much battered, and a Breach made in it at about ten feet from the Bottom of the Wall: [Page 47]The circular Battery of 16 Cannon, 24 Pounders, near the West Gate (and the principal one against Ships next to the Grand Battery, and Island Battery) was almost entirely ruined, and all the Cannon but three dis­mounted: The North-east Battery, consisting of two Lines of 42 and 32 Pounders, in all 17 Cannon (another principal Battery against Ships) was damaged, and the Men drove from their Guns; the West Flank of the King's Bastion belonging to the Citadel, and the Battery there of six 24 Pounders, which pointed to the Land Side, and greatly annoyed the Works of the Besiegers, was al­most demolished: Two Cavaliers of 24 Pounders each, raised during the Siege, and two other Cannon of the same Weight of Metal, run out at two Embrazures cut through the Parapet near the WestGate at the same time, (all pointing against the New England Batteries, were silenced: The Citadel was very much damaged: several Houses in the City entirely demolished, and almost eve­ry one, more or less hurt; and Maurepas Gate, at the Eastermost Part of the City, shattered: And as cross Fires from the Cannon and Mortars of the Besiegers ran­ged through the Streets in every Part of the City, and through the Enemy's Parades, whereby many were kill'd, it drove the Inhabitants out of their Houses into Casmates, and other cover'd Holds, where they were obliged to take Refuge for some Weeks: And besides this, the Fire from the Grand Battery annoyed the Bar­racks of the Island Battery.

During this Time the New England Parties of Scouts so thoroughly ranged the Woods, that they sel­dom returned without bringing in some Prisoners; which very much consined the Enemy within their Walls, who were constantly worsted in all Skirmishes, and repulsed in every Sally, which they made, frequently by an in­ferior Number of Men, and with very little loss upon these Occasions sustained on the Part of the New En­gland Men.

On the 26th of May, after some ineffectual Prepara­tions [Page 48]for making an Attack upon the Enemy's Island Battery, which is a strong Fort built on a rocky Island, at the Entrance into the Harbour, mounted with 30 Can­non of 28 Pound Shot, and having some Swivels upon its Breast Work, and two Brass 10 Inch Mortars, with 180 Men, it was at Night attempted by a Party of 400 Men in Boats; but from the Strength of the Place, and the Advantage which the Enemy had by being under Cover, and the Assailants exposed in open Boats, the Surf running high, the Men not being thoroughly ac­quainted with the best Place for Landing, and the Ene­my besides (as is most probable) being apprized of their Design, they were repulsed with the Loss of having a­bout sixty killed and drowned, and one hundred and six­teen taken Prisoners; however several of them got within the Enemy's Battery and killed some of them.

It being judged extremely dangerous for his Majesty's Ships to enter the Harbour, till the Enemy could be annoyed in that Battery; and thought after the last At­tempt impracticable to reduce it by Boats, it was deter­mined to erect a Battery near the Light-House opposite to it, and at 3400 Feet distance from it; and the same was by the 11th of June, notwithstanding the almost insu­perable Difficulties, which attended the Drawing of the Cannon up a steep Bank and Rock, raised in such a Man­ner, as not to be exposed to more than four of the Ene­my's Cannon, and at the same Time to flank a Line of above 20 of their Guns; and two 18 Pounders were on that Day mounted, and began to play; by the 14th of June four more Cannon of 18 Pound Shot were added, and on the 15th a Mortar of 13 Inches was removed thither out of which 19 Bombs were thrown, 17 where­of fell within the Island Battery, and one of them upon the Magazine of Powder; and this, together with the Fire from the Cannon of the Besiegers, which flanked the Enemy's Cannon and Line of Barracks, so annoy'd them, that they could not remain with Safety in any Part of the Fort.

[Page 49] And now the Grand Battery being in the Possession of the New England Men, the Island Battery (esteem­ed by the French the Palladium of Louisbourg) so much annoyed from the Light-House Battery, that they could not entertain Hopes of keeping it much longer; the North East Battery damaged, and so much exposed to the Fire from the new advanced Battery, that they could not stand to their Guns; the circular Battery ru­ined, and all its Cannon but three dismounted; whereby the Harbour was disarmed of all its principal Batteries; the West Gate of the City being demolished, and a Breach made in the adjoining Wall; the West Flank of the King's Bastion almost destroyed; and most of their other Guns, which had been mounted during the Time of the Siege, being silenced; all the Houses and other Buildings within the City (some of which were quite de­molish'd) so damaged, that but one among them was left unhurt; the Enemy extremely harrassed by their long Confinement within their Casmates; and their Stock of Ammunition being almost exhausted, Mr. Duchambon sent a Flag of Truce to the Camp on the 15th Day of June in the Afternoon, desiring Time to consider of Ar­ticles of Capitulation; which was accordingly granted till next Morning, when they sent Articles which were re­jected, and others proposed in their Stead, and accepted by the Enemy: And Hostages being exchanged on the same Day for the Performance of the Articles, on the Day following, being the 17th of June (49 Days after the New England Men landed upon the Island) the City was surrendered, and the Garrison, consisting of a­bout 650 Regular Troops, and the Inhabitants of the City, being about 1300 effective Men, besides Women and Children, made Prisoners by Capitulation, with the Loss of no more than 101 Men killed by the Enemy, and all other Accidents from the Time of their Landing to the Reduction of the Place, with about 30 who died of Sickness.

In the Articles of Capitulation proposed by Mr. Du­chambon [Page 50] , it was provided, that upon his Surrender of the Island the Inhabitants should have their Option ei­ther to transport themselves and their Moveables to France or Canada, or to remain in Cape Breton, and enjoy their Estates there with the free Exercise of their Religion; but former Experience of the mischievous Effects of the like Indulgence to the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia or Acadie by the Treaty of Utrecht, oc­casioned the latter Part of the Proposal to be rejected, and they were only permitted, by the Ratification of the Articles finally concluded on, to transport themselves and their Effects either to France or Canada; but not to remain in the Colony.

Upon the Surrender of Louisbourg the Inhabitants of the Island of St. John's made their Submission, de­siring to be included in the Articles of Capitulation gran­ted to those of Cape Breton, and delivering Hostages for the Performance of them on their Part, which was accordingly granted.

During the Siege some of the New England Cruizers made a Descent upon the Island of St. John's, in which they burnt some Houses, and committed other Ravages; and Parties of the Besiegers broke up all the Fishing Settlements at Cape Breton; and on the 19th of May, the Vigilant, a French Ship of War of 64 Guns, bound for Louisbourg with Ordnance Stores, fell in with the Mermaid of 40 Guns, Captain Douglas, who was cruizing at a small Distance from Louisbourg, and by maintaining a running Fight decoyed the French Com­mander to follow him till he got in among Mr. Warren's Ships, who took him after an Engagement of some Hours, in Sight of the Camp at Louisbourg; which cut off from the Enemy all Hopes of any Succour, and gave great Spirit to the Land Forces in carrying on the Siege; and on the 14th of June, it was determined by the Ge­neral and Commodore to make an Attack by Land and Sea, as soon as his Majesty's Ships Sunderland and Can­terbury, [Page 51]which were then daily expected, should arrive; accordingly the next Day all the Transports were or­dered off to take out the spare Masts and Yards, and other Lumber of the Men of War; and the Soldiers employed in gathering Moss to barricade their Netting, and 600 of them were put on Board the King's Ships at the Commodore's Request to assist in the Attack by Sea; but the intended Assault was prevented by the French Governor's sending out a Flag of Truce, as is before mentioned, on the 16th, and the Surrender of the Fort and Batteries in the Harbour the Day follow­ing.

The Attempt against Louisbourg not being yet known either in France, or any part of the West Indies, the English, after they were in Possession of it, kept the French Flag flying in the Port for a Decoy to the French Ships bound thither; this had its Effect in drawing seve­ral valuable Prizes to it; particularly three homeward bound Ships from the South Sea and East Indies, having rich Cargoes on Board, to the Amount of above 600,000 l which were prevented from entering the Harbour, as they were making it, by some of Mr. Warren's Squa­dron then lying there, which just went out to make Cap­tures of the French Ships before they could get in.

It seems dubious, whether the taking of these Ships under such Circumstances was a Capture within the In­tent of the King's Proclamation, and intituled the Captors to the Benesit of them: If it was not, the Ships and their Cargoes belonged of Course to the publick Trea­sure; and, in such Case, would of themselves have more than doubly paid the Nation's Expence in the Reduction of the Island; but this Point not being moved in the Court of Admiralty, where they were condemned, the Captures were treated as ordinary Captures at Sea, and the Ships and Cargoes adjudged as Prizes to the Officers and Crews of the Ships concerned in taking them.

Upon Mr. Duvivier's Arrival in France the preced­ing Winter, and representing to the Court of Versailles [Page 52]the weak State, he left Nova Scotia in, upon which Commission, as has been observed, Mr. Duquesnel, the late Governor of Cape Breton, had sent him, it was de­termined to fit out an Armament from Brest for the Re­duction of it; and a Squadron of seven Ships accord­ingly sailed from thence for Annapolis Royal, the Be­ginning of July 1745; but upon gaining certain Intel­ligence from a Vessel, which they took in their Passage, that the English were in Possession of Louisbourg, and had a strong Squadron there, they desisted from prose­cuting their Enterprize against Nova Scotia.

The immediate Consequences of the Expedition were the recovering the Possession of the Island of Canso, re­storing the English Cod Fishery, and breaking up that of the French; the Capture of the greatest Part of the French Trade, which that Year passed through the Atlantic Ocean; the freeing Nova Scotia of the At­tempts with which it had been continually harrassed from Canada the Year before, and the Preservation of it a­gainst the Armament, which was fitted out from Brest in July following.

Soon after making this Acquisition to his Majesty's A­merican Dominions, a new Scene of Difficulties opened in providing for the Preservation of it, till Troops could be sent from Europe to garrison it; which was not done till the Spring following.

Mach the greatest Part of the New-England Forces, especially those of the Massachusets Bay, were (as hath been observed) Farmers, who own'd valuable Freeholds in the Country, and entered into the Service with an Expectation of returning home as soon as the Siege was ended, without considering the Necessity of staying to keep Possession of Louisbourg, till they could be relieved by other Troops; that Zeal and Ardour, which made them the foremost to engage in the Expedition and en­counter all Difficulties in making the Conquest, when that was made, sooner abated in them, than it did in those who had no Property in the Country, and were only [Page 53]Mercenaries in the Service: The Thoughts that their Husbandry Business and Families were both suffering by their Absence, made them uneasy at being detained at Louisbourg; and this increased by the inactive Garrison Duty, which succeeded the Toils of the Siege, and a salt scorbutic Diet (both which they had been unaccus­tomed to) made them sickly, and soon grew into Dis­content; which spread so much, that the General ac­quainted the Massachusets Governor, his Presence was necessary to allay it; and, in the mean time, to pacify the great Numbers, which daily pressed him for Discharges, referred them to him, telling them that he had represent­ed their Case to the Governor, who only had Power to discharge them, and would come to Louisbourg in a short time; and desiring them to cease their Importunity for being dismissed only till his Arrival.

Other Calls likewise required the Governor's Presence at Louisbourg; a Notion that the Captors were intitled to the Soil of the Island had so far prevailed there, that Mr. Warren, in his first Letter to him from thence after the Reduction of it, desired his Opinion upon that Point.

Tho' this Mistake was very palpable, as the Expedition was at first set on foot under a Proclamation of the King's Governor, issued by Virtue of his general Authority re­ceived from the Crown; carried on by Officers under his Commission, issued by the same Authority; the Sol­diers inlisted expressly into his Majesty's Service for the Expedition; both Officers and Men subjected to Courts Martial erected by his Governor upon that Occasion; and paid with the King's Money (for such was every Sum used to defray the Expence of the Expedition, being granted by Act of Assembly to his Majesty for that Ser­vice) all which was signified to the Commodore in An­swer to his Letter; yet so strongly had the Opinion been adopted, that it was still entertained, and a Day thought of for proceeding to make a Distribution of part of the conquered Lands among such of the Officers and Soldiers, as would engage to settle upon them.

[Page 54] It was evident how ill concerted a Measure this would prove, if in the End of the War his Majesty should think sit to make a Restitution of Cape Breton to France; both on account of the Disappointments it must have occasion'd to those, who should have Lands assigned them, and the public Murmurs it might be attended with: A Court of Vice Admiralty was likewise appointed at Louisbourg (in derogation of the Jurisdiction of his Majesty's high Court of Admiralty in England) for the Condemnation of the French Ships and their Cargoes; and Notice sent to the several British Colonies upon the Continent, that Sale would be made of them under such Condemnation at a Time prefixed; all which Proceedings, if carried into Execution, would probably have produced great Confusion; and it was therefore incumbent upon the Governor, under whose Commission this Acquisition was made for his Majesty, and to whom consequently the Exercise of his Majesty's Government within the new Colony appertained, until his Majesty's Pleasure should be known, to use his utmost Endeavours to prevent or rectify.

Another forcible Reason for the Governor's repairing to Louisbourg was; the Commodore had at first taken and kept Possession of one or more of the Land Batteries, with his Marines; and once taken the Keys of the City Gates into his Custody, and interfer'd in the Naval Of­fice: These Acts, though gone into by him on the sud­den, and but of a very short Continuance, were aggra­vated to the Massachusetts Assembly by inflammatory Reports from Louisbourg; and, together with other Steps he had taken, which they conceived derogatory to the Honour of the Province in the late Expedition, gave such Umbrage, that they were urgent to the last De­gree with the Governor to proceed directly to Louisbourg, and take the Government of it upon him; promising in his Absence to encourage and forward the raising Re­cruits for relieving the Troops, which had been employ­ed in the Siege; and to use every other Measure for [Page 55]supporting the new Conquest from Boston; all which, in the Temper they were thrown into, they would have been slack in doing, if the Governor had not complied with their Desire; and besides, the Troops at Louis­bourg were impatient for his Arrival there: He therefore determined to proceed thither in his Majesty's Ship Hec­tor, which Mr. Warren had sent to Boston for that Pur­pose, and waited for him.

Before he embark'd, the commanding Officer of the Rhode-Island Troops, which were then just raised, ar­rived at Boston; with Dispatches from the Governor of that Colony, acquainting him, that the Troops were ready, and he had sent the Officer to him for his Or­ders: This being an acceptable Corps de reserve to­wards relieving the Troops at Louisbourg, and, as it happened, most opportunely raised than if they had assisted in the Siege, he ordered directly thither.

Upon the Governor's Arrival at Louisbourg a ge­neral Joy appeared in the Troops, which was still highten'd in the Men by an Expectation of having a short Day fix'd for their being relieved: on the other hand, the Necessity which the Governor was under of disappointing these Hopes in a grert measure, was no small Embarrassment to him: It was thought most ad­viseable upon this Occasion, that he should speak to every Regiment separately, and that Regiment spoke to first, which was thought to be the least discontented; he ob­served to them, ‘that it was a most unreasonable Notion, which he heard some had entertained, that the Ex­pedition was to end with the Siege and Surrender of Louisbourg; that they had entered into it, in order to make a Conquest (which to their Honour they had happily effected) for the Service of their King and Country, not to abandon it immediately after to the Enemy: That for securing the Benefit of it, it was necessary a sufficient Number of them should keep Possession till they could be relieved by other Troops, which he hoped would soon be done by some [Page 56]of his Majesty's Regiments from Europe; and in the mean time, till they should arrive, Recruits were raising in the Colonies for the same Purpose; that as fast as they were transported to Louisbourg the Sol­diers of the present Garrison should be sent Home; and that he should discharge as many of them in pre­sent, as was consistent with the Safety of the Place; that before he left Boston, he had taken care to get their Bounty enlarged, and other Votes of Assembly passed in their favour; and for those, whose Lot in should be to remain in Garrison some time longer, nothing in his Power should be wanting for their Ease and Comfort in that Situation,’

The Regiment first spoken to expressed their Satis­faction in the Assurances given them, by the usual Acclamations on such Occasions; which Example was followed by the rest; and their late Uneasiness so great­ly subsided, that for five or six Weeks they went through every Part of their Duty with great Chearfuiness and Alacrity; particularly upon an Alarm of a French Squa­dron's having passed by, supposed to be destined for Annapolis Royal, on which Occasion 600 Soldiers were wanted on board Mr. Warren's Squadron, which was upon the Point of sailing to the Bay of Funda in quest of it, that Number entered as Volunteers into the Ser­vice, and came on board his Ships in 14 Hours Time.

At the End of six Weeks an Uneasiness again broke out among them, and grew much higher than the for­mer, towards raising which many Circumstances concurred.

A Sickness, which swept off in the whole 15 or 1600, daily increased among them: The Massachusetts Troops, which made three fourths of the Garrison, had been disappointed in their Expectations of several things from the Assembly; the Cloaths and Woollens, they carried with them, were soon worn out in hard Duty during the Siege; and a sufficient Quantity was not to be purchased in the Massachusets Province for relieving their immediate Wants, as the Assembly had undertaken [Page 57]to do, that they might have them at the prime Costs; the Pay allowed them had from the Beginning been much less than the Establishment for the Connecticut Troops; and their Families, according to the usual Course of Colony Pay, could receive no Part even of that till the End of their Service: And further, a new No­tion had been infused into all the Troops, that three Months being elapsed since the Surrender of the Place, they had a Right to demand their Dismission; which the greatest Part of them had entered into a Combination to do early the next Morning upon the public Parade be­fore the Fort.

Late in the Afternoon before this Design was to be put in Execution, Information was given of it to the Governor; whereupon two or three of the Ring-leaders were secured, and the Men off Duty ordered into their Barracks.

In a Council of War called upon this Occasion it was the unanimous Opinion, that the Pay of the Massachu­setts Troops ought from that Day to be raised to the Connecticut Establishment; that if the Governor would give them an absolute Promise, that that should be done, it would be satisfactory to them; but that if he proceed­ed no further than to assure them he would exert his best Endeavours with the Assembly to have their Pay raised, their present Temper and Discontent were such, as that it would have no effect upon the Men.

Orders were given the same Night, that an extraor­dinary Number of Officers should continually walk the Rounds till Morning; and that the several Regiments should be very early drawn up at their respective alarm Posts for the Governor to speak to them: Accordingly the Day following ‘he promised the Massachusetts Troops, that their present Pay of 25s. per Month of the new Tenor Massachusetts Currency, should from that Day be raised to 40s. to all such of them as should be detained at Louisbourg till Spring; ac­quainted them that for providing Cloaths for them, as [Page 58]far as was in his Power, he had, two Months before, desired the Governor of New York and Pensilvania to procure for him what Woollens they could at New­York and Philadelphia upon his own Bills, in ad­dition to what the Assembly should be able to buy up in Boston; that he had lately received Advice that a large quantity of Woollens were shipped for him from Philadelphia, and that he expected a supply of Cloaths of all Kinds, and Bedding for them would speedily arrive at Louisbourg; that he had ordered the Muster-Rolls of every Company to be made up, and each Man's Account stated; and would take care upon his Return to Boston, that whatever was due to any of them, should be forthwith paid to their respective Orders: And he informed the Troops in general, that he expected a considerable Number of Recruits were now upon their Passage to Louis­bourg; that he would discharge by the Middle of October as many of those, who had serv'd at the Siege as would reduce the Garrison to 2000; which Number, it was absolutely necessary he should retain during the Winter for the Security of the Place; and he would besides permit a Number, not exceeding thirty, such as the Army should pitch upon, to go to New-England upon Furlow, in order to procure such Necessaries or Conveniencies for them, as they should desire.’

Upon these Assurances they were pacified, and no Discontent appeared afterwards among them during the whole Time of their Service at Louisbourg.

After the Governor's coming to Louisbourg all tho'ts of a Distribution of the conquered Lands among the Captors were lay'd aside; a Stop was put to the Proceed­ings of the new Court of Vice Admiralty, and intended Sale of the French Ships and Cargoes; all Points were settled to general Satisfaction, and an Harmony subsisted, the whole time between the Governor, General and Commodore; the latter of whose Conduct with regard to the several Points, upon which the Massachusetts [Page 59]Assembly had conceived some Disgust, the Governor stated in so just a Light to them, that upon his recom­mending a Letter of Thanks to be sent him by the General Court for his public Services, a Vote was ac­cordingly passed for paying the Compliments of the Pro­vince to him, at the same time that they voted the like to be sent to the General.

The Conquest of Cape Breton afforded the English great Advantages for attempting the Reduction of Cana­da, as the Possession of it together with Nova Scotia, gave them the intire Command of the Gulf of St. Law­rence, and Entrance into the River Canada, so that they had it then in their Power to cut off Quebec, in which consists the principal Strength of the Country, from re­ceiving any Support from France: Many other Circum­stances likewise concurred to favour an Attempt against it the next Year.

It appeared from undoubted Accounts, that Niagara and Cadaraqui (Frontenac) were then so weak, that the French were apprehensive, the first News, they should hear would be, that the English had taken those Forts; especially as they could not send a sufficient Number of Men from Canada to defend them for want of Provi­sions.

The Weakness of the latter of these Places was a most material Circumstance; as the safest and best Way then for carrying Troops into the Enemy's Country was by Oswego, across Lake Ontario, and down the River Iro­quois (called by the French St. Lawrence) the Passage through which to Montreal being with the Stream, may be made in four Days, and affords good Places for en­camping every Night free of Ambuscades, with a safe Landing for the Men upon the Island of Montreal; from an Eminence on which, it is said, it may be easily reduced in a few Hours; and there is besides a small Island within Cannon Shot of the City, which was at that time without any Fortifications, and with not above twenty Inhabitants upon it, and being taken would have [Page 60]greatly favoured the Attack of that Place; so that a De­scent made on Montreal by 2000 Troops through this Route, at the same time that a like Body of them made another by Chambly, across the Lake Champlain, must have absolutely secured the Reduction of it.

According to the best Information, the Number of fighting Men in all Canada, including their regular Troops, did not then exceed 12,000; nor their Indians, which they call Domiciliés, or Resident within Canada, 900: And what were esteemed two very favourable Circumstances were, that the Government of Canada was, at that time, so jealous of the Indians of the Six Nations, that the French Traders were strictly forbid to employ any of them in carrying their Goods over the Niagara Carrying-place, for fear they should take a­way their Powder, and then seize upon the Fort; and that upon the Reduction of Cape Breton, Canada was look'd upon by the Inhabitants to be in so desperate a State, that it was thought, if it was made known there, that such of them, as would not take up Arms against the English, should be permitted upon the Reduction of the Country to remain there, and enjoy their Estates and Fortunes, and that such, who did take up Arms, should be oblig'd to leave Canada, and forfeit their Estates, not one Man in ten would appear in Arms.

The Governor therefore concerted Measures with the General and Mr. Warren, then lately made Admiral Warren, who both agreed with him in Sentiment, for forming an Attempt against it the next Year; and before his leaving Louisbourg, he and the Admiral proposed the making one in a joint Letter to his Majesty's Minis­ters for their Consideration.

November the 30. The Governor having stayed at Louisbourg as long as the Season of the Year would per­mit, and the Occasions of his Majesty's Service in his Government of the Massachusetts Bay would allow of his Absence, and done every thing in his Power for the Security of the new Acquisition, until his Majesty's [Page 61]Troops, which were expected very early in the Spring, should arrive to take possession of it, embarked for Bos­ton; where he landed in the beginning of December.

The Spring following an Expedition by Land and Sea was formed by his Majesty's Orders in England for the Reduction of Canada, under the Command of Lieut. General St. Clair, to be attempted with eight Battalions of regular Forces in conjunction with such Troops, as could be raised in time for it in North America; to­gether with a Squadron of his Majesty's Ships under the Command of Rear Admiral Warren.

Upon this Occasion the general Plan, which had been concerted in England for that Service, was transmitted to the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay, with his Majesty's Orders to him, that upon the Arrival of Lieut. General St. Clair at Louisbourg he should proceed thither with such Troops, as he was able to raise by that Time within his own Government, in order to consult with the General and Admiral upon the most adviseable Scheme for effecting the Conquest of Canada; and ac­quainting him that in case they and he should think, that any other Plan might be more practicable, it would be left to them three to do as they should think proper.

By the Plan sent from England it was proposed that the Troops to be raised in the Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island should ren­dezvous at Louisbourg as soon as possible, and proceed up the River St. Lawrence with his Majesty's Ships and the regular Troops to Quebec; and those raised in the Colonies of New York, Pensilvania, Maryland and Virginia should rendezvous at Albany, in order to pro­ceed from thence across the Country by Land to Mont­real, as soon as they should receive Intelligence that his Majesty's Ships had entered the River St. Lawrence, and form the Siege of that Place.

As to the particular Number of Men to be raised in any of the Provinces, that was not limited by his Ma­jesty; but it was signified in his Instructions to his Go­vernors, [Page 62]that his Majesty hoped the Troops, which should be raised in the several Colonies, would amount in the whole to at least 5000.

Whilst Preparations were making in England and the the British Colonies in North America for prosecuting this Enterprize, the French were employed in fitting out an Armament from Brest and the West Indies, which, in Conjunction with a Body of Land Forces to be raised in Canada, was destined for the Reduction of Nova Scotia.

The Quota's of Troops raised in the several Colonies concerned in the Expedition against Canada were as fol­lows; the Massachusets Bay, which is ever the leading Province in all Enterprizes for his Majesty's Service and the common Cause, set the first Example upon this im­portant Occasion; and notwithstanding it had lost near 2000 of its fighting Men in the Service of the preceding Year, granted a Bounty for encouraging the inlisting of 3500, with such a Sum as should be necessary for de­fraying the Expence of Transports and Provisions for them: A Bounty was given by the Province of New York for enlisting 1600; by the Colony of Connecticut for 1000; by New Hampshire for 500; by Rhode Island for 300; by the New Jersies for 500; by Ma­ryland for 300; by Virginia for 100; and 400 Men were raised in Pensilvania; amounting in the whole to 8200, exclusive of the four Independent Companies of New York, whose Complement is 100 Men each.

The Colony Troops were raised with great Dispatch; and, though the Packets containing his Majesty's Orders for the several Governors did not arrive at Boston till the latter End of May, yet the Massachusets Forces with their Transports were got ready to proceed to Louis­bourg by the Middle of July.

The most commodious Route for the March of Troops with Artillery from Albany to Montreal being over the Lake Iroquois, commonly called Lake Cham­plain, by Fort St. Frederick upon Point de Cheveux, [Page 63]called by the English Crown Point; the Reduction of that Fort was thought very material; though it should not prove any great Obstruction to a large Body of For­ces in passing by it, yet it was not adviseable to leave it on their Backs; especially as the Passage across the Lake ought to be open for a Communication of Intelli­gence between the Colonies and Army, is also for the Transportation of Provisions, Stores, and even Rein­forcements, which it might be necessary to send after it in Support of the Siege of Montreal.

Exclusive of this, there were two other very strong Reasons for making this Attempt; the Western Fron­tiers of New England and the Province of New York as far as the City of Albany, had experienced most mis­chievous Effects from this Fort; it served the French as a Place of Rendezvous to fit out Parties from, both of Canadeans and Indians to make Incursions and Depre­dations upon the adjacent Territories of the English, which they had greatly galled even during that War, burning and destroying the whole Village of Sarahtoga, and Fort Massachusets itself; and was likewise a Place of Safety for them, upon their Retreat from any of these Enterprizes: It was besides absolutely necessary to em­ploy as soon as possible the Indians of the Six Nations, who were much depended upon for their Assistance in this Attempt; as the English had lost their good Opini­on and Respect, together with their former Attachment to their Interest in nothing more than suffering the French to build this Fort, so nothing could more retrieve their Influence over them, and all the Indians depen­dent upon them, than the Reduction of it: The Acqui­sition therefore of this Fort, in case even of the other Parts of the Expedition's being dropped or attended with Misfortune in the Prosecution of it, would in a great measure, of itself, recompense the Northern Co­lonies for their Expence in it.

As therefore the Season of the Year was advancing, the Armament from England not arrived at Louisbourg, [Page 64]and an Attempt for the Reduction of this Fort before the English Fleet had entered the River St. Lawrence was not a material Variation from the general Plan for­med in England, and would redeem Time for carrying on the Siege of Montreal, the Governor of the Massa­chusets Bay proposed to Admiral Warren, who was joined with him and General St. Clair to settle the Plan of Operations for the general Expedition, to employ in present a sufficient Part of the Colony Troops, as well those of New England as of the Southern Provinces, in an Attempt against the Fort at Crown Point; which was accordingly agreed upon, and the necessary Dispositions concerted between them, and the Governor of New York, who then had the chief Command of the Southern Troops, and was hearty for the Enterprize.

In August 1746 Mr. De Ramsay entered Minas with a Body of 1700 Canadeans and Indians with De­sign, as was then apprehended, to work upon the Aca­dians to take up Arms against the English, and in case he could not effect it that Year, to winter there, and pre­pare them for it against the ensuing Spring: But it af­terwards appeared, that his principal View was to be ready to join in an Attack upon the Fort at Annapolis Royal, as soon as the Armament fitted out from Brest the same Year under the Command of Duke D' Anville for the Reduction of Nova Scotia should arrive in the Bay of Funda; in expectation of which he proceeded to the District of Annapolis River, and encamped within one Mile and an half of the Fort.

The Massachusets Governor, upon receiving Intelli­gence from Mr. Mascarene of Mr. 'De Ramsey's Motions, determined to send 1500 of the Massachusets Troops to Annapolis Royal, to prevent the Execution of his De­signs, the Remainder of them being then destined to make an Attempt against the French Fort at Crown Point, in Conjunction with those of New-York and the Southern Governments; and ordered 600 of them to be forthwith embarked; Admiral Warren, who was then [Page 65]at Boston, ordered at the same time his Majesty's Ship Chester from thence to reinforce the Ships in Annapolis Harbour: The Chester arrived in a few Days at An­napolis, and 400 of the New England Forces soon after.

About the same time Mr. Conflans arrived before Chebucto (now Halifax) with four capital Ships from Cape Francois under Orders to join Duke D' Anville; but after cruizing there some Days without hearing any thing of his Squadron, and imagining that the Destination of it was altered, quitted the Coast; Notice of the Ap­pearance of these Ships was soon brought to Boston by Fishermen off those Banks; but as they disappeared so soon, the Alarm, they occasion'd, lasted not long.

Some Days after the Departure of Mr. Conflans, Duke D' Anville arrived in Chebucto Harbour with a few Ships, after a tempestuous Passage, which had dispersed his Squadron at Sea; and not finding any of the rest there was so much affected with that and other Disasters of his Voyage, that he destroyed himself in two or three Days, and was buried privately upon a small Island in the Harbour. The Remainder of the French Ships except one or two, which were lost upon their Passage, arrived by degrees at Chebucto, a few Days after, in a shattered Condition, with the Men in a very-sickly State; the Number of these Ships was so large, and their Force so great, that they had the Appearance of a very for­midable Armament, and gave a general Alarm along the whole Coast as far Westward as New-York: A Visit be­ing daily expected from them at Boston, the Governor within three Days, drew 8 or 10,000 of the Militia of the Province thither to oppose the landing of Troops; and the Assembly, upon this Occasion, gave him an un­limited Power to strengthen the Works at Castle William, and do whatever he should think necessary for the im­mediate Defence of the Harbour; in consequence of which, Preparations were made for blocking up the En­trance of the Channel there, and to give the Ships a pro­per Reception in their Approach to the Town; and within a few Weeks such additional Works were made [Page 66]to Castle William, as have rendered it, for its Extent, the most considerable Fortress by Sea in his Majesty's American Dominions.

An English Admiral then lay in Louisbourg Harbour with seven of his Majesty's Ships of the Line well ap­pointed and strongly mann'd; and at the same Time the Arrival of Admiral Lestock with the English Squadron and Armament from England, destined to be employed up the River St. Lawrence in the Expedition of Canada, was daily expected on the Coast; the Massachusetts Go­vernor, to give the former of these Admirals the best Intelligence, that could be obtained of the Strength of the French Squadron, sent a small Schooner to recon­noitre it in Chebucto Harbour, and carry him a distinct Account of it; which was executed; and from the Con­dition, in which it was found, it was thought by the best Judges, that the Ships, which the English Admiral had with him at Louisbourg were of sufficient Force to have attacked and destroyed the French Ships in Chebucto; which he was much pressed to attempt by a Sea Com­mander of great Distinction, then Governor of Cape Breton; and at the same time the Massachusetts Go­vernor sent three small Vessels to cruize on several Parts of the Coast, in order to fall in with Admiral Lestock's Squadron, which was still expected in America, to give him Information of the French Ships, and pilot him in­to Chebucto; which must have secured the utter De­struction of the French Squadron.

During the Consternation, which the Appearance of the Brest Squadron at first occasioned, Nova Scotia, and the Garrison of Annapolis Royal, with the Ships in the Harbour were in the general Opinion given up for lost; whereupon the Massachusetts Governor desisted from sending more Troops to Annapolis; but it after­wards appeared, that the Detachment of Troops sent last from Boston, and the Chester eventually proved the Preservation of the Garrison and Province; for soon after their Arrival at Annopolis, Mr. De Ramsay who had then advanced within less than a Mile and half of [Page 67]the Garrison, and encamped in open View of it, appre­hending the Number of Troops to be double what they were, and that another large Embarkation of them, with a greater Sea Force was soon to follow, and despairing of the Arrival of the French Armament that Year, (the time by which it was expected upon the Coast being long elasped) suddenly decamped, sent 1200 of his Troops back to Canada, and retired with the Remainder to Minas; from whence he communicated the false Alarm, he had taken at Annapolis Royal to Mr. La Jonquiere, who succeeded Duke D'Anville in his Command at Chebucto; which, as it afterwards appeared from the Examination of several intelligent Merchants and others, who had been carried Prisoners into Chebucto by French Cruizers, (whilst the Armament lay there) and were conversant with the French Officers, prevented Mr. Jonquiere from sending some light Frigates up the Bay of Funda with Troops, Ordnance Stores and Artillery; as indeed it cannot be reasonably doubted that he would have done, had not the Reinforcement been sent to An­napolis, and Mr. De Ramsay had remained with his Par­ty before the Garrison; in which Case, he must have in­fallibly made himself Master of Nova-Scotia.

In the Beginning of November Mr. La Jonquiere, after having spent about eight Weeks in Chebucto Har­bour in recovering his Men from their sickly State, and repairing his Ships, some of which he burnt in the Har­bour, partly for want of Men to navigate them without too much weakening his other Ships, and partly for want of the Means of repairing them, sailed out of the Har­bour, steering his Course for the Bay of Funda; but upon his making Cape Sable, with an Appearance of a Design to send at least some of his Ships up the Bay to look in at Annapolis, an excessive hard Gale drove him off the Coast, and dispersed his Ships: However, a few Days after, two of them returned, one of which, a 50 Gun Ship, went up the Bay, expecting (as was supposed) to find the rest there, as high as the Narrows, but being discovered from the Fort, and thereupon chaced by the Chester, she escaped out of the Bay.

[Page 68] Thus ended this Expedition of the most formidable Armament, that was ever fitted out against the Coast of North America, and which, including the four capital Ships Mr. Conflans brought from Cape Francois, was computed to consist of near half the naval Force of France: To compleat their Series of Catastrophes, some of them were lost, and others taken in their Return Home; and another mischievous Effect of their Expedi­tion was, that Mr. La Jonquiere, by his Presents of the Cloaths of the Seamen and Soldiers, who died on board his Ships of a contagious Distemper, to the Cape Sable Indians in the French Interest, communicated the In­fection, and destroy'd near two-thirds of them.

In the mean time Dispositions went on for preparing the Attempt against Crown Point, in forwarding which at Albany, supplying Necessaries for the Southern Troops, and engaging the Indians of the Six Nations in it, the * Governor of New York had many Difficulties to strug­gle with, which he surmounted; and Preparations had proceeded so far, that Battoes were provided for the Transportation of the Men, Artillery, and Stores across Lake Champlain; Ordnance Stores and Provisions were sent from Boston, and a Train of Artillery from New York to the Fort at Saratoga; and by the Middle of October 1500 of the Massachusets Troops were upon their March from Albany to join those of the Southern Governments.

However, the general Alarm which had been occasi­oned by the Appearance of the French Armament upon the Coast of Nova Scotia had suspended the Prosecution of the intended Attempt till the Season of the Year was so far advanced, that one or more of the Colonies con­cerned in it judged it too late to proceed, and refused to join with the Province of the Massachusets Bay; and a Disunion of Councils in this Point finally prevented its being carried into Execution.

Mr. De Ramsay still remained in Nova Scotia, with about 500 Canadians and Indians, Part in Chiegnecto and Part at Minas; the Inhabitants of the former of [Page 69]these Districts were openly devoted to the French Inter­est, those of Minas and Annapolis River at that time wavering; his Scheme was to Winter in the Province, and gain over the whole Body of Acadians to take up Arms, and join with him in an Attempt upon the Fort at Anna­polis Royal early in the Spring: To compass this he sum­mon'd the Deputies of all the Districts to attend him; told them he had Intelligence that the Governor of the Massachusets Bay was sending a large Body of Troops from New England to force them off their Possessions, and exhorted them to join him, and stand upon their De­fence; and he had proceeded so far with them as to in­duce them to promise to make Report of what he had proposed to them, to their respective Principals, and let him know their Resolutions by a limited time.

There appeared Danger in this Scheme; had Mr. De Ramsay been suffer'd to go on unmolested in his Practices upon the Inhabitants during the whole Winter, what Effects he might have wrought on some of them by his Perswasions, upon others by Menaces, was uncer­tain; but if he had succeeded, it must have hazarded the Loss of the whole Province by the ensuing Spring: To counteract therefore Mr. De Ramsay and frustrate his Designs, the Massachusets Governor determined, though the Winter was then far advanced, to attempt driving him out of Minas, as soon as a fresh Recruit of Troops could be sent to Annapolis Royal.

In the mean time, to prevent him from making any Progress in gaining over the Inhabitants, he immediately transmitted from Boston to Governor Mascarene a Num­ber of printed Copies of a Declaration translated into French, and signed by himself, to be dispersed through­out the Districts of Minas and Annapolis River; where­in he assured the Deputies and Inhabitants, ‘that such of them as should remain firm in their Allegiance to his Majesty should be protected in the Possession of their Lands and just Rights, according to the Treaty of Utrecht; letting them know at the same time, that he should very soon send a sufficient Force to Minas [Page 70]to remove Mr. De Ramsay and his Party from thence, and protect them from the Insults of the French and their Indians; and in particular assuring them, that the King's Soldiers should not live upon free Quar­ter, nor be suffered to commit Acts of Violence or Maroding among them, but that they should be fully satisfied for all the Provisions and other Necessaries, which they should supply the Troops with during their being quarter'd among them.’

These Declarations arrived very seasonably at Anna­polis; Mr. Mascarene found means to disperse them among the Deputies and Inhabitants before the Day, by which they were required to give Mr. De Ramsay their Answer, and they had the Effect to make them unani­mous in declaring to the French Commander their Re­solution to trust to the Assurances given them by the Go­vernor of the Massachusets Bay, of being protected in the Enjoyment of their Estates by the King of Great Britain, and absolutely refusing to take up Arms and join with the Canadians: And they immediately signifi­ed the same to Mr. Mascarene, with their several Addres­ses to Mr. Shirley, thanking him for the Protection he had promised them, and declaring their Resolutions to be loyal Subjects to the King.

In the latter End of November and Beginning of December, the Troops destined for Minas em­bark'd at Boston for Annapolis Royal; one of the Transports with the greatest Part of the Soldiers on board was lost in its Passage upon the Rocks near Monts Deserts, the Remainder arrived safe; and in a few Days, being strengthened with a Party from the Garrison, em­bark'd for Minas, and entered Grand Pré, the chief Town in that District, about the latter End of December.

The French Commander upon having Intelligence of their Arrival at Annapolis, and their Embarkation for Minas, had quitted the District and retired with his Par­ty to Schiegnecto, the extreme Part of the Penin­suln: The Season being extremely severe hindered the New England Men from immediately following him [Page 71]thither, as the commanding Officer had Orders to do; so that they determined to wait till the Rigour of it was abated.

On the last Day of January the French Commander having gained Intelligence of their being distributed in Quarters at a great Distance from each other, and being secretly encouraged with the Promise of Assistance from some of the Inhabitants, made a March, which was tho't impracticable in that Season of the Year, through the Woods with a Party of Canadians and Indians; and taking the Advantage of a violent Snow Storm, which had lasted 36 Hours, entered the Town immediatly af­ter, at Midnight, and surrounded most of them in their Quarters; the greatest Part of whom were killed, worm­ded or taken Prisoners: In the mean time, those Par­ties which were not surrounded, marched out and forced their Way through the Enemy to the Guard-House, being a large defensible Stone Building, situated in the middle of the Town; and some others, which had been surrounded, beat off the Party which attacked them and recovered it: The next Morning two Companies marched out of the Guard-House to make an Attempt upon the Enemy's head Quarters, but having been surprized without their Snow Shoes, and finding in the March, that the Snow was too much drifted for them to reach the Enemy, after having made two Dis­charges of Musquetry upon them, they were obliged to desist from their Attempt: The Day following Mr. La Corne, who then commanded the French and Indians, proposed a Parley, which was agreed to; and afterwards that each should bury their Dead; Terms of Capitula­tion were then offered to the New England Men; the Substance of which was, that upon surrendering the Fort, they should have leave to march out with Drums beating and Colours flying, and other usual Honours of War; a sufficient Quantity of Ammunition and Provisions allow­ed to serve them in their March back to Annapolis; and Necessaries for carrying off their Sick and Wounded; the New England Troops to quit Minas, and not to [Page 72]take up Arms in any Part of Nova Scotia during the Term of one Year.

Upon this a Council of War was held, and the Gar­rison submitted to the Terms proposed.

The killed, wounded and Prisoners taken in this Action by the French amounted to about 160, and the Number of Canadians and Indians killed and wounded by the New England Men was computed at between 50 and 60.

The New England Men being thus obliged to retire, Mr. La Corne quitted Minas in afew Days, leaving the Command of a small Party there with an inferior Officer.

Upon gaining this Advantage Mr. De Ramsay sent Declarations to the French Inhabitants in the Name of the Governor of Canada, which were publicly posted up, requiring them to take up Arms, whenever they should be call'd upon by him, against the English, on pain of Death, having their Houses burnt, and their Estates con­fiscated; and with these he publish'd the Bishop of Quebec's Declaration, pronouncing them absolv'd from their former Oaths of Fidelity to the King of Great Bri­tain: On the other hand the Governor of the Massachu­sets Bay, to cut off all Pretensions of a Right of Conquest to the District of Minas, which might be grounded on the Capitulation at Grand Pré, recommended it to Lieutenant Governor Mascarene to send there what Troops he could spare out of the Garrison, who were not restrained by the late Capitulation from bearing Arms, to repossess themselves of the District of Minas, and bring as many of the French Deputies as they could to Annapolis Royal to renew their Oaths of Fidelity to his Majesty.

Accordingly, soon after, Mr. Mascarene sent out a Party of Rangers with orders to land at Grand Prê; pursuant to which the commanding Officer landed there and surprized some of the Inhabitans, who informed him that the Canadians apprehending that another Descent might be made upon them from Annapolis by a fresh Party of Troops, and not thinking themselves safe at Minas, had abandon'd it and marched back to Schieg­necto; which the Officer upon entering the Body of the [Page 73]Town found true; and after taking Possession of the Dis­trict by erecting the English Standard upon the Guard­House, &c. and seizing such of the Deputies and Inha­bitants, as he thought most proper to carry to Annapolis Royal, returned thither.

Soon after this, Mr. De Ramsay evacuated the Pro­vince of all his Troops, and returned with them to Ca­nada; and the Province, being thus cleared of the Canadians, remained quiet from any Attempts of the French, during the Remainder of the War.

In September 1747, the Governor of the Massachu­sets Bay received his Majesty's Orders, signifying his royal Approbation of the Preparations, he had made for the intended Expedition against Canada, and directing him in Conjunction with Admiral Knowles, then Go­vernor of Cape Breton, to disband the American Troops rais'd for that Service, retaining such a Number of them as they should judge necessary for the Protection of Nova Scotia; to collect and liquidate the Accounts of the Ex­pence incurred by the several Governments on account of the Expedition, and transmit them to be laid before his Majesty.

Pursuant to the former Part of these Orders Mr. Knowles and he retained 6 Companies of 70 Men each for the Defence of Nova Scotia, and it appearing ne­cessary for the Protection of the Province that some Ship of War should be stationed at Annapolis Royal the Go­vernor of the Massachusets Bay sent the Massachusets Frigate, the Province Guard-Ship of 20 Carriage Guns upon that Service.

Upon this Occasion Mr. Mascarene, whose singular Prudence and Vigilance omitted no Opportunity of re­minding the Acadians of their Duty, and exhorting them to consult their own Interest by their Fidelity to the King's Government, wrote the following Letter to the Deputies of the three Districts.

Messieurs,

Though I am much pressed and embarrassed with Business, I will not however let this Opportunity slip [Page 74]without writing to you, lest some ill intention'd Persons should have room to spread false Reports among you, which might occasion you some Trouble.

Mr. Shirley has received from Court express Orders to watch over the Safety of this Prevince, and to em­ploy all the Means and all the Forces that his Excel­lency shall judge necessary, but always with the Dis­positions conformable to the Assurances the Inhabitants have received, that whilst they shall behave themselves as good Subjects to his Britannick Majesty (as they are bound to it by their Oath) they shall be treated as his Majesty's own natural Subjects; in consequence of these Orders there is arrived here a 20 Gun Ship, and we expect another soon with Transports and Troops besides those already arrived; this is what I thought, I ought to let you know, and to join my Exhortations that you may behave in such a manner as is convenient for you reaping the Benefit of the good Dispositions, his Majesty has towards you, to which you will always find me ready to contribute as much as is in my power, and you will give me Occa­sion by your good deportment to do.

I am, &c.

The Massachusets Governor had had the Care of the Government of Nova Scotia in a great measure com­mitted to him during the War; and his Majesty having approved of his Proceedings for preserving the Acadi­ans in their Allegiance, and preventing them from re­volting to the French, was pleased to ratify all the Pro­mises and Declarations Mr. Shirley had made them, and authorize him to issue a Declaration in his Name to them, to assure them of his Performance of what he had pro­mised them, and to add such other Matters therein as Mr. Shirley should think most conducive to his Majesty's Service in that Province.

In the same Year the Massachusets Governor receiv­ed his Majesty's Orders to form a Plan of Civil Govern­ment [Page 75]for the Province of Nova Scotia, and to draw up such a Scheme for fortifying it, as he judg'd was requi­site for putting it into a State of Security; and to trans­mit them to the Secretary of State's Office to be laid before his Majesty.

The Inhabitants of Schiegnecto had ever since the Treaty of Utrecht distinguished themselves above those of the other two Districts of Nova Scotia, by a refracto­ry Behaviour towards his Majesty's Government; in which they were encouraged by their remote Distance from Annapolis Royal, and constant Intercourse with the French of Canada, and were now become justly suspected and dangerous to the Safety of it.

The Massachusets Governor therefore, in his Plan for fortifying the Province proposed that this District, which lay most exposed to the sudden Attacks of the French, and the furthest from being succour'd in case of an Assault, should be secured as soon as might be, by a strong Fortress upon the Isthmus, capable of holding a large Garrison, to be built upon the Spot, where the French afterwards built Beau Sejour; and the whole Isthmus between the Basin of Schiegnecto and Bay Verte secured with a Line of Block-Houses placed at conve­nient Distances; and that the Inhabitants of the Dis­trict should be removed either to some Parts of the Pro­vince more under the Inspection and Check of his Ma­jesty's Governor at Annapolis Royal; or into some o­ther of his Majesty's Colonies, where they should have equivalent Lands given them; and that Protestant Set­tlers, whose Fidelity and Attachment to his Majesty's Government might be depended on, should be trans­planted to Schiegnecto in their Room; which was not disapprov'd of.

It will be difficult to strike the Line between the Ra­tification of the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in which it was stipulated, that the controverted Limits of this Pro­vince should be determined by Commissaries appointed on the Part of Great Britain and France, and the French's seizing several Parts of the Country which were in dispute.

[Page 76] No sooner was the Treaty concluded, than they sent a Party into St. John's River to take Possession of it; and their Incroachments grew so fast in every Part of the Peninsula, that after the narrow Escapes and signal Deli­verances, it had during the War, if Providence had not again interposed in its Favour, by raising up a * British Minister for the immediate Settlement and Protection of it; to whose peculiar Talents, Vigilance and Spirit for effecting the great Service, the Nation owes its present Possession of Nova Scotia, the whole Province would have been swallowed up and lost in French Incroach­ments, even during the short Interval of the late Peace.

If any thing after observing these Incroachments, which followed so close upon the Treaty, can be wanting, to shew that France, at the Time of making the Peace, had determined to take the first favourable Opportunity of violently seizing upon the Province; and was preparing every Measure, which could pave the Way for it; the Behaviour of the Governor of Canada, and Bishop of Quebec at this Juncture must put it out of question.

As their Proceedings will be best disclosed by the In­sertion of the Governor of the Massachusets Bay's Letter, upon that occasion to the Governor of Canada, Copies of which got abroad at the time of its being sent, I shall here insert it.

Sir,

Two Days ago I received from Mr. Mascarene a Copy of your Letter to him, dated at Quebec the 15th of January; wherein (among other Demands) you call upon him to acquaint you, whether he intends to com­prehend the Abenaqui Indians in the Peace, without requiring any kind of Submission from them; and de­sire that in such case he would engage me to let them resettle in their Village, and their Missionaries remain there with them unmolested, as they did before the War; observing to him that those Indians entered into the War, only as your Allies, and therefore when the War [Page 77]was finished with you, it ought to be so with regard to them; and you proceed to say, Sir, that if they thought otherwise in New England, you shall be obliged to assist those Indians, intimating that it is of Importance to the Safety and Tranquillity of the Frontiers of the Massachusets Bay, that you should have a speedy and positive Answer, and that you shall not be surprized, if the Indians should proceed to Acts of Violence.

To this, Sir, which is the fourth Demand in your Letter, Mr. Mascarene having referred you to me upon it, I shall comply with your Request in giving as speedy and positive an Answer as may be.

The River of St. John's, upon which that Part of the Indians, to which you chiefly refer, is seated, has been ever deemed to be situated within the Heart of Nova Scotia, and consequently that Tribe of Indians, together with the French Inhabitants upon the same River, are within his Majesty's Territories; and accordingly, Sir, the latter have acknowledged themselves ever since the Treaty of Utrecht, to be the Subjects of the Crown of Great Britain by tak­ing the Oaths of Fidelity and Allegiance to it; and have had the Protection of his Majesty's Government in common with his other Subjects in that Province: This being the case, these Indians when the Advice of a Rupture between his Majesty and the King your Master was hourly expected, under the Pretext of sending a Deputation to Mr. Mascarene, to desire they might remain in Peace and Amity with the English, notwithstanding War should happen between the two Crowns, gained Admission into Annapolis Royal for some of their Tribe, who were in reality (as it afterwards proved) Spies; and having obtained Mr. Mascarene's Agreement to what they pretended to propose in behalf of their Tribe, and being hon­ourably treated and dismissed by him, returned in three Weeks after, among others of their Tribe with [Page 78]the Missionary Dr Loutre at their Head, surprized and killed as many of the English at Annapolis Roy­al, as they caught without the Fort, destroyed their Cattle, burnt their Houses, and continued Acts of Hostility against the Garrison, till the arrival of the first Party of Succours which I sent it from New­England; such was the Entrance of these Indians, Sir, into the War with us, and their Alliance with you.

For this perfidious Behaviour I caused War to be declared in his Majesty's Name against them at Boston in November 1744, and, so far as it depends upon me, they shall not be admitted to Terms of Peace till they have made a proper Submission for their Treachery, unless they should be already compre­hended in the Definitive Treaty of Peace and Friend­ship lately concluded at Aix la Chapelle, which I shall on my Part strictly observe in every Point.

As to what you have thought fit to declare, Sir, in your Letter concerning your Intentions to support the Indians in Acts of Hostility against us, unless we give them Peace upon the Terms there prescribed by you, and the Danger which the Frontiers of the Mas­sachusetts Bay in particular may be in, unless you have a speedy and positive Answer upon this head; what I have to say in Answer is, that I shall be sorry for a new Rupture between us, and am very desirous to have perfect Tranquillity restored to the Province under my Government; but if the latter is not to be the Case, and you think fit to make yourself a Party in an Indian War against us; I doubt not but his Ma­jesty's Subjects upon this Continent will be able to make just Reprisals upon Canada, when it shall be his Majesty's Pleasure to have them do it.

I can't avoid expressing great Surprize at the other Parts of your Letter, whereby you take upon you to [Page 79]call Mr. Mascarene to account for expelling the Mis­sionary from Minas, for being guilty of such treaso­nable Practices within his Majesty's Government, as merited a much severer Punishment than that of Ex­pulsion from the Province.

The Right, you claim of sending Missionaries from France to reside among his Majesty's Subjects of Nova Scotia as their Priests, and in consequence of that your forbidding his Majesty's Governor to make any Alte­ration in the State of Religion and its Ministers there is still more extraordinary; and I must not omit upon this Occasion to remark to you, that I think the Letter which the Bishop of Quebec lately wrote to Mr. Masca­rene concerning his intended Visitation of his Majesty's Subjects in that Government, in such terms, as shew'd, he looks upon them as part of his Cure of Souls, and within his Jurisdiction, was likewise an extraordinary Attempt, and can't be admitted.

Your interfering in his Majesty's Punishment of his Subjects in Nova Scotia inflicted for rebellious and treasonable Practices against his Crown, and his requir­ing others of them to renew their Oaths of Fidelity; and in one Word, your treating the Subjects of the Crown of Great Britain in that Province, as if you look'd upon them as Subjects of his most Christian Majesty, and being under his Allegiance, is, if possible, still more surprizing; and as these Attempts are manifest Invasions of the undoubted Right, which every Prince has over his Subjects, I can't but look upon them as Insults upon his Majesty's Government, which require no further Answer.

After these Attempts, Sir, upon his Majesty's Right of Government over his Subjects in Nova Scotia, I am less surprized at your Encroachments upon the Limits of his Province, which you are pleased to call in your Let­ter Dependencies of the Government of Canada.

[Page 80] As to your Demand for the Release of the two In­dians carry'd off by Captain Gorham, I can't allow, Sir, that you have a Right to interpose in that Affair, and Mr. Gorham has satisfy'd me that he committed no Breach of public Faith in doing it.

I can't conclude without making use of this Op­portunity to acquaint you, that we look on Fort St. Frederick at Crown Point, as an Encroachment on his Majesty's Territories; and in case you proceed to settle the Country round it, I shall esteem those Set­tlements so too, unless that Tract has been ceded to you by the late definitive Treaty at Aix la Chapelle.

I am sorry, Sir, that the first Fruits of the Peace on your Part have so unpromising an Aspect; and beg you will be persuaded that nothing shall be wanting in me to preserve the good understanding, which ought to subsist between us in time of Peace, having the Honour to be with the most perfect Regard,

Sir,
Your most humble, and Most obedient Servant.
FINIS.

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