CHAP. I. The Discoveries, Rights, and Possessions of Great-Britain.

THE CABOTS, with other Subjects of the Crown of England, North-Ame­rica first dis­covered by the English. did in 1496 and 1497 discover and take posses­sion of, according to the Forms used in those Times, all the Eastern Coast of North-America from Cape Florida to the North Polar Circle, for, and in the Name of, the Crown of Eng­land. They had a Gr [...]nt from the Crown of the Property of all Lands they should discover and settle Westward of Europe; but they made no Settlements in consequence of that Grant. This Discovery of the Continent of North-America was prior to that of any other Europeans; for COLUMBUS did not dis­cover the Islands in the Gulf of Mexico till 1498, and it was 1504 before the French discovered any Part of North-America.

In those Days Priority of Discovery, even without a continued Occupancy or Possession, Prior Disco­very a good Claim. was deemed a good Claim. It is true, we did not immediately make any Settlements there, nor did we so much as navigate the Coast for near a Century following, Henry the VIIIth being too much engaged in the Difficulties which attended the Progress of the Reformation, to be at leisure for foreign Undertakings; [Page 2] Edward the VIth being a Minor; Queen Mary being bent upon the Re-establishment of Popery; and Queen Elizabeth being constantly employed in guarding against the Variety of Dangers to which the internal State of her own King­doms, the Power of the Crown of Spain, and the general State of Europe, exposed her. But notwithstanding this In­attention to North-America, and the little Regard England at first shewed to the Discovery of the CABOTS, I have shewed it to have been the earliest Discovery made; nor can it be annulled by any subsequent Discovery pretended by any other Country, nor by a neglect of the Improvement of it on our own part. However, as several European Treaties have since been made, establishing by Stipulation that Right acquired at first by this Discovery to great Part of North-America, I shall not dwell upon the Effect of the Discovery, as confirming a Right, but proceed to state the several Eu­ropean Treaties, since made, relative to this Country; the Conveyances made to Great-Britain of Part of it by the Natives of the Country; the consequential Grants of the Crown, and the Settlements made by his Majesty's Subjects.

In consequence of the Treaty of Utrecht, Commissaries from the Crowns of Great-Britain and France determined the Bounda­ries of the HUDSON'S-BAY Company's Ter­ritories, The Bounds of Hudson's-Bay Company's Ter­ritories ascer­tained by Trea­ty with France. to be all that Country from the North Pole to a certain Promontory upon the Atlantic Ocean in N. Lat. 56 Degrees 30 M. to run S. W. to Lake Mistasin, and from thence continued still S. W. to N. Lat. 49 D. and from thence continued still S. W. indefinitely; which S. W. Line takes in Part of Lake Superior, which is as large as the Caspian Sea. Though the Sieur D'Anville has in his Map of America, published in 1750, under the Direction and Authority of the Government of France, marked the South Boundary of the above Company's Territories due West from the above Promontory, which is so far in­jurious.

[Page 3] The Limits of NEW-BRITAIN, or Labra­dore, The Limits of New Bri­tain or La­bradore not settled by Treaty, and his Majesty's Right to that Country. are not on the South and West Sides as­certained by any Treaty between Great-Britain and France; it being with the Remainder of North-America, the Boundaries whereof were not settled by the Treaty of Utrecht, referred to Commissaries of the two Crowns, who were to settle all American Disputes, concerning Boundaries ^* and the Dominion of the Indians, in twelve Months after the Ratifications of that Treaty were exchanged. Commissaries did [Page 4]accordingly meet at Soissons and Cambray, but never settled one Point relative to the Limits of North-America, and the Dominions of the Indians therein, except the Boundary of the Hudson's-Bay Company I have just mentioned. But if prior Discovery and frequent Visitation of a Country gives Title to it, we have an indubitable one to all that Country called New-Britain or Labradore, extending Southward from the before mentioned Promontory in N. Lat. 56. D. 30 M. to the North Side of the Entrance into the Streights of Belle-Isle, and from thence due West till it meet the Southern Boundary of Hudson's-Bay Company's Territories. Tho' the French have been careful to colour the whole of this Country upon their Maps for themselves. Three Years ago a Number of wealthy Merchants of the City of London peti­tioned for an exclusive Grant of this Country, for a Number of Years, on Terms that would have been very beneficial to the Public, as well as themselves. Their Petition was re­ferred to the Right Honourable Lords for Trade and Plantati­ons, who reported in favour of the Project, and proved his Majesty's Title to the Country; but for political Reasons it was afterwards dropped. And since that there have been several bolder Attempts than ever of private Traders, Subjects of his Majesty, to establish Commerce with the Eskineaux Indians, who reside on and near the Sea Coast of this Country, which has from one End to the other been often explored by his Majesty's Subjects; but there never was any Establish­ment made in it by any European Nation; for the Natives have an invincible Antipathy to all Foreigners, and destroy all those that happen to be wrecked on their Coast, or attempt to trade with them, whenever it is in their Power.

By the Treaty of Utrecht, which in this respect is confirmed by that of Aix La Chapelle, Newfound­land ceded to the Crown of Great-Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht. NEW­FOUNDLAND was ceded to Great-Britain, reserving to the French, through the good Of­ficers of our iniquitous Administration in 1712, Liberty to visit and to erect Huts and Stages for drying Fish from Cape Bonavista to the Northermost Point of the Island, and from [Page 5]thence down the Western Side to the Point Riche, con­trary to the Treaty of Peace and Neutrality for America concluded in November 1656, between England and France, wherein it is stipulated, that the Subjects of each Crown [...] not to trade, fish, or harbour (except in Cases of Distress [...] [...]air, wood and water) in one another's Districts. [...] is inserted also a Clause, in the 15th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht with Spain, whereby a Pretence is given to the Spaniards to claim a Right to fish at Newfound­land, in direct Contradiction to the 7th and 8th Articles of the Treaties made with that Crown in 1667 and 1670, whereby it is agreed that Great-Britain shall enjoy for ever, with plenary Right of Sovereignty, all those Lands and Places whatsoever, being or situate in the West-Indies, or in any Part of America, which the Subjects of Great-Britain do at present hold or possess. And that the Subjects and Inhabi­bitants, Merchants of the Kingdoms and Dominions of each Confederate respectively, shall forbear to sail and trade in the Ports and Havens which have Fortifications, Magazines, or Ware-houses, and in all other Places whatsoever, possessed by the other Party in the West-Indies, or in any Part of Ame­rica. The Board of Trade being consulted on the Spa­niards claiming a Right to fish at Newfoundland, returned the following Answer to Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State, dated June 13, 1712. ‘We have considered the Extract of a Memorial from the Marquis de Montelon, relating to a Claim of the Inhabitants of Guypuscoa to fish on the Coast of Newfoundland; and thereupon take leave to inform your Lordship, that we have discoursed with such Persons as are able to give Information in that matter; and we [...]ind that some Spaniards are come hither with Passes from her Majesty, and others may have fished there privately; but never any, that we can learn, did do it as of Right be­longing to them. By the Act to encourage the Trade to Newfoundland, passed in the Tenth and Eleventh of his late Majesty, when we were in Amity and Alliance with Spain,’ it is declared and enacted, ‘Tha [...] no Alien or Stranger whatsoever, not residing within the Kingdom of [Page 6] England, Dominion of Wales, or Town of Berwick upon Tweed, shall at any time hereafter take Bait, or use any sort of Trade, or Fishing whatever, in Newfourdland, or in any of the Islands adjacent.’ Pursuant to which Act ‘Instructions have been every Year given to the Commo­dores of the Convoys, to prevent Foreigners coming thither.’ The Secret Committee of the House of Com­mons, in 1715, confess in their Report, that they were at a loss to account for the Reasons that prevailed with the Mi­nistry to admit the Insertion of the above Article into the Treaty of Utrecht, for the Management of it was intrusted with an Irish Papist who was sent to Spain for this Purpose, and to negociate what was expected from that Crown relat­ing to the Pretender, and no Papers concerning it were to be found in the public Offices. Upon the Foundation of the above Article in favour of Spain, we find Don UZTARIZ, formerly Privy Counsellor to the King, and Secretary in the Council and Chamber of the Indies in Spain, in his most ex­cellent Theory and Practice of Commerce, &c. advising the King his Master to avail himself of that Right whenever he has Power sufficient to make good his Pretensions.

ACADIE, Acadie, or Nova-Scotia, ceded to Great-Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht. extending from the River of St. Lawrence to the River Pantagoit or Penobscot, was not only first discovered, but first settled by the English; for in 1602 we had, both by the Accounts of English and French His­torians, a Settlement in that Country, which is two Years before ever a French Family settled in any Part of it, as appears from the same Authority. In 1620 all that Part of Acadie as far as the 48 D. of N. Latitude, was granted by the Crown to the Council of Plymouth or New-England, which Company I shall have further occasion to speak of. In 1621 the Council of New-England resigned to the Crown all Parts of their Grant to the Northward of the River St. Croix, when it was then granted with the rest of Acadie to Sir William Alexander, Secretary of State of Scotland, and called Nova-Scotia. In 1623 King Charles the Ist, marrying a Daughter of the [Page 7] French King, gave all Acadie or Nova-Scotia to France in 1627 it was taken from the French by Sir David Kirk. In 1632 it was again ceded to France by the Treaty of St. Germain. In 1654 Cromwell sent and reduced it. In 1662 it was again delivered up to the French King by Charles II. and confirmed to France at the Treaty of Breda in 1667, notwithstanding a Remonstrance against it from the Parlia­ment of England and the People of New-England. In 1690 it was taken by 700 New-England Men, at the Expence of that Country, which was never reimbursed them. In 1697 it was again ceded to France. In 1710 it was reduced again by Forces from Great-Britain and New-England, and confirmed by the Treaties of Utrecht and Aix La Chapelle to the Crown of Great-Britain, ‘With its antient Bounda­ries, as also the City of Port-Royal, as fully as ever France possessed them by Treaty or other Means.’

From this Summary of Facts there cannot be any Doubt of Great-Britain's Right to the whole of the Country called Acadie or Nova-Scotia. And as the Sovereignty and Possession of it has been so often changed by Treaty and other Means, one would have imagined it impossible any Doubt could have arose about the Extent of it. But it is certain that France has ever since the Treaty of Aix La Chappelle insisted on its antient Boundaries to have never extended beyond the South-Eastern Peninsula, and have accordingly taken possession of all the Country we claim as Acadie or Nova-Scotia, except the above Peninsula, which is not one third of the Country both Crowns always possessed for Acadie or Nova-Scotia be­fore and since its precise Bounds were ascertained in conse­quence of the Treaty of Breda, as appears by both English and French Historians, &c. though no Bounds were expressed in the Treaties of St. Germain and Breda. However, a Dis­pute arising in the Execution of the Treaty of Breda, a Dis­cussion of its Limits ensued, and it was then stipulated by the two Crowns, that St. Lawrence River should be its Northern Boundary, the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Streight of Canso its Eastern, Cape Sable-shore its South-Eastern, and the River Pantagoit its Western. Which Limits France always possessed [Page 8]as Acadie, and it ever retained down to the Treaties of Utrecht and Aix La Chappelle, when it was confirmed to the Crown of Great-Britain with its antient Boundaries, as fully as ever France possessed it by Treaty or other Means.

Now to proceed regularly and clearly with respect to his Majesty's further Rights in North-America, I must state the Process of Grants, &c.

CABOT's Grants being dropped, Sir Wal­ter Raleigh did obtain of Queen Elizabeth in 1584 a Patent for exploring and planting Lands in North-America, His Ma­jesty's further Right to all the Country, from the At­lantic to the Pacific Oce­an, lying be­tween 34 D. and 45 D. N. Lat. not actually pos­sessed by any Christian Prince: and when he returned to England the next Year, the whole Country from Cape Florida to St. Lawrence River, which before went under the general Name of Florida, was called Virginia, in Hon­our of the Virgin Queen, there being yet no distinct Settlements which gave particular Names to the several Places along the Coast. Upon Sir Walter's Attainder, his Patent be­ing forfeited, several Adventurers petitioned King James I. for Grants, and a Grant was made in 1606 to two Compa­nies (one of London, the other of Bristol) in one Charter, of all the Country lying from thirty-four to forty-five Degrees of Northern Latitude on the Atlantic Ocean, and the Islands within a hundred Miles of the Sea Coast, and from the said Coast inland indefinitely, if not actually possessed by any Christian Prince or People. Neither the French nor any other Christian People, but us, had at that Time any Set­tlements South of St. Lawrence River, but in Acadie, where the French begun to settle two Years before the Date of this Charter, as appears by De La [...]t of Antwerp, by Pere Char­levoix, and several other of their, and by several of our own, Historians. Nor had the French, as appears from the same Authority, made any Discoveries or Settlements at this Time higher up the River St. Lawrence than Montreal. Nor had any European Power, but the English, any Settlements in any Part of this Grant at that Time. The Grant extends [Page 9]upon the Atlantic Ocean from the Cape now called Cape Fear to the Mouth of Pantagoit River, which is the Western Boundary of the Country we claim as Acadie or Nova-Scotia. Indeed P. Charlevoix says, M. Monts entered Kennebeck, or Sagadahoc River, which is within this Grant, in 1604; but he also says, he and all the Adventurers with him immediately removed to Port-Royal in Acadie, and in 1606 they all returned to France.

Both the London and Bristol Companies began, imme­diately after their Grant, to make Adventures in Trade and Settlements. The London Company pursuing them to the Southward of the Bay called Chesapeak, and the Bristol Com­pany to the Eastward, beginning at Sagadahoc River.

In 1620 a Dispute arose between those Com­panies about the former's Right to fish at Cape-C [...]d, His Ma­jesty's further Right three Degrees more to the North­ward. upon which a new Patent was granted to the latter, and several other Noblemen and Gentlemen, for all the Country lying from 40 D. to 48 D. North Latitude, which is three Degrees further to the Northward than the former Grant, and takes in the greatest Part of Acadie or Nova-Scotia. The Grant extends due West from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, if not then actually possessed by any Christian Prince or People. And this new Company was called the Council of Plymouth or New-England; which latter Name was given to this Country upon Capt. Smith's presenting a Plan of it to the Court of England on his Return in 1614, and it retains the Name to this Day from twenty Miles East of the City of New-York as far as the River St. Croix, and is now divided into the four Provin­ces of Massachuset's-Bay, New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island and Connecticut. Capt. Smith surveyed the Coast well, and gave Names to many of the Head Lands, Bays and Rivers, which are mostly continued to this Time.

The North Line of this Grant crosses the North Side of St. Lawrence River a little above Saguen [...]y, and running due West strikes the North Side of Lake Superiour, to which the South Boundary of the Hudson's-Bay Company's Territories [Page 10]do extend. But as the French were before this settled at Quebeck, Trois Riviers, and several other Places on the North Side of St. Lawrence below Montreal, which are within this Grant, all that Part of the Grant to the Northward of the River St. Lawrence as high as Moutreal is invalid. But as they had not made any Settlements prior to this Grant higher than Montreal, they have no Right to any part of the Coun­try to the Southward of the River St. Lawrence below Mon­treal, nor to the Southward of the North Bounds of this Line above Montreal.

This New-England Company made many Grants of Land, one of which, in particular, in 1629, gives to Sir Ferdinando Gorge and Captain Mason all that Tract of Land lying from the Heads of Merrimack River, and Sagadaboc or Kenebeck River to the Lake Iroquois, now called by the French Cham­plain, and the River which empties itself from the said Lake into St. Lawrence River opposite to St. Peter's Bay, to be called Laconia. Part of this Grant was afterwards sold to the Agent of the Massachuset's-Bay Province, and confirmed by the Crown in 1639.

The London and New-England Companies, being disap­pointed in their Hopes of vast Wealth from their Projects, surrendered their Patents to the Crown in 1635. And in the Beginning of Charles I. new Grants were procured: but by reason of the ensuing Civil Confusions and Divisions in England the Conditions of these new Grants were not com­plied with, and People set down at pleasure and at random. Upon the Restoration of Charles II. those Settlers petitioned for peculiar Grants, and had them; but it is not pertinent to my present Subject to trace Royal and other Grants for Lands to the Northward of 34 D. of Latitude any further. But it is necessary to mention three other Species of his Majesty's Right to a very large Part of the same Country, which he derives from European and Indian Treaties.

While the London and Bristol Companies were engaged in trading and settling at the two Extremes of their Grant, His Majesty's further Right &c. the Swedes, Fins, and Dutch in 1609 crept into that part [Page 11]of it lying from the Lat. of about 38 D. to the Lat. 41 D. N. comprehending the present Provinces of New-York, New-Jersies, and some part of Pennsylvania. In 1618 the Governor of Virginia had several Bickerings with the Dutch, &c. settled in, and trading to, this Country, as inter­fering with his Master's Grant. However this served no other purpose than to frighten the Swedes and Fins under the Protection of the Dutch, who soon after had a Governor appointed by the States of Holland, and the Country was called New-Netherlands. The Court of England complain­ed, but the States disowned it, and said it was only a private Undertaking of an Amsterdam West-India Merchant. Upon which King James I. commissioned a Governor, and called the Country New-Albion, to which the Dutch submitted. But during the Civil Troubles in England in Charles I. Reign, and in the Administration of the Republican Party, the Dutch again established a Government there, till it was reduced by England in 1664. In 1667 at the Peace concluded at Breda, between England and the United Provinces, it was stipulated by the third Article of the Treaty that the English were to re­main in Possession of that whole Country, in Exchange for the Country of Surinam, which the Dutch had taken from the English. In 1672 the Dutch reduced New-Albion, but the Year following, at the Treaty of Westminster, it was restored to England, with whom it has continued ever since. Neither the Treaty of Breda, nor that of Westminster, specifies the Bounds of New-Netherlands, or New-Albion, but in general Terms cedes to England all the Rights and Possessions of the Dutch in North-America.

The first Year the Dutch begun to settle in this Country, they entered into an Alliance with, and by Treaty did ac­quire the Protection and Sovereignty of, the Five Nations of Indians then living on the South Side of St. Lawrence River, opposite to Montreal; who are known to the English under the Names of Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senekas; and to the French by the general Name of Iroquois. This Alliance and Subjection continued without a Breach on either Side till 1664, when the English upon the taking [Page 12]of New-Netherlands, which from this time was called New-York, immediately entered into a strict Friendship with those Five Nations, which has held without the lest Breach to this Day. ^* The Five Nations by this Treaty acknowledged to the Governor of New-York at Albany, ‘That they had given their Lands and submitted themselves to the King of Eng­land.’ And in a few Years after they desired and had the Duke of York's Arms put up at each of their Castles, as Tok­ens of their being Subjects and under his Protection. The above Treaty was made three Years preceding the first the French ever made with them, for they were constantly at War with the Five Nations, as appears by their own, as well as our, Historians, from 1603, when they first settled at Canada, to 1667, when they entered into a Treaty of Friend­ship only, which continued till 1683, when the French most perfidiously broke it. The above Right of Sovereignty and Property, conveyed to us, the Five Nations recognized by a Treaty in 1684, and by another at Albany in 1687. And at this last Treaty, when Col. Dungan, Governor of New-York, could not support them openly, having positive Orders from King James II. to procure Peace for the French, they expressed themselves to the Governor and Commissioners of New-York in these Words, ‘Brethren, you tell us the King [Page 13]of England is a very great King, and why should not you join with us in a very just Cause, when the French join with our Enemies in an unjust Cause? O Brethren, we see the Reason of this; for the French would fain kill us all, and when that is done they would carry all the Beaver Trade to Canada, and the King of England would lose the Land likewise; and therefore, O great Sachem, be­yond the great Lake, awake and suffer not those poor In­dians that have given themselves and their Lands under your Protection, to be destroyed by the French without a Cause.’ All which Grants they further confirmed by several subsequent Treaties, and a Deed of Sale of all their hereditary and con­quered Country, for a valuable Consideration, in 1701. Which was also renewed 1726; and again, very particularly so, at a Treaty held at Lancaster in the Province of Penn­sylvania in 1744. But as Treaties with the Natives of America by European Powers may not be thought sufficient, or be admitted, in support of a Claim to Property and Juris­diction, in a European national Discussion, unless confirmed by a European Treaty between contending Nations for American Rights, I have not quoted any, or shall I, (though there are many subsisting in almost every part of his Ma­jesty's North-American Dominions, as much to the Purpose of Property and Jurisdiction as those of the Five Nations) but those that relate to the Iroquois, because they are fully and amply confirmed by France to Great-Britain in the Treaties of Utrecht and Aix La Chapelle. They are there acknowledged to be Subjects of, and the Dominion over them is ceded to, the Crown of Great-Britain; and it is stipulated that neither they, nor any other Indians, who were Friends to the English should be molested by the French, but that the Subjects of both Crowns should enjoy free Liberty of going and coming to the Colonies of either, for the Promotion of Trade as a common Benefit. But as the Treaties of Utrecht and Aix La Chapelle refer the Dominion of each Crown over all the Indians in North-America, except the Iroquois, to be settled by Commissaries after the Ratifications were exchang­ed, the Treaties that have from time to time been made by his Majesty's Governments in North-America with the Indians, [Page 14]will be of great Service if ever this Affair should come upon the Tapis. And if our Governors had known the Importance of such Treaties, they might have improved the Opportu­nities they have had with more Clearness and Precision than they have done in some Instances, both as to Dominion and Property.

Those Cessions of the Five Nations confirmed by France to Great-Britain are of infinite more Importance than they appear to be at first sight; for they are further and con­clusive Proofs for the utter Exclusion of any French Pretensions to the Five great Lakes, all the Country between the Lakes, all the River and Country of the Ohio, And a vast Extent of Territory besides. But to have a nearer View, and to convey a more adequate Idea of the vast Importance of these Ces­sions, we must ascertain what is the Extent of the Five Na­tions, Hereditary and Conquered Country.

The French Historians tell us, that when they settled at Canada in 1603, The Heredi­tary Country of the Five Nations. which is six Years before the Dutch possessed themselves of New-Netherlands, now called New-York, the Iroquois lived in that Part of the Country extending upon the South Banks of the River St. Lawrence from the Mouth of the Iroquois or Sorrel, River, as high up St. Lawrence as to be opposite to the West End of Lake Sacrement, and from the West End of the said Lake thro' that and Lake Iroquois or Champlain, and Iroquois River to its Mouth, which is opposite to St. Peter's-Bay. This being the earliest Account any Europeans have of them, we may fairly conclude this to be their hereditary or native Country.

The same Authority acquaints us, The conquer'd Country of the Five Nations. that they found the Iroquois engaged in a just and necessary War with the Adironda [...]s or Algon­kins, a powerful Nation of Indians, who then lived where the Utawawas are now situated, and forced the Iroquois to leave their own Country and fly to the Banks of the Lakes Ontario and Erie; which, with the Country lying between those Lakes and Hudson's River, as low as Albany, and the Forks of the Rivers [Page 15] Delaware, Susquchanah and Ohio, they have ever since made their chief Residence, and do now continue in the Possession of; except those Parts they have sold to the English and made particular Grants of, especially upon Mohawks Ri­ver, upon Lake Ontario, where the English Fort Oswego was built in 1727, and those Parts about the Forks of the Rivers Delaware, Susquchanah and Ohio in the Province of Pennsylvania that they have sold to the Proprietors of that Province. Upon their Removal to this Part of the Coun­try the Satanas, or Shacuonons, who then lived round the Lakes Ontario and Erie, warred against them; but the Ira­qu [...]is soon drove them out of the Country, and they fled as far to the Westward as the Banks of the Mississippi. By this Breach with the Satanas the Iroquois improved so much in the Art of War, and so far recovered their Spirits, which were before depressed by the Algonkins, that now they thought themselves a Match for them: and as Indians never forget an Injury, nor rest till their Revenge is satiated, they im­mediately after their Victory over the Satanas renewed the War with the Algonkins, in which they had such Success as not only to recover their hereditary Dominions, but also to drive the Algonkins from their own Country to that where Quebeck now stands, and never rested till they had destroyed the whole Nation, except a few who put themselves under the Protection of the French at Quebeck; and those that have descended from them that escaped the Fury of the Iroquois are still in the Neighbourhood of Quebeck; but the Al­gonkins have never been considered as of any Consequence in either Peace or War, since their Wars with the Iroquois.

Fire Arms and Tools of Iron and Steel having never been seen in this Part of the World till the French introduced them, the Novelty and Usefulness of them, together with their alluring Toys and Tins [...]ls, and the French Demand for the Indians Furs and Skins, brought all the Indians between Quebeck and the Lakes, except the Iroquois, to the French to trade: but as the French had protected the Algonkins and actually assisted them against the Iroqu [...] they could not be prevailed upon to have any Com [...]rce with the [Page 16] French, who thereupon commenced the Allies of all the In­dians that came to Quebeck, and prevailed on them to join in a War against the Iroquois, whom they were now deter­mined to extirpate, never dreaming of much Difficulty to accomplish it, as they had the Advantage of Fire Arms and a vast Superiority in Numbers of Indians.

The first Action after this Coalition happened upon the Banks of Lake Iroquois, and proved to the Disadvantage of the Iroquois; for the French kept themselves undiscovered till the Moment they begun to join battle, and their Fire Arms surprized the Iroquois so much that they were put into Confusion. This Victory and the Fire Arms giving the French Indians new Confidence, they became fierce and in­solent, despising the Commands of their Captains, and on all Occasions rashly attacked the Enemy, who were obliged to keep themselves upon the defensive, and to make up what they wanted in Force by Stratagem and a skilful Management of the War, in which they succeeded so well that they de­stroyed great Numbers of the Enemy, and lost but very few of their own People. One Stratagem they made use of in this critical Conjuncture, was an Acceptance of an Offer made them by the Governor of Canada to send some French Priests among them; but as soon as they got them in their Possession, they made no other Use of them than as Hostages to oblige the French to stand neuter. And being now fur­nished with Fire Arms from the Dutch, they gave full scope to their Revenge against their Enemy Indians. The first they met with were the Quatoghies or Hurons, as the French call them, and the Remains of the Algonkins, whom they defeated in a dreadful Battle fought within a few Miles of Quebeck. The French own if the Iroquois had known their Weakness at that Time, they might have easily destroyed their whole Colony.

This Defeat in Sight of the French Settlements struck Terror into all their Indian Allies, who at that Time were very numerous, because of the Trade which supplied them with many use [...] Conveniences. The Nipiceriniens who then lived on the N [...]th Banks of St. Lawrence River, fled upon [Page 17]this to the Northward as far as Lake Abitibis. The Re­mainder of the Quatoghies or Hurons, with the Utawawas and several other Nations, scampered off South-Westward. But soon after they began to be in want of the European Commodities from the French, and in order to supply them­selves they returned to Quebeck; and by this Means the Places of their Retreat was discovered to the Iroquois, whose Re­venge not being yet satisfied, they immediately after attacked them in their new Settlements, and by the Year 1650 entirely extirpated or adopted all the Nations of Indians that resided on both Sides the River St. Lawrence above Quebeck, and on both Sides the Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron: which they never could have accomplished had they not strictly fol­lowed one Maxim formerly in use among the Romans, viz. the encouraging the People of other Nations to incorporate with them. Like them also when they have subdued any People and satiated their Revenge, by some cruel Examples, they adopt the rest, who if they behave well enjoy the same Rank and Privileges with their own People, so that some of their Captives have afterwards become their greatest Sachems and Captains. In 1672 they conquered and incorporated the Illinois Indians residing upon the River Illinois, which rises near Lake Michigan, and disembogues into the Mississipi. And they also then incorporated the Satanas that they for­merly drove from the Lakes Ontario and Erie. And the Ri­vers Illinois and Mississipi make the Western Bounds of their Conquests, and of their Deed of Sale to the Crown of Great Britain in 1701. They also conquered the New-York or Hudson's-River Indians, the Delaware, Susquehanah, Ohio, and other Indians in the Provinces of New-York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia by 1673. The Twightwees, or Miamis, residing on the River Oubache or St. Jerom, they conquer'd in 1685.

In short the nearest Indians, as they were attacked, fled to those that were further off, where they followed them, and not only entirely subdued the vanquished, but them that received them. And they carried their Arms and Con­quests as far as New-England and the Utawawas River to [Page 18]the Eastward, to Hudson's-Bay Company's Territories to the Northward, to the Illinois and Mississipi Rivers Westward, and to Georgia Southward, adopting those whom they did not destroy, and making them their Vassals and Tributaries. The Tusearoras, that formerly lived in Carolina, upon their Expulsion from thence by the People of Carolina in 1711, fled to the Iroquois, and were incorporated with, and to this Day reside among them. And since that they are generally called the Six Nations. The Cowetas or Creek Indians that reside in Georgia are in the same Friendship with them.

These Conquests of the Five Nations have not proved tem­porary, or merely nominal, for all the Nations round them have for many Years entirely submitted to them, and pay a yearly Tribute to them in Wampum, or Indian Money; they dare neither make War nor Peace without their Con­sent, except those who quit their Nations, and get under the immediate Protection and Support of the French. Two old Men commonly go about every Year or two to receive this Tribute; and their Sach [...]ms are often seen issuing their Orders with as arbitrary an Authority as a Roman Dictator.

For further Proof of their Right to the Country they have conquered, they have in all their Treaties with his Majesty's Governments respecting it, reserved to themselves a Right to demand a further Consideration for all unsettled Lands that they, nor their Ancestors, have not made particular Grants of to distinct Governments and received a valuable Consideration for; and they always do demand a Conside­ration and have it, as our Settlements do extend further into their Country, before they will execute a Deed of Con­veyance, insisting that the Country belongs to them in Right of Conquest, having bought it with their Blood, and taken it from their Enemies in fair War. Thus the Proprietors of Pennsylvania in 1736 bought of them all the Land on both Sides the Forks of the Susquehanah River as far South as the Province extends, and to the Northward to those called the Endless Mountains or Kitiochtinny Hills as far as the Province extends that Way. This Purchase Includes all that Part of the River and Country of the Ohio that lay [...] in this Province, [Page 19]which gives us a further Right to such Part. The Govern­ment of Maryland also purchased the Remainder of all their Claims in that Province in 1744. And the Government of Virginia paid them in 1744, two hundred Pounds in Goods at Market Price, and two hundred Pounds in Gold, for a D [...]ed of Sale for the Remainder of all the Lands that are, or may be, by the King's Appointment in Virginia; which is another Proof of the rest of the River and Country of the Ohio, which is in this Province, belonging to his Majesty. But they desired a further Consideration when the Settlements increased much further back, which the Commissioners were at last obliged to give them Encouragement to hope for. The Particulars of which Grants, and the Indian Manner of nogociating about Lands, with a full Account of their Treaties, may be seen in Colden's judicious History of the Five Nations.

From this Detail of historical Facts, it is plain that the Five Nations have a fair and indubitable Title to their hereditary and conquered Country, and they have on all Occa­sions availed themselves of the Advantages resulting from it.

The Extent of their Right by Inheritance and Conquest is to the Eastward, on the South Side of St. Lawrence, the Western Bounds of New-England, and on the North Side of that River, the Utawawas River and Lake Abitibis. Its South Western Boundary is from Lake Abitibis to the North East End of Lake Michigan, and from thence thro' that Lake to the River Illinois, and from thence down that Ri­ver to the Mississipi. And its Western Boundary is from the Confluence of the Rivers Illinois and Mississipi, as the latter runs South to Georgia. This is a vast Country, ex­tending about twelve hundred Miles in Length from North to South, and from seven to eight hundred Miles in Breadth, where the Five Nations destroyed many Nations, of whom there are now no Accounts among the English. But the French Geographers, D'Lisle, Du Fur, &c. have in their late Maps limited their Rights Northward, to a South West Line they have drawn from Montreal to Lake Toronto, where they also bound them to the Westward, and allow [Page 20]them only the Country between this Line and our Settlements. However, to point out the Mistakes, or rather designed En­croachments, of the Maps of America published in France, of late Years, by Authority, would be almost to copy the whole of them. Therefore it must give every Briton great Pleasure to see our Countryman Dr. Mitchel, F. R. S. detecting their Mistakes and designed Encroachments, and almost wholly restoring us to our just Rights and Possessions, as far as Paper will admit of it, in his most elaborate and excellent Map of North-America just published; which deserves the warmest Thanks and Countenance from every good Subject in his Majesty's Dominions.

The Five Nations never alienated any Part of their here­ditary or conquered Country to any but his Majesty and his Subjects. But in 1672 the French, when at Peace with the Five Nations, persuaded them to allow a House to be built on the North Side of the East Entrance into Lake Ontario, under the Pretence of a Store for Merchandize. Under the same Pretence they built several other Houses the next Year about the Lakes; but they soon converted these trading Houses into such Forts as the Five Nations could not reduce without Cannon and knowing how to use them. However they complained to the Governor of Canada of this Usurpa­tion, and told him, ‘They could place no Confidence in the French, for under the Pretence of building Houses that might be a Rendezvous for Merchants, and that only Beavers and Merchandize should enter them, they had made them Places of Retreat for Soldiers, and for Arms and Ammunition of War; whereby they had stopped the Growth of the Tree of Peace that had been planted, and prevented its Branches from covering their Countries.’ And the Governor of New-York protested also against these Forts as Encroachments upon the King of Great-Britain's Territories. But notwithstanding this, in 1684, the Year a Rupture broke out again with the French and Five Nations, they built another Fort, with four Bastions, at Naigara Falls in the Streight between Lakes Ontario and Erie; which was also protested against by the Governor of New-York as P. [Page 21]Charlevoix, &c. do confess. In 1725 they built Crown-Point or St. FREDERICK'S Fort on Lake Iroquois or Champlain. And since the Peace of Utrecht and that of Aix La Chapelle they have built several other Forts, so that now they have twenty Forts, besides Block-Houses, or Stockade Trading Houses, and one Fort they lately took from us on the Ohio River, in the Country of the Five Nations which France ceded to the Crown of Great-Britain at the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed by that of Aix La Chapelle. Which finishes what I have to remark on his Majesty's Rights and Pos­sessions to the Northward of Latitude 34 D; and now for our Rights to the Southward of that Latitude.

We not only fust explored the Eastern Coast from Cape FLORIDA to the North Polar Cir­cle, His Majestys Right from 29 D. to 34 D. N. Lat. but from Sir Walter Raleigh's Grant in 1584, the Coast to the Southward of Chesa­peak-Bay has been constantly visited, and most of our first Settlements in North-America were to the South­ward of that Bay, and in that Part now called North-Carolina; the Particulars and Success of which may be seen at large in most Collections of Voyages to, and Histories of, North-America. From these Settlements the People spread to the Southward of N. Lat. 34 D. and established themselves with­out any Grant from the Crown, but what had been forfeited or resumed, till 1630, when King Charles I. granted all the Country and the Islands on the Sea Coast of the Atlantic Ocean lying between 31 D. and 36 D. N. Lat. and from thence due West to the South Seas, to Sir Robert Heath by the Name of Carolina.

In 1665 King Charles II. granted to several Noblemen and Gentlemen all the Country lying on the Atlantic Ocean between 29 D. and 36 D. 30 M. N. Lat. and from thence due West to the Pacific Ocean, no Christian Prince or People intervening, by the Name of Carolina. This Grant com­prehends the present Provinces of North and South Carolina and Georgia, and all the Province of Louisiana, since usurped by the French. In 1698 Col. Welch travelled from Charles-Town, South-Carolina, to the Mississipi River just below Old [Page 22]Kappa, where Ferdinand Soto, a Spaniard from Florida, first discovered the Mississipi in 1541. In 1698 also, Sir Daniel Cox intended to revive a dormant Title to the Country granted as above to Sir Robert Heath, but finding the Eastern Coast already planted, he sent two Ships into the Gulph of Mexico, under the Command of Capt. William Bond, to ex­plore the South Coast of Carolina, and to make a Settlement there. One of the Ships entered the Mississipi River, and ascended it above one hundred Miles, taking Possession of the Country in the King's Name, leaving in several Places the Arms of England for a Memorial thereof. And Capt. Bond took several Draughts of the Coast and River as far as he discovered. And it was not till the Year following, when Sir Daniel Cox was soliciting a new Patent in England, that M. D' Iberville on the Part of France hit upon the Mouths of the Mississipi, and built a Fort at one of the Entrances, as would have been done the Year before by the English if one of their Ships had not deserted them. From these Particulars relating to the South Coast we derive a further Right to the Country lying between the 29 and 36 D. 30 M. N. Lat. And on the Western Side of it that is bounded by the Pacific Ocean, we still have a further Right, founded on the Dis­coveries of Sir Francis Drake in 1578, who explored the whole Sea Coast, took formal Possession for England, and called the Country New-Albion.

To great Part of this Country both the French and Spa­niards have not only laid claim, but have availed themselves of; therefore I shall now consider the Merits of their Claim.

During the Inattention of England to North-America, The Spaniards Right to Flo­rida. from Cabot's Discovery of it in 1496 to Sir Walter Raleigh's Patent in 1584, the Spaniards got footing i [...] this Territory on the Eastern Coast, and in 1565 utterly extirpated the French out of it, who had been endeavouring to establish a Colony there from 1555. And the Spaniards were in Possession of a large Part of Carolina under the Name of FLORIDA when the Treaties of 1667 and 1670 were concluded between England and Spain. By [Page 23]those Treaties both Nations were to hold whatever each then possessed in America, whereby Spain has a Right to part of Carolina, still called Florida ^*. In 1702 and 1703 the Spaniards, and Indians of this Country in Alliance with them, were defeated in two memorable Battles, drove to the South­ward of St. John's River in South-Carolina, which is just to the Southward of the South Boundary of Georgia, by his Majesty's Subjects of Carolina, and would have been utterly extirpated out of FLORIDA, if Governor Moore had not pre­cipitately raised the Siege of Augustine at the Appearance of two Spanish Frigates which could have done him no Injury. And in 1714 the Creek Indians compleated their Extirpation out of FLORIDA, the Town of Augustine only excepted. Therefore in 1738, when the Court of Spain claimed a vast Tract of Country to the Northward of this River to prevent our settling it, as the Colony of Georgia was forming, it was stipulated between the two Crowns that Great-Britain should not extend her Settlements to the Southward of the South Branch of St. John's River. But the Charter for Georgia granted to the late Trustees, and the Commission and Instruc­tions lately given to the Governor of Georgia, does not ex­tend the South Bounds of this Province beyond the South Branch of the River Altamaba; so all the Country to the Southward of the Altamaba to the South Branch of St. John's River continues part of South-Carolina Province.

In the late War with Spain the Spaniards erected several Forts and Settlements to the Northward of St. John's River, Spanish En­croachments in Georgia since the Peace at Aix La Chapelle. which Gene­ral Oglethorpe demolished. But I have advice from Georgia that since the Peace of Aix La [Page 24]Chapelle they have again built several Forts to the Northward of St. John's River, and last Summer a con­siderable Number of Families came from the Havanah to settle upon the Appalation Fields, the finest Country in the World perhaps, which are absolutely to the Northward of the Stipulation in 1738, and consequently within his Majesty's Territories. This Usurpation, with their unwarrantable Ex­pulsion of us from the Bay of Honduras, and the searching and seizing many of o [...] Ships upon the High Seas, pursuing no other Traffic but from one part of his Majesty's Domi­nions to another, since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, seems to portend the same Evils to us that we now experience from French Encroachments and Depredations, if we are not spee­dily restored to our just Rights and Possessions, and effectually secured against future Insults and Encroachments of the like sort. But if on the contrary we tamely submit to them, what are we not to expect next? Does not pocketing one Affront or Injury always give an Invitation to another? Has not fatal Experience convinced this Nation of the Truth of this?

P. Charlevoix says, in 1555 the French turned their Thoughts to planting of Colonies in the South part of North-America, The Claims of France to Ca­rolina, &c. and in 1562 Admiral Colinie undertook a Settlement in Florida, but did not succeed. In 1562 also, M. Rebeaut went to Florida, and built a Fort at Port-Royal, and called it Charles-Fort, established a Colony there which he afterwards destroyed, and returned to France in 1563. In 1563 M. Laudinea went to Florida and built a Fort which he called Carolini, and went on settling till 1565 when Don M [...]nendez destroyed the whole Establishment, since which the French have not had the least Footing on the Eastern Coast of Florida, or more properly speaking the Pro­vinces of North and South Carolina and Georgia, nor do they lay any Claim to any part of this Coast that I know of. Now let us follow them to the South Coast of Carolina, where they have usurped a vast Territory belonging to the Crown of Great-Britain, and planted a powerful Colony, to which they have given the name of Louisiani.

[Page 25] By M. Joliet's Journal of the French En­terprizes to discover and get footing on the great River Mississipi, The Origin and Progress of the French Discovery and Settlement of the Mississipi, or Louisiani. it appears that he in 1673 travelled from Canada over Land, and discovered some part of the River Mississipi, upon which he returned. The next French Adventurer was the Sieur De La Salle, who in the Years 1679, 1680, 1682, and 1683, went from Lake Ontario, through the Lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan, and the River Illinois, to the Mississipi, and returned to Canada. In 1684 he went from Rochelle in Old France, with two hundred Soldiers, in hopes of finding out an Entrance into the Mississipi in the Gulf of Mexico, but he missed it, and fell in with the Bay of St. Bernard, or St. Louis, between 28 D. and 29 D. N. Lat. just to the Southward of the South Line of Carolina Ch [...]ter granted by Charles II. in 1665. Here he built a Fort, and in travelling by Land in pursuit of the Mouth of the Missis­sipi, he was murdered by his own People, who afterwards abandoned the Fort at St. Bernard, and went to C [...]da, without discovering the Entrance into the Mississipi. Thus fell that bold, enterprising, and valuable Gentleman the Sieur De La Salle, who was an Honour to his Country, after which the Mississipi was neglected by the French till the latter End of 1698, when M. D'Iberville made an attempt to dis­cover its Mouth in the Gulf of Mexico, and in 1699 he did discover an Entrance, and built a Fort near the Mouths. In 1701 the next Establishment was made at the Mibile River. In 1702 Isle Dauphin begun to be settled. But all these Set­tlements took no Form till 1708. In 1712 Louis XIV, granted the Sieur Crozat a Patent for all Lands bounded by New-Mexico, and by the Lands of the English of Carolina, all the Settlements, Ports, Havens, Rivers, and principally the Port and Haven of the Isle Dauphin, heretofore called Massacre; the River of St. Louis, heretofore called Mississipi, from the Edge of the Sea as far as the Illinois; together with the River of St. Philip, heretofore called the Missourys; and of St. Jerom, heretofore called the Oubache. With all [Page 26]the Countries, Territories, Lakes within Land, and the Ri­vers which fall directly or indirectly into the above part of St. Louis. In the Preamble to this vague, loose, and indeter­minate Grant, the King sets forth no other Title to it than the Sieur De La Salle's Voyage in 1683, as the first Discovery of the Mississipi, acknowledging also that the King did not give Orders for the establishing a Colony till after the Peace of Ryswick in 1697. And the King also expresly declares the principle Object of this Grant to be, that a Communi­cation may be made between Canada and Louisiani by help of the Lakes and Rivers, which of all things we ought to prevent the Continuance of, or adieu to the Peace and Pros­perity of our Colonies. When this Patent is dated we were at War with both France and Spain, and that we took no Notice of it at the Treaty of Utrecht is not to be wondered at, when we call to mind the Characters and Abilities of the Negociators on our Part of that Treaty. In 1714 they built a Fort, which now mounts fourteen Cannon, at Alibamous in the Heart of our Subjects the Upper Creek Indian [...], and in the Center of that part, to the Eastward of the Mississipi, of the Province we now call Georgia, which Spot we actually possessed thirty Years before by trading Houses for the Indians. In 1717 the Capital of Louisiani, called New-Orleans, was founded. And that Year the Patentee, finding his Enter­prise very unprofitable, relinquished his Patent to the Regent of France, upon which the famous, or rather infamous Mis­sissipi Company, or Bubble, was formed. This failing, to the Ruin of Th [...]sands, the King took it into his own Hands where it has continued ever since, and is now vastly increased in Inhabitants and Fortifications. This is the Account of the Origin and Progress of the French Usurpation of the Mis­sissipi that they have been so obliging as to publish to the World themselves. And certainly if there be any such thing as Law or Justice upon this earthly Ball between Nation and Nation, the French have just as much Rign to that Part of Louisiani to the Northward of twenty-nine Degrees of North Latitude, as a Frenchman would have to one of the King's Forests in this Island upon coming from France, walk­ing [Page 27]thro' it, finding only a Notice stuck up at each End that no Person must enter there without a Ticket from the Ranger, and then returning to the Middle and impudently setting him­self down.

As to the Sieur De La Salle's Discovery of St. Bernard, or St. Louis, Bay, The French Settlements in NewMexico a Usu [...] pation on the Spani­ards, and re­plete with the worst Conse­quences to the Crown of Spain. to the South­ward of the South Bounds of Carolina, and the French claiming it in Consequence of that Discovery, it behoves the Spaniards to attend to that especially as it is within three hundred Miles of some of the richest Mines of New-Mexico, which perhaps they will experience, before long, the French have as keen an Appe­tite for as any Spaniard whatever. And no Man I believe can treat this as a chimerical Suspicion, when he recollects the constant En­croachments the French have made upon the Spaniards in the Island of Hispaniola or St. Domingo ever since they got footing there, and upon all their Neighbours in all Parts of the Globe at all Times. But if they should not further encroach on the Spaniards in New-Mexico, if they settle St. Bernard's-Bay, there cannot be any Doubt but they will avail themselves of the greatest Part of the Trade of New-Mexico; for by their Settlements at the Mississipi, they are come into a pretty handsome Share of it already, as fully appeared by the Capture of the Golden Lion from the Mississipi in the late War, which Ship had an immense Sum of Money on Board that she took in at the Mississipi. And this could not come from thence if the French had not ex­changed their European Manufactures for it with the New-Mexicans. Therefore it is of the utmost Importance to Spain to deprive them of that Part of New-Mexico which they claim; and why they did not oblige France to annihilate this Claim at the Treaty of Utretcht is very easily accounted for, when we recollect Louis XIV. had just put his Grand­son on the Throne of Spain.

From the Account I have thus collected of the Discoveries, Rights and Possessions of the Crown of Great Britain in [Page 28] North-America, it is clear that France cannot have any just Pretensions to any Part thereof from the North P [...] to the twenty-ninth Degree of North Latitude on the Atlanti [...] [...]cean, and from thence due West to the South-Seas; except to fish and cure Fish at Newfoundland, to the Isles in the Galf of St. Lawrence, and to Canada or New-France. And these they could never have had any Pretensions to if North-Ame [...] ­r [...]ca had from the original Discovery of the Cabots been pro­perly attended to by England.

By the above State of his Majesty's Rights, The Limits of Canada or NewFrance which the French a­vailed them­selves of by the Neglects of England. Canada is pared down to very narrow Limits, compared with what the French Historians and Map-makers (under the Authority of Govern­ment) delineate it to be. But there is no Foundation for any Pretence to extend this Province to the Northward beyond the South Bounds of Hudson's-Bay Company's Territories and New-Britain or Labradore; to the Westward beyond Lake Abitibis and the Course of the Utawawas River that disembogues directly op­posite to Montreal; to the Southward beyond the North Side of the River of St. Lawrence; and to the Eastward beyond the Limits of New-Britain or Labradore. I say this is Canada or New-France, and no Authority can be produced for its Extention any way. And this is the only Footing the French are entitled to upon the Continent of North-America. And I do repeat that they never would have had even this if the Court of England had but attended to its Interests in North-America. For the Cabots first explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and two English Ships went up the River in 1527. Secretary Walsingham being informed of an Opening South of Newfoundland, fitted out Sir Humphry Gilbert, who sailed up St. Lawrence River and took Possession for the Crown of England in 1583. And it was 1603 before the French be­gun to settle any where within the Gulf of St. Lawrence, according to their own Historians. In 1629 Canada was taken from the French by Sir David Kirk, but it was given them by the Treaty of St. Germain in 1632 without any [Page 29]Specification of Limits, which gives them all the Right they have to any Part of it. And Queen Anne in 1711, when [...]he purposed the Reduction of it, dispersed a Manifesto in the Country, setting forth, ‘That Canada belonged to the English by Priority of Discovery, and what the French possessed there was by Grants from the English, and consequently held it only as a Fief, therefore where the Possessors turn Enemy, it reverts.’ I am not Lawyer enough to deter­mine the Validity of such a Claim, but we may be assured nothing but the longest Sword will ever settle the Limits of this Province.

Thus the Crown of Great-Britain's Rights and Possessions in North-America stand in Opposition to those of France; and by the Law of Nations our Claims are certainly valid with Europeans against Europeans that encroach upon Ame­rican Claims thus founded.

But methinks I hear the sober and thinking Part of Mankind say, His Majesty's Colonies accus­ed of Frauds, Abuses, and Cruelties to the Indians, and the Crown of having no Ti­tle to America from them. ‘Though our Claims may be valid against France, how came we by those Rights and Possessions? They did not come to us by Inheritance? Prior Dis­covery and Pre-occupancy gives only a Right to derelict Lands, which those of North-America were not, being full of In­habitants, who undoubtedly had as good a Title to their own Country as the Euro­peans have to theirs. Nor could our Right arise from Conquest, if we did conquer the Natives; as it is hard to conceive how a Conquest, where there was no preceding Injury or Provocation, could create a Right. Therefore all a European Power could give, was an ex­clusive Grant to particular Subjects for negociating and purchasing from the natural Lords and Proprietors, and thereupon a Power of Jurisdiction. We fear the first Set­tlers of our Provinces never treated the Savages well, but encroached upon their Lands by Degrees till they fraudu­lently or forcibly turned them out of all, using the barba­rous Methods, in some measure, practised by the Spaniards [Page 30]on the Southern Continent of America, which have made them detestable to the whole Christian World.’

These and such like Enquiries, Doubts and Fears, I have often met with since I came to Europe. Nay, this very Week a Pamphlet has been published, calle [...] the State of the British and French Colonies, &c. which accuses his Majesty's Colonies with committing Frauds, Abuses, Encroachments, Murders, and every Species of Villainy, against the poor Indians of North-America, by which they have been alienated from, and induced to take up Arms with the French against Us; and all the Evils America labours under have been thus produced. All these Accusations are authorised by some of, what are called, the Histories of New-England and other Parts of North-America, wrote by Subjects of his Majesty.

Every Person that knows any thing of North-America in general, Most Histo­ries of North-America by his Majesty's Sub­jects exploded. or of any one Province in particular, must be sensible that the Histories or Works of Mather, Oldmixon, Neal, Salmon, &c. who have chiefly copied each other, and of all that have copied after them, relative to North-America, might al­most as properly have called their Works Histories of Prester John's, or the Hottentots Country, and their Manners and Conduct, as Histories of North-America, or any other Title they bear. Even Mather himself, said Oldmixon in his Bri­tish Empire in America, had eighty-seven Falshoods in fifty-six Pages. In short, there is not one Work yet published to the World in our Language that in any Degree deserves the Title of a History of North-America, but Smith's History of Virginia, and Douglas's Summary, Historical and Political, of the first Planting, progressive Improvements, and present State of the British Settlements in North-America, &c. published a few Years ago at Boston in New-England. And this last is valuable for being the best Collection of Facts in general, for a future Historian, that was ever made or published. But —as to Histories of the Indians, there is not one pub­lished in our Language that deserves the Title, nor any Ac­counts of them, that I have seen, are worth reading, but that [Page 31]of Colden, which is justly called a History of the Five Nations, and is a Masterly Performance. Therefore I am very glad the Author of the State of the British and French Colonies, has no other Authority to found his Accusation against the Colonies in general than the exploded Historians, or rather Anti-Historians, of North-America, ^* and some particular [Page 32]Instances, from other Authorities, of Cruelty and Injustice between private Persons and the Indians, from which we ought not to form an Opinion of any People.

I thought myself obliged to make this Preface, before I came to wipe off the unworthy Aspersions that have been cast on the first Settlers of North-America in direct Terms, supported by Evidence.

Our first Settlers, far from Spanish Injus­tice and Cruelty, His Majesty's Subjects in North-Ame­rica acquitted of the Charge of Frauds, Abuses and Cruelties to the Natives, and his Ma­jesty's Title to North-America ac­quired from the Indians proved to be just and fair. sought to gain the Natives by strict Justice in their Dealings with them, as well as by all the Endearments of Kind­ness and Humanity. To lay an early Foun­dation for a firm and lasting Friendship, they assured the Americans that they did not come among them as Invaders but Purchasers, and therefore called an Assembly of them together to enquire who had the Right to dispose of their Lands; and being told it was their Sachems or Princes, they thereupon agreed with them for what Districts they bought, publickly and in open Market. If they did not pay a great Price for their Purchases, yet they paid as much as they were worth. For it must be considered that Lands were of little Use to the Natives, and therefore but of little Value. They lived chiefly on Fish and Fowl and Hunting, because they would not be at the Pains to clear and break up the Ground. And as for their Meadows and Marshes, they were of no Use at all, for want of Neat Cattle [Page 33]to feed them, of which there were none in those Parts of the World. The English had no sooner made some necessary Provision for themselves, than they applied their Cares for the Benefit of the Indians, by endeavouring to bring them from their wild Manner of Life to the civil and polite Customs of Europe. For this Purpose they marked out Land to build Indian Towns, supplied them with all proper Utensils for Building, prescribed to them Forms of Government, and above all omitted no Pains to bring them acquainted with the Gospel; for whatever the first Adventurers to North-America might be, the first real Settlers were industrious, peaceable, conscientious Persons, dissenting from the Discipline of the established Church, though agreeing with it in Doctrine, who removed into those remote Regions, upon no other View than to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences without Hazard to themselves, or Offence to others; they were not Crimi­nals, nor were they necessitous; nor had they, with their Brethren, made any Attempt to overthrow the Church and State at Home, and being disappointed therein went to America to secure a Retreat for their Brethren, as the high-flying Mr. Salmon vainly imagines, and most falsely and injuriously asserts they did. And what I say of them, their uniform proper Conduct, and meek Principles of Obedience, on all Occa­sions, fully prove. After they were arrived some time, and it was found necessary, they made Laws to forbid any Person purchasing Lands without the Approbation of the Legisla­ture, to prevent the Natives being over-reached, or ill used in their private Bargains: And those Lands, lying most con­venient for them, have in most of our Colonies been made unalienable, and never to be purchased out of their Hands, than which nothing could more demonstrate the Colonies Care and Concern for the Natives. And this their Conduct to them is fully and conclusively proved by the Laws of al­most every one of our North-American Colonies. Yet nothing could oblige the Indians to Peace and Friendship in some of our Provinces. They were alarmed with strong Jealousies of the growing Power of the English, therefore began a War with a Resolution to extirpate them, before they had too well [Page 34]established themselves, which forced our People to pursue them through all their Recesses, till they obliged them to enter into a solemn Treaty of Peace. Such however was the perfidious Nature of some of the American Savages, that they soon renewed their Hostilities, though to their own fatal Cost. And ever since the Settlement of the French at Canada, many Tribes of Indians have almost constantly, both in Peace and War with the Two Crowns, been animated and assisted by them to war against some one or other of our Colonies, and have given them but few Intervals of Peace, and those very short ones, to this Day.

But notwithstanding all the wise, just, and humane Con­duct of our Colonies, in a legislative Character, which has also been extended to all Dealings and Intercourse with the Natives, I am sensible great Frauds and Abuses have been imposed upon the Indians by private People, in Defiance of the severest Laws, and the most punctual Execution of them on Offenders when detected. But Experience daily con­vinces us that in the wisest and best regulated Societies, Laws framed with the greatest Care, and the nicest Judgment, are eluded and violated; and therefore no wonder if Infant Colo­nies should find the same Disregard to Laws, which is to be seen uncorrected under Governments of the longest Duration and most improved Policy. Consequently there would be just as much Propriety in charging the People of Great Britain with being Sharpers, Thieves, Robbers, and Murderers, because every Month a Dozen or two of Persons in this Kingdom are convicted of, and punished for, these Crimes, and many more escape both; as it is to charge the Colon [...]s with Frauds, Abuses, Encroachments, and Murders upon the poor Indians of America, because a few among them have been so hardy and diabolical as to perpetrate such Villainies, some of whom have been punished, and some have escaped.

Upon the whole, his Majesty's Claims in North-America are not only valid in Opposition to those of France, but he also derives a Right from the native Proprietors of the Soil, his Subjects there having purchased part with their Money, and the rest has been yielded to them by the true Owners, who [Page 35]have put themselves and their Lands under the Superinten­dency and Protection of the Crown of Great-Britain, that they might be secured against the Encroachments and Depre­dations of the French. And the Right resulting from the Purchases and Cessions of the Natives, as much as it is de­cried and undervalued by some People, is in fact the only just and equitable one. Therefore I am extremely sorry to see any of his Majesty's Subjects, at this critical Conjuncture es­pecially, endeavouring to prove that we derive no Title from the Natives, and that they are not the Subjects of the Crown of Great-Britain; for it not only gives France a handle against us, but it makes many of his Majesty's sober and thinking Subjects doubt the Justice of our Cause, and when this is the Case they do not assist in the common Cause with that Spirit and Ability they otherwise would do, and which was never wanted to be exerted to the utmost, more than at this present Time.

CHAP. II. The Discoveries, Rights, and Possessions of France.

THE first French that ever appeared in North-America, according to their own Historians, were some Fish­ermen from Normandy, who fished on the Banks of Newfoundland in 1504. In 1506 the Sieur Denis discovered the Entrance into St. Lawrence River. In 1508 Thomas Aubart entered the River St. Lawrence, The first Dis­coveries of the French, and their Right to Canada, or New France and brought some Savages from thence to France. In 1523 Verazani, a Flo­rentine in the French King's Service, coasted along the East Side of North-America, going ashore in several Places, and taking Possession for France, according to the Forms used in those Times, from 37 D. to 50 D. N. Lat. He also sailed up the River St. Lawrence, and then returned to France without making any Settlement. In 1534 Cartier discovered Newfoundland, Baye Chaleur in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, cruized along the Coast of Acadie, and went up the River St. Lawrence as high as Montreal, taking Possession for France, but made no Settlement. In 1540 Roberval built a Fort at Cape-Breton, but soon abandoned it. He made no new Discoveries, and returned to France. In 1598 the Mar­quis De La Roche disembarked at the Isle of Sable in Acadie, but made no Establishment any where. In 1602 Chauvin sailed up the River St. Lawrence as high as Trois Rivieres. In 1603 Monts entered Port-Mutton in Acadie, visited the [...]sle of St. Croix, sailed as far as Kennebec River in New-England, [Page 37]then went to Port-Royal in Acadie, and returned to France in 1606 with all his People. In 1603 the French first began to settle on the River St. Lawrence, on the North Side near Trois Rivieres, and in 1608 at Quebeck. They went on settling on the North Side of the River only, between Quebeck and Montreal, till 1629, when Sir David Kirk re­duced Quebeck and its Dependencies, called Canada or New-France, to the Obedience of the Crown of Great-Britain, which was restored to France by Treaty in 1632, and they have remained in Possession of it ever since. But certainly they derive no Right by this Cession to any further Extent of Territory than what was taken from them, which was only the District and Settlements between Quebeck and Montreal on the North Side of the River. This is the Way France acquired Canada, the Limits of which I have stated in Page 28.

By the Treaty of Utrecht, so far confirmed by that of Aix La Chapell, The Right of the French to the Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, founded on the Treaty of Utrecht. The Limits of Acadie or N.-Scotia, specifi­ed by the French in M. Suber­cass's Commis­sion. the Islands of Cape-Breton, St. John's, Anticosta, and all other Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, were ceded to France; notwithstanding they were again ours by the Conquest of Acadie or Nova-Scotia in 1710, which was surrender­ed to her Britannic Majesty with all its Depen­ces expressed in the Governor's Commission, and all the Islands in the Gulf of St. Law­rence were actually specified in his Commis­sion, and the Limits of Acadie or Nova-Scotia were therein delineated to be what I have stated them in Page 7. But yet our iniqui­tous Managers of the Treaty of Utrecht had so far thrown the Power of stipulating the Terms of Peace into the Hands of the French, that when the Queen of Great-Britain condescended to share, what she had a Right to the whole of, Cape-Breton with them, and insisted neither Side should fortify, but the whole remain open for the Conveniency of each Nation's Fishery, [Page 38]the French had so far go [...] the Ascendancy as to exclude her from any part of this Island, and to obtain the pernicious Liberty to fortify it. Mr. Moore, one of the Lords for Trade and Plantations, was so barefacedly corrupt upon the Dis­cussion of this Point as to say, to those who urged the Ne­cessity and Utility of excluding the French from this Island, "Must the French then have nothing?"

By the Treaty of Utrecht also the French have Liberty to fish within thirty Leagues of Nova-Scotia to the Eastward, The French Right to fish within thirty Leagues of Nova Scotia, founded on the Treaty of Utrecht. beginning at the Isle of Sables. And,

By the same Treaty also, our corrupt Ad­ministration granted to the French Liberty to catch and cure Fish in the most advantageous Places on that Part of Newfoundland, from Cape Bonavista running down by the Western Side to Point Riche.

But, Their Right to catch and cure Fish at New­foundland de­rived from the Treaty of Utrecht. thank God, these are all the Rights they have any Foundation for in North-America. And by this Deduction of Facts it is plain, that we are indebted to the con­stantly Frenchified Royal Stuarts, (among innumerable other of the severest Curses) for the French Footing on the Continent of North-America, and to our corrupt Frenchified Managers of the Treaty of Utrecht for their Right to the Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and to catch and cure Fish at Newfoundland; which, I say, is all the Rights they have in North-America. But what they have obtained by Encroachments will fully appear in the next Chapter.

CHAP. III. The Encroachments and Depredations of the French upon his Majesty's Territories in North-Ame­rica in Times when Peace subsisted in Europe between the Two Crowns, &c. &c.

I SHALL state the French Encroachments and Depre­dations in each of his Majesty's Provinces of North-America, as the Continent is now divided by the Authority of the Crown, beginning to the Northward; where­by we shall have a clearer Idea of their Situation and Impor­tance, and of the Propriety of the Measures hereafter to be humbly proposed for extirpating the French and their Indians out of his Majesty's Territories.

Since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle they have erected in Nova-Scotia one Fort at Beau bassin in the Cod of the Bay of Fundy, French En­croachments and Depre­dations in his Majesty's Province of Nova-Scotia and on the South Side of the Isthmus of the South Eastern Peninsula. And another Fort at Baye Verte on the North Side of this Isthmus, which is not more than twelve Miles wide between these two Forts. From hence they have fur­nished the Cape Sable, or Mickmac, and the Island of St. John's Indians, who make about three hundred fighting Men, with Arms, Ammunition, Provisions and Cloathing. Upon our Attempt to colonize this Province immediately after the late War with France, they spirited up these Indians to war a­gainst us, by their ample Supplies; by their giving them a large Bounty for every English Prisoner they brought to them, and a much larger for every English Scalp they could produce; [Page 40]by their promising to protect them in their Forts; and by disguising themselves and occasionally joining the Indians in their Enterprizes against our Settlements. With these three hundred Indians they have constantly harrassed our infant Colony of Nova-Scotia, so that we have made no Settlements but what have been fortified and picketed all round, which has been attended with vast Expence. Indeed it is hard to conceive what Distress this handful of Indians have reduced this Colony to. They cannot clear and break up the Ground, nor plant nor sow without their Pickets, nor go from one Vil­lage to another for Relief without imminent Danger, from skulking Indians, of being killed and having their Scalps car­ried away for the French Bounty, or of being taken and either put to Death in the most cruel Torments that savage Bru­tality can invent, or of being carried away Captive to the French, who have afterwards insisted on a Price for their Re­demption, equal to the Price black Slaves are sold for in our Colonies, under the specious Pretence of their having paid it to the Indians to save from being put to Death. Thus the French have made us pay the very Bounty they gave the Indians for captivating our People. The Indians surprized the Village of Dartmouth one Night, and altho' it had a Guard of Soldiers and was picketed in, they burnt the Houses, and put both Men, Women and Children to death. And from our first Attempt to settle it since the late War with France, the Indians have been killing or captivating our Peo­ple whenever Opportunity presented.

The French also, as soon as they had built those two Forts, threatened to destroy all the French Subjects of his Majesty and burn their Settlements without their Forts on the Peninsula, if they did not retreat into the Country within their Forts; therefore they, who have always inclined to the French on account of their Religion, &c. tho' ever indulged in the free Exercise of that and every thing else, burnt their Houses, de­stroyed their Plantations, and went under the Prorection of the French, who assured them of ample Amends for their Losses and Sufferings. Here they are protected and nourished in an Antipathy to his Majesty, his Government, and his [Page 41]People, and prove as good Subjects to the French King as any he has in America. These People became the Subjects of the Crown of Great-Britain when Nova-Scotia was re­duced in 1710, upon Condition they did not take up Arms for, nor against us. But, contrary to their Oaths of Allegi­ance, many of them have been detected in joining the French and Indians both in Peace and War against his Majesty's Subjects. There may be in this Province about ten thousand of these French Neutrals, as they are called, though some make them amount to fifteen thousand, and others but to seven thousand. Thus the French have a powerful Colony in the Heart of this his Majesty's Province.

The French have also re-built a Fort in this Province since the Peace of Aix La Chappelle, at the Entrance into the [...]iver of St. John's, on the Western Side of the Bay of Fundy opposite to, and distant ten Leagues from Annapolis-Royal; by which they have the Command of the River St. John's Indians, being about an hundred and fifty fighting Men, whom they occasionally issue upon the People of the North-East Parts of New-England. At the Entrance into this River there is a capacious Road for Ships of any Burthen, and on the North-Side of the Road is a Streight, not Pistol Shot over, through which there is no passing but at the Top of the Tide when the Water is upon a Level, for at other times the Fall is so considerable, especially at low Water, as to make a Descent of thirty Feet. This Entrance on which the French Fort stands, is lined on both Sides by a solid Rock, and has more than forty Fathom of Water in its Middle. When you have passed this Streight the River spreads itself half a Mile in Width, and with a gentle Current towards its Outlet admits a delightful Navigation for large Ships, sixty Miles into the Country, and much further for smaller Vessels; taking its Source from three parts of St. Lawrence River, one of which is directly opposite to Quebeck. The French have often conveyed Succours and Merchandize from Old France to Quebeck, both in Peace and War, up this River, to avoid the Difficulty and Risque of the Navigation of St. Lawrence River. By this River also they, as Occasion requires, convey [Page 42]Troops and Stores from Quebeck to the Neutral French, the Indians, and their other Forces in Nova-Scotia. And if they are suffered to remain in Possession of this River they may al­ways have a Communication between France and Canada in Winter, which they cannot have only from May to October by St. Lawrence River, and they will at all times have a much more safe and easy Conveyance to and from Canada than by St. Lawrence. But what is more material they will be fur­nished with a Harbour, more commodiously situated for an­noying the British Colonies, by Men of War and Privateers in Time of War, than that American Dunkirk Louisbourg it­self; and at all times a convenient Port near the Ocean for furnishing Naval Stores to Old France, and their Sugar Colo­nies with Lumber of all sorts for the Construction of Dwelling Houses, Sugar Mills, and Cask to contain their Islands pro­duce, which is what they have long aimed at, but never could secure before. In short there is not one Advantage we derive from the four Provinces of New-England, that they will not reap from this River when the Country comes to be fully settled by them. And they are bent upon securing a Footing upon or near the Atlantic Ocean, as they have not one Port, or any Territory in their own North-American Colonies near it, but the Islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which yield them nothing but a Security for their Fishery, and a Situa­tion to distress and annoy our Colonies, and their Trade and Navigation, in Time of War. The French also deny our Right to navigate or visit any Part of Nova-Scotia in the Gut of Canso and Gulf of St. Lawrence, or to visit and settle Canso, which we settled soon after the Peace of Utrecht as part of Nova-Scotia, and carried on our principal Fishery at, till the late War when they took it from us; but Sir William Pepperell recovered it in his way to the Siege of Louisbourg. And every Year since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle the Go­vernor of Louisbourg, and the Commanders in Chief of the Men of War that have been stationed there, have given public Notice that they will seize and confiscate all English Vessels they find at Canso, the Gut of Canso, or in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

[Page 43] By those three Forts they have availed themselves of all the Province of Nova-Scotia, except the South-Eastern Penin­sula. And although they do not dispute our Right to this, except Canso and the Harbours in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, they have not suffered us to enjoy it since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, but by their Encroachments and Depredations have so annoyed and distressed us, that we have not been able to do any more towards settling, even the Peninsula, than to establish four small Towns, and build four small Forts, which has been accomplished with vast Expence of Blood and Trea­sure. I think the Parliament of Great-Britain have granted since the late War 450,000 l. for settling and securing Nova-Scotia, and all we have to shew for this immense Sum is the above four Towns or Villages, and four Forts.

Since the Peace of Utrecht the French have settled seven Villages in the Province of the Massachusets-Bay on the South Banks of St. Lawrence River between the Isle of Orleans and the Mouth of Iroquois, or Sorrel River. French En­croachments and Depre­dations in his Majesty's Province of the Massa­chusets-Bay Some of these Villages are picke [...]ed in, but none of them have any Forts, or other Defence.

The French have Missionaries among the Penobscot or Pantagoit Indians, who do not exceed one hundred and fifty fighting Men, and generally reside near the Bay of Penobscot. They have also Missionaries among the Norridgwaog Indians, who are about one hundred and fifty fighting Men, and do reside upon Kennebec River about one hundred and twenty Miles from its Mouth. These Indians have, both in Peace and War with the French, been provoked by them to annoy and distress our young Settlements on the Eastern Frontier of this Province, and they have killed, scalped, and captivated many of our People, even since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle; but the Government of the Mas­sachusets, by building two Forts last Year on Kennebec River, and posting one hundred Men in each, keep them in great Awe, and they dare not act against us at present. These Indians have often acknowledged themselves Subjects of the Crown of Great-Britain, and the Government of the Province [Page 44]they reside in has taken the greatest Care to accomm [...]date them with every thing they require, and to prevent Frauds and Abuses being imposed upon them by private Persons; for no one is allowed either trade with them or to purchase Lands, but by the Government's Appointment. For the Management of Trade with them, a Commissary General is appointed by the Legislature, and convenient Store Houses have been many Years built, where they may at all times be accommodated with every thing they require at no more than Five per Cent. advance upon the original Cost at Beston by wholesale for ready Money, and they are allowed the full Price their Furs and Skins will yield at the Boston Market, which is vastly more profitable to them than the French can possibly submit to. But notwithstanding all these wise and just Regulations, and frequent Subsidies, the Address, Inge­nuity, and unwearied Pains of the French Priests, who live among them, and conform to their Manner of Life in every respect, by which they are so disguised as frequently to be taken for Indians, has proved superior to all our Efforts, and they will do nothing without their Advice and Consent, but when awed by Force; therefore the Governor of the Massa­chusets carried one Thousand Soldiers with him last Year to force them to renew Treaties, and permit the two Forts to be built, and nothing but a superior Force will ever be able to rival French Priestcraft and Usefulness, for most of these Priests are good Mechanics, and prove vastly serviceable to the Indians in the common Concerns of Life.

Since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle the French have built a Fort at Cowass or Cohosser on Connecticut River in the Province of New-Hampshire, French En­croachments & Depredations in his Majestys Province of New-Hamp­shire. which is one hundred and forty Miles South of St. Lawrence River, and as many Miles deep in his Majesty's Territo­ries.

There are no friendly nor enemical Indians in this Pro­vince, except a few Straglers, but the French have harrassed [Page 45]his Majesty's Subjects in the Frontier Settlements almost every Year since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle with the In­cursions of the Indians that reside about Lake Iroquois or Champlain, belonging to the Province of New-York, who do not exceed sixty [...]ighting Men, and who have killed, scalp­ed, and captivated many of our People in this Province.

As to the Province of New-York and the Five Nations hereditary and conquered Coun­try, French En­croachments & Depredations in his Majestys Province of New-York. the French have got Possession of all that Part of it that lays to the Northward of St. Lawrence River and the Five great Lakes, and all that Part of it to the Eastward that lays between our Fort of Oswego on the Lake Ontario, and the Mouth of the Iroquois or Sorrel River upon the South Side of the River St. Lawrence, and as far South from the Banks of this River, as River Iro­quois and Lakes Iroqu [...]is, or Champlain, and Sacrement. They usurped all this vast Extent of Territory,

By one Fort built on the North Side of the East Entrance of Lake Ontario in 1672.

By one Fort situated at Misilimakinac near the Lakes Huron, Michigan and Superior in 1673.

By one Fort built on the Streight between Lakes Erie and Huron in 1683.

By one Fort erected at Naigara Fall on the Streight of Lakes Erie and Ontario in 1684, and another Fort on the same Streight in 1720.

By one Fort on the West Side, and another on the River St. Joseph on the East Side, of Lake Michigan, another on the West Side of Lake T [...]ronto, and three more Forts and a regular fortified Town, with a Citadel, called St. Frederic or Crown Point, at the Lake and River of Ir [...]quois, or Cham­plain Lake, and Richlieu, or Sorrel River, all of which Forts, &c. were built between the Peace of Utrecht and the Com­mencement of the late War.

The French have in this Province also, several other Towns and Villages between the Mouth of Ir [...]quois River and Mon­treal on the South Side of St. Lawrence River; in which, [Page 46]with the seven Villages they have in the Massachusets Pro­vince, there are twenty-eight Parish Churches. And they have besides the Forts already mentioned, many Stockade Forts, or Block-houses, for Trading Lodges, in this Province.

Two hundred French Indians, accompanied by some Canadeans disguised like Indians, made an Irruption into this Province last Year, surprized the Town of Housack, sacked and burnt it, and massacred and captivated both Men, Women and Children, except a very few that ran away.

The French have since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle seized several of our Traders in the Country of the Five Nations, confiscated their Effects, and made them pay the Price of Slaves for their Redemption.

They have been continually, since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, using every Artifice, and frequently Force, to draw off the Indians in this Province as well as in all the rest from the British Interest. Last Year they persuaded one half of the Onondago Indians, one of the Five Nations, with several from the other Nations, to remove from the Place of their usual Residence to a Place called Osweegachic on the River Cadaraqui, where they have built them a Church and Fort. Many of the Senekas, the most numerous Nation of the Five, appear to be wavering and rather inclined to the French. In short, a great Defection manifests itself among all the Five Nations, for not more than a hundred and fifty of the several Nations attended the Congress held at Albany last Year, though they had notice that all his Majesty's Governments would have Commissioners there with Presents from most Provinces as well as from the King, and on all preceding like Occasions there were never less than six or seven hundred. The utmost that could be obtained of them at this Meeting, was an Agreement to stand neuter in our Disputes with the French, for they unanimously declared, that so far from acting against the French they should be obliged to make the best Terms they could with them, in order to preserve themselves and their Country from being destroyed by their powerful Arms. The English, they observed, would not fight for them­selves, and as for them they could not defend their own [Page 47]Country and that of the English too. But if they saw the English act powerfully, and that their own Country, Wives, and Children were safe while they went forth to War, they then should be glad to meet the Governor of New-York and the Commissioners again, for it was against their Inclination to treat with the French, but Necessity compelled them. Therefore if some bold Stroke is not soon made to retrieve our lost Reputation and the wonted Confidence and Friendship of this brave and faithful People, who upon all other Occa­sions have been our best Friends and have it in their Power to be our worst Enemies, so as to act in our Favour and to influence their Allies and Tributaries, who, together with the Five Nations, make seventeen thousand Men, to do the same, we shall not only lose the Assistance of the whole Indian In­terest of North-America, but have it turned against us. For Indians, like more refined and politer Nations, will not join the Weakest, especially when their own Country is in danger from the Strongest in the Field; and it is impossible for their Sachems to restrain their young Men, who delight in War more than any thing else, when all their Neighbours are en­gaged, and the Sound of War echoes from Hill to Hill all around them.

The French have since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle built two Forts on Beef River, French En­croachments & Depredations in his Majestys Province of Pennsylvania. which issues from the South Side of Lake Erie in his Majesty's Province of Pennsylvania; and last Year they forcibly attacked and took a Fort built by his Majesty's express Com­mand at the Confluence of the Rivers Mo­hongala and Ohio in this Province, which they remained in Possession of when the last Advices came away. They also have seized several of the Traders among the Indians in this Province, and made them pay for their Redemption, and confiscated all their Effects to a very great Value, for one of these Confiscations amounted to upwards of 18,000 l.

[Page 48] In 1750 the French built a Fort in his Ma­jesty's Province of Virginia on the River Ou­bache or St. Jerom, French En­croachments and Depre­dations in his Majesty's Province of Virginia. in the Heart of the Coun­try of the Twightwees, or Miamis, Indians, in strict Friendship with his Majesty; and last Year they sent three hundred French Families to settle about this Fort. In 1751 they built another Fort at Sandoski on the South Side of Lake Erie in this Province. They have also one Fort upon the River Illinois, one at the Confluence of the Rivers Oubache and Ohio, one at the Junction of the Rivers Missouri and Mississipi, one higher up the River Missouri, and one at the Confluence of the Rivers Kaskakins and Mississipi, all built in Times of Peace since the Treaty of Utrecht, and within this his MAJESTY's Province.

Last Year they marched a Body of regular Troops, Mi­litia and Indians into this Province, and attacked and de­feated four hundred of his MAJESTY's Forces at the Great Meadows. They compelled our Comm [...]der in Chief of those four hundred Men to enter into Articles of Capitula­tion and give Hostages, in as formal a Manner as if War had actually been proclaimed between the two Crowns. But the very Night they were signed the French broke them, which we have great Reason to rejoice at, for they were the most infamous a British Subject ever put his Hand to.

The French have for these two or three Years past set their Indians loose upon the Inhabitants of this Province also, and killed, scalped, and captivated many of them, seized some of their Effects, and forced those that were settled without the Mountains, together with some of our friendly Indians, to break up their Settlements and retire within the Mountains. And,

They continued to have, by the last Advices, two thousand two hundred regular Troops and Militia, and six hundred Indian Warriors at their Forts in this Province and Pennsyl­vania that are near the Ohio, and threatened a further Irrup­tion, for which they were preparing.

[Page 49] The Northern Boundary of Georgia extending to the Northernmost Branch of the River Sa­vanah, French En­croachments in his Ma­jesty's Pro­vinces of North and South Ca­rolina. and from thence due West indefinitely, the inland Frontier of the Carolinas is very nar­row, but as narrow as it is the French have mounted two Forts in it on the Mississipi River in Times of Peace, and since the Treaty of Utrecht.

In his MAJESTY's Province of Georgia the French have one Fort built at the Mouths of the Mississipi in 1699; French En­cr [...]achments and Depre­dations in his Ma­jesty's Pro­vince of Georgia. another Fort and Settle­ment as the Bay of Mobile begun in 1701; another Fort and Settlement at the Isle Dauphin begun in 1702; another Fort, with a Settlement round it, at Alibamous, at the Confluence of the Rivers Mobile and Loeusachee in the Heart of our fellow Subjects the Upper Creek Indians Country, which was begun in 1714 under the old Pretence of a Trading Lodge; the City of New-Orleans well fortified on the Mississipi River founded in 1717; another Fort and Settlement at Pansacola on the Gulf of Mexico; two more Forts on the Mississipi River, besides many Stockade Forts, or Block-houses, for Trading Lodges among the in­numerable Indians in this Country; and they have several other small Towns or Villages, besides those I have mention­ed, on and near the Mississipi River, built in Times of Peace since the Treaty of Utrecht.

In 1730 they utterly extirpated the whole Tribe (except a few that escaped to the Chickasaws) of Indians called Nautchee, that resided about the Forks of the River Yasou which rises in this Province not very far from, and empties itself into, the Mississipi. The French did this when they were in profound Peace with these Indians under the Sanction of a formal Treaty; but finding they continued an Inter­course and Trade with the English, they fell upon them in the Night, and massacred Men, Women, and Children, not spar­ing even those they took alive, but put them to death in the most inhuman and cruel Torments. This Perfidy and [Page 50]Cruelty of the French being communicated to the Chickasaw Indians who reside a little to the Northward of the Nautchees Country, and they fearing the like Fate, as they were in the strictest Friendship and constantly traded with the English, they declared War against the French, and it has not been in the Power of all their own Force and Policy to prevail on them to make Peace to this Day, nor could they ever prevail on any other Indians to join against them, as they are remarkable for Faith and Bravery, as their War is esteemed just and necessary, and as they are highly revered for their Military Atchievements. These Chickasaws have been as severe a Scourge to the French Colony of Louisiani, as any of their Indians have been to any of our Colonies; but their long and constant Hostilities against the French have reduced them to four hundred fighting Men only, who continue the War with as much Spirit and Intrepidity as ever.

The French of Louisiani have entirely alienated the Chauctas from our Interest, who reside in their Neighbourhood between the Mobile and Mississipi, and amount to five thousand fight­ing Men.

And by their Fort at Alibamous they have obtained such Influence among the Upper Creek Indians, amounting to one thousand two hundred Men, that they would have broke out against Carolina and Georgia several times, if it had not been for the Interposition of the Lower Creeks, who amount to one thousand three hundred Men, and are our fast Friends.

From this Deduction of French Encroach­ments it appears that they have drawn a Line, The French have sur­rounded his Majesty's Colonies with Forts, &c. and have a Chain of Forts and Settlements, all along the Back of our Settlements from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Mouths of the Mississipi in the Gulf of Mexico, whereby they have accomplished their ancient Design of sur­rounding the British Northern Colonies Settle­ments, of fortifying themselves on the Back thereof, of taking Possession of the most important Passes of the great Rivers and Lakes, and of drawing off the Indians to their Interest, who they have more or less constantly, both in Peace and War, [Page 51]issued from their Forts on our Frontier Settlements, some of which they have destroyed, others they have impeded the Pro­gress of, and in most of our Provinces prevented the projecting or making new Establishments. For there is nothing more terrible than Indian Wars, and whenever they happen the In­habitants eat their Bread in continual Fear and Trembling; no Man is sure when out of his House of ever returning to it again; while they labour in the Fields they are under terrible Apprehensions of being killed and scalped, or of being seized and carried to the Indian Country, there to end their Days in cruel Torments, or be turned over to the French to be re­deemed at the Price of Black Slaves. They are many times obliged to neglect both their Seed Time and Harvest. The Landlord often sees all his Land plundered, his Houses burnt, and the whole Country ruined, while they can't think their Persons safe in their Fortifications. In short, all Trade, Business, and Commerce is at an entire Stand, while Fear, Despair, and Misery appears in the Faces of the poor In­habitants.

I say, this Conduct of the French is in Consequence of an ancient Design or System, and it certainly is so, for all their Governors and Writers of the Northern Colonies have con­stantly recommended it to the Court of France, who, we are now fatally convinced, have carried it systematically into Ex­ecution. And our Colonies have as constantly remonstrated to the Court of Great-Britain these Encroachments and De­predations, and the further terrible Consequences they had the utmost Reason to expect from them. But it is now too late in a great measure, and therefore to little Purpose, to enquire further why we neglected to exert the Power God and Nature put into our Hands to prevent these Evils, or to remove them whenever and wherever they appeared. There­fore I shall enter into this Enquiry in the Course of these Sheets no further than by pointing out some of the Causes, His Majestys Colonies injuriously charged with Neglects, &c. which if removed, the Ef­fects will cease, and to acquit his MAJESTY'S COLONIES of the cruel Accusation, from Persons of all Ranks almost in this Country, [Page 52]of having neglected their own Defence, and, by other cri­minal Conduct, having invited the Calamities they suffer. This has been very industriously propagated by some People, who have found it necessary to blame the Colonies, the bet­ter to excuse themselves; and by others who have had sup­port in their Clamours from a late Pamphlet called, a Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I shall say no more of at present than that it is calculated for private Pur­poses, at the Expence of a very respectable Body of People called Quakers, to whom this Country is more obliged than most People at present know or can imagine, and who will very soon be acquited, with Honour, of the exceptionable Conduct laid to their Charge. Some People would do well in never losing sight of this, being, of all others, the most im­proper time to inflame the Passions and alienate the Hearts of even the most remote and insignificant of his Majesty's Sub­jects, and of its being the most proper and necessary Measure at this critical Conjuncture to reconcile all jarring Interests, and to please and oblige every Class of his Majesty's Subjects in every part of his Dominions, that they may act with their Heads, Hearts, Hands, and Purses unanimously for the Re­covery of his just Rights, and for permanently securing him in the Possession of them.

It is certain not any one of the Colonies are to blame, as will appear when I come to speak of their Conduct, Temper, and Disposition, so it must lay elsewhere.

The Affairs of North-America are become of the last Importance to his MAJESTY's Nor­thern Colonies in particular, The Affairs of North-America at a very im­portant Cri­sis. and the British Empire in general, by the French Enterprizes, and the Success of them I have stated; by their having gradually increased their Troops in Ca­nada and Louisiani since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle down to 1753, transporting them in their Ships of War, which returned to France with a bare Complement of Men, leaving the rest in their Colonies, and by this Means they have been less observed by the Powers of Europe than if they had been sent in Transport Ships; by [Page 53]sending two thousand five hundred regular Troops to Canada, and three thousand five hundred to the Mississipi in 1753; ^* and by the vast Armament that has been so long preparing at Brest, and perhaps now sailed, confessedly for Canada.

Let any Man reflect on these things, taking into his View at the same time the Conduct of the French in respect to the Neutral Islands in the West-Indies; ^§ in respect to the Bahama Islands, which they have trumped up a Claim to since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, and did two Years ago set up Crosses upon some of them; with Copper Plates, containing the French King's Arms, and a Declaration that they were to preserve the Rights of Louis XIV, which Rights we never heard of before; in respect to our East-India Company in [Page 54] Asia; and in respect to the Coast of Africa; and it is im­possible for him to doubt the Justice of our Cause, or the Necessity of our going to War, if the French will not im­mediately relinquish the whole of their Encroachments upon his Majesty's Territories, and make Individuals in particular, The Satisfac­tion, the Hon­our and Jus­tice of the Na­tion requires from the French and the Nation in general, am­ple Satisfaction for the Losses they have sus­tained, and the vast Expence we have been at in Asia and America, and for the Expence of our present Armaments both by Land and Sea; which amounts to infinitely more than it will require to drive them out of the New-World. Can the Honour and Justice of the Nation put up with less? If we do except of less, may not the Na­tion expect, and won't it deserve, to be used by other Nations, as a noted Coward is, bullied and male-treated by every little Fellow?

But notwithstanding the bad Condition of our Affairs we ought not to Despair; His Majesty's Declaration upon the present State of Affairs in America. On the contrary, thank God, we may now chear up, for behold his Majesty gloriously declar­ing in his late Speech to Parliament, that ‘I never could entertain a Thought of pur­chasing the Name of Peace, at the Expence of suffering Encroa [...]ments upon, or of yielding up, what is justly belonging to Great-Britain, either by ancient Pos­session, or by solemn Treaties. Your Vigour and Firm­ness, on this important Occasion, have enabled me to be prepared for such Contingences as may happen. If reason­able and honourable Terms of Accommodation can be agreed upon, I shall be satisfied.’

It cannot be imagined that the French will give up their Encroachments, No Satisfac­tion can be ex­pected from the French. by any Man that knows their infinite Importance to them; and all that they have hitherto done, or can be expected they will do, is to make Proposal after Proposal, taking care the last is more favourable than the preceding, knowing you can't except the [Page 55]most favourable they will make, till they have gained further footing, and time to be prepared for all Events, and then you may seek Redress in the Uncertainties of a War that they are prepared for. For Experience teaches us, that the French always employ Times of Negotiation, not in endea­vouring to efface the Remembrance of past Outrages, but in concerting the Operations for new ones. However, Great-Britain has been so long a Sufferer by French Perfidy, and so often deluded by the treacherous Negotiations of that faith­less Nation, that it cannot be supposed that she will any longer listen to their insidious Proposals, than till we are ready at Home and Abroad to give them a decisive Blow; therefore continuing to negotiate with them, while we are preparing for War, can do us no Injury, but may be very political. Nor can it be supposed that Great-Britain will suffer herself to be again deceived by entering into a Treaty of Accommoda­tion with that perfidious Power, but what settles every Point in the Treaty, and does not refer the least Particular to Com­missaries, that can possibly be disputed, in Europe, Asia, Af­rica, and America; and not even this till his Majesty is restored to his just Rights and Posses­sions, No Accommo­dation with the French till we've Satis­faction, & Se­curity, against future En­croachments & Depredations. and has accumulated so much additional Power into his own Hands, as can at all times compel them to an exact Execution, and punc­tual Observation, of the Treaty. For to come to an Accommodation with them on any other Terms is only purchasing the Name of Peace, and giving Being and Support to new Encroach­ments and a new War. But this the haughty and insolent Gallic will never submit to till heartily drubbed into it. And certainly there never was a greater Necessity, nor we cannot expect a more proper Conjuncture for this Nation's entering upon the Work than the present, whether we consider the Nature and Greatness of the Object we are to contend for, or our Ability, compared with theirs, to carry on a War however remote and discontiguous.

This Nation has often entered into War to revenge the Insults and Injures affecting its Merchants and Seamen; and [Page 56]often only to defend Foreign Princes, and to support the Ballance of Power in Europe, The Necessity of going to War with France. in Consequence of Treaties, when neither its Trade, Navigation, Territories, nor Subjects were affected. But the War that is now just and necessary we should engage in against France, is of such a Nature as to demand all our Resentment, arouse all our Cour­age. Your Provinces are invaded, your Towns are burnt, many of your Plantations destroyed or deserted, your ancient and faithful Indian Allies and Subjects cut off from all Com­munication with you; others of your Fellow Subjects mur­dered, scalped, captivated, and fold at the Price of Black Slaves, and many of the rest in imminent Danger of the like melan­choly Catastrophe; your fairest and best Revenues endanger'd. And all these Insults, Injuries, and Barbarities committed by the very People we have the Name of Peace with. Your Fathers resented every Infringment upon British Liberty, and shall the Blood of British Subjects, shed in an unjust and cruel Man­ner, cry for no Vengeance from you?

Besides these Commands to War, The Nature and Great­ness of the Object we are to con­tend for. if we have not reasonable and honourable Terms of Accom­modation secured to us by the French forthwith, which is as vain to expect as that they will yield us up Cape-Breton & Canada voluntarily, we have the vast Importance of the Northern Colonies, upon which also depends the very Being of your Sugar Colonies, that calls for our closest Attention and the most vigorous Efforts of the combined Nerves of the whole Empire. It is from the American Colonies our Royal Navy is supplied in a great Measure with Masts of all Sizes and other Naval Stores, as well as our Merchant Ships; it is from them we have our vast Fleets of Merchant Ships, and consequently an increase of Seamen; it is from them our Men of War in the American World are on any Occasion man'd, and our Troops there augmented and recruited; it is from them we have most of our Silver and Gold either by their Trade with Foreigners in America, or by the Way of Spain, Portugal, and Italy, in Payment for their immense Quantities of Fish, Rice, &c. [Page 57]it is from them we have all our Tobacco, Rice, Rum, and most of our Sugars, Dying and other valuable Woods, Cotton-Wool, Pimento, Ginger, Indico, Whale and Liver Oil and Whale-Bone, Beaver and other Furs, Deer Skins, and innumerable other Articles, and many of them in such Abundance as not only to be sufficient for our own Consumption, which other­wise must have been bought of Foreigners at excessive Prices in hard Money as formerly, but a great Excess to export to Foreigners, which increases the Ballance in our Favour with some Countries, and lessens the Ballance against us in others; it is from them our whole African Trade receives its Support, which Trade requires vast Quantities of the Produce and Manufactures of this Country, and East-India Commodities in return for Gold-Dust, Ivory, Gums, and several Sorts of Dy­ing Woods imported into Great-Britain; but were it not for the Colonies this could not be done, as the Trade could not be supported was it not for the vast Assistant Profit of Black Slaves for America; it is from the [...] we shall receive, as has been proved by Experiments, all the Silk, [...], Flax, Iron, Pot-Ashes, Wine, Fruit, Olive Oil, Drugs, and in short all the Commodities we are now dependent upon, and have from Foreigners in the same Parallels of Latitude in Europe, Barba­ry, and Persia; it is from them great Part of the Revenue of these Kingdoms is derived; and it is from them great Part of the Wealth we see, that Credit which circulates, and those Payments that are made at the Bank and the Bankers in Lon­don results; and they are so linked in with, and dependent upon, the American Revenues and Remittances, that if they are ruined and stopt, the whole System of Public Credit in this Country will receive a fatal Shock. But what will your Landholders, Manufacturers, Artificers, Merchants, &c. say of the Importance of your Colonies, and the Necessiy of going to War to regain and preserve them entire, if it cannot be done by other Means, when they reflect that if they are lost, they will lose one Third of their Property and Business in general; for it is certain, that full one Third of our whole Export of the Produce and Manufactures of this Country is to our Co­lonies, and in proportion as this diminishes or increases, their [Page 58]Estates and Business must increase or diminish; for as in the Body Natural a Finger can't ach but the whole feels it, so in the Body Politic the remotest and most insignificant of your Colonies can't decay, but the Nation must suffer with it. Therefore the Mother Country must needs rejoice in the Se­curity and Prosperity of every one of her Colonies, because it is her own Security and Prosperity; and the Colonies are to her as the Feet are to the Natural Body, the Support of the whole Political Frame. And they have enabled us to make the Figure we do at present, and have done for upwards of a Century past, in the Commercial World, from whence we have derived Wealth, Power and Glory, and the greatest Bles­sings given Man to know. Consider then, if you ought not to direct the whole of your Counsels and Arms to support a War, wherein, with the Being of your State, you assert the Dignity of your Reputation, the Safety of your Friends, the best Branches of your Revenue, and the Properties of your Fellow Subjects.

Thus much for the Necessity of going to War, Our Ability to carry on a War against France. and the Nature and Greatness of the Object we are to contend for: And now for our Ability to support a War vigorously and effectually.

It is certain that the Excess of the Sinking Fund, arising from the Reduction of the Interest of the National Debt, amounts to 1,300,000l. per Annum at present, which with the Land Tax raised to four Shillings in the Pound will yield 2,300,000l. per Annum over and above the ordinary Services of Government. The Proprietors of the National Debt de­fire no Part of their Capital, but only the Interest; therefore this Sum may be applied to carry on a War, and whatever it falls deficient for the Purpose to 1757, may undoubtedly be bor­rowed at Three per Cent. per Annum. For such a sacred Re­gard has been paid to public Faith and private Property, on all Occasions, since the Revolution, that Public Credit has gra­dually extended from that glorious Epocha to the present Time, and we were convinced the other Day that it never was so extensive as at present. But in 1757 the Excess of the Sink­ing [Page 59]Fund will be, from the Reduction of Interest, the Salt Duty which will then be redeemed, and the Land Tax at Four Shillings in the Pound, 3,200,000l. over and above the ordinary Exigences of Government, which is sufficient to car­ry on such a War as this Country ought, if possible, to carry on, I mean a Naval War in all Parts of the Globe without borrowing a Shilling. But if it should be found necessary, as it always has been, to divert the Power of France in Europe from being wholly bent against this Island, which if it was you would be obliged to keep great Part of your Naval Force at home for your own Defence, and consequently annoy and dis­tress the Enemy the less abroad, by attacking them in Europe on the Continent, and you should want to borrow a Million or two per Annum: Such is the flourishing Sta [...] of Public Credit, and must continue to be, from a Sen [...] that [...] ex­traordinary Expence can be but temporary, [...] that [...] venue of 2,200,000 l. per Annum to pay off [...] of Peace is perpetual, that you can never want it. [...] however great a Paradox it may appear at first Sig [...] [...] [...]untry p [...] ­ver was, in point of Finances, so capable [...] wh [...] it did not owe a Shilling, as at this [...] it [...] 72,000,000 l. For when was it that we had a standing Re­venue of 2,200,000 l. besides the occasional [...] from the Land Tax raised to four Shillings in the P [...]nd, and the or­dinary Services of Government? Or when was Public Credit so extensive for new Loans as at this present Time, tho' to all Appearance we are at the Eye of a War with the most formidable Nation in Europe? And has it not often happened in former Times, when the Nation owed little or nothing, and Government was in the greatest Distress for Supplies, that the People could not, or would not, either pay or lend them?

But what a great Aid will this Ability receive if the Oeco­nomy of our American Colonies is put upon a wise and solid Foundation for the mutual Interest of Great-Britain and her Colonies? Then they will require neither Troops nor Mo­ney from this Country for their own Defence, or to drive the French out of the New World, or any other Assistance, but that of Men of War and the Maintenance of the regular [Page 60]Troops that have been ordered there from hence, let the War be ever so long or discontiguous, which will be not only pre­venting a vast future Expence, but the saving of the whole of the present for all America, except the regular Troops and Men of War.

A Fund more than equal to these great and necessary Ser­vices in America may be raised in his Majesty's Colonies in such a Manner,

As will free their Trade and Commerce from injudicious and destructive Imposts and Restrictions;

As will put a compleat and final End to all illicit Trade in all our Colonies, whereby Foreign Produce and Manufactures, clandestinely introduced, shall be utterly excluded, and Bri­tish Produce and Manufactures substituted in lieu of them;

As will highly please and oblige the landed and trading [...] of America in several considerable Branches, and be [...] them in others than any moderate Tax for Self- [...] &c. is to the bravest and most loyal People?

As will [...] [...]ortioned as to demand no more of each [...], than a just and equal Share, ac­ [...] [...]spective Abilities, compared with the [...]

As [...] [...]ear of all the Difficulties, to the Satisfac­tion of [...] People, in appropriating and issuing pub­lic Money [...] of by the Crown, which has created the greatest [...]siness in the Colonies;

As will not oppress, plague, and harrass them in the Col­lection, or be mostly sunk by the Collectors; And,

As will enable Government to apply it in any Part of Ame­rica, so that the Strongest shall support the Weakest, and the unexposed the exposed, Colony; and all of them shall act in Concert against the Common Enemy, without any of the Risques and Disadvantages of the Albany Plan of a Union.

Upon these Principles and with these Views, I shall hum­bly propose a Plan in my last Chapter that appears to me to be adequate to these importanat Objects; and if it is carried into Execution, or some other that will produce the like Ef­fects, we need not fear driving the French out of the New-World, [Page 61]for in our Northern Colonies we have upwards of 300,000 effective Men, and the French have not 30,000 in all New-France and Louisiani.

Now let us turn the Tables and look into the Finances of France; The State of the French Finances. and here we find from Au­thority that they have anticipated, or sunk, their whole Revenue till 1761, so that the King has not a single Branch but what is mortgaged down to that Year at six or seven per Cent. Interest, and which even he cannot resume without destroying the whole System of public Credit in his Kingdom. But by renewing some Taxes he took off soon after the late War, and levying the twentieth Penny upon the Clergy, he will be enabled to borrow, at exorbitant Interest, immense Sums till his other Revenues are redeemed. However this must make his People, with the other peculiar Distresses accompanying a War with us, very uneasy; and his Power must be greatly enervated to what it would be if his usual Revenues were unincumbered. And as to his North-American Colonies, he can't raise a Shilling in them for their Defence, which with his paying upwards of 1,000,000 l. Sterling per Annum in Subsidies to foreign Princes, gives the best Opportunity we can ever expect, from his Finances, to attack and reduce his dangerous Power.

Our Fleet consists of more than double the Number of Ships and Guns that the French Fleet does. The British and French Fleets com­pared. But if the French go on upon the Plain for restoring their Navy, that they have pursued ever since the Peace of Aix La Chapelle, their Fleet will in 1761 consist of a hundred and twenty Ships of the Line, and it does not exceed sixty-four of that Size now in the Water and building. Therefore nothing but a War can prevent this Branch of their Power from becoming too great for our Controul, and whenever this shall be the Case, adieu to all that is dear and valuable in this Country.

Notwithstanding the Dutch are sunk lower in the Political World, British and French Al­liances com­pared. than ever their Country was in the Watery, we have a new and more pow­erful Ally of our own creating than ever they were by Land, in the Empress Queen; to her [Page 62]we are to add the Empress of Russia, the King of Poland, who is a Subsidiary Ally of ours, the King Elector of Han­over, the Prince of Hesse, the Elector of Bavaria, who is a Subsidiary Ally of ours also, and the King of Sardinia. In op­position to these, France has the Kings of Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, to whom the pays annually in Subsidies 725,000l. Sterling; and the Elector of Cologne, who has also a Subsidy from her, who it is more than possible are all the Allies she can depend upon in case of a War with us; for Spain, it is almost impossible to imagine will interfere as she can have no Interest in the Quarrel, and it is more essential to her to preserve Peace with Great-Britain than all the other Powers of Europe; and if she does not meddle, it is highly probable neither Parma nor Naples will, as those two Courts are greatly supported and influenced by Spain. But to admit Spain does join France and declare against us, her Navy added to that of France will then be no more than equal to that of ours in Ships and Guns, and the Spaniards cannot man their Fleet, nor the French victual theirs, in time of War, so as to act with full and combined Force at once. Therefore if this should be the Case, we shall have nothing to fear but upon the Continent of Europe, where there can be no other Authority at present than mere Conjecture for what part our Allies, or those of France, will act, or how far either Side shall make it the Interest of some of the Powers in alliance to maintain a Neutrality, and others to take the Field. But I believe no Person that knows the Interest and Abilities of the several Allies mentioned, will deny, but that we are now not only more able to divert the Force of France from this Island, than in the late War, but that we shall be capable of acting offensively, and perhaps so effectually, as to give us an Opportunity to employ the whole of our Fleet in annoying and distressing the Enemy at Sea in all Parts, and to be able to retain whatever we recover or con­quer in the New-World. But to suppose we and our Allies should be beat and distressed upon the Continent of Europe, it is only giving up some one or other of our Conquests in America, and we may whenever we please, or the general State of Europe requires it, reconcile jarring Interests and purchase [Page 63]Repose. This was experienced in the late War by the Re­dition of Cape-Breton. And as this was the case by the single Conquest of Cape-Breton, when France was in Possession of Madrass and the Netherlands, and Holland lay at their Mercy, with an infinitely superior Army in the Field to that of the Allies, flushed with a long Course of uninterrupted Victories, what Terms cannot you command for yourselves and your Allies, when you have all their American Colonies in your Possession; which, with proper Conduct, and the Blessing of God, that we are the more intitled to expect from the Justice of our Cause, must be the Case in a few Years after War commences?

To these Considerations it may not be mal­a'propos to add, The Zeal and Unani­mity of his Majesty's Subjects, a further En­couragement for us to go to War. that his Majesty having ever made the Laws of the Land the Rule of his Actions, and exercised the Prerogatives of the Crown with that Mildness, Justice, and Propriety as on all Occasions to make them, what they were by our excellent Constitution of Govern­ment intended for, a Blessing to the People; and his having employed for a Number of Years that upright, moderate, impartial, prudent and wise Minister, who was lately too suddenly snatched to Glo [...], the Minds of Men have been reconciled, and his Majesty, his Family, and his Government are established in the Hearts and Affections of his Subjects unanimously, which is the strongest and best Basis a Throne can be founded upon. Therefore France, nor any other Enemy of his Majesty, his Government, and these Kingdoms, cannot have the least Encouragement to hope for a Rebellion in this Country, or the least Countenance and assistance in invading it from a­mongst ourselves. And a War with France must appear so just and necessary to every Man, and our Ability to carry it on so superior to whatever it was at any other time, that it is impossible but the whole People should be unanimous for it, and their whole Thoughts bent upon no other public En­terprize, but revenging the Wrongs and Indignities imposed [Page 64]upon us by France. And this they have given an Earnest of, by the unparallelled Spirit and vigorous Assistance all Ranks, in all Parts, have exhibited on the Prospect of a War.

Upon the whole, such is the State of our Affairs in every part of his Majesty's Dominions, the State of France, and the general State of Europe, that we never can expect such another favourable Coincidence of such a Variety of Con­siderations for entering into a War with France, to maintain our Honour and Influence, our Colonies, our Commerce and Riches, indeed our Lives and Liberties. And it is absurd to suppose we shall ever be stronger for a War, in Proportion to the growing Power of France, than we are now.