IN my letter to you, relating to the Ohio-Defeat, I took a brief Notice of our Crown-point expedition; diſcovering ſome uneaſineſs at its having been ſo long delayed. I am now well pleaſed with that delay; as it has given occaſion to the greateſt Action, in its kind, that ever happened in North-America. Never was ſuch a battle fought here before!—Never had we opportunity before of gaining ſo glorious a conqueſt over ſo great an army!—I gave it alſo as my opinion, that the New-England troops, by reaſon of this delay, would have the whole power of Canada to contend with; in which I happened to make a right judgment. For, the day you publiſhed my letter, an expreſs arrived from General Johnſon, adviſing, that the ſpies he had ſent out were returned, and bro't him intelligence, that all Canada was in motion, the roads filled with waggons, tranſporting all manner of ſtores to Crown-Point, and numbers of men continually going there to reinforce Fort-Frederick Upon which the General went on to ſay, that a large reinforcement was, in this ſituation of affairs, abſolutely neceſſary on our ſide; recommending it to the ſeveral New-England colonies "to be as ſpeedy in making it as might be;" and aſſuring them, that, in the mean time, inſtead of being idle, he would employ his men in building a Fort at the entrance upon the carrying-place towards Lake George, or, as the French call it, Lake Sacrament, and after that, clear a road thro' the carrying-place to the head of the Lake, and build another fort at that important paſs, by which time he hoped the reinforcements would be raiſed and ſent, enabling him to proceed on his deſign. It was while our General was at this paſs, and before he had built the ſecond fort, or received any reinforcements, that he was attacked by the French and Indians.

You have probably ſeen his Letter to the Governours of the ſeveral Colonies concerned in the Crown-point expedition; giving an account of his engagement with, and ſucceſs againſt, the enemy: For it was printed the very day it came to hand, that every one might be acquainted with its contents. And if you have ſeen this letter, you muſt be pleaſed with it, and conceive an high opinion of the General's merit. Perhaps, the beſt bred regular could not have diſpoſed matters, under like circumſtances, with greater wiſdom.—And the vein of modeſty that runs thro' his whole narrative cannot but recommend him to all who are capable of diſcernment.—But as his letter was wrote ſo ſoon after the action, it was impoſſible the account of things ſhould be particular enough to ſatisfy the curiouſly inquiſitive.

I ſhall therefore give you a ſummary Abſtract of what we have more lately received, that may be depended on for fact; from whence you will eaſily be let into a clear and juſt Idea of this whole Matter. And, as you will probably expect it from me, I ſhall hereupon add a few tho'ts tending to ſet the importance of this conqueſt in a proper light before you; not forgetting, before I finiſh, to acquaint you with the reinforcements the New-England colonies have raiſed and ſent to guard againſt a diſappointment as to the preſent expedition: Upon which you will be at no loſs to determine, that the burden laid upon the New-England colonies is, in point of charge, far beyond what they are able to bear, if Great-Britain does not interpoſe for our help.

I have been at the pains to conſider and compare a number of letters, which have been ſent from the army, eſpecially from the officers in it, and thoſe among them, whoſe Character I am acquainted with; I have likewiſe had perſonal converſation with a Gentleman of diſtinction, who, a full week after the action was over, was ſent an expreſs by the General to this town; and with another alſo who came away about the ſame time: And the ſum of what I have collected, I ſhall relate to you under three diviſions, anſwerable to the three engagements our men had with the enemy.

On the 7th of this inſtant, a number of Mohawks, who had been out as ſcouts, returned, and informed the General, that they had found three large roads from the ſouth-bay, which they were ſatisfied could not be made but by the marching of ſo many conſiderable bodies of men, who were probably gone to attack our fort at the carrying-place. The General, upon this, diſpatched two expreſſesMr. Adams, the firſt expreſs was killed by the enemy in going to the fort; and General Johnſon's letter ſent by him to Col. Blanchard was found in the Aid de Camp's Pocket. that evening to Col. Blanchard, the commanding officer there, the latter of which returned about 12 o'clock with this account, "that they had both heard and ſeen the enemy, and that they were about four miles from the fort." A council of war having been call'd the next morning, the reſult was, that a 1000 men ſhould be detached from the army under the command of Col. Williams, with 200 Indians under the command of Hendrick the Mohawk ſachem, and ſent to annoy the enemy, whether at the ſort, or in their retreat from it, either as victorious, or defeated. This was accordingly done, without any loſs of time; and it made way for, what I call, the firſt engagement. For this detachment had not marched above 2 miles and an ½ before they unexpectedly found themſelves within reach of the enemy. They were firſt diſcovered by an advanced Party of Indians, with Hendrick at their head; who immediately fired upon them. This gave the alarm to Col. Williams, who endeavoured with a number of men to ſecure a rocky eminence hard by, from whence, as from a kind of caſtle, he might annoy the enemy. But, as they had intelligence of his march, by a ſcout they had ſent out, they had ſecured it before, lay there in ambuſcade, and upon his approach within ſure reach of their guns, they roſe up, fir'd, and kill'd him, and many more, dead on the ſpot. By this time the fight became very fierce on both ſides. The advanced party of Indians behaved with the utmoſt intrepidity; but perceiving they ſhould be ſurrounded, and deſtroyed, they gave way; and as they paſſed by our men, they told them of their danger, and adviſed to a retreat. They went on notwithſtanding, fighting with undaunted courage and reſolution; but finding themſelves over-powered with numbers, and almoſt encircled, they quitted the ground, firing as they gave back with conſtancy and fury. Five or ſix Hundred of them retreated with ſuch dexterity, and vigorous exertment, that the return of this detachment to the camp was hereby rendered, in a manner, ſafe and eaſy. The French General owned, that we kill'd more of his men in this fight, than we loſt of our own. And my informer aſſures me, this acknowledgment of his was agreeable to the truth of fact. For he ſaw himſelf, the next day, and counted, upwards of 140 dead bodies in the place where the fight firſt began; tho' he could not tell the preciſe number that were French, becauſe they had been ſtripped by the Indians, and lay naked. And beſides this heap, as it were, of dead bodies, he tells me, they were ſcattered more or leſs the whole way between the place where the engagement began, and the Camp. He further gave me to underſtand, that he took out his watch, when the fire was firſt heard at the camp; that he penciled the time; that it was preciſely 11 o'clock wanting 5 minutes; and that the retreat was not finiſhed till ½ after 12: So that this retreat, and the fight previous to it, continued one hour and 35 minutes; from whence it appears, that our men were not over haſty in getting out of the way of danger: For they were diſtant from the camp no more than 2 miles and an ½.General Johnſon, judging of the diſtance by the fire, ſays, it was 3 or 4 miles; but my informer aſſures me, he was preſent with the ſurveyer, when the diſtance between the fort at the carrying-place, and camp, was accurately meaſured with a chain; that it was 13 miles; and that the diſtance of the place where this fight began, from the camp, was no more than 2 miles and an ½ at fartheſt. To me it ſeems very wonderful, conſidering the ſuperiority of the enemy in number, and their coming upon our men unawares, that they were not intirely routed.

Some have found fault with this detachment; ſuppoſing that they ſhould rather have been cut to pieces, than have turned their backs upon the enemy. But they herein talk wildly. A good retreat is the next glory to a victory. When troops are over-powered with numbers, and unawares too, the trueſt courage is diſcovered in deviſing and executing the beſt methods to come off with as little loſs as may be. Had our men been upon equal terms with the enemy, I ſhould have tho't they had acted unworthy of the Name of New-England men, if they had given way upon any conſideration whatever. But they had now to contend, not only with a large body of regular veterans, but with irregular troops more numerous than themſelves. And, under theſe circumſtances, what would bravery, conducted by wiſdom, direct to, but to make as good a retreat as they could. They might have ſtood, 'tis true, till they had all been killed; but, in that caſe, they would have juſtly merited the character of mad-men. Tis probable, I own, this retreat (at leaſt in regard of a number) might be attended with ſurprize, diſorder and confuſion: And it muſt otherwiſe have been miraculous; as many of our young Men were here, who never before heard a gun fired in anger. Beſides, there was not ſo much as one regular in our whole army, either among the officers, or private men.—And further, they were now engaged, not with regulars only, but with Canadians and Indians, the manner of whoſe fighting is irregular and confuſed.—The wonder to me is, not that they retreated, or that numbers of them might be diſordered in their retreat; but that they ſhould be able, upon the whole, to make ſo good a retreat; annoying the enemy all the while they were retreating, and yet managing their retreat ſo as to come off with comparatively ſo ſmall a loſs. Col. Williams, Major Aſhley, Capt. Ingerſol, Capt. Porter, Capt. Ferral, Capt. Stoddert, Capt. McGin, Capt. Stevens, Lieuts. Burt and Pumroy, fell in this engagement, with a conſiderable number of our private men. Hendrick, the noted Mohawk Sachem, fell likewiſe, with a number of Indians.

It may properly eno' be obſerved here;—when the Mohawks found their great Sachem dead and ſcalped, they were exceedingly enraged; ſurrounding the tent were the French General lay, and inſiſting that he ſhould be delivered into their hands, that they might ſcalp him alſo. It was with great difficulty he was ſaved from falling a ſacrifice to their fury. Our officers were obliged to remove him from tent to tent to keep him concealed from them, and finally found it neceſſary, notwithſtanding the badneſs of his wounds, to tranſport him privately to Albany; where he now is in a dangerous condition, if on this ſide the grave. The French han't behaved thus humanly and kindly towards Engliſh Priſoners. When they hear of this and other civilities towards their General, and the other captives with him, it will, I hope, make them aſhamed of their paſt conduct, and teach them to treat our people in a more human way, ſhould any fall into their and the Indian's hands, while united in any action.

It was not long after the return of this detachment to the Camp, before the enemy appeared in ſight, and found our men in readineſs to give them a warm reception. This was owing to the notice they had of their approaching towards them, and the gradual manner of it, occaſioned by the above fight and retreat. It might have been of dangerous conſequence, had they ſuddenly made an attack upon our camp; but as we had this warning, opportunity was happily given us to throw up a breaſt-work of trees (as General Johnſon calls it); to plant a number of cannon in ſuitable places about it; to take poſſeſſion of ſome eminences on our left flank, under the guard of a field-piece advantageouſly ſituated; to line our breaſtwork throughout with men; and, in ſhort, to put things in the beſt diſpoſition, time and circumſtances would permit, to defend ourſelves, and deſtroy the enemy. And now came on the ſecond Battle, perhaps, the moſt furious and reſolute, on both ſides, that ever was fought in North-America. It opened between 11 and 12 o'clock (keeping to the General's account) with the fire of the French regulars; but in a few minutes, the fire became general, and nothing was heard but the noiſe of guns. This part of the attack was moſtly made upon our left wing, bearing towards the center; and it was principally ſuſtained by the Connecticut troops, who behaved with great activity and valour. When the French found, upon a long and obſtinate tryal, that they muſt be deſtroyed if they continued here, they moved to the right of our camp, where the Maſſachuſetts regiments were poſted; and upon this attack alſo they maintained a briſk and reſolute fire for a long time, but were ſo weaken'd by the warm and dextrous oppoſition they met with, that their fire gradually grew feeble, and with obſervable intermiſſions: Upon which our brave men, together with the Indians, jumpt over the breaſt-work, reſolutely fell upon them hatchet in hand, drove them off the ground, purſued after them, ſlew a great many, and took about 30 priſoners, among whom was Baron de Dieſkau, the General of all the troops lately come to Canada from France.

This Engagement, with the purſuit, laſted about 7 hours. Our loſs was leſs now, than in the former fight; but the loſs on the ſide of the French was greater: According to the beſt accounts we killed, in this battle, 3 or 4 hundred of their men, officers and private ſoldiers.

When General Johnſon's letter firſt came to town, we were ready to think, the French muſt have loſt at leaſt a thouſand men; as the battle was of ſuch long continuance, and we had the advantage of Cannon, and a Breaſt-work of trees to defend ourſelves. Our Idea alſo of the bravery of the French was, by reaſon of this advantage, very much enlarged; and it ſeemed nothing extraordinary that our army, under the above circumſtances, ſhould get the better of them. But, from Major Hore, who came to this Government laſt week upon an Errand from the army, is one of its officers, and was excellently active in the late fight; as alſo from another Gentleman who came ſince, we were led to conceive more juſtly of the matter. Our wonder now was, not that a 1000 were not killed, but that ſo many as 3 or 400 ſhould be ſlain in this battle. For their account is, "that the battle was fought upon a plain, covered with pitch-pine trees, of various ſizes, ſome ſmaller, ſome greater, as is common in ſuch plains, in their natural ſtate of wildneſs, and a thick under-growth of ſhrubs, intermixed with brakes, as high as a man's waſte; that no part of this plain was cleared, except only the road we had made from the fort at the Carrying-place to the Camp; that the French regulars marched in this road, and began the fight drawn up in order; that they kept their order but a ſmall ſpace of time, not long enough to receive a ſecond diſcharge from our Cannon; and that the battle was now carried on in the Indian way by the whole French army, regulars as well irregulars, ſome fighting behind trees, and ſtumps, and others ſquatting ſo as to be defended by the under-growth of ſhrubs and brakes." Tis eaſy, upon this Repreſentation of the Matter, to ſee, that the enemy were upon equal terms with us, tho' we had a kind of breaſt-work; nay, as it was nothing more [ſo I am inform'd by one that was preſent when it was made] than bodies of trees laid ſingly upon the ground, round the Camp, and in many places ſo as not to touch one another, I am ready to think, they had the advantage of us; eſpecially as the under-growth near the Camp had before been cut down for the conveniency of the army. And from hence alſo it will not appear ſtrange, if our Cannon [three or four of which were the only ones that could be uſed, and theſe not more than 3 or 4 rounds, it being to little purpoſe to fire them] did not do them the damage, we, upon the firſt hearing of the ſtory, might be apt to imagine. The plain truth is, after the regulars became irregulars in the manner of their fighting, there was no great ſlaughter made, either by our Cannon, or random Muſquetry. The chief execution was now done, partly by our men's watching for opportunities to fire, when they could catch any of the French or Indians within full view; for they are moſt of them ſo dextrous in the uſe of the Gun, as to be pritty ſure of taking a man down within an hundred yards diſtance: And partly, by their ruſhing upon them, towards the cloſe of the battle, and purſuing them, not only with their Guns, but hatchets alſo.Perhaps the Hatchet (a weapon our men were all armed with) is, in our way of fighting, a more fatal inſtrument, than even the broad Sword, or Bayonet, if managed with ſkill. The Indians will readily faſten it in a man's ſkull, at more than a rod's diſtance. Many of our people are equally dextrous in the throw of it; and all our men know its uſe ſo well, that tis certain death to a man to be within fair reach of their aim, when ſtretched forth to ſtrike with it.

Our men, after they had entered on action, were leaſt fearful of any ill conſequence from the regulars; and they ſuffered leaſt from them: Tho' none among the enemy ſuffered ſo much from us as theſe regulars, thro' their unacquaintedneſs with the American method of fighting. Few of them, comparatively, whether officers, or private men, are tho't to have eſcaped with their lives. How elſe can it be accounted for, that the General ſhould be taken alone? So I was particularly informed he was by Major Hore, whoſe account of this fact is confirmed by ſeveral letters from the army, particularly by one from General Lyman. Tis ſcarce credible, that the chief commanding officer, and one of ſuch importance to the French intereſt, ſhould be left by all his regulars, both officers and common ſoldiers, and in a wounded condition too, if they were generally alive. One would think, they muſt, for ſhame, have kept with him at all hazards. Thus much, I think muſt be allowed to be certain; either that they were generally ſlain, or ſtruck with ſuch a panic, upon being purſued by our men, as to be out of the poſſeſſion of themſelves.

General Johnſon and Major Nichols were wounded in this engagement; and they only among the field-officers. The General received a Ball in his thigh; but he can now walk about, and we hope will be able to proceed in perſon in further proſecution of our deſign, when the reinforcements are arrived. Col. Titcomb was the only officer, at leaſt above a Captain, that fell in this ſecond battle. He was ſhot dead on the ſpot. And his fall is the more to be regretted, as he was well experienced in the method of battering forts. He had a principal hand in the erection of all the batteries at Louisbourg, and commanded one at that ſiege, which was known by his name, and was eminently galling to the enemy. He went then, and now alſo, chiefly for the publick benefit; and his name ought to be tranſmitted to poſterity with honour.

One thing more may be worthy of notice with reference to this battle; and that is, that among the 2 or 300 arms that have already been bro't into the Camp, a number appear to have been thoſe that were taken from us at the Ohio-defeat: From whence it is obvious to collect, that ſome of the Indians, or Canadians, or both, that came off conquerors at the Monongahela, were ſlain at Lake-George.—This was the fate particularly of Monſieur St. Piere, whoſe death is perhaps the greateſt loſs the French could have met with, at this day; as he was the chief commander of the Indians, and had moſt influence to engage them in any deſign againſt the Engliſh.

The third Engagement, as I may properly call it, was occaſion'd thus.—Col. Blanchard, the chief officer at the Carrying-place, not knowing but they might need help at the Camp, detached to their aſſiſtance between 2 and 300 men, moſtly New-Hampſhire, ſome Yorkers, under the command of Capt. McGinnis. Between 4 and 5 o'clock they reached the place were Col. Williams had been attacked in the morning, and there they found about 500 of the enemy (chiefly Indians), who had fled from the former battle, and were come hither to refreſh themſelves, ſcalp our dead, take their packs, and get off. Our men fell upon them with the greateſt fury, made priſoners of ſome, killed a great many, and intirely routed them; driving them off the ground, and recovering more of their packs than they could carry with them to the Camp.This engagement was begun near the place, where the French had encamped the night before, and where they had left their baggage. Accordingly being thus driven off, our people the next day, bro't in 4 or 5 waggon loads of Ammunition, Proviſions, Blankets, &c. And they ſince find, that their flight was ſo haſty, and ſo much in a fright, that, as they fled, they dropt their blankets, bread, and even ſome of the ſcalps of our men. It can ſcarce be accounted for, that they ſhould be able to accompliſh all this, upon any other ſuppoſition than that of the enemy's being diſpirited with the dreſſing they had received a little before, and multiplying, in their fright, the numbers with which they were now beſet. We loſt but a few men in this fight. General Johnſon ſays, two were killed, eleven wounded, and five miſſing. Among the wounded is Captain McGinnis, who behaved with prudence and valor. He is ſince dead of his wounds. The ſlaughter of the enemy was very conſiderable. The account we have received is, that we ſlew near an hundred of them: Thus ended the memorable 8th day of this inſtant September.

Our loſs, upon the whole, amounts to 187 Engliſh; 126 killed, and 61 miſſing: Tho', of the miſſing, 20 are returned, and probably more by this time. I can't learn, that the Indians loſt more than from 15 to 20. The wounded are 94 Engliſh, and about 10 or 12 Indians. The Maſſachuſetts-regiments are the greateſt ſufferers, as they were moſt in action. Two of their 3 colonels were killed, and one of their majors [another was wounded], beſides ſeveral of their Captains and Lieutenants; and among them, are the greater part of the private men that were ſlain. The loſs on the enemy's ſide was much greater than on our's. We know not the number of their wounded; but between five and ſix hundred were probably ſlain in all the engagements, and it may be yet more; for our people are daily finding dead bodies. The account from New-York, and Albany is 700: But the preciſe number of the ſlain will never be known. The Indians, we are all ſenſible, are ſtrangely ſollicitous to hide their dead, and will run all hazards to this end. And they have doubtleſs concealed numbers of their killed men. We are ſatisfied of this, not only from their known temper and practice, but from our having found at leaſt 40 biers, [poles with croſs-ſticks of wood, haſtily put together] beſmeared with blood, upon which, it is ſuppoſed, they carried off numbers of their ſlain. Our people have alſo found ſome of their concealed dead, particularly 4 or 5 Indians in a ſunk piece of land.

I may properly take notice here of, what I eſteem, an exceſs of civility in our people towards the French.—They ſent out parties, as ſoon as they could with conveniency, not only to bury their dead, but to bury as many of them as might be without the knowledge of the Indians, to prevent their being ſcalped. This I call an exceſs of civility, not indeed conſidered in itſelf ſimply, but comparing it with the conduct of the French towards us. They took no care to ſave any of our men, who fell at the ſouthward, this ſummer, from being ſcalped; but ſuffered them all, officers as well as common ſoldiers, to have this indignity offered to them by the Indians: And moreover, they left their dead bodies upon the field of battle, as we have been well aſſured, to putrify and rot there, unleſs they were devoured by the wolves and crows, and other beaſts and birds of prey. Conſidering this inhuman conduct of the French, I can't but think, we exceeded in our civilities to the dead at Lake-George. For we have learnt by long experience, that unleſs we treat them as they treat us, we may expect ill uſage at their hands.

As to the Number of the French and Indians engaged in this battle, it remains ſtill uncertain. In the New-York News-paper, that came to Town laſt poſt, they are ſaid to have been 3376. The account ſtands thus. Regulars, 1126. Militia, 1200 form'd in 12 companies, with 20 regulars in each company. Indian Traders, 300. Militia officers volunteers, 30. Cadets, about 20. Indians 700. Total, 3376. 'Tis evident, I believe, from General Dieſkau's papers, that he bro't this number with him from Canada, thus particularly aſcertain'd: But whether he left any at Crown-point, or Ticonderogo, and if any, how many, cannot perhaps be reduced to a certainty. Thus much we may venture to ſay, as he knew our force, tis highly probable, he came with one that was ſuperior. I cannot therefore ſuppoſe, he had leſs than 2000 Canadians and Indians, beſides 5 or 600 regulars at leaſt. We had about 2100 New-England men, and between 2 and 300 Indians. The reſt of our men were partly confin'd by ſickneſs, but moſtly left at the Carrying-place to take care of the fort there.

Having thus given you as particular an account, as you can reaſonably expect, at preſent, of this victory over the French and Indians, I can't, in conſiſtency with the regard I have for my Country, reſtrain my ſelf from going on to repreſent, in a few words, the IMPORTANCE of it to the Britiſh Intereſt.

You will, at once, be ſenſible of its great Importance, if you only turn the tables in your mind, and ſuppoſe the French had been victors, inſtead of our army.

Some, by giving a looſe to their imaginations, have ſtrangely heightened our melancholy condition, in this view of the matter. They have, in their fancies, block'd up all communication with our Troops at Lake-Ontario, and delivered our Governor, who is now there, a prey into French hands;—they have look'd upon Albany as beſieged, and taken;—yea, they have tranſported the enemy to New-York, and entertain'd fearful apprehenſions reſpecting the fate even of that city.—But theſe are vain imaginations, the imagery of mere fancy; and muſt appear ſo to all, who will only call to mind, what was done at Albany, Connecticut, and the weſtern parts of this Government, when it was known, that our army was attacked, but unknown what would be the iſſue. We have been well aſſured, they were beating to arms, and would have been upon the enemy, with trible their number, in a fortnight's time, had not tidings of our being conquerors rendered their immediate progreſs needleſs.

But though theſe fancied conſequences would not have taken place, had the French come off victorious: yet others, and very miſchievous ones too, muſt have followed. Our fort at the Carrying-place would certainly have fallen into their hands, and together therewith all the artillery, ammunition, and ſtores, which had not been taken by them at the Camp;—awful numbers of our men muſt have been ſlain, and captivated; and, in a word, our whole army routed, and an entire end put to our deſign againſt Crown-point, at leaſt for this year:—All which has been happily prevented, by its being ordered in providence, that the victory ſhould fall on our ſide.

The poſitive advantages of this conqueſt are alſo very ſignal, and may be 〈◊〉 worthy of particular notice.

Hereby the diſgrace that was reflected on the Britiſh arms, on the banks of the Monongahela, is wholly wiped away. Were 300 of the Engliſh ſlain there? A much greater number of French and Indians (5 or 600) were ſlain here.—Were the Engliſh regulars ſtruck with a panic, when attacked there by French and Indian irregulars? The French Regulars, and veterans alſo, were ſeized with an equal fright here, when purſued by New-England Irregulars: Otherwiſe they would not have fled ſo univerſally, and in ſuch hurry, as to leave their firſt officer alone, not having a ſingle man to help him.—Was the Britiſh General mortally wounded in that engagement? So was the French General in this: (he is ſuppoſed to be dead of his wounds, before this time) Only the advantage lies on our ſide; for our General was carried off by his own men, whereas the French General was left to fall a priſoner into his enemies hands.

Hereby an happy turn has been given to the ſpirits of our men on the one hand; and an unhappy one to the enemy's on the other. Our people, to an obſerving eye, were plainly under a depreſſure, occaſioned by the horrid ſlaughter at the ſouthward, the like whereto had never before been ſeen, or heard of, in the Country; while, on the other hand, the French and Indians were fluſht with the victory they had obtained, and diſpoſed therefrom to undertake any thing, imagining there would be no ſtanding before them: But, by what was done at Lake George, this ſtate of mind has luckily been inverted. We are now raiſed in our ſpirits, they ſunk in their's:—We go on, in our deſign, animated with new life and vigor; they oppoſe us diſcouraged and intimidated:—We act againſt them as conquerors; they againſt us as having been fairly beat from the field of battle, and quite routed.

In fine, hereby the ſtrength of the enemy has been greatly weakened. They have loſt their General, an experienced warrior, who was purpoſely ſent from France to be at the head of their military affairs; and they have loſt alſo, together with him, moſt of their officers of diſtinction and worth, and a great number of their common ſoldiers. 'Tis true, 2 or 3 of our chief officers, and 10 or 12 inferior ones, all men of bravery, were ſlain in the ſame field of battle, as well as a conſiderable number of our private men: But the loſs on their ſide, with reſpect to officers as well as common ſoldiers, is far greater than on our's. Their priſoners ſay, their army is ruined. And, perhaps, after a deduction of their dead, their wounded, their captivated, their deſerters, their loſt and periſhed in the woods, their number (fitted for action) will not be more than half what it was, when they came forth againſt us. This is certainly a great advantage to us, and an equal diſadvantage to them. They will doubtleſs, be reinforced from Canada; but ſo will our army from New-England: And Canada, we know, can't ſupply ſuch numbers of men, as it is in the power of New-England to do. And, by reaſon of this effort of the French, in which they were intirely diſappointed, we are better able to judge, what reinforcements may be neceſſary, and are more warmly ſpirited to raiſe and ſend them, with the quickeſt diſpatch.

And this minds me of my promiſe, not to forget to give you ſuch an account of theſe reinforcements, as may be ſufficient to open to you the abſolute neceſſity of a large remittance from Great-Britain. And to this end, I need not be particular. It might be imprudent, under preſent circumſtances, to be ſo: Tho' I may tell you, the General-Aſſembly of this province, who are now ſitting, have, this week, acted the part of wiſe and kind fathers to this people, in ſending home a repreſentation of what has been done, with reference to this affair; and I cannot but hope, and believe, it will procure a removal of that heavy weight of charge that is now lying on us, and muſt ſink us into ruin, if we don't receive ſupport from out mother-country.

I ſhall therefore only ſay in general, that the reinforcements already gone, and now going, to our army, will make it a very formidable one, I mean, for this part of the world; and the charge, ariſing from the pay, and ſubſiſtence, [almoſt doubled in its coſt, by the difficulty of tranſportation] of ſuch a body of men, muſt appear, to all who will allow themſelves to think, to be far beyond the utmoſt ability of a few poor, infant, colonies; as the New-England ones certainly are. They are all engaged in the preſent expedition; they will all therefore need aſſiſtance. Tho' this is emphatically true of the Maſſachuſetts-Province: Nor can it be denied, that they have the firſt and beſt claim [I would not ſay an excluſive one] to the pity and help of Great-Britain. They are the Principals in the enterprize on foot, and bear the greateſt part in it. But this is not all: The better half of each of the Regiments raiſed, this ſpring, upon the eſtabliſhment, under Major General Shirley, and Major General Pepperrell, were inhabitants of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay; and the other two regiments, which are gone to Nova-Scotia, were almoſt wholly made up of men of the ſame Province. 'Tis true, theſe regiments are in the pay of the crown: But ſtill, the benefit of the labour of ſo many men, in their proper buſineſs, is loſt to the Province; and further, the proportion of the tax that would have fallen to their ſhare, muſt now be taken from them, and faſtened upon the other members of the Government; which, you are ſenſible, will greatly increaſe their burden. Beſides, no longer ago than laſt year we were at the expence of erecting a fort on the banks of Kennebeck-River, under the cover of 8 or 900 men raiſed for the purpoſe, principally with a view to ſecure our Sovereign's rights in thoſe parts; the expence of which fort, in its erection, and maintenance to this day, has amounted to Two Hundred Thouſand Pounds, our money, at the loweſt computation. Nor is this all yet: As we are at war, not only with the Indians near Canada, but with all the tribes of eaſtern Indians, (the Penobſcots excepted, againſt whom alſo we are upon the point of proclaiming war,) we are obliged to keep a conſiderable number of our men conſtantly ſcouring the woods, from eaſt to weſt, in a line of 2 or 300 miles, to defend our out-ſettlements againſt their depredations.—In ſhort, one ſixth part of the effective men in the Province are, at this day, in military ſervice; and more than double the number in our own pay, than when we went againſt Cape-Breton: And if the burden of that expedition was juſtly tho't too heavy for us, much more is this the truth of the caſe at preſent.—We ſtand indeed a ſad chance of being an undone people, if we are not pitied, and relieved from the other ſide of the water.—'Twill otherwiſe be certainly impoſſible for us to engage in any enterprize the next year.—We ſhall have neither a heart-diſpoſing us, nor money enabling us, thereto: Whereas, if we are reimburſed this charge, and properly aſſured, that any other attempts ſhall be carried on at the expence of the Crown, it will give a ſpring to our vigor, and we ſhall join heart and hand in exerting our whole power to promote the ſervice of our King in ſcourging his and our enemies.

And if we are thus ſupplied with money, let the ſouthern colonies ſleep on; let New-York government in particular, ingloriouſly ſit ſtill, and do nothingTho' New-York ſupply'd only 800 men upon the preſent expedition (300 of which they did not raiſe in their own government, being unwilling to loſe ſo much of the labour of their people): yet when a large reinforcement was found neceſſary, even a greater number of men than was at firſt ſent, they choſe to lay upon their oars, not troubling themſelves to raiſe a ſingle man: So that the whole reinforcement of our army has been from the New-England colonies, who, to their honour be it ſpoken, have exerted themſelves beyond what could have been expected. 'Tis plain, from the ſpirit and conduct, our ſouthern brethren have diſcovered, that if any thing is done to purpoſe againſt the French, it muſt be done by New-England. And ſhall they not be aſſiſted, in point of money, from Great-Britain?—Can it, in the name of reaſon, be tho't equal, that theſe colonies ſhould be diminiſhed and impoveriſhed, while the growth of the ſouthern ones, in number and riches, is hereby promoted?—From the character we have of Governor Hardy, and the ſpirit he has already diſcovered, we hope New-York, under his adminiſtration, will act more like friends to the common Britiſh intereſt., while the New-England Governments are raiſing and ſending large reinforcements in defence, even of thoſe territories that are frontiers to them, and in the defence of which they eſpecially ſhould lay themſelves out to the utmoſt: I ſay, if we of the Maſſachuſetts-Province, together with the other New-England colonies, are properly encouraged and ſtrengthened with money from home, we ſhall nothing regard the ſtrange conduct of the ſouthern Governments, but chearfully and reſolutely undertake any enterpriſe for the common good; and doubt not, but we ſhall ſoon be able, without any aſſiſtance from them, under the ſmiles of providence, to bring down the pride of the American French, and make them glad to be at peace with us upon any terms.

Wiſhing ſoon to hear good tidings from our brethren, who, by this time, we would hope, are gone from Lake-George, properly reinforced, in further proſecution of their deſign, I am, with great Reſpect,