A LETTER To a FRIEND; Giving a concise, but just, Account, according to the Advices hitherto received, OF THE OHIO-Defeat; AND Pointing out also the many good Ends, this inglorious Event is naturally adapted to promote: OR, Shewing wherein it is fitted to advance the Interest of all the American British Colonies. To which is added, Some general Account of the New-England Forces, with what they have already done, counter-ballancing the above Loss.
BOSTON: N. E. Printed and Sold by Edes and Gill, at their Printing-Office, next to the Prison in Queen-Street, M,DCC,LV.
A LETTER relating to the OHIO-Defeat.
AS you live at a distance from the seat of news, and may know nothing of the Ohio-Defeat but from hearsay-reports, which, having passed thro' a variety of hands before they have reached you, must be very uncertain, and mixed with a great deal that is not true, I have been at the pains, for your gratification, to put together, from the best accounts, the whole of what may be depended on for fact, in relation to this interesting affair to all the British American Governments: And if I should hereupon add a few thoughts, tending to point out to you wherein this defeat, however inglorious in itself, is yet naturally and powerfully adapted to serve these Colonies in the end, it may give some relief to your anxious mind, and dispose you to wait, with a becoming submission, the issue of those military operations which are but just begun.
The first news of this defeat was bro't us in a letter from Col. Innes, dated July 11th, in these words, ‘I have this moment received the melancholly news of the defeat of our troops, the General killed and numbers of our officers, our whole artillery taken. In short, the account I have received is so very bad, that, as please God, I intend to make a stand here. It's highly necessary to raise the militia every where to defend the Frontiers.’ It at once appeared to every one, from the general air and strain of this letter, that the aged Colonel was under the influence of a strong panic when he wrote it, for which reason we were disposed to hope, that matters were not so bad as he had suggested; and by after contradictory accounts we were encouraged in this hope, till the second of this instant, when, upon the arrival of the western post, it was put beyond all doubt, by a variety of letters, that the Ohio-reincounter was, on our side, every way as disadvantageous as we were at first led to conceive it to be.
[Page 4] By comparing the accounts we have hitherto received, it appears, ‘that the General proceeded from the little meadows with about 1300 men, mostly British, besides the necessary artillery, ammunition, and provisions, leaving the main body of the convoy under the care of Col. Dunbar, with orders to join him as soon as possible; that on the 9th of July the Monongahela was passed first by 300 men▪ then by 200, then by the General himself, with the column of artillery, baggage, and main body of the army, about one o'clock; that immediately upon this a quick and heavy fire was heard from the front; that the detachments of the 2 and 300 men gave way, and fell back in great consternation upon the main body, who were hastening to sustain them; that this struck the men with such a panic, and bro't on such confusion as could not, by any expedients, be afterwards remedied; and that in consequence of this, notwithstanding the courage and resolution of the officers, the enemy obtained a compleat victory, killing and wounding a great many,* and obliging the rest to quit the ground, leaving behind them the artillery, ammunition, provisions, and whole baggage.’
The number of the enemy remains still somewhat uncertain. One of the officers writes, "it was impossible by the disposition of the French and Indians to judge of their number." Another is pretty certain, "that they did not exceed above 3 or 400." A Gentleman from Philadelphia of good intelligence says, "by the best accounts there were about 400 Indians and 80 French." I am inclined to think, they were not much more numerous; for if they had, they would probably have cut off the whole army, as they had so great an advantage against them, and fired, not in the European way, but by taking aim, in which method of firing the Canadians, as well as Indians, are very dextrious.
But whether their number was great, or small, they made sad havock of our men. Perhaps, all circumstances considered, history will scarce furnish an instance of such a dreadful carnage. To be sure, the like was never before seen in North-America: Nor could it have happened, humanly speaking, without great misconduct, either in the officers, or soldiers, or both. Some are pleased to lay the blame on the soldiers; speaking of them as cowards, and as leaving their officers to fall a sacrifice to the enemy. Others seem to think, the chief commander was rather principally faulty in not using due caution, and a prudent forecast, to guard the men against the surprize which involv'd them in destruction.
[Page 5] It does not come within my present design to enter upon an enquiry into the blameable source of this mischief; tho' you will unavoidably perceive my opinion about it, by reading what I have to offer with respect to the tendency of it finally to serve the interest of even all the British American Colonies.
I readily own, this defeat, in many respects, is a terrible evil. Great dishonour has been reflected on the British arms;—the Indians will be more strongly attached to the French than ever;—the French are inspir'd with greater courage and resolution, while, at the same time, their strength is very much increased by the artillery, ammunition, and stores, bro't by us, within 7 miles of their fort, at an immense expence of labour and money: Besides all which, our southern colonies are thrown into perplexity and confusion, and lie doubly exposed to the depredations of the savages of the wilderness.—But these things notwithstanding, it may be best, in the end, we have met with this loss. Shameful and mischievous as it is, it may be one of the grand links in that chain of causes, by which Heaven may intend to chastise the French, curb their insolence, drive them out of the encroachments they have made on us, and reduce them to a necessity of keeping within their own boundaries without disturbing us in the possession of ours. These, I would hope, are the beneficial consequences aimed at by providence: Nor, as I imagine, could any thing have happened more naturally and strongly adapted to bring into effect such happy events.
'Tis too evident to be disputed, that the southern Colonies needed something EXTRAORDINARY to rouse them out of that deep security * they were unhappily sunk into. Had they had a just sense of their danger from the French, who were settling and fortifying on their back-lands; had they in time wisely concerted, and vigorously executed, measures for driving them off, they might easily have done it, and at a comparatively small expence. It was unaccountable inattention to their own safety that bro't them into those circumstances, which gave rise to the embarkation of troops from home, and a greater national charge following thereupon than has ever been expended upon the northern Colonies, from their first settlement to this day. And the destruction of these troops, in so striking [Page 6] a way, accompanied with such loss and disappointment, is eminently fitted to alarm their fears, awaken in them a sense of danger, and constrain them to speed and vigour, in prosecuting methods, both for guarding themselves, and annoying the French. And should it operate to the production of these good effects, as it naturally tends to do, the damage in the end, would be more than counter-ballanced. For there are more than 40 Englishmen in the southern settlements to one Frenchman; and where the disproportion is so great, they must be capable, under a common blessing, of putting it out of the power of the French to do them any harm,† unless they are madly resolved to continue careless and inactive; which can't well be supposed after the late occurrence, so powerfully suited to excite in them a becoming concern for the security of their liberties and properties*
Our southern brethren, it must be acknowledged, have not been used to military expeditions. The sooner therefore they are put upon them the better. For their being used to them will, I believe, be found the ONLY STABLE FOUNDATION upon which, under the smiles of Heaven, and the well conducted assistance of Great-Britain, they may expect to hold their possessions without molestation from the French. And providence may be opening the way for THIS STABLE FOUNDATION by the present evil event, the rather adapted to this purpose, because so extraordinary in its circumstances. The steps by which it leads hereto are easily discernable, tho' they may be tho't tedious and burdensome. They will, by means of this disaster, be more liable than they ever were before to the incursions of the Natives, set on and strengthened by the perfidious [Page 7] French; this will put them under, what I may call, an happy necessity of raising considerable numbers of men to protect their Frontiers, and scour the Woods; this will inure their men to hardships, and insensibly teach them the art of war, as it ought to be carried on in a wilderness-land: and, in consequence of these things, they will soon have within themselves a power sufficient for their own defence, and capable of being employed offensively too, as there may be occasion.
This is the way in which the northern colonies have had numbers of men, from generation to generation, trained up for war, and inspired with martial courage disposing them, with all readiness, to go forth against the enemy, whether French, or Indian, or both, as they have been called thereto. And were the southern colonies, in the same way, form'd for military exploits, it would be an easy thing, with comparatively little help from home, wisely conducted, to drive the French, not only out of their encroachments, but out of these parts of the earth. And perhaps this may be the view of providence; and the Ohio-defeat may be one of the grand steps leading to it, by alarming the English colonies, the southern ones in special, and putting them upon the acquirement and exercise of martial skill and valor, even from necessity.
This defeat has an obvious tendency also to answer another very good purpose, it may be, the most important of any in order to success in our attempts against the French; and this is, the effecting an alteration in some material articles, as they respect the military power that may be employed to this end.
It has been tho't necessary, that the chief Command should be lodged in a British Officer of known courage, and experience in the art of war as practised in Europe. This gave rise to the appearance of General Braddock in Virginia, as Head of all his Majesty's forces in North-America. And to this, I believe, it may principally be attributed, that we met with such ill success on the banks of the Monongahela. Not that I question the personal valor of this Gentleman, or his military skill in the regular way: But he had no Idea of the manner of fighting in use here, and therefore wholly neglected the only effectual expedients to guard against the fatal consequences that arose from it. It does not indeed look very likely, that a stranger to the country, and one altogether unacquainted with its warlike methods, which are known to be quite different from what they are in Europe, should be the best qualified person to have the chief hand in planing, and executing, the hostile schemes necessary for our protection and security, The present melancholly event is, all circumstances considered, surprizingly calculated to give instruction and [Page 8] warning upon this head: Nor, after such dear bought experience, is it probable we shall again have our first military officer from home. Or should this be still tho't necessary, we may reasonably hope, he will be so restrained as not to have it in his Power to act, but with the advice of some thoroughly experienced American actually present with him. Had General Braddock been thus restrained, tis morally certain, he would not have been so shamefully surprized and beat. It does not appear, that he wanted good advice; and some are of opinion, that if he had hearkened to it, not holding those in too great contempt, who, tho' inferior to him in regular military skill, were yet better acquainted with the methods proper to be used with such an enemy as he had to engage with, he might have been alive at this day, and in circumstances to have forced Du Quesne out of the hands of the French.
The American provincial troops, the New-England ones in particular, who have exposed themselves to hardships and hazards for their King and Country, and by their bravery done eminent service for both, may have been too much neglected, I mean in those appointments which are the proper reward of military merit. The Regiments upon the establishment ordered to be raised this year, in these colonies, were so supply'd with British officers, that room was left for only here and there one of an American descent; and perhaps room would not have been left even for these few, had it not been a necessary expedient in order to the filling up of the regiments. Nor is this the first time, that as brave men as any in the world have been treated with like neglect. Tis well known, New-England gave peace to Europe, not many years ago, by the valor of their men in reducing Cape-Breton; and yet, these very men were strangely overlook'd in the appointment of officers for the two Regiments that were raised, even from among themselves, for the securing that important acquisition; that is to say, New-England men did all the service, both in taking and keeping this strong fortress, and one and another from Great-Britain were put into most of the posts of honor and profit, to the exclusion of those who had merited them, and were, without any reflection; as well capable of filling them. A different conduct seems necessary; if any thing is ever intended to be done to good purpose against the French, in these parts of the world. And the late horrid slaughter of British officers, as well as private soldiers, may have a tendency to bring it about. It is certainly adapted to such a purpose. For it is now made manifest, and in a way that can't fail, one would think, of convincing even all England, that neither British officers, nor private soldiers, without American assistance, can be depended on for success against American enemies.
[Page 9] Had General Braddock been opposed by French Regulars only, he would probably have met with little interruption in his progress; but, as he had to do with the Canadians and Indians, who fought in a way he was an intire stranger to, he soon fell a prey into their hands: Nor would numbers have served him; they would only have given occasion for a more horrible slaughter of men. The plain truth is, Regular troops, in this Wilderness-country, are just the same that irregular ones would be in Flanders. American irregulars would easily be confounded by regular troops in the open fields of Europe; and regular troops would be as easily reduced to the like confusion by American irregulars in the woods here.
I would not be understood to mean by what I here say, as tho' we did not need regular troops, or could not make use of them to good purpose. For, as France has sent over a considerable number of their regulars, it is highly proper there should be regulars to oppose them; and, in laying seige to their fortifications, regulars are the fittest to be employed: But, as there is no way of marching to the French fortresses, or to their regulars, either in, or out of them, but thro' the American woods and thickets, the best regular troops that could be sent us would, without all doubt, be attacked in their march; and should this be the case, they would probably be soon destroyed, or obliged to retreat with loss, not being skilled in the only method of fighting that would be of any real service to them. General Braddock's defeat is a practical instance that must forever silence all dispute upon this head.
And what is more naturally and obviously deducible herefrom than this, that American irregulars, in an American war, are full as necessary as British regulars. And if American irregulars are thus necessary, it must be evident, at first sight, that it will argue the want of policy, if that is done which has a direct tendency to cool their zeal, and damp their spirits; and this most certainly will be done, if they are obliged to see regiments raised, upon the British Establishment, even among themselves, with so many officers appointed from home, as almost wholly to exclude them from being sharers in any thing that is either honorable, or profitable. If one of the good effects following upon the Ohio-defeat, so inglorious to the British arms, as well as hurtful to their interest, is not a greater care to distinguish American merit, it will not be because it is not, in all respects, fitted to point out the political Wisdom of such a conduct: Nor, unless such a conduct should be consequent thereupon, can it reasonably be expected, that any military attempts will be carried on here with that resolution, vigor, and spirit, which are necessary.
[Page 10] I may pertinently add to what has been hitherto said, it is possible some of the rules and articles for the further governing his Majesty's forces, given out the last year, extending to America, and the troops serving here by commission only from the Governors of the several provinces, would not have run exactly in their present form, if the importance of these troops, in an American war, had been so thoroughly considered then, as it probably will be now. Perhaps, upon this supposition, it would not have been thought absolutely necessary to be so explicit in saying, "that the general or field-officers of the provincial troops shall have no rank with the general and field-officers who serve by commission from us;" or, that "the captain and other inferior officers of the British forces shall, in all duties, take post of the provincial officers of the like rank, though their commissions should be of elder date." Such a distinction, so formally made between British and Provincial officers, however just in it self, may, in present circumstances, be of great disservice, and certainly will, should it unhappily prove an occasion of jealousy, disaffection, and contempt, in these officers towards each other.
The subjection also of the Provincial troops to Courts-martial, "in like manner with the officers and soldiers of the British troops, when acting in conjunction with them," may probably tend to render the enlistment of soldiers a much greater difficulty, than if they were left to be try'd conformably to the laws of the provinces to which they belong. For it is to be considered, nine in ten of the men, who must compose our Provincial troops, in any important expedition, if to be depended on, are such as go upon principle, from loyalty to their King, love to their country, and a just concern for the welfare of their families, and the security of their liberties and estates; and these are the men that would be most startled at the thought of being subjected to Martial-law, as practised at home: nor would they easily be persuaded to come under such subjection.
The unhappy event that has lately taken place in America is well fitted to convey to the Mother-Country just Ideas of what is proper to be done here: and it will accordingly, as we may reasonably trust, be productive of those determinations, which shall, in the best manner, tend to support the honour of the Provincial, as well as British troops, and give them all the weight and encouragement that can be desired.
You are satisfied, I believe, by this time, that the Ohio-defeat is naturally adapted to serve the American English Colonies in the end, however grievous it may be for the present: Though I should not [Page 11] do justice to New-England in general, and the Massachusetts-Province in particular, if I did not suggest my fears, least, by means of this disappointment, they would be subjected to one very great hardship, unless his Majesty, in his paternal wisdom and goodness, should do that which will, in a good measure, prevent its being so. To explain my self here.
New-England in general, and the Massachusetts-Province in special, are the chief, I may say the only, sources that may be rely'd on for a supply of effective men to carry into execution any future designs against the French. There are no men in the American Colonies so well qualified, or spirited, as these to engage in war-like enterprizes: And this is so well known, that the other Colonies, as well as Great-Britain, have their expectations mainly from us. The danger therefore is, lest our men should be call'd into military service beyond our ability, as well as proportion. This indeed is the case at present. The Massachusetts-Government only has more men employ'd in the several expeditions now on foot, than all the other Colonies put together. One full eighth part of our people (the flower of them too) are in active service at this day, and a greater number of them in our own pay than when we undertook the reduction of Louisbourg. Such, in truth, is the spirit reigning in the Province, that every third man, I believe, would be in readiness, upon very short warning, to engage in an enterprize I could name, if put upon it, and duly encouraged in it. It is therefore obvious, at first sight, that, in the present situation of affairs, we shall be singularly liable to have our men taken off from their labour in their respective callings, the effect whereof will be the rise of all the necessaries of life; an incapacity to pay those taxes, which are already tribled upon us; and, what is still worse, the stopping our growth for twenty or thirty years, by the loss of our young men, either by death, or their going where they will be exposed to fewer hardships, and less charge.
It is in the power of his Majesty to prevent, in a great measure, these inconveniences, I don't mean by not calling upon us for our men; [this, considering the present temper and character of the Southern Colonies, may be necessary] but by employing them at the charge of the crown; at the same time, making us the special object of his paternal regards, in proportion to our greater zeal and activity in the defence of our Sovereign's rights against the French-Encroachments.
It does not seem equitable, that this Province, because more loyal and active than the other Provinces, should be drain'd of its men, and [Page 12] burdened with a weight of charge beyond what we are able to bear. We may, I think, reasonably expect all proper care will be taken to guard against this: Nor otherwise will it be long in our power to be of any service, either to his Majesty, or the other Colonies under his dominion. We shall sink under the burden that is laid upon us, and unavoidably fall into ruin.
I cannot help observing here, though this Province has been the Grand Barrier to all the American Colonies for more than an hundred years, and has, in that time, expended immense sums of money, in the wars it has carried on with the French, and Indians, for the common good, as well as its own; yet it has never received the least help, in respect either of men, or money, from any of the southern Governments: Nor has the Mother-Country, in all that time, made them a donation of so much as one thousand pounds, so far as I remember, to assist them in their own proper defence: Which we take the more hardly, as we have been publickly told, that no less a sum than ten thousand pounds sterl. was given the last year to Virginia, (and without their asking for it) to encourage them in their attempts against the French at Ohio; while yet, this is the first time they have been called to any difficulty of this sort, or put to any charge worth mentioning. Were we, in this Province, to meet with proportionable encouragement from home, we should not think much of any thing we might be called to for the common benefit of the American British Colonies.
I believe, Sir, you think it high time I should come to a close of this letter; but I must beg your patience, though I may already have trespassed upon it, while I mention to you what our New-England forces have done this summer for the service of his Majesty, and turning the scale in favour of the English, notwithstanding our loss at Ohio.
Let me then congratulate you upon the reduction of all the French forts * at Nova-Scotia, and St. John's River. In some complimental addresses to the Governor of Hallifax, NEW-ENGLAND was kept so intirely out of view, that a stranger would have guessed, that British Troops [Page 13] only had merited the honour of this exploit: Whereas the plain truth is, it was done by two regiments (of a thousand each) sent from New-England, with the assistance of only two or three hundred of his Majesty's regular troops. This could not well have been disguised, even in a compliment, if a New-England officer had had the chief command, as we were universally led to expect. How the matter came to be otherwise ordered, I presume not to say: But thus much is certain, the honour of New-England was not thereby advanced, nor the most likely step taken to promote his Majesty's service in future enlistments. I have no view in what I now say to suggest the least reflection on Col. Monckton; for, by all accounts, he is every way equal to the place he holds, and has behaved excellently well in it: But it must be tho't reasonable, that New-England should have had the honour of a Chief-Commander from among her own sons; especially as it is known here, that they enlisted upon this supposition, and would have been persuaded upon no other.
I need not observe to you the importance of these acquisitions in Nova-Scotia. They are alone a full counter-balance to our loss at the southward; and you will easily be disposed to think so, when I have told you that the Neutral-French, as they are called, are, by this means, intirely subjected to our Command. And accordingly transport-vessels, (they having refused to swear allegiance to his majesty George our gracious Sovereign) have been taken up, and sailed from hence, to carry them out of that part of America, and to place them in others where they may be less dangerous and troublesome. I suppose, by this time, Nova-Scotia is emptied of its French-inhabitants, and thereby secured to the British crown more effectually than ever. How galling must this be to France! What a vast disappointment! when she doubtless expected the reverse of all this, as she had sent over so great a number of troops, and with a design to accomplish that on her side, which we have done on our's.
We thankfully ascribe it, under the smiles of providence, to the seasonable arrival of Admiral Boscawen, with so powerful a naval force, that the Gallic Scheme, so far as it related to Nova-Scotia, has been intirely defeated. And such has been the vigilant and prudent conduct of this brave Commander, and such the distresses arising herefrom to a certain place, that it might, perhaps, should permission be granted, be soon put into English hands, to the intire Ruin of the French interest in America.
[Page 14] I don't think I shall be too hasty, if I congratulate you also on the virtual or constructive conquest even of Du Quesne itself on the Ohio, in what Major General Shirley, our Governor, has already done to cut off the communication between Canada, and that fort. I own, I was not without pain, when I knew his excellency was going in person upon the Niagara-expedition, and with no more than about 2500 men, as it might reasonably be expected the French would be alarmed at an attempt to take from them the grand Key to all the Lakes, and whole Country extending to the Missisippi; and my fears were heightened upon the advantage, General Braddock's defeat would give them, the more powerfully to oppose him. But, by the wise and timely care of his Excellency, the English Oswego-fort, upon the Margin of the south-east part of lake Ontario, was so enlarged and strengthened as to discourage a thousand French and Indians from making an attack upon it, tho' they were collected together, near the fort, for this purpose:—Besides which, He has for some time had, thro' the laborious diligence of a number of New-England carpenters, well guarded and defended while at their work, three well arm'd vessels cruizing in the lake; and by this time 2 more are built, and join'd with them; which make a very formidable squadron for a small sea, as Ontario may be called, tho' detached from the Ocean between 2 and 300 miles at the nearest distance. And, by means of this squadron, he has it in his power to prevent an attempt against Oswego by canonading or bombarding, without which it will be an easy thing to hold it against any number of French and Indians that can be bro't to take it. And by this squadron also he has rendered it impracticable (as may be seen by only looking on a map of this part of America) for the Canadians to convey artillery, ammunition, or any other stores, for the defence of their encroachments on the back of our southern Colonies. Fort Du Quesne must, for this reason, soon fall into our hands, and without much trouble, besides what may be called for in watching the lake.
Had General Braddock made it his first business to secure the command of lake Ontario, which he might easily have done soon enough to have stopt the force that was sent from Canada to Du Quesne, that fort must have been surrendered to him upon demand; and had he gone this way to it, greater part of that vast sum might have been saved to the nation, which was expended in making a waggon road, thro' the woods and mountains, the way he went. Why he went this way I presume not to enquire; much less would I say, that he was above thinking, any plan of operation could be better than his own.
[Page 15] It is impossible to determine at this distance, whether his Excellency General Shirley will directly endeavour the reduction of Niagara-Fort. He is wise, and cautious; and will, I believe, do nothing upon this head, under present circumstances, unless there is the utmost probability of success. It would not give me any concern, if he should make no immediate attempt upon this fort. For as he has now got the command of Lake Ontario, the grand point is gained. The key of communication is in English hands; and if a good use is made of it, the consequence must be the intire destruction of the French interest on the back-parts of our southern Colonies, in a little time, and with little pains.
As to our Crown-Point expedition; its effect is still altogether in the womb of providence; though it might have been determined long ago, and in our favour, humanly speaking, had not a delay been render'd unavoidable, by the obligation which was laid upon Governor Shirley to go to Maryland [a curious specimen, among other things we have seen, of the signal advantage of the lately proposed Union of the Provinces] to settle with General Braddock the plan of action for the summer. This affair has now been so long in hand, and so much opportunity hereby given the Canadians to employ even their whole power to oppose us, that I am not, I freely own, without fear what may be the consequence. The troops from France, not intercepted by Admiral Boscowen, may, before this time, be posted in the most advantageous situation for the defence of that place: And should this be the case, our New-England men may be called to difficult service. If they don't succeed, it will not be for want of courage and resolution. Superior force may possibly oblige them to return without accomplishing what they went for; but I rather hope soon to hear, that they are in possession of Fort-Frederick.
I have nothing further to add at present, but that I am, without a compliment,
P. S. You will probably gratify some private friends, by giving them the opportunity of perusing this letter. You may act your pleasure upon the matter: Nay, I object not against your making the letter public, if you should think it fitted to promote the public service.