Civil magistrates must be just, ruling in the fear of God. A sermon preached before His Excellency William Shirley, Esq; the Honourable His Majesty's Council, and House of Representatives, of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in N. England; May 27. 1747. Being the anniversary for the election of His Majesty's Council for the said province. / By Charles Chauncy, D.D. one of the Pastors of the First Church in Boston. ; [One line from Deuteronomy] ; N.B. The several paragraphs which, for want of time, were omitted in preaching, are inserted in their proper places, and, for distinction's sake, comprehended in crotchets. Chauncy, Charles, 1705-1787. Approx. 108 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI : 2008-09. N04742 N04742 Evans 5919 APY9799 5919 99037409

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Early American Imprints, 1639-1800 ; no. 5919. (Evans-TCP ; no. N04742) Transcribed from: (Readex Archive of Americana ; Early American Imprints, series I ; image set 5919) Images scanned from Readex microprint and microform: (Early American imprints. First series ; no. 5919) Civil magistrates must be just, ruling in the fear of God. A sermon preached before His Excellency William Shirley, Esq; the Honourable His Majesty's Council, and House of Representatives, of the province of the Massachusetts-Bay in N. England; May 27. 1747. Being the anniversary for the election of His Majesty's Council for the said province. / By Charles Chauncy, D.D. one of the Pastors of the First Church in Boston. ; [One line from Deuteronomy] ; N.B. The several paragraphs which, for want of time, were omitted in preaching, are inserted in their proper places, and, for distinction's sake, comprehended in crotchets. Chauncy, Charles, 1705-1787. Massachusetts. General Court. 69, [3] p. ; 22 cm. (4to) Printed by order of the Honourable House of Representatives., Boston: : 1747. Half-title: Dr. Chauncy's election sermon. May 27th. 1747. Appendix, p. [70-71], contains extracts from the election sermons of John Bernard and Nathaniel Appleton for 1734 and 1742 respectively.

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eng Election sermons -- Massachusetts -- 1747. 2006-11 Assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 Keyed and coded from Readex/Newsbank page images 2007-09 Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Dr. Chauncy's Election SERMON.

May 27th. 1747.

Civil Magiſtrates muſt be juſt, ruling in the Fear of God.

A SERMON Preached before His EXCELLENCY William Shirley, Eſq; The Honourable His Majeſty's COUNCIL, AND Houſe of Repreſentatives, Of the Province of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay in N. England; May 27. 1747.

Being the ANNIVERSARY for the ELECTION of His Majeſty's Council for ſaid Province.

By Charles Chauncy, D. D.

One of the Paſtors of the firſt Church in BOSTON.

Deut. xvi. 20. That which is altogether juſt ſhalt thou follow—.

N. B. The ſeveral Paragraphs which, for want of Time, more omitted in Preaching, are inſerted in their proper Places, and, for Diſtinction's ſake, comprehended in Crotchets.

BOSTON: Printed by Order of the Honourable Houſe of REPRESENTATIVES. 1747.

In the Houſe of Repreſentatives, May 28. 1747.

Ordered, THAT the Repreſentatives of the Town of Boſton be directed to give the Thanks of the Houſe to the Rev. Dr. Chauncy, for his Sermon preach'd Yeſterday before the General Court, being the Anniverſary for the Election of Councillors, and to deſire a Copy thereof for the Preſs.

T. Hutchinſon, Spkr.
AN Election-SERMON. II SAM. xxiii. 3. The God of Iſrael ſaid, the Rock of Iſrael ſpake to me; he that ruleth over Men muſt be juſt, ruling in the Fear of God.

IF we may judge by the manner in which theſe words are introduced, there are none in all the bible, applicable to civil rulers, in their publick capacity, of more ſolemn importance.

The laſt words of good men are commonly tho't worthy of particular notice; eſpecially, if they are great as well as good, of an elevated ſtation as well as character in life. This is a conſideration that adds weight to my text. For it is enrolled among the laſt words of one of the beſt and greateſt men that ever lived. Such was David, 'the man after God's own heart,' who was raiſed up from low life to the regal dignity, and ſtiled, on that account, 'the anointed of the God of Jacob.'

And was my text nothing more than his own private ſentiments, formed with due care, upon long obſervation and experience, it might well deſerve the particular attention of all in civil power; eſpecially, as he was a man of extraordinary knowledge, penetration and wiſdom, as well as piety; and, at the ſame time, ſingularly qualified to make a judgment in an affair of this nature, as he was called into publick ſervice from a youth, and had for many years reigned king in Iſrael.

But it is not only David that here ſpeaks. The words are rather God's than his. For they are thus prefaced, The God of Iſrael ſaid, the rock of Iſrael ſpake to me. 'That God who had ſelected the Jews to be his people, and was their God ſo as he was not the God of other nations; the rock on whom their political ſtate was built, and on whom it depended for ſupport and protection':—This God ſpake unto David, either by Samuel, or Nathan, or ſome other inſpired prophet, or himſelf immediately from heaven, ſaying, as in the words I have read to you, He that ruleth over men muſt be juſt, ruling in the fear of God. It is certainly ſome momentous truth, highly worthy of the moſt ſerious conſideration of civil rulers, that is here delivered, or it would not have been uſhered in with ſo much ſolemnity.

Some read the words, (agreable eno' to the original, as criticks obſerve) there ſhall be a ruler over men that ſhall be juſt, ruling in the fear of God; and refer them to Chriſt, as agreeing with other prophecies, which deſcribe him as a 'king that ſhall reign in righteouſneſs,' and be of 'quick underſtanding in the fear of the Lord:' But if they be allowed to look forward to him that has ſince 'come forth out of Zion,' they were alſo deſigned for the inſtruction and benefit of Solomon, David's ſon and appointed ſucceſſor to the throne of Iſrael. And by analogy they are applicable to civil rulers, in their various ſtations, in all ages of the world.

In this view I ſhall now conſider them, under the two following heads obviouſly contained in them.

I. There is a certain order among mankind, according to which ſome are entruſted with power to rule over others. II. Thoſe who rule over others muſt be juſt, ruling in the fear of God.

The whole will then be applied to the occaſions of the day.

I. I am to ſay, in the firſt place, there is a certain order among men, according to which ſome are entruſted with power to rule over others. This is evidently ſuppoſed in the text; and 'tis ſuppoſed, not as a bare fact, but a fact that has taken place conformably to the will of God, and the reaſon of things.

This, to be ſure, is the truth of the caſe, in it ſelf conſidered. Order and rule in ſociety, or, what means the ſame thing, civil government, is not a contrivance of arbitrary and tyrannical men, but a regular ſtate of things, naturally reſulting from the make of man, and his circumſtances in the world. Had man abode in innocency, his nature as a ſociable creature, and his condition as a dependent one, would probably have led to ſome ſort of civil ſuperiority: As, among the inhabitants of the upper world, there ſeems to be a difference of order, as well as ſpecies; which the ſcripture intimates, by ſpeaking of them in the various ſtile of thrones, dominions, principalities, powers, archangels and angels. But however it would have been, had man continued in obedience to his maker, government is rendered a matter of neceſſity by the introduction of ſin into the world. Was there no civil rule among men, but every one might do that which was right in his own eyes, without reſtraint from humane laws, there would not be ſafety any where on the earth. No man would be ſecure in the enjoyment, either of his liberty, or property, or life: But every man's hand would be againſt his fellow; and mankind muſt live in perpetual danger, from that oppreſſion, rapine and violence, which would make this world rather a hell, than a fit place to dwell happily in.

The preſent circumſtances of the human race are therefore ſuch, by means of ſin, that 'tis neceſſary they ſhould, for their mutual defence and ſafety, combine together in diſtinct ſocieties, lodging as much power in the hands of a few, as may be ſufficient to reſtrain the irregularities of the reſt, and keep them within the bounds of a juſt decorum. Such a ſuperiority in ſome, and inferiority in others, is perfectly adjuſted to the preſent ſtate of mankind.—Their circumſtances require it.—They could not live, either comfortably or ſafely without it.

And from hence, ſtrictly and properly ſpeaking, does that civil order there is among men take riſe. Nor will it from hence follow, that government is a mere humane conſtitution. For as it originates in the reaſon of things, 'tis, at the ſame time, eſſentially founded on the will of God. For the voice of reaſon is the voice of God: And he as truly ſpeaks to men by the reaſon of things, their mutual relations to and dependencies on each other, as if he uttered his voice from the excellent glory. And in this way, primarily, he declares his will reſpecting a civil ſubordination among men. The ſutableneſs of order and ſuperiority, both to the nature of man, and his circumſtances in the world, together with its neceſſary connection, in the nature of things, with his ſafety and happineſs, is ſuch an indication of the divine pleaſure, that there ſhould be government, as cannot be gainſay'd nor reſiſted.

Only it muſt be remembred here, a diſtinction ought always to be made between government in its general notion, and particular form and manner of adminiſtration. As to the latter, it cannot be affirmed, that this or that particular form of government is made neceſſary by the will of God and reaſon of things. The mode of civil rule may in conſiſtency with the public good, admit of variety: And it has, in fact, been various in different nations: Nor has it always continued the ſame, in the ſame nation. And one model of government may be beſt for this Community, and another for that; nay, that model which may be beſt for the ſame community at one time, may not be ſo at another. So that it ſeems left to the wiſdom of particular communities to determine what form of government ſhall take place among them; and, ſo long as the general ends of ſociety are provided for and ſecured, the determination may be various, according to the various circumſtances, policies, tempers and intereſts of different communities.

And the ſame may be ſaid of the manner of veſting particular perſons with civil power, whether ſupreme or ſubordinate. This is not ſo fix'd by the divine will, as that all nations are obliged to one and the ſame way of devolving the adminiſtration of rule. The ſupreme authority in Iſrael, 'tis true, from which, of courſe, all ſubordinate power in that ſtate was derived, was ſettled by God himſelf on David, and entail'd on his family to deſcend in a lineal ſucceſſion. But it does not appear, that this was ever intended to be a rule obligatory on all nations of the earth: Nor have they kept to it; but have varied in their manner of deſigning perſons for, and introducing them into, the ſeveral places of civil truſt. And this ſeems to be a matter alterable in its nature, and proper to be variouſly determined according to the different circumſtances of particular nations.

But 'tis quite otherwiſe in reſpect of government itſelf, in its general notion. This is not a matter of meer humane prudence, but of moral neceſſity. It does not lie with men to determine at pleaſure, whether it ſhall or ſhall not take place; but, conſidering their preſent weak, expoſed and dependent condition, 'tis unalterably right and juſt there ſhould be rule and ſuperiority in ſome, and ſubjection and inferiority in others: And this therefore is invariably the will of God; his will manifeſted by the moral fitneſs and reaſon of things.

And the will of God, as diſcovered in the revelations of ſcripture, touching government among men, perfectly coincides with his will primarily made known, upon the ſame head, by the conſtitution of things: Or rather, 'tis more clearly and fully opened. For kings, and princes, and nobles, and all the judges of the earth, are here repreſentedProv. 8. 15, 16. as reigning and ruling by God: Yea, they are ſtiled, the miniſters of God Rom. 13. 4. and the powers that be are declared to be ordained of God Verſe 1.: And, upon this conſideration, ſubjection to them is demanded, for conſcience ſake Verſe 5.; and whoſoever reſiſteth, is looked upon as reſiſting the ordinance of God Verſe 2.. From all which it is apparent, there is no more room to diſpute the divinity of civil rule upon the foot of revelation, than of reaſon.

And thus we have ſeen, not only that ſome among men have rule over others, but that it is reaſonable in itſelf, and agreable to the will of God, it ſhould be ſo.

And 'tis eaſy to collect from the whole, the true deſign of that power ſome are entruſted with over others. It is not merely that they might be diſtinguiſhed from, and ſet above vulgar people; much leſs that they might live in greater pomp, and be revered as gods on earth; much leſs ſtill that they might be in circumſtances to oppreſs their fellow-creatures, and trample them under their feet: But it is for the general good of mankind; to keep confuſion and diſorder out of the world; to guard men's lives; to ſecure their rights; to defend their properties and liberties; to make their way to juſtice eaſy, and yet effectual, for their protection when innocent, and their relief when injuriouſly treated; and, in a word, to maintain peace and good order, and, in general, to promote the public Welfare, in all inſtances, ſo far as they are able. But this leads me to the next head of diſcourſe, which is what I have principally in view; viz.

II. Thoſe who rule over others muſt be juſt, ruling in the fear of God. Here I ſhall diſtinctly ſay,

1. They muſt be juſt. They ought to be ſo in their private capacity; maintaining a care to exhibit in their conduct, towards all they are concerned with, a fair tranſcript of that fundamental law of the religion of Jeſus, as well as eternal rule of natural juſtice, 'all things whatſoever ye would that men ſhould do to you, do ye even ſo to them.' But private juſtice, tho' neceſſary in all, yet is not the virtue here eſpecially intended. The injunction reſpects thoſe who rule over men; and 'tis as magiſtrates, not private members of ſociety, that they are required to be juſt.

And this duty includes in it more than a negation of unrighteouſneſs. 'Tis not enough that rulers are not unjuſt; that they don't betray the truſts repoſed in them; that they don't defraud the public; that they don't oppreſs the ſubject, whether in a barefac'd manner, or in a more covert way; by downright violence, or under the cloak of law: 'Tis not enough, I ſay, that rulers don't, in theſe and ſuch like ways, pervert judgment and juſtice; out, beſides all this, they muſt be poſitively righteous. Being poſſeſs'd of an inward, ſteady, uniform principle of juſtice, ſetting them, in a good meaſure, above the influence of private intereſt, or party views, they muſt do that which is equal and right, in their various ſtations, from the king in ſupreme, to the loweſt in authority under him.

It would carry me too far beyond the hour aſſigned me, ſhould I make a diſtribution of rulers into their ſeveral ranks, and mention the more ſpecial acts of juſtice reſpectively required of them. I ſhall therefore content my ſelf with ſpeaking of them chiefly in the collective ſenſe; pointing out, under a few general heads, ſome of the more important articles wherein they ſhould approve themſelves juſt. And they are ſuch as theſe.

They muſt be juſt in the uſe of their power; confining it within the limits preſcribed in the conſtitution they are under. Whatever power any are veſted with, 'tis delegated to them according to ſome civil conſtitution. And this, ſo long as it remains the conſtitution, they are bound in juſtice to conform themſelves to: To be ſure, they ought not to act in violation of any of its main and eſſential rights. Eſpecially, is this an important point of juſtice; where the conſtitution is branched into ſeveral parts, and the power originally lodged in it, is divided, in certain meaſures, to each part, in order to preſerve, a ballance in the whole. Rulers, in this caſe, in either branch of the government, are bounded by the conſtitution, and obliged to keep within the proper limits aſſigned them; never claſhing in the exerciſe of their power, never encroaching upon the rights of each other, in any ſhape, or under any pretence whatever. They have ſeverally and equally a right to that power which is granted to them in the conſtitution, and to wreſt it out of each other's hands, or to obſtruct one another in the regular legal exerciſe of it, is evidently unjuſt. As in the Britiſh conſtitution, which devolves the power of the ſtate, in certain proportions, on King, Lords and Commons, they have neither of them a right to invade the province of the other, but are required, by the rule of righteouſneſs, to keep ſeverally within their own boundaries, acting in union among themſelves, and conſiſtency with the conſtitution. If the prerogatives of the King are ſacred, ſo alſo are the rights of Lords and Commons: And if it would be unjuſt in Lords or Commons, to touch, in any inſtance, the prerogative of the crown; ſo would it be in the crown, to invade the rights, which are legally ſettled in Lords and Commons: In either of theſe caſes, the law of righteouſneſs is violated: Nor does the manner in which it is done make any eſſential difference; for, if one part of the government is really kept from exerting it ſelf, according to the true meaning of the conſtitution, whether it be done openly, or by ſecret craft; by compulſion or corruption, the deſigned ballance is no longer preſerved; and which way ſoever the ſcale turns, whether on the ſide of ſovereignty, or popularity, 'tis forced down by a falſe weight, which, by degrees, will overturn the government, at leaſt, according to this particular model.

And the caſe is juſt the ſame in all dependent governments, as in thoſe whoſe power originates in themſelves: Eſpecially, where the derived conſtitution, like that of Great-Britain, is divided into ſeveral ruling parts, and diſtributes the granted powers and priviledges ſeverally among theſe ruling parts, to each their limited portion. The conſtitution is here evidently the grand rule to all cloathed with power, or claiming priviledge, in either branch of the government. And 'tis indeed a fundamental point of juſtice, that they keep reſpectively within the bounds marked out to them in the conſtitution. Rulers in one branch of the ſtate ſhould not aſſume the power delegated to thoſe in another: Nay, ſo far ſhould they be from this, that they ſhould not, in any degree, leſſen their juſt weight in the government; much leſs may they contrive, by an undue application to their hopes or fears, or by working on their ambition, or covetouſneſs, or any other corrupt principle; much leſs, I ſay, may they contrive to influence them to give up their power, or, what is as bad, to uſe it unfaithfully, beſide the intention for which it was committed to them. Theſe are certainly methods of injuſtice; and, if put in practice, will, by a natural cauſality, weaken, and, by degrees, deſtroy thoſe checks which rulers are mutually deſigned to have one upon another; the effect whereof muſt be tyranny, or anarchy, either of which will be of fatal conſequence.

2. Another general inſtance wherein rulers ſhould be juſt, relates to the laws by which they govern. [They have an undoubted right to make and execute laws, for the publick good. This is eſſentially included in the very idea of government: Inſomuch, that government, without a right to enact and enforce proper laws, is nothing more than an empty name.

And this right, in whomſoever it is veſted, muſt be exerciſed under the direction of juſtice. For as there cannot be government without a right of legiſlation, ſo neither can there be this right but in conjunction with righteouſneſs. 'Tis the juſt exerciſe of power that diſtinguiſhes right from might; authority that is to be revered and obeyed, from violence and tyranny, which are to be dreaded and deprecated.

Thoſe therefore to whom it belongs to make, or execute the laws of a government ought, in theſe exerciſes of their power, to ſquare their conduct by that ſtrict juſtice, which will be to them a ſure rule of right action.]

To be ſure, if they would be juſt, they muſt make no laws but what bear this character. They ſhould not, when upon the buſineſs of framing and paſſing acts, ſuffer themſelves to be ſwayed by any wrong biaſs, either from ſelf-will, or ſelf-intereſt; the ſmiles or frowns of men greater than themſelves; or the humour of the populace: But ſhould bring the propoſed laws to a fair and impartial examination, not only in their reference to the temper, genius and circumſtances of the community, but to that juſtice alſo which is founded in the nature of things, and the will of the ſupreme legiſlator: And if they ſhould appear to be inconſiſtent with this eternal rule of equity, they ought not to countenance them, but ſhould do what they can to prevent their eſtabliſhment. And the rather, becauſe ſhould they enact that into a ſtatute, which is unrighteous; eſpecially, if it be plainly and groſly ſo, they would be chargeable with 'framing miſchief by a law': The guilt whereof would be the more aggravated, as power, in this caſe, would be on the ſide of oppreſſion; and, what is as bad, as unrighteouſneſs, by this means, would take a dreadful ſpread thro' the community. For as the laws are the rule for the executive powers in the government, if theſe are unjuſt, all that is done conſequent upon a regard to them, muſt be unjuſt too. That would be the ſtate of things which Solomon deſcribes, when he ſays, 'I ſaw under the ſun the place of judgment, that wickedneſs was there; and the place of righteouſneſs, that iniquity was there:' Than which, there cannot be given a more terrible repreſentation of the unhappy effect of a diſregard to juſtice in the making of laws.

But Rulers, in order to their anſwering the character of juſt, muſt not ſatisfy themſelves with making none but righteous laws; but muſt provide alſo, ſo far as may be, a ſufficiency of ſuch to reſtrain the ſons of wickedneſs, men of avaricious minds, and no conſciences, from that rapine and violence, thoſe frauds and oppreſſions, in their various kinds and degrees, which their luſts would prompt them to perpetrate, to the damage of ſociety, and in violation of all that is right and juſt.

Beſides which, they ſhould be particular in their care to guard the important and extenſive article of commerce; calculating laws ſo as that they may have a tendency to oblige every member of the community, to uſe the methods of fairneſs and honeſty in their dealings with one another: In order whereto, one of the main things neceſſary is, to fix the preciſe weight and meaſure, according to which theſe and thoſe commodities ſhall be bought and ſold; hereby rendring the practice of honeſty eaſy and familiar, while, at the ſame time, it is made a matter of difficulty, as well as hazard, for this member of the community to defraud that, by palming on him a leſs quantity than he bargain'd, for, and expected to receive.

[A noble example of this expedient to promote juſtice, the ſcripture preſents us with, in the hiſtory it gives of the laws by which the Jews of old were governed. It was not thought ſufficient to prohibit their 'doing unrighteouſneſs in meteyard, or weight, or meaſure;' and to command their having 'juſt ballances and juſt weights, a juſt Ephah and a juſt Hin:' But the ſtandard was fixt by law, according to which all weights and meaſures muſt be regulated; and it was kept in the ſanctuary of God. And ſo exact was the government in its care to prevent all fraud, that it allowed no "weights, ballances or meaſures to be made of any metal, as of Iron, Lead, Tin, (which were obnoxious to ruſt, or might be bent or eaſily impaired) but of Marble, Stone or Glaſs, which were leſs liable to be abuſed."Vid. Bp. Patrick on Levit. 19. 36. And officers alſo "were appointed in every city to go about into ſhops, and ſee that the ballances and meaſures were juſt, and determine the ſtated meaſure of them: And with whomſoever they found any weight or meaſure too light or ſhort, or ballance that went awry, they were to be puniſhed by the judges."So ſpeaks Maimonides, as quoted by Ainſworth on the above text. This pattern of juſtice has been copied after by all governments acquainted with it; and the more particular their law, have been for the regulation of weights and meaſures, the better calculated have they been to promote honeſty in private dealing.]

And if juſtice in rulers ſhould ſhew itſelf by reducing the things that are bought and ſold to weight and meaſure, much more ought it to be ſeen in aſcertaining the medium of trade, as nearly as may be, to ſome determinate value. For this, whether it be money, or ſomething ſubſtituted to paſs in lieu of it, is that for which all things are exchanged in commerce. And if this, which is of ſuch univerſal uſe in the affair of traffick, be a thing variable and uncertain, of one value this week, and another the next, 'tis difficult to conceive, how juſtice ſhould take place between man and man, in their dealings with one another. If the meaſure we call a foot might gradually, in the ſpace of a few months or years, lengthen into a yard, or ſhorten into an inch; every one ſees, it would, if uſed as a meaſure in trade, tend to ſpread unrighteouſneſs in a community, rather than juſtice. So, if the weight we call a pound might gradually, in the like ſpace, increaſe or diminiſh one half; 'tis paſt diſpute, it would be an occaſion of general iniquity, rather than a means to promote honeſty. And the caſe is really the ſame (however inſenſible we may be of it) with reſpect to the paſſing medium in a government. If what we call a ſhilling, may, in a gradual way, in the courſe of a few months or years, riſe in value ſo as to be equal to two or three, or ſink in proportion; 'tis impoſſible, in the nature of things, but a wide door ſhould be opened for oppreſſion and injuſtice. An upright man, in this caſe, would find it extreamly difficult to do himſelf juſtice, or others he might be concerned with in buſineſs. And for thoſe of diſhoneſt minds, and no principles of honour or religion, if men of craft and foreſight, they would have it very much in their power to enrich themſelves by being unjuſt to their neighbour.

I am ſenſible, the caſe may be ſo circumſtanced in a government, eſpecially if it be a dependent one, as that it may be extreamly difficult, if not impoſſible, while they have no money, to keep that which paſſes, in the room of it, from varying in it's real worth. But it is not very difficult; to be ſure, it is not impoſſible, to pitch upon ſome certain ſtandard, to which the current medium may be ſo related, as that it's true value, at different times, may be nearly aſcertained: And if this was eſtabliſhed as the rule in all public payments, as well as private contracts and bargains, it would be no other than what is right. It would certainly tend not only to do every one juſtice, but to put it very much out of the power of men of no probity 'to go beyond and defraud their brother:' Whereas, while the medium is connected with no eſtabliſhed certain ſtandard, but continually varies in it's real worth, it muſt be, in the natural courſe of things, an occaſion of great injuſtice. [Some, on the one hand, under the fair pretence of a reaſonable care to ſecure themſelves, will injure thoſe who lie at their mercy, by extorting from them more that is meet. And others, on the other hand, will take the advantage, to pay a juſt debt with one half the true value it was originally contracted for: Nor will the practice of unrighteouſneſs be confined to theſe and ſuch like inſtances, but unavoidably mingle itſelf with men's tranſactions in the whole buſineſs of trade, ſo as to put them upon making a prey of one another; as is too much the caſe among ourſelves at this day.]

There is yet another thing, belonging to this head, wherein rulers ſhould approve themſelves juſt; and that is, the execution of the Laws. [The power of executing as well as making laws (as has been hinted) is inſeparable from government. And the demands of juſtice are to be comply'd with, in the one as well as the other. If 'tis juſt that rulers ſhould make righteous laws, 'tis equally ſo, when they are made, that they ſhould take effectual care to enforce a proper regard to them. Of what ſervice would laws be, though ever ſo wiſely calculated to promote the public good, if offenders againſt them ſhould be connived at, or ſuffered, by one means or another, to go unpuniſhed? And what might reaſonably be expected in conſequence of ſuch a breach of truſt, but that the beſt laws, together with the authority that enacted them, ſhould be held in contempt?—There is no ſuch thing as ſupporting the honour of government, or ſecuring the good ends propoſed by the laws it eſtabliſhes, but by unſheathing the ſword, in a faithful and impartial execution of juſtice.

But here, that we may ſpeak clearly, it may be proper to diſtinguiſh between thoſe rulers to whom it belongs to appoint and authoriſe perſons to execute the laws, and thoſe who are veſted with authority for this purpoſe. For the duty which juſtice requires is different, according to the nature of that power, wherewith theſe different rulers are betruſted.

It is certainly a point of juſtice, in thoſe whoſe buſineſs it is to empower others to execute the laws, to ſelect out of the community ſuch as are well qualified for ſo important a truſt. Every man is not fit to have the ſword of juſtice put into his hands. And the main thing to be lookt at, in the choice of perſons for this ſervice, is their ſuitableneſs to it. Meerly their being men of birth and fortune, is not a ſufficient recommendation: Nor, if they are eagerly forward in ſeeking for a poſt of honour or profit, is it a certain indication, that they are fit to be put into it: Neither, if they ſhould offer money to purchaſe it, ought they, on this account, to be preferred to men of greater merit: Much leſs ought it to be looked upon as a turning argument in their favour, that they are fit inſtruments to ſerve the ſecret deſigns of thoſe in ſuperior ſtation. Theſe are conſiderations beſide the true merit of the caſe: And thoſe only ought to bear ſway, which enter into the real characters of men, determining their qualifications for the truſt that is to be repoſed in them.

The advice which Jethro gave Moſes is here proper, 'Thou ſhalt provide out of all the people able men, ſuch as fear God, men of truth, hating covetouſneſs.'Exod. 18. 21. Theſe are the men, men of underſtanding, courage and reſolution; men of integrity, fidelity and honeſty; men of piety and ſubſtantial religion; men of a noble generoſity, ſetting them above the temptations, which thoſe of narrow minds and ſelfiſh views, are eaſily drawn away by and enticed: Theſe, I ſay, are the proper men to fill the various poſts in the ſtate. And it would be injuſtice to the public, for the perſons concerned in the diſpoſal of them, to neglect theſe, and beſtow them on thoſe of a contrary character. Men of low natural capacities, and ſmall acquired accompliſhments, are unmeet to be exalted to places of important truſt. And ſhould this be done, it would be acting over the evil, which Solomon complained of in his day, Folly is ſet in great dignity. And thoſe are as unfit to be conſtituted guardians of the laws, who are indolent, inactive and irreſolute; much more, if, together herewith, they are known to be of a vicious turn of mind. It can't be ſuppoſed, men of this character ſhould be faithful in the execution of juſtice; and to devolve this care on them, would be to wrong the community, and expoſe authority.

Not that thoſe, with whom it lies to appoint officers, are always to blame, when unqualified perſons are put into places of truſt; for they are liable, after all prudent caution, to be miſtaken in their own judgment, and to be impoſed on by miſinformation from others. But then, they ſhould take due care, when ſuch perſons are found, upon trial, to be unequal to the truſt committed to them, to remedy the inconvenience: Nor otherwiſe will they continue innocent, however faultleſs they might be at firſt. 'Tis evidently the demand of juſtice, that ſuch unmeet perſons ſhould be diſplaced, and others better qualified put in their room.

And 'tis equally juſt, that thoſe who are capable of behaving well, but behave ill in their reſpective ſtations, ſhould be teſtified againſt. And ſhould they be ſo unadviſed, as groſly to abuſe their power; applying it to the purpoſes of tyranny and oppreſſion, rather than to ſerve the good ends of government, it ought to be taken out of their hands, that they might no longer be under advantages to injure their brethren of the ſame community.

Theſe are demands of juſtice from thoſe, who are to put others into the executive truſt.

And juſtice is likewiſe required of this ſort of rulers, according to the reſpective truſt that is committed to them.

If 'tis their buſineſs to ſit in the place of judgment, they muſt judge uprightly in all caſes, whether civil or criminal, and not under a wrong influence from favour to the rich, or pity to the poor, or fear of the great, or affection or diſaffection to any man's perſon whatſoever; having that precept in the divine law ever in their eye, 'Ye ſhall do no unrighteouſneſs in judgment: Thou ſhalt not reſpect the perſon of the poor, nor honour the perſon of the mighty: But in righteouſneſs ſhalt thou judge thy brother.'Levit. 19. 15. And that alſo, 'Thou ſhalt not wreſt judgment, thou ſhalt not reſpect perſons, neither take a gift; for a gift doth blind the eyes of the wiſe, and prevent the words of the righteous.'Deut. 19. 16.

If 'tis their buſineſs to enquire who have been offenders againſt the laws, and to exhibit complaints againſt them as ſuch; they muſt be couragious and impartial, complying with their duty equally in reſpect of all, be their character what it will.

If 'tis their buſineſs to act as executioners of juſtice, they muſt faithfully inflict the adjudged ſentence: In doing of which, tho' there may be room for the exerciſe of compaſſion, eſpecially in the caſe of ſome ſort of debtors; yet the righteouſneſs of the law may not be eluded by needleſs, much leſs fraudulent delays, to the injury of the creditor.

In fine, whatever their truſt is, whether of leſs or greater importance, they muſt exerciſe it with care, fidelity, reſolution, ſteadineſs, diligence, and an entire freedom from a corrupt reſpect to men's perſons, as thoſe who are concerned for the honour of government, and that it's laws may take effect for the general good of the community.]

To go on,

3. Another inſtance wherein rulers ſhould be juſt, reſpects the debts that may be due from the public. A government may be in debt, as well as private men. Their circumſtances may be ſuch, as to render it adviſeable for them to borrow money, either of other governments, or within themſelves: Or, they may have occaſion to make purchaſes, or to enter into contracts, upon ſpecial emergencies, which may bring them in debt. In which caſes, the rule of juſtice is the ſame to magiſtrates, as to men in a private life. They muſt pay that which they owe, according to the true meaning of their engagements, without fraud or delay.

[They may alſo be in debt for ſervices done by labourers, in this and the other ſecular employment. And here the rule of juſtice is that, 'withold not good from them to whom it is due, when it is in the power of thine hand to do it. Say not unto thy neighbour, go, and come again, and to-morrow I will give, when thou haſt it by thee'.Prov. 3. 27, 28. Or if the labourers are ſuch as have nothing beforehand, but their day-labour is what they depend on for the ſupport of themſelves and families, the rule is yet more particular, 'Thou ſhalt not oppreſs an hired ſervant that is poor and needy;—at his day thou ſhalt give him his hire, neither ſhall the ſun go down upon it; for he is poor, and ſetteth his heart on it: Leſt he cry againſt thee unto the Lord, and it be ſin unto thee'.Deut. 24. 14, 15. And again, 'Thou ſhalt not defraud thy neighbour, nor rob him: The wages of him that is hired, ſhall not abide with thee all night until the morning'.Lev. 17. 13.]

In fine, they may be in debt to their own officers, whether in higher or lower ſtation, the proper buſineſs of whoſe office calls off their attention from other affairs. And as their time, and care, and tho't, are employed in the ſervice of the public, a public maintenance is their juſt due. 'Who goeth a warfare any time at his own charge? Who planteth a vineyard, and eateth not of the fruit thereof? Or, who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the flock? Say I theſe things as a man? Or ſaith not the law the ſame alſo?'1 Cor. 5. 7, 8. For it is written, 'For this cauſe pay you tribute; for they are God's miniſters, attending continually upon this very thing.Rom. 3. 6. Render unto Caeſar the things that are Caeſar's'Matth. 22. 21.

Nor is it ſufficient that they be ſupported according to the condition of men in low life. This may be tho't enough, if not too much, by thoſe who imagine, that the more ſtrait-handed they are upon the head of allowances, the more ſerviceable they ſhall be to the public. But there is ſuch a Thing in the ſtate, as a 'withholding more than i meet'. And it really tends to the damage of a government. Too ſcant an allowance may unhappily prove a temptation to officers, to be hard upon thoſe dependent on them; and what they may injuriouſly ſqueeze out of them, by one artful contrivance or another, may turn out more to the hurt of the community, than if twice that ſum had been paid out of the public treaſury, and this evil, by means hereof, had been prevented. Beſides, 'tis no ways fitting, that men cloathed with honour and power ſhould be brought down to a level with vulgar people, in the ſupport that is granted them. Their outward circumſtances ſhould be elevated in proportion to their civil character, that they may be better able to ſupport the viſible dignity of their ſtation, and command that reſpect which is due to men of their figure. He that is Governour ſhould eat the bread of a Governour; and ſubordinate officers ſhould be maintained, according to the rank they bear in the ſtate: Nor ought their honourable maintenance to be tho't a matter of meer bounty; 'tis rather a debt, which can't be withheld without injuſtice.

[To be ſure, where their ſtipends have been eſtabliſhed, or, at leaſt, they have had reaſonable encouragement to expect ſuch a certain acknowledgment for their ſervice, righteouſneſs requires that it be paid them: Nor may it be tho't that the ſame nominal ſum, falling aſtly below the real worth of the debt, will be ſufficient to diſcharge it. It certainly is not ſufficient, in the eye of juſtice, either natural or revealed; which reſpects no man's perſon, but will do that which is right to the loweſt, as well as to the higheſt officer in the ſtate.

And the caſe, in point of equity, is really the ſame, where a government has come into no ſpecial agreement; but the aſcertaining the quantum proper for the ſupport of it's officers, is left to it's own wiſdom and probity. For an allowance is due to them by the law of righteouſneſs: And it ought to be granted, both in proper ſeaſon, and full proportion, that there may be no reaſon for complaint, either of penurious or unjuſt dealing.

I may add here, the diſtribution of rewards, in caſe of extraordinary ſervice done for a government, falls properly under this head of juſtice. For tho' there may be bounty in it, there is alſo a mixture of righteouſneſs. But however this be, it has been the practice of all nations to ſhew ſingular marks of reſpect to thoſe who have diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their eminent labours for the public. And it is to be hoped, this government will never be backward, according to their ability, ſuitably to reward thoſe who have ſignalized themſelves, in doing ſervice for their king and country.]

4. Another general inſtance wherein rulers ſhould be juſt, concerns the liberties and priviledges of the ſubject. In all governments there is a reſerve of certain rights in favour of the people: In ſome, they are few in kind, and ſmall in degree: In others, they are both great and numerous; rendring the people ſignally happy whoſe lo it is to be favoured with the undiſturbed enjoyment of them. And it would be no wonder, if they ſhould keep a jealous eye over them, and think no coſt too much to be expended, for the defence and ſecurity of them: Eſpecially, if they were the purchaſe of wiſe and pious anceſtors, who ſubmitted to difficulties, endured hardſhips, ſpent their eſtates, and ventured their lives, that they might tranſmit them as an inheritance to their poſterity.

And ſhall ſuch valuable, dear-bought rights be neglected, or invaded by the rulers of a people? 'Tis a principal part of that juſtice which is eternally expected of them, as they would not groſly pervert one of the main ends of their office, to preſerve and perpetuate to every member of the community, ſo far as may be, the full enjoyment of their liberties and priviledges, whether of a civil or religious nature.

Here I may ſay diſtinctly,

As rulers would be juſt, they muſt take all proper care to preſerve entire the civil rights of a people. And the ways in which they ſhould expreſs this care are ſuch as theſe.

They ſhould do it by appearing in defence of their liberties, if called in queſtion, and making uſe of all wiſe and ſutable methods to prevent the loſs of them: Nor can they be too active, diligent or laborious in their endeavours upon this head: Provided always, the priviledges in danger are worth contending for, and ſuch as the people have a juſt right and legal claim to. Otherwiſe, there may be hazard of loſing real liberties, in the ſtrife for thoſe that are imaginary; or valuable ones, for ſuch as are of trifling conſideration.

They ſhould alſo expreſs this care, by ſeaſonably and faithfully placing a proper guard againſt the deſigns of thoſe, who would rule in a diſpotic manner, to the ſubverſion of the rights naturally or legally veſted in the people. And here 'tis a great miſtake to ſuppoſe, there can be danger only from thoſe in the higheſt ſtation. There may, 'tis true, be danger from this quarter: And it has ſometimes proved ſo in fact: An unhappy inſtance whereof was ſeen in the arbitrary reign of king JAMES the ſecond, in perſon at home, and by his repreſentative here; as a check to which, thoſe entruſted with the guardianſhip of the nation's rights were ſpirited to take ſuch meaſures, as iſſued in that revolution, and eſtabliſhment of the ſucceſſion, on which his preſent majeſty's claim to the Britiſh throne is dependent. May the ſucceſſion be continued in his royal houſe forever! And may the ſame ſpirit, which ſettled it there, prevail in the rulers of the Engliſh nation, ſo long as the ſun and moon ſhall endure!

But, as I ſaid, a people's liberties may be in danger from others, beſides thoſe in the higheſt rank of government. The men who ſtrike in with the popular cry of liberty and priviledge, working themſelves, by an artful application to the fears and jealouſies of the people, into their good opinion of them as lovers of their country, if not the only ſtanch friends to it's intereſts, may, all the while, be only aiming at power to carry every thing according to their own ſovereign pleaſure: And they are, in this caſe, moſt dangerous enemies to the community; and may, by degrees, if not narrowly watched, arrive to ſuch an height, as to be able to ſerve their own ends, by touching even the people in their moſt valuable rights. And theſe commonly are the men, thro' whoſe influence, either as primary managers, or tools to others, they ſuffer moſt in their real liberties.

In fine, they ſhould expreſs this care in a conſtant readineſs to bear due teſtimony againſt even the ſmaller encroachments upon the liberty of the ſubject, whether by private men's invading one another's rights, or by the tyranny of inferiour officers, who may treat thoſe under their power, as tho' they had no natural rights, not to ſay a juſt claim to the invaluable priviledges of Engliſhmen.

The ancient Romans have ſet an illuſtrious example in this kind. Such was the proviſion they made to ſecure the people's priviledges, that it was dangerous for any man, tho' in office, to act towards the meaneſt freeman of Rome in violation of the meaneſt of them. Hence the magiſtrates who ordered Paul and Silas to be beaten uncondemned, feared when they heard they were ROMANS. And Lyſias, the chief captain, was filled with the like fear for commanding, that Paul ſhould be examined with ſcourging; when he underſtood, that he was born a freeman of Rome. And it would have a good tendency to ſecure to the people the enjoyment of their liberties, if theſe ſmaller inſtances of illegal power were carefully and ſeverely chaſtiſed.

But juſtice in rulers ſhould be ſeen likewiſe in their care of the religious rights and liberties of a people. Not that they are to exert their authority in ſettling articles of faith, or impoſing modes of worſhip, ſo as that all muſt frame their belief, and order their practice, according to their deciſions, or lie expoſed to penalties of one kind or another. This would be to put men under reſtraint, as to the exerciſe of their religious rights: Nor are penal laws at all adjuſted in their nature, to enlighten men's minds, or convince their judgment. This can be done only by good reaſon: And this therefore is the only proper way of applying to reaſonable creatures.

Juſtice in rulers ſhould therefore put them upon leaving every member of the community, without reſpect of perſons, freely to chooſe his own religion, and profeſs and practice it according to that external form, which he apprehends will be moſt acceptable to his maker: Provided, his religion is ſuch as may conſiſt with the public ſafe y: Otherwiſe, it would be neither wiſdom nor juſtice in the government to tolerate it.

Nor is this all; but they ſhould guard every man from all inſult and abuſe on account of his religious ſentiments, and from all moleſtation and diſturbance, while he endeavours the propagation of them, ſo far as he keeps within the bounds of decency, and approves himſelf a peaceable member of ſociety.

Beſides which, it would be no more than reaſonable, if, as chriſtian magiſtrates, they diſtinguiſhed thoſe in their regards, who profeſſed the religion of JESUS, and in that way, which, to them, was moſt agreable to ſcripture rule. They ſhould be guardians to ſuch chriſtian ſocieties, by defending their conſtitution; by countenancing their manner of worſhip; by maintaining the liberties granted to them in the goſpel-charter, in all their regular exerciſes, whether in church aſſemblies for the performance of the ſervices of piety, or the choice of officers, or the adminiſtration of diſcipline; or in councils, greater or leſs, for the help and preſervation of each other: And, in fine, by owning thoſe who miniſter to them in ſacred things, and providing for their ſupport, according to that rule in ſcripture, as well as common equity, 'They that preach the goſpel ſhould live of the goſpel': Or if they they are generally and wrongfully kept out of a great part of that ſupport, which has been engaged, and is juſtly due to them, by taking their caſe into conſideration, and doing what may be effectual for their relief.

This laſt inſtance of the care of rulers, I the rather mention, becauſe it falls in ſo exactly with the circumſtances of the paſtors of the churches in this province. There is not, I believe, an order of men, in the land, more univerſally, or to a greater degree, injured and oppreſſed in regard of their juſt dues. While others have it, in ſome meaſure, in their power to right themſelves, by riſing in their demands, in proportion to the ſinking of the current medium, they are confined to a nominal quantum, which every day varies in its real worth, and has been gradually doing ſo, 'till it is come to that paſs, that many of them don't receive more than one half, or two thirds of the original value they contracted for. And to this it is owing, that they are diverted from their ſtudies, diſcouraged in their work, and too frequently treated with contempt. And what is an aggravation of their difficulty, their only deſiring that juſtice may be done them, often makes an uneaſineſs among their people: And if they urge it; to be ſure, if they demand it, 'tis great odds but there enſues thereupon contention and ſtrife, and, at laſt, ſuch a general alienation of affection, as puts an entire end to their uſefulneſs.

Suffer me, my fathers in the government, as I have this opportunity of ſpeaking in your preſence, to beſeech the exerciſe of your authority, on the behalf, (may I not ſay) of ſo valuable and uſeful a part of the community: And the rather, becauſe ſome ſpecial proviſion for their relief ſeems to be a matter of juſtice, and not meer favour; as it is by means of the public bills, tho' contrary to the deſign of the government, that they are injured. And might not this be made, without any great expence either of time or pains, and ſo as to be effectual too, to put it out of the power of people to turn off their miniſters with any thing ſhort of the true value of what they agreed with them for, when they ſettled among them? This is all they deſire: And as it is nothing more than common equity, would it not be hard, if they ſhould be ſtill left to groan under their oppreſſions, and to have no helper?

The great and general court, it muſt be acknowledged, more than twenty years ſince, "Upon ſerious conſideration of the great diſtreſſes, that many of the miniſters within this province laboured under, with reſpect to their ſupport, reſolved, that it was the indiſpenſible duty of the ſeveral towns and pariſhes, to make additions to the maintenance of their reſpective miniſters; and therein to have regard to the growing difference in the value of the bills of credit, from what they had ſometimes been". And thereupon "earneſtly recommended the ſpeedy and chearful practice of this duty to the ſeveral congregations within this province". And that the recommendation might be univerſally known and comply'd with, "Ordered, That their reſolve ſhould be publickly read on the next Lord's day after the receipt thereof, and at the anniverſary meeting of the ſeveral towns in the month of March next" following.

The reſolve refer'd to above, and in part quoted, it's tho't proper to inſert at large; and is in theſe words.

At a great and general court or aſſembly for his majeſty's province of the Maſſachuſetts-Bay in New-England, begun and held at Boſton, upon Wedneſday May 26. 1725.

The following reſolve paſs'd both Houſes, and was conſented to by his honour the lieutenant Governour.viz.

Upon ſerious conſideration of the great diſtreſſes that many of the miniſters of the goſpel within this province labour under, with reſpect to their ſupport or maintenance, their ſalaries being generally paid in the public bills of credit of this province, altho' many of the miniſters contracted with their people in the time when Silver money paſſed in payment; and the neceſſaries of life, ſuch as cloathing, proviſions, together with labour and other things, now demand ſo much more of the bills of credit than heretofore;

Reſolved, That it is the indiſpenſable duty of the ſeveral towns precincts and pariſhes of this province, to make ſuch additions to the ſalaries or maintenance of their reſpective miniſters, as may honourably ſupport and encourage them in their work; and therein to have regard as well to the time of the contract between the miniſter and people, and the ſpecie therein mentioned, as to the great and growing difference in the value of the bills of credit, from what they have ſometimes been. And this court do therefore moſt earneſtly recommend the ſpeedy and chearful practice of this duty, to the ſeveral congregations and religious aſſemblies within this province: And that this reſolve be publickly read on the next Lord's day after the receipt hereof, in the afternoon before the congregation be diſmiſs'd, and at the anniverſary meeting of the ſeveral towns or precincts in the province in the month of March next.

By order of the great and general court of aſſembly,

Joſiah Willard, Secr.

And it is with thankfulneſs that we take notice of this inſtance of the care of our civil fathers; tho' we are ſorry, we muſt, at the ſame time, ſay, it was generally treated with neglect by our congregations, as being void of power.

It will not be pretended, but that the diſtreſſes of the miniſters, and from the ſame cauſe too, the ſinking of the medium, are vaſtly greater now, than they were twenty years ago: And if it was then reaſonable, in the great and general Court, to recommend it to the ſeveral congregations, throughout the province, as their indiſpenſable duty, to make additions to the maintenance of their miniſters, and therein to have regard to the lower value of the bills of credit, from what they formerly were; it is certainly now high time to oblige them to this: Eſpecially, as the grievances of the miniſters have often, ſince that day, upon theſe occaſions, been opened to their civil fathers, whoſe interpoſition has been humbly and earneſtly intreated.—But I would not be too preſſing: Neither have I ſaid thus much on my own account, who am not, thro' the goodneſs of God, in ſuffering circumſtances myſelf, but in very pity to many of my poor brethren who are; becauſe there may be danger leſt guilt ſhould lie on the government, if they take no notice of the ſighing of ſo conſiderable a body of men; and becauſe, I verily believe, the offerings of the Lord are too often deſpiſed, by reaſon of that poverty thoſe are unrighteouſly reduced to, by whom they are preſented.

But to return,

5. Another inſtance of juſtice in rulers relates to the defence of the ſtate, and it's preſervation in peace and ſafety. [The happineſs of a people lies very much in their living peaceably among themſelves, and at quiet with their neighbours. For which reaſon, rulers are bound in juſtice to uſe all prudent endeavours, that they may 'fit every man under his own vine, and under his fig-tree, and have none to make them afraid'. In order whereunto,

They ſhould take care to prevent inteſtine jarrs and commotions in the government, by giving no occaſion for murmurings and complaints; or if any ſhould unhappily ariſe, by ſpeedily removing the cauſes of them: By teſtifying a juſt diſpleaſure againſt the fomentors of animoſities, fewds and factions: By watching the motions of uneaſy, turbulent and mobbiſh ſpirits, and checking the firſt out-breakings of them; or if, thro' the luſts of men, inſurrection or rebellion ſhould happen, by ſeaſonably putting a ſtop thereto, leſt afterwards the whole force of the government ſhould be ſcarce ſufficient for this purpoſe.

It may be, the late unnatural rebellion, which began in Scotland, was too much deſpiſed at firſt. It would not otherwiſe, 'tis probable, have riſen to ſuch a formidable height: Tho' the alwiſe holy God, by permitting this, and then remarkably ſucceeding the King's arms, under the command of his Royal Highneſs the Duke of Cumberland, to put an end to this traiterous attempt againſt the throne of Great-Britain, took occaſion, not only to lay the nation and it's dependencies, under more ſenſible bonds to give glory to him, in language like that of the 18th Pſalm, 'Great deliverance hath he given to his king, and ſhewed mercy to his anointed: Therefore will we give thanks unto thee, O Lord, and ſing praiſes to thy name': But to do that alſo, which was proper to engage their more fervent prayers of faith, that he would go on to clothe the the king's enemies with ſhame, and cauſe the crown to flouriſh on his head, and the head of his poſterity forever.

Rulers alſo ſhould endeavour to keep the ſtate from being embroiled in foreign war, by contriving, in all prudent ways, to engage and continue the friendſhip of neighbouring nations; by bearing with leſſer injuries from them, and not haſtily reſenting greater ones, ſo far as may be conſiſtent with the public ſafety; by ſacredly adhering to the treaties and contracts, they may have entred into with them; by expreſſing a due caution not to invade their rights or properties, or in any inſtance whatever to give them juſt cauſe of provocation: Or if this ſhou'd at any time happen, by appearing ready to make them all reaſonable ſatisfaction.

Or if, after all, war ſhould ariſe, by means of the pride, or avarice, or ſelf-will and tyranny of unreaſonable men, their concern ſhould now be to look to the preſervation of the ſtate at home, by providing a ſufficiency of warlike ſtores, in their various kinds; by guarding the expoſed frontiers and coaſts; and, in a word, by putting and keeping things in ſuch a poſture of defence, that neither their people, nor their intereſts, may eaſily fall a prey in their enemy's hands.

Beſides which, it would be both wiſdom and juſtice to carry the war into their enemies territories; doing every thing in their power to humble their pride, curb their malice, and weaken their ſtrength; eſpecially, where there may be moſt danger of being annoyed by them.]

6thly, And finally, Rulers ſhould be juſt to promote the general welfare and proſperity of a people, by diſcouraging, on the one hand, idleneſs, prodigality, prophaneſs, uncleaneſs, drunkenneſs, and the like immoralities, which tend, in the natural courſe of things, to their impoveriſhment and ruin: And by encouraging, on the other hand, induſtry, frugality, temperance, chaſtity, and the like moral virtues, the general practice whereof are naturally connected with the flouriſhing of a people in every thing that tends to make them great and happy. As alſo, by rendring the ſupport of government as eaſy as is conſiſtent with it's honour and ſafety; by calculating laws to ſet forward thoſe manufactures which may be of public benefit; by freeing trade, as much as poſſible, from all unneceſſary burdens; and, above all, by a wiſe and ſutable proviſion for the inſtruction of children and youth: In order whereunto effectual care ſhould be taken for the encouragement and ſupport, not only of private ſchools, but of the public means of education. COLLEGES ought to be the ſpecial care of the government, as it is from hence, principally, that it has it's dependence for initiating the youth in thoſe arts and ſciences, which may furniſh them, as they grow up in the world, to be bleſſings both in church and ſtate. It would certainly be unrighteous, not to protect theſe ſocieties in the full and quiet enjoyment of ſuch rights as have been freely and generouſly granted to them: And if they ſhould not have within themſelves a ſufficiency for the ſupport of their officers, it would be a wrong to the community not to do what was further wanting towards their comfortable and honourable ſupport.

And having thus, in a general and imperfect manner, gone over the more important inſtances, wherein rulers ſhould be juſt, it might now be proper to enlarge on the obligations they are under to be ſo: But the time will allow me only to ſuggeſt as follows.

[They are obliged to be thus juſt, from the fitneſs and reaſonableneſs of the thing in itſelf conſidered. 'Tis a duty that naturally and neceſſarily reſults from the relation they ſtand in to ſociety, and the power they are veſted with, in all righteous ways, to promote it's welfare. And it would, in the nature of things, be incongruous and abſurd for men ſo ſcituated and betruſted, and for ſuch good ends, to injure thoſe over whom they are exalted, by abuſing their power to the purpoſes of tyranny and oppreſſion. Such a conduct would evidently and groſly break in upon that propriety and fitneſs of action, which is immutably and eternally required, in ſuch a conſtitution of things, as rulers and ruled, and the relative obligations reſpectively ariſing therefrom.

They are alſo obliged to be thus juſt, in virtue of the will of the ſupreme legiſlator, made known in the revelations of ſcripture; which enjoins ſuch precepts as thoſe, 'Judges and officers ſhalt thou make thee;—and they ſhall judge the people with juſt judgment. Thou ſhalt not wreſt judgment;—that which is altogether juſt ſhalt thou follow'.Deut. 16, 18, 19, 20. And again, 'Thus ſaith the Lord, Execute ye judgment and righteouſneſs, and deliver the ſpoiled out of the hand of the oppreſſor: And do no wrong, do no violence to the ſtranger, the fatherleſs, nor the widow':Jer. 22. 3. To which laws of the great king of the world they owe an indiſputed obedience, as they are, in common with the reſt of mankind, the ſubjects of his government: Nor can they be freed from the charge of reflecting contempt on the divine majeſty, and that ſovereign authority by which he governs his creatures, if, in their adminiſtrations, they ſhould expreſs a diſregard to them.

They are likewiſe obliged to be juſt, out of regard to the community, to which they are related; whoſe welfare is ſo dependent hereon, that if they act, in their reſpective ſtations, not from a principle of juſtice, but under the influence of worldly views and ſelfiſh deſigns, it may reaſonably be expected, that 'judgment ſhould be turned away backward, and juſtice ſtand afar off'; that 'truth ſhould fall in the ſtreet, and equity not be able to enter': The natural effect whereof muſt be the ruin of a people. Whereas, if they 'put on righteouſneſs, and it clothes them; and their judgment is as a robe and a diadem: If they deliver the poor that cry, and the fatherleſs, and him that hath none to help him; and break to pieces the wicked, and pluck the ſpoil of his teeth'; they will approve themſelves thoſe 'righteous ones in authority, who cauſe the people to rejoice': And the righteouſneſs wherewith they rule them will be their exaltation.

In fine, it ſhould be a conſtraining argument with rulers to be juſt, that they are accountable to that JESUS, whom God hath ordained to be the judge of the world, for the uſe of that power he has put into their hands. And if, by their unjuſt behaviour in their places. they have not only injured the people, but unhappily led them, by their example, into practices that are fradulent and diſhoneſt; I ſay, if they have thus miſuſed their power, ſad will be their account another day; ſuch as muſt expoſe them to the reſentments of their judge, which they will not be able to eſcape. It will not be any ſecurity them, that they were once ranked among the great men of the earth. This may now be a protection to them, and it often indeed ſcreens them from that human vengeance, which overtakes thoſe of leſs influence, tho' guilty of leſs crimes: But the 'kings of the earth, and the great men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men', will in the day of the appearing of the ſon of God, be upon a level with the meaneſt of mankind, and as ready, if conſcious to themſelves that they have been unjuſt in their ſtations, to 'ſay to the mountains and rocks, fall on us, and hide us from the face of him that ſitteth on the throne, and from the wrath of the lamb: For the great day of his wrath is come, and who ſhall be able to ſtand'? A moſt affecting conſideration, and ſhould powerfully excite thoſe who rule over others, to a righteous exerciſe of their power; eſpecially, as they will by this means, if in other reſpects alſo they have behaved well, obtain the approbation of their judge; who will, as they have been 'faithful over a few things, make them ruler over many'; placing them at his own right hand, in his kingdom.

II. I now proceed to ſay, in the ſecond place, Thoſe who rule over men, muſt rule in the fear of God.

The fear of God, being not only in itſelf a conſiderable part of religion, but alſo a grace that has a ſpecial influence on all the other parts of it, is commonly, and not unfitly, uſed in ſcripture to ſignify the whole of it. This ſeems to be the meaning of the phraſe here: And the thing intended is, not only that rulers ſhould be endowed with an inward principle of religion, but that they ſhould exerciſe their authority, in their whole adminiſtration, under the influence of ſo good and powerful a diſpoſition.

He that ruleth over men, muſt rule in the fear of God. As if the royal prophet had ſaid, 'It is neceſſary, civil rulers ſhould have upon their minds a becoming ſenſe of God and religion: And it ſhould govern their public conduct. Whatever they do, in their ſeveral ſtations, ſhould be done under the guidance of an habitual awe of God, a ſerious regard to his governing will, and their accountableneſs to him. This is the principle that ſhould have a predominating ſway in all exertments of themſelves in their public capacity'. This I take to be the true ſenſe of the words.

To be ſure, 'tis the truth of the thing. Civil rulers ought to be poſſeſſed of a principle of religion, and to act under the direction of it in their reſpective ſtations. This is a matter of neceſſity. I don't mean that it is neceſſary in order to their having a right to rule over men. Dominion is not founded in grace: Nor is every pious good man fit to be entruſted with civil power.—'Tis eaſy to diſtinguiſh between government in it's abſtracted notion, and the faithful advantageous adminiſtration of it. And religion in rulers is neceſſary to the latter, tho' not to the former.

Not but that they may be conſiderably uſeful in their places, if the religious fear of God does not reign in their hearts. From a natural benevolence of temper, accompanied with an active honeſt turn of mind, they may be inſtrumental in doing good ſervice to the public: Nay, they may be prompted, even from a view to themſelves, their own honour and intereſt, to behave well in the poſts they ſuſtain, at leaſt, in many inſtances. But if deſtitute of religion, they are poſſeſſed of no principle that will ſtimulate a care in them to act up to their character ſteadily and univerſally, and ſo as fully to anſwer the ends of their inſtitution.

'Tis a principle of religion, and this only, that can ſet them free from the unhappy influence of thoſe paſſions and luſts, which they are ſubject to, in common with other men, and by means whereof they may be betrayed into that tyranny and oppreſſion, that violence and injuſtice, which will deſtroy the peace and good order of ſociety. Theſe, 'tis true, may be under ſome tolerable check from other principles, at leaſt, for a while, and in reſpect of thoſe actings that are plainly enormous. But no reſtraints are like thoſe, which the true fear of God lays upon men's luſts. This habitually prevailing in the hearts of rulers, will happily prevent the out-breaking of their pride, and envy, and avarice, and ſelf-love, and other luſts, to the damage of ſociety; and not only ſo, but it will weaken, and gradually deſtroy, the very inward propenſities themſelves to the various acts of vice. It naturally, and powerfully, tends to this: And this is the e ••• ct it will produce, in a leſs or greater degree, according to the ſtrength of the religious principle, in thoſe who are the ſubjects of it.

And a principle of religion alſo, and this only, will be effectual to excite rulers to a uniform, conſtant and univerſal regard to truth and juſtice, in their public conduct. Inferiour principles may influence them in particular caſes, and at certain ſeaſons: But the fear of God only will prompt them to every inſtance of right action, and at all times. This will poſſeſs them of ſuch ſentiments, give ſuch a direction to their views, and fix ſuch a happy biaſs on their minds, as that their chief concern and care will be, to behave in their offices ſo as to anſwer the good ends for which they were put into them. In one word, They will now be the ſubjects of that divine and univerſal principle of good conduct, which may, under God, be depended on, to carry them thro' the whole of their duty, upon all occaſions, under all difficulties, and in oppoſition to all temptations, to the rendring the people, over whom they bear rule, as happy as 'tis in their power to make them.

To be ſure, without a principle of religion, none of their ſervices for the public will meet with the divine approbation. 'Tis therefore, in reſpect of themſelves, a matter of abſolute neceſſity that they be poſſeſs'd of the true fear of God. It won't ſuffice, ſhould they behave well in their places, if they have no higher view herein than their own private intereſt; if they are influenced, not from a due regard to God, his honour and authority, but from love to themſelves. This will ſpoil their beſt ſervices, in point of the divine acceptance: Whereas, if they act from a principle of religion, what they do in a way of ſerving their generation will be kindly taken at the hands of a merciful God, and he will, thro' Jeſus Chriſt, amply reward them for it, in the great day of retribution.]

APPLICATION.

It now remains to apply what has been ſaid to rulers and people.

And 'tis fit I ſhould firſt turn the diſcourſe into an addreſs to your Excellency, as it has pleaſed God and the King to advance you to the firſt ſeat of government, among thoſe who bear rule in this pr ••• nce.

The adminiſtration, Sir, is devolved on you in the darkeſt day, it may be, New-England ever ſaw; when there was never more occaſion for diſtinguiſhing talents in a Governour, to direct the public counſels, and miniſter to the relief and comfort of a poor people, groaning under the calamities of war and debt, and, what is worſe than both, an unhappy medium, that fills the land with oppreſſion and diſtreſs. We would hope, it was becauſe the Lord loved this people, that he has ſet you over us; and that he intends to honour you as the inſtrument in delivering us from the perplexing difficulties wherewith our affairs are embarraſs'd.

We have had experience of your Excellency's ſuperiour wiſdom, knowledge, ſteadineſs, reſolution, and unwearied application in ſerving the province: And would herefrom encourage our ſelves to depend on you for every thing, that may reaſonably be expected of a chief ruler, furniſhed with capacities fitted to promote the public happineſs.

We rejoice to ſee ſo many poſts in the government, at the diſpoſal of your Excellency, either alone, or in conjunction with your council, filled with men of capacity, juſtice and religion: And as the public good is ſo much dependent on the nomination and appointment of well qualified perſons to ſuſtain the various offices in the province, we promiſe our ſelves your eye will be upon the faithful of the land, and that, while you contemn every vile perſon, you will honour them that fear the Lord. And ſhould any attempt by indirect means to obtain places of truſt which others better deſerve, we aſſure ourſelves your Excellency will reſent ſuch an affront, and teſtify a juſt diſpleaſure againſt the perſons who ſhall dare to offer it.

The opinion we have of your Excellency's integrity and juſtice, forbids the leaſt ſuſpicion of a deſign in you to invade the civil charter-rights of this people. And tho' you differ in your ſentiments from us, as to the model of our church-ſtate, and the external manner of our worſhip; yet we can ſecurely rely on the generoſity of your principles to protect us in the full enjoyment of thoſe eccleſiaſtical rights we have been ſo long in poſſeſſion of: And the rather, becauſe your Excellency knows, that our progenitors enterprized the ſettlement of this country principally on a religious account; leaving their native land, and tranſporting themſelves and their families, at a vaſt expence, and at the peril of their lives, into this diſtant, and then deſolate wilderneſs, that they might themſelves freely enjoy, and tranſmit to us their poſterity, that manner of worſhip and diſcipline, which we look upon, as they did, moſt agreable to the purity of God's word.

Your Excellency knows too well the worth of learning, and the advantage of a liberal education, not to be ſtrongly diſpos'd to cheriſh the College, which has, from the days of our fathers, been ſo much the glory of New-England: And we doubt not, you will be always tender of its rights, and exert your ſelf, as there may be occaſion, for its defence and welfare.

And as your Excellency is our common father, we repair to you as the friend and patron of all that is dear and valuable to us; depending that you will employ your time, your thought, your authority, your influence and beſt endeavours, to eaſe our burdens, to lead us out of the labyrinths we have run into, and to make us a happy and proſperous people.

We can wiſh nothing better for your Excellency than the divine preſence enabling you to act, in your whole adminiſtration, under the influence of a ſteady principle of juſtice, and an habitual awe and reverence of that God, for whom ultimately you derived your authority, and to whom you are accountable for the uſe of it. This will recommend you to the love, and entitle you to the praiſe of an obliged happy people; this will yield you undiſturbed eaſe of mind under the cares and burdens of government; this will brighten to you the ſhades of death, embalm your memory after you are dead, and, what is infinitely more deſireable, give you boldneſs when great and ſmall ſhall ſtand before the Son of man, and procure for you that bleſſed euge, from the mouth of your divine Saviour and Maſter, 'Well done, good and faithful ſervant: Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.'

Permit me, in the next place, with a becoming reſpect, to apply myſelf to the honourable his Majeſty's Council, and the honourable houſe of Repreſentatives; whoſe deſire has ordered me into this deſk.

Through the goodneſs of God, we ſee the return of this anniverſary for the exerciſe of one of thoſe charter-rights, granted to our fathers, and continued to us, on the wiſe and faithful management whereof, the public happineſs is very much dependent.

His Majeſty's council, this afternoon to be elected, is an happy medium between the king and the people, and wiſely deſigned to preſerve a due ballance between the prerogatives of the one, and the privileges of the other. And as they conſtitute one branch of the legiſlature, they have a ſhare in framing and paſſing all acts and orders. To them it appertains to aſſiſt the chief ruler with their advi •• upon all emergent occaſions, eſpecially in the court's receſs. And without their conſent, none of the civil poſts in the government can be filled; in conſequence whereof, no judges can be appointed, no courts erected, no cauſes tried, no ſentences executed, but by perſons who have had their approbation: All which, by ſhewing the weight of this order of men in the ſtate, beſpeaks the importance of this day's buſineſs, and, at the ſame time, demands a proportionable care and faithfulneſs in the diſcharge of it.

It is not, Gentlemen, a trifling concern you have before you; an affair wherein you may act with careleſſneſs or inattention; with a party or partial ſpirit; out of affection to friends, or complaiſance to ſuperiors; much leſs upon the corrupt deſign of making inſtruments to be imployed and managed to ſerve your own private ſchemes. It is not for yourſelves only that you are empowered and called to vote in the elections of this day, but for your God, your King and your Country: And you will be unjuſt to them all, if you give your voice as moved by any conſiderations, but thoſe which are taken from the real characters of men, qualifying them to ſit at the Council-Board.

You all know, from the oracles of God, how men muſt be furniſhed, in order to their being fit to be choſen into places of ſuch important truſt; that they muſt be wiſe and underſtanding, and known to be ſo among their tribes; that they muſt be able men, and men of truth, men that fear God, and hate covetouſneſs. And 'tis to be hoped, we have a ſufficiency f ſuch, in the land, to conſtitute his Majeſty's Council. It would be lamentable indeed, if we had not. 'Tis your buſineſs, Gentlemen, to ſeek them out. And with you will the fault principally lie, if we have not the beſt men in the country for Councillors; men of capacity and knowledge, who are well acquainted with the nature of government in general, and the conſtitution, laws, priviledges and intereſts of this people in particular: Men of known piety towards God, and fidelity to their King and Country: Men of a generous ſpirit, who are above acting under the influence of narrow and ſelfiſh principles: Men of unqueſtionable integrity, i •• lexible juſtice, and undaunted reſolution, who will dare not to give their conſent to unrighteous acts, or miſtaken nominations; who will diſdain, on the one hand, meanly to withdraw, when ſpeaking their minds with freedom and openeſs may expoſe them to thoſe who ſet them up, and may have it in their power, to pull them down, or, on the other, to accommodate their conduct, in a ſervile manner, to their ſentiments and deſigns; in fine, who will ſteadily act up to their character, ſupport the honour of their ſtation, and approve themſelves invariably faithful in their endeavours to advance the public weal.

Theſe are the men, 'tis in your power, my honourable Fathers, to choſe into the Council; and theſe are the men for whom, in the name of God, and this whole people, I would earneſtly beg every vote this day: And ſuffer me to ſay, theſe are the men you will all ſend in your votes for, if you are yourſelves men of integrity and juſtice, and exerciſe your elective-power, not as having concerted the matter beforehand, in ſome party-juncto, but under the influence of a becoming awe of that omnipreſent righteous God, whoſe eye will be upon you, to obſerve how you vote, and for whom you vote, and to whom you muſt finally render an account, before the general aſſembly of angels and men, for this day's tranſaction.

We bow our knees to the alwiſe ſovereign Being, who preſides over the affairs of the children of men, in humble and fervent ſupplications, that he would govern your views, direct your tho'ts, and lead you into a choice that he ſhall own and ſucceed, to promote the beſt intereſts of this people.

And when the Elections of this day are over, and the ſeveral branches of the legiſlature ſhall proceed upon the affairs of the public, we promiſe ourſelves you will act as thoſe, who have upon their minds a juſt ſenſe of the vaſt importance of the truſt that is repoſed in you.

To you is committed the defence of the province, the guardianſhip of it's liberties and priviledges, the protection of it's trade, and the care of it's moſt valuable intereſts: And never was there a time, wherein it's circumſtances more urgently called upon you to exert yourſelves, in ſeeking it's welfare.

Religion is not in ſuch a flouriſhing ſtate, at this day, but that it needs the countenance of your example, and the interpoſition of your authority, to keep it from inſult and contempt. We thankfully acknowledge the pious care, the legiſlature has lately taken to reſtrain the horrid practice of curſing and ſwearing, which ſo generally prevailed, eſpecially in this, and our other ſea-port towns, to the diſhonour of God, and our reproach as wearing the name of chriſtians. And if laws ſtill more ſevere are neceſſary, to guard the day and worſhip of God from prophanation, we can leave it with your wiſdom to enact ſuch, as may tend to ſerve ſo good a deſign. And tho' we would be far from deſiring, that our rulers ſhould eſpouſe a party in religion; yet we cannot but hope, they will never do any thing to encourage thoſe, who may have arrived at ſuch an height in ſpiritual pride, as to ſay, in their practice, to their brethren as good as themſelves, 'ſtand by thyſelf, come not near me; for I am holier than thou': Concerning whom the bleſſed God declares, 'Theſe are a ſmoke in my noſe, a fire that burneth all the day'. A d as for thoſe, be their character, perſuaſion, or party, what it will, who, under the notion of appearing zealous for God, his truths or ways, ſhall inſult their betters, vilify their neighbours, and ſpirit people to ſtrife and faction, we earneſtly wiſh the civil arm may be ſtretched forth to chaſtiſe them: And if they ſuffer, 'twill be for diſturbing the peace of ſociety; the evil whereof is rather aggravated than leſſened, by pretences to advance the glory of God and the intereſt of religion.

We are thankful for the good and wholeſome laws which have been made, from time to time, for the ſuppreſſion of vice, in it's various kinds; and, in particular, for the reſtraint that has been laid upon thoſe, who may be inclined to exceſſive drinking. Alas! that ſuch multitudes, notwithſtanding, are overtaken with this fault. Hard drinking is indeed become common all over the land. And 'tis aſtoniſhing to think what quantities of ſtrong drink are conſumed among us! Unleſs ſome, well capable of forming a judgment, are very much miſtaken, more a great deal is needleſſly and viciouſly conſumed than would ſuffice to anſwer the whole charge, both of church and ſtate. A reproach this, to any people! And if ſomething further is not done by the government, to prevent the uſe that is made of ſtrong drink, it will, in a little time, prove the deſtruction of the country, in the natural courſe of things; if God ſhould not poſitively teſtify his diſpleaſure againſt ſuch horrid intemperance. It may deſerve your conſideration, my Fathers, whether one occaſion of this ſcandalous conſumption of ſtrong drink, has not been the needleſs multiplication of taverns, as well as more private licenſed houſes, that are too commonly uſed for tipling, and ſerve to little purpoſe, but to tempt people, in low life, ſinfully to waſte their time, and ſpend their ſubſtance.

[It would alſo redound much to the advantage of the province, if our civil Fathers could contrive ſome way or other, that might be effectual to prevent people's laying out ſo much of the fruit of their labour, in that which is needleſs and extravagant. It will not be denied, by any capable of making obſervation, that the exceſſes, all ranks of perſons have unhappily run into, need correction. 'Tis owing, in a great meaſure, to our pride, diſcovering it ſelf in the extravagance of our garb, as well as manner of living, that we are brought low. And, if ſome reſtraint is not laid upon this vicious diſpoſition, ſo generally prevalent in the land, we may complain of our difficulties, but 'tis not likely, without a miracle, they ſhould be redreſſed.]

But there is nothing more needs your awaken'd attention, my honoured Fathers in the government, than the unhappy ſtate of this people by means of the current medium. Whatever wiſe and good ends might be propoſed at firſt, and from time to time, in the emiſſion of bills of credit, they have proved, in the event, a cruel engine of oppreſſion. It may be, there was ſcarce ever a province under more melancholly circumſtances, by reaſon of injuſtice, which is become almoſt unavoidable. Sad is the caſe of your men of nominal ſalaries: And much to be pitied alſo are thoſe widows and orphans, who depend on the loan of their money for a ſubſiſtance: While yet, theſe laſt, of all perſons in the community, ſhould be moſt carefully guarded againſt every thing that looks like oppreſſion. This ſin, when widows and fatherleſs children are the perſons wronged by it, is heinouſly aggravated in the ſight of a righteous God; as may eaſily be collected from that emphatical prohibition, ſo often repeated in all parts of the bible, 'Thou ſhalt not oppreſs the widow, nor the fatherleſs'. But the oppreſſion reigning in the land, is not confined to this order or that condition of perſons, but touches all without exception. None eſcape its pernicious influence, neither high nor low, rich nor poor. Like an over-bearing flood, it makes its way thro' the province; and all are ſufferers by it, in a leſs or greater degree, and feel and own themſelves to be ſo.

And will you, our honoured rulers, by any poſitive acts, or faulty neglects, ſuffer your ſelves to be inſtrumental in the continuance of ſuch a ſtate of things? God forbid! We don't think you would deſignedly do any thing to countenance oppreſſion, or neglect any thing that might have a tendency to remove it out of the land.

Neither can we think, that any former aſſemblies have knowingly acted, in the emiſſion of public bills, upon diſhoneſt principles: Tho' it may be feared, whether the righteous God, in holy diſpleaſure at the ſins both of rulers and people, may not have witheld counſel from our wiſe men, and ſcattered darkneſs in their paths: And if, in conſequence hereof, there has been diſunion in the ſentiments of our civil Fathers, concerning the public medium, and unſteadineſs in their conduct, 'tis no matter of wonder: Nor, upon this ſuppoſition, is it hard to be accounted for, that injuſtice, by means of the paper currency, ſhould have taken ſuch a general and dreadful ſpread, thro' the land.

But, by what means ſoever we became involved in theſe perplexities, 'tis certainly high time to make a pauſe, and conſider what may be done that will be effectual towards the recovering and maintaining juſtice and honeſty, that we may be called the city of righteouſneſs, the faithful city.

It would be culpable vanity in me, to attempt to preſcribe to our honourable legiſlature; yet may I, without going beyond my line, after the example of the great apoſtle of the Gentiles, reaſon with you of public righteouſneſs, and its connection with a judgment to come.

You are, my Fathers, accountable to that God whoſe throne is in the heavens, in common with other men. And his eyes behold your conduct in your public capacity, and he ſees and obſerves it, not merely as a ſpectator, but an almighty righteous judge, one who enters all upon record in order to a reckoning another day. And a day is coming, it lingers not, when you ſhall all ſtand upon a level, with the meaneſt ſubjects, before the tremendous bar of the righteous judge of all the earth, and be called upon to render an account, not only of your private life, but of your whole management as entruſted with the concerns of this people.

Under the realiſing apprehenſion of this, ſuffer me, in the name of God, (tho' the moſt unworthy of his ſervants) to adviſe you to review the public conduct, reſpecting the paſſing bills, and to do whatever may lay in your power to prevent their being the occaſion of that injuſtice, which, if continued much longer, will deſtroy the ſmall remains of common honeſty that are ſtill left in the land, and make us an abhorrence to the people that delight in righteouſneſs.

Let me beſeech you, Sirs, for the ſake of this poor people, and for the ſake of your own ſouls, when you ſhall ſtand before the dreadful bar of the eternal judgment, to lay aſide all party deſigns and private conſiderations, and to deliberate upon this great affair, with a ſingle view to the public good, and under the uniform influence of a ſteady principle of righteouſneſs; for, as the wiſe man obſerves, 'tranſgreſſors ſhall be taken in their own naughtineſs', while 'the righteouſneſs of the upright ſhall deliver them, and their integrity ſhall guide them'; and a-again, 'as for the upright, the Lord directeth their way'.

If there needs any excuſe for my wonted plaineſs of ſpeech, I can only ſay;—my conſcience beareth me witneſs, that what I have ſaid has proceeded, not from want of a decent reſpect for thoſe who are my civil Fathers, but from faithfulneſs to God, whoſe I am, and whom I deſire to ſerve, as well as from an ardent love to my dear country, which I am grieved to behold in tears, by reaſon of 'the oppreſſions that are done under the ſun'.

Cuſtom might now demand an addreſs to my fathers and brethen in the miniſtry; but as a ſermon will be preached to the clergy to-morrow, by one who is every way my ſuperior, and from whom I expect myſelf to receive inſtruction, I ſhall no otherwiſe apply to them than as they may be concerned in the exhortation to the people, which, agreably to the preceeding diſcourſe, ſpeaketh in the words of the inſpired Solomon, 'Fear God, and honour the king'.

Be, firſt of all, concerned to become truly religious; men of piety towards God, faith in our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and the ſubjects of that regenerating change, which ſhall renew your whole inner man, and form you to a reſemblance of the bleſſed Jeſus, in the moral temper of his mind.

And let your religion now diſcover itſelf in all proper ways; particularly, in doing your duty to thoſe, whom it hath pleaſed God to entruſt with power to rule over you.

Be exhorted to 'make ſupplications, prayers and interceſſions, with giving of thanks, for the King in ſupreme, and for all in authority' under him, that by means of their wiſe, and gentle, and juſt adminiſtrations in Government, we may 'lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godlineſs and honeſty'.

And as ſubjection to civil rulers is ſo peremptorily demanded of you, by the laws of our holy religion, that you can't be good chriſtians without it, let me caution you, on the one hand, not to 'deſpiſe dominion', nor 'ſpeak evil of dignities': And, on the other, let me 'put you in mind to be ſubject to principalities and powers, and to obey magiſtrates; ſubmitting to every ordinance of man for the Lord's ſake: Whether it be to the king, as ſupreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are ſent by him, for the puniſhment of evil doers, and for the praiſe of them that do well: 'For ſo is the will of God'.

And as rulers are the miniſters of God, his authoris'd deputies, for the people's good, and continually, ſo far as they anſwer the ends of their inſtitution, attend on this very thing: 'For this cauſe pay you tribute alſo': And do it, not grudgingly, but with a chearful mind, in obedience to that glorious ſovereign Being, who has ſaid, 'render unto Caeſar the things that are Caeſar's'.

In fine, Let me call upon you to 'render unto all their dues'. Abhor the little arts of fraud and deceit that are become ſo common, in this day of growing diſhoneſty. Make uſe of conſcience in your dealings with your neighbour; and be fair and equitable, wherein you may have to do with him in a way of commerce. In conformity to the righteous God, love righteouſneſs, and diſcover that you do ſo, by conſtantly living in the practice of it: Always bearing it in mind, that he, 'whoſe eyes behold, and whoſe eyelids try the children of men', will hereafter deſcend from heaven, 'to give to every man according as his work ſhall be'. Behold! he cometh with clouds, and we ſhall, every one of us, ſee him. We are haſtening to another world; and it will not be long, before we ſhall all be together again; in a much more numerous aſſembly, and upon a far greater occaſion, even that of being tried for our future exiſtence, at the dreadful tribunal of the impartial judge of the quick and dead. The good Lord ſo impreſs the thought upon the h arts of us all, whether Rulers, or miniſters, or people, as that it may have an abiding influence on us, engaging us to be faithful and juſt in our reſpective places: And now may we hope, of the mercy of God, thro' the merits of our ſaviour Jeſus Chriſt, to be acquitted at the bar of judgment, pronounced bleſſed, and bid to inherit the kingdom prepared from the foundation of the World.

AMEN.
APPENDIX.

TO fill up a vacant page or two, I ſhall inſert a few paſſages, which were delivered, ſome years ſince, i the audience of the great and general Court.

The firſt is taken from the Rev. Mr. John Barnard's Election-Sermon; where, ſpeaking of the medium of our trade, he ſays, (pag. 29, 30.) It was the poſitive law of God, (yet in it ſelf a moral precept;) (Lev. xix. 35, 36.) Ye ſhall do no unrighteouſneſs in judgment, in mete-yard, in weight; in meaſure: juſt ballances, juſt weights, and a juſt ephah, and a juſt hin, ſhall ye have. And ſo may context ſays, the juſt weight, and ballance, are the Lord's. They are what God ſtrictly requires. They are his weight, and meaſure, and not to be altered by man, at pleaſure. And if the weight, and meaſure, by which men deal out to their neighbours, muſt be juſt, certain, and invariable, much more ought that to be ſo which is the ſtandard of all others, and the only ſure rule by which to proportion the value of every thing; which it cannot be, while it is left to every man's diſcretion, juſtice or probity, to lengthen, or ſhorten, to widen, or contract, to add to, or take from, it, as may beſt ſuit with his particular occaſions. 'Till a Government have 〈◊〉 the ballance even, and the weight, meteyard, ephah, and hin, of ſuch a certain ſize, that every man may know what certain rule to go by, in dealing with his neighbour, it will be left to each perſon to act as he pleaſes; and when every man is left at ſuch a lawleſs liberty, it will not be to be wondered at, if ſome that can't help it, are forced to accept of the one half of the weight and meaſure that others can demand; or if what was but an ounce a while ago be grown up to a pound anon, and the nail ſtretches it ſelf to a yard; I mean the variations of all meaſure will be without bounds, becauſe the medium that proves them is it ſelf variable; and there will as certainly be a progreſſion in the variation, in the diminiſhing hand, let the quantity of the medium be more or leſs, as that there are men that buy, and ſell, and hope to get gain. What the conſequents of this muſt be to a people, needs no great foreſight to determine. And where the fault of all the confuſion brought upon ſuch a people, will at laſt be found to lie (tho' it might have taken it's riſe from humane frailty, and miſtake, but becomes greatly aggravated by the continuance of the error after the diſcovery of it,) every one may plainly ſee.

The other are borrowed from the Rev. Mr. Appleton's Sermon upon the like occaſion, in which it is ſaid, (pag. 37, 38.) Many of our rulers have from the beginning been men of juſtice and wiſdom, that have had the knowledge and the principle; but there is reaſon to fear this has not been the caſe of all.

It is to be feared, that ſome former aſſemblies have not in all reſpects govern'd themſelves by thoſe precepts and principles; if they had, I cannot think we ſhould have been ſo involved, as now we are. GOD forbid, that I ſhould be guilty of raſh judging. But who can think, if there had been nothing of a party-ſpirit, or of a ſpirit of pride and oppoſition, nothing of a ſelfiſh and a contracted ſpirit, that the Province would have been ſo perplexed, as that now it ſeems to be beyond any common ſkill to extricate it.

That honeſty is the beſt policy is as true as it is a common ſaying, and is abundantly ſupported by the oracles of truth: the righteouſneſs of the upright ſhall deliver them, but tranſgreſſors ſhall be taken in their own naughtineſs, Prov. 11. 6. The righteous Lord, I fear, has been provoked with the corruptions that he has ſeen in our general Courts, and ſo has withheld wiſdom from the wiſe, and ſcattered darkneſs in their paths, and left many marks of his diſpleaſure upon us. The unſteady conduct about our medium ſhews, that there has wanted not only wiſdom, but truth and juſtice. For if there had been that uprightneſs, and ſuch a diſintereſted regard to the public good as there ſhould have been; I can't think that things would have come to this unhappy paſs. The integrity of the upright would have guided them into better meaſures, than to ſend forth a medium with ſuch a depreciating tendency in it; that inſtead of it's being a fixed ſteady medium of commutative juſtice, it has been, for many years, the grand medium of injuſtice among us, and rendred juſtice between man and man almoſt impracticable.