CHAP. I To Distribute the whole Christian Aera into three Parts may serve to Raise a Clearer Light, and make a Brighter Aspect in this Essay.

1. THE first Division contains the first Three hundred years of Christianity, which may be accounted the most Refi­ned and purest Time, both as to Faith and Manners, that the Christian [Page 4] Church has been Honoured with; for that within this space, is contained the Ministry of the Apostles and Holy Evangelists, and o­ther Emment persons Authorized by them; and such others who succeeded in Office-Trust through the several Ages, within the space before named. This was the time of an Immense Effusion of the Spirit of God upon the World, when there was such a Flux and Inundation of the Waters from the Sanctuary, mentioned, Ezek. 47. This was the Age of Miracles; A time of Extraordinary Gifts, and when Grace and true Piety was in the greatest Elevation. Christian Religion was now a Dangerous Business; Every Man that took it up, lays down his Life, Honour and Fortune at Stake; He that owns Christ must bid defiance to all the Celebrated Deities of the Roman Empire; and thereby Run Counter to the Religion of the Imperial Court. So that Rationally we may expect to find the Churches of Christ in the purest Ca­pacity they were ever in; In all points, both of Principles and Practice. That whatever their Government was if they continue the same from the days of the Apostles, we may fairly conclude it to be Authentick, and A­greeable with their Grand & Original Copy. It is most Apparent, that the Churches in those Ages, were under too good an Influence Internally, and the Eye of too direful a guard, externally to prevaricate with God [Page 5] in the known Principles of their Order, any more then in their Faith, tho' they were not without Errors. Two or three hundred years, is a long time in the World, to keep up our constant Mode, and Custome, either in Religious or Civil affairs amongst Men, who are so inclined to Err, and apt to Change their fashions; Nam est Natura homi­num Novitatis Avida. That for the Chur­ches through those many Ages and in their several Communities, to agree in their Dis­cipline amongst themselves; and not Essenti­ally to differ from those Churches that were truly Apostolical, invincibly Infers, that their Original was Divine. But this will appear more plainly when we have made and fi­nished our Survey.

2. The Second Grand Division of Time, contains the space of the next Twelve hun­dred years, downward, more or less: within which Circuit is included the Commence­ment, and Progress of a Direful Apostacy, both as to Worship, and Government in the Churches. Some Symptoms of these things were rising within the former Division of time; but, in this they grew a great pace, and to that degree, that the Christian World became a Notorious Apostare. For as we have it in the Idea of the Reformation, the Great Lord of time allowed a space, wear­ing the Denomination of Time, Times, and half a Time: or in plainer Expressions, [Page 6] twelve hundred and sixty years; in which space, all the Effects of a horrible Apostacy made a very Gehennon of that which was called Christendom. And says Dr. Owen, [in his Preface, to the Inquiry, into the Original of the Churches] Ambros judged, that it was the Pride, or Ambition of the Doctors of the Church, which Introduced the Alteration in its Order. And moreover says the Dr. somewhat after this manner, viz. ‘the Ambition of Church Rulers, in the fourth & fifth Centuries openly proclaimed it self to the scandal of the Christian Religi­on; for that their Interest lead them to a Deviation from the Order and Discipline of the Church according to its first Institution?’ For that the Directions given about it in Scripture, make it a matter so weighty in it self, and attended with so many Difficul­ties, it being laid under such severe Inter­dictions of Lordly power, or seeking either of Wealth or Dignity; That it's no pleasant thing to Flesh, and Blood, to engage in the conduct, and oversight of Christ's volunteers; to bear with their manners; to exercise pa­cience towards them in all their Infirmities; and in all their weaknesses, to continue a high valuation for them, as the Flock of God, which he hath purchased with his own Blood: All this requires abundance of self­denial; And if so, then it's no wonder, that many of their Prelates were willing gradually [Page 7] to Extricate themselves out of this uneasy Condition; and embrace all Opportinities of Introducing another Order into the Churches, that might tend more to the Exaltation of their own power and Dignity. And this was done accordingly; for the Bishops by their Arbitrary Rules shared the Flock of Christ amongst themselves, and that without the consent of the People, as though they had Conquered them by the Sword. For thus they divide the spoil. This Bishop say they, shall have such a share and number of them under his power; And that Other Bishop shall have so many; And so far shall the Jurisdiction of one Extend, and so far ano­ther; that they soon Canton out the whole Roman Empire under a few Patriarchs, and head Men. These things were the subject of their Decrees and Laws, which [those of Christs being thrown by] were now be­come a Rule for the Churches. But yet nei­ther did the Bishops long keep within those Bounds and Limits, which their more modest Ambition had at first Prescribed unto them; but went on, and took Occasion from these beginnings to contend amongst themselves a­bout Preheminency, Dignity, and Power: in which Contest, the Bishop of Rome, at length remained Master of the Field; And so Rome obtained the second Conquest of the World. And then his Holiness the head of it came to ride Admiral of all the Sees; and then [Page 8] soon became Lord of Heaven and Earth by the same Rule of Process which brought him to his high Trust. Hence

Quaery. What can't wakeful Ambition, Learning and Fraud do, if joyntly agreed, at rifling the greatest Treasures bequeathed to Mankind; especially when the World is generally gotten into a sleepy fit?

3. Towards the latter End of this space of time began a glorious Reformation. Ma­ny famous Persons, memorable in Ecclesiasti­cal History, being moved by the Spirit of God, and according to Holy Writ, lead the way in the face of all danger; such has Wickliff, who openly Decryed the Pope, as the very Antichrist; in the fourteenth Cen­tury, and others in that Age. And in the next Century Martin Luther pursued the Re­formation with great Boldness, Resolution, and Constancy; This is that famous Luther, says my Author, of whom they who acknow­ledge the least, must yet make as much as Dr. More makes of him; for saith the Dr. ‘I cannot think so very highly of Luther as some do; and yet I think him to have been, a very happy Instrument in the hand of God, for the good of Christendom against the horrid Enormities of the Papal Hyrarchy. And though he might not be allowed to be the Elias, the Conducter & Chariot of Israel, as some have stiled him; yet I think at least he might be accounted a faithful Postilion [Page 9] in that Chariot, who was well accoutred with his Wax Boots, Oiled Coat, and Hood; & who turned the Horses Noses into a di­rect way from Babylon toward the City of God, and held on in a good round Trot, through thick and thin, not caring to bespat­ter others in this high fogg, as he himself was finely bespattered by others:’ About which Time Zuinglius, Occolampadius, Melancthan and other Christian Heroes also Listed into the same Quarrel, and with great bravery and self denial went forward with the Re­formation. Yet after the endeavours of such Men, and others without number, through several Ages downward; the Churches, which are called Reformed, attained to a very im­perfect Reformation, as Dr. Increase Mather says. And the defect has not been so much in Doctrine, as in Worship and Discipline. And nowithstanding says the Dr. in this Respect also, some Churches have gone be­yond others▪ Now to come to what I aim at; These Churches in New-England, as to their Order and Discipline have surpassed all Churches of the Reformation. And un­der the head of Discipline, it seems to me, that Christ the Captain of Salvation, has given out his Word to these Churches, as to his Troops coming up in the Reer of Time; And his Word of Command is, — as you were; make good the Old front; or place your selves in that Regimental Order, which [Page 10] the Primitive Churches were in, whilst they march't under my Banners, & encountred the Devil in their heathen Persecuters for the first Three hundred years. For that the Churches in New-England; and the Primitive Churches are Eminently parallel in their Government. Those first Ages of the Church it is certain were many times much annoyed with many Pestilent and Damnable Heresies; and many Usages in Worship, too Superstitious crept in amongst them; yet they continued in the Constitution of their Church Order very Uniform and Apostolical; And it is very Obvious that these Churches in this Wilder­ness, in the Essentials of Government; are every way Parallel to them.

I shall Represent this Business by a Col­lection of Parallel Notes out of several Au­thors of unquestionable veracity; and shall principally follow the Guidance of one who has concealed his Name; and stiles his Trea­tise, ‘An Inquiry into the Constitution, Dis­cipline, Unity and Worship of the Primitive Churches.’ This Author in his Praeface gives this fair account of his doings; says he, What I have written I have wholly Collected out of the Genuine, and Ʋnquestionably Authentick Writing's of those Ages; meaning such as writ in, or of the Three first Centuries of Christi­anity. And says he, I have been every may Honest and Ʋnbiast. And being well assured of his Fidelity; I shall endeavour to imitate his [Page 11] Faithfulness, in Transcribing what I find in him suiting my present purpose. And I shall be well and sufficiently furnished when I have laid before the Reader the notion which the Ancients had of the Church in its Con­stituent parts both of Officers and People, with the several Authorities, Powers, Rights, Immunities and Prerogatives belonging unto each. And if we find that the Primitive Churches in their Order and Discipline, did exactly agree in the Essentials of Government; with the Churches in New-England; we may Rationally then conclude that if they were Apostolical, so are we.

CHAP. II. Of the Church.

TO Pass over all other Observations, the most usual and common Acceptation of the word Church, of which we must chiefly Treat, is that of a Particular Church; which consists of a So­ciety of Christians, meeting together in one Place, under their proper Pastors, for the per­formance of Religious Worship, and the Exer­cising of Christian Discipline. This description of a Church is agreeable with the Idiom both of Scripture and Antiquity. Thus Tertullian, who Lived about the End of the Second Century, gives us an account of the State, Order & Wor­ship of the Churches. (Apol. ad Gen. Cap. 39.) The Description of a Church he first lays down in these words, viz. Corpus sumus de Conscientia [Page 12] Religionis, et Disciplinae Ʋnitate, et Spei Foedere. We are a Body united in the Conscience of Reli­gion, or for the Consciencious Observation of the Duties of Religion; by an Agreement in Discipline, and in a Covenant of Hope. For whereas such a Body, or Religious Society could not be United but by a Covenant; he calls it a Covenant of Hope, because the principal respect therein was had unto the things hoped for. This Religious Body, or Society thus United by Co­venant, did meet together in the same Assembly, or Congregation. For says he, Corpus sumus, Co­imus in Coetum, et Congregationem ut ad Deum, &c. We are a Body, and meet in an Assembly, and Congregation, to offer up our Prayers unto God, and attend the Duties of the Christian Re­ligion. So Iraeneus also in the Second Century, tells us, That some of the Brethren, and sometimes the whole Church of some certain Place,—by Fast­ing and Prayer have Raised the Dead. Thus our own Platform agrees in sense with the Opinion of the Ancients. Plat. Chap. 2. Sect. 6. A Con­gregational Church, is by the Institution of Christ, a part of the Militant Church, Consisting of a Compa­ny of Saints by Calling, Ʋnited into one Body by an holy Covenant, &c. But as to the Independency, or real distinction between Church and Church; this will more clearly appear in what follows. Therefore I shall proceed to consider the Con­stituent Parts of a Church, as divided,

1. Into the People who Composed the Body of the Church, called the Elect, or the Called and Sanctified by the Will of God; and some­times they are called the Brethren, because of their Brotherly Love, &c.

2. Into those Persons who were set apart for [Page 13] Office, or for a Peculiar and Ecclesiastical Im­provement. And each Party under this distri­bution, had their particular Immunities and Im­ployments And under these Heads, I shall con­fine the Discourse to a parallel in the Essentials in Government or Church Order, between the Churches of Christ in the First Ages of Christi­nity, and the Churches of New-England, as set­tled by their Platform

CHAP. III.

I Shall Proceed to distribute & Enumerate the Operations and Immunities of the Churches.

1. With relation to the Peculiar Acts of the Officers.

2. The Peculiar Acts of the Laity, or Frater­nity.

3. The Joynt Acts of them both; as perform­ing the Work and Business of an Organick Church, or compleat Corporation. And

4. I shall Lastly, make some Observations up­on the Union of Distinct Churches, by Acts of Sisterly Fellowship or Communion. And here­by I shall compleat the Parallel, in the Essentials of Order, between the Primitive Churches, and those of this Country.

1. The Peculiar Acts of the Officers or Cler­gy. Under this Head might be considered the Functions of every Particular Order, and De­gree of the Clergy; which we may say were according to the purest Antiquity, but three, viz. Bishops, Priests or Presbyters, and Dea­cons. I shall principally consider the Bishop as the Chief Officer in Trust and Dignity, in the Primitive Church. And in order to it,

[Page 14]1. In general Observe, That tho' there were some Distinctions in point of a Titular Dignity and Degree, between a Bishop and Presbyter; yet they were really equal in Order, and in the Nature of their Trust. For that in an Ecclesias­tical Sense, Bishop and Presbyters are Synoni­mous Terms, setting forth the same Office; and signifie no more but an Elder, a Pastor, Ru­ler, or Overseer of a Church. Ignatius calls the Apostles themselves the Presbyters of the Church; and Theodonet renders the reason of the Appellation, for saith he, ‘The Holy Scrip­tures called the Chief Men of Israel, the Senate or Eldership Wils. Dict.’ And indeed according to the Apostle himself, Presbyters, or Elders, and Bishops, are plainly Terms of Office; and of equal signification. As in Tit. 1.5, 7. For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest —Ordain Elders.—For a Bishop must be Blame­less, as the Steward of God, &c.

In this Discourse I shall represent the Bishop in the sense of the Primitive Churches, as Head and Chief Officer of the Church; for according to Cyprian, there was but one Bishop, strictly so called, in a Church at a time, tho' at the same time there were many Elders or Presbyters in the same Church; and the Bishop in a peculiar manner was Related to his Flock, as a Pastor to his Sheep and a Parent to his Children. Cyp. E­pist. 38. § 1. p. 90. And the Titles of this Su­pream Church Officer, are most of them reckon­ed up in one place, in Cup. Epist. 96 viz. Bishop, Pastor, President, Governour, Superintendant or Priest. And this Officer is he, which in the Revelation, is called, The Angel of the Church, at Origen thinks.

[Page 15]2. We may consider more distinctly, the Ob­ject of his Care, or the Dimensions of the Bi­shops Diocess. It's very obvious, that this Great and Superiour Officer, as has been said; had but one Church under his Pastoral Care. The Diocesses Government or Dominion of these Reverend Prelates, are never [according to An­tiquity] said to contain Churches, in the Plu­ral, but only a Church, in the Singular Num­ber. And the Bishop was usually called the Bi­shop of this or that Church. As Tertullian saith, Polycarp was Ordained Bishop of the Church of Smyrna, &c. And moreover it is accurately to be observed, that the most frequent word used to Denominate the Extent of the Bishops Care, or to set out the Limits of his Diocess, was that of a Parish. So in the Synodical Epistle of Ire­naeus to Victor. The Bishopricks of Asia are called Parishes: And in the History of Exsebius the word is so applied in several hundred places. It's very usual there to Read of Bishops of this and that Parish. As the Bishop of the Parish in Alexandria, the Bishop of the Parish in Ephesus, and in Corinth, &c. For that the word Paroikia, which we render Parish, signifies Housing, or Li­ving together. And in Ordinary and Civil Use, it notes a Village, small Town, or part of a Town, of People or Persons Dwelling together. And in a Church sense it signifies a competent Number of Christians Dwelling near together, and having one Bishop, Pastor or Minister, or more, set over them; with whom they meet at one Time or Place, to Worship and Serve God. So that Parish in this sense, is the same with a Particular-Church or Congregation. And this is plainly agreeable with the Sense, Custome & Platform of New-England Churches.

[Page 16]3. That the Bishops Diocess exceeded not the Bounds of a Parish, or a small Town, or part of a Town, is very evident from the following De­monstrations, according to Antiquity.

Dèmonst. 1. For that all the People of a Dio­cess did every Sunday, meet together in one Place, to Celebrate Divine Service. Thus saith Justin Martyr, [Apol. 2. p. 98.] All Assemble to­gether in one Place, where the Bishop Preaches, and Prays.

Demonst. 2. The Bishop had but one Altar, or Communion-Table in his Diocess, at which his whole Flock Received the Sacrament from him. There is but one Altar says Ignatius [Epist ad Phila. p. 41.] as there is but one Bishop. So says Cyprian, we Celebrate the Sacrament; the whole Brotherhood being present. And thus it was in Justin Martyrs Days. The Bishops whole Diocess met together on Sunday, when the Bi­shop gave them the Eucharist.

Demonst. 3. All the People of a Diocess were present at Church Censures; as Origen describes an Offender, as appearing before the whole Church. In Mar. Tom. 13. Pag. 133. Vol. 1. So Clemens Romanus calls the Censures of the Church, the things Commanded by the Mul­titude.

Demonst. 4. No Offenders were Restored a­gain to the Churches Peace, without the Know­ledge and Consent of the whole Diocess; they were to plead their Cause before the whole People, &c.

Demonst. 5 When the Bishop of a Church was Dead, all the People of that Church met together in one Place to Chuse a new Bishop. So Sacinus was Chosen Bishop of Emetria, by [Page 17] the Suffrage of all the Brotherhood. The whole Diocess of the Bishops did meet toge­ther to manage Church Affairs. Thus when the Schism of Felicissimus, in the Bishoprick of Carthage was to be Debated, it was to be done according to the Will of the People, & by the Consent of the Laity. And when there were some hot Disputes about the Restitution of the Lapsed, Cyprian promised his whole Di­ocess, that all those things should be Exami­ned before them, and judged by them. So that from the Premises, it is very evident, that that Diocess cannot possibly be more than one single Congregation; nor that Church more than a Congregational Church, where all the People and Members of that Church meet together at one time, and in one place to Pray together, to Receive the Sacrament together; Assist at Church-Censures together, and Dispatch Church-Affairs together. And it is very apparent, that this was the Method and Way of the Primitive Churches, accord­ing to the Preceeding Observations. And New-England Churches harmonize exactly in their common Practice, as tho' they had taken their Directions from them.

4. The Bishops Duty, or the several Parti­cular Operations of his Honourable Office, were such as these, viz. Preaching of the Word, Praying with his People, Administring the Sacraments, taking care of the Poor, Or­daining of Ministers, Governing his Flock, Ex­communicating of Offenders, and absolving of Penitents. In a word, Whatever can be com­prized under those three General Heads of Preaching, Worship, and Government, were [Page 18] parts of the Bishops Function and Office. And this also is very agreeable with our Platform: Cap. 10 Sex. 8. The Power which Christ hath Committed to the Elders, is to Feed and Rule the Church of God, &c.

CHAP. IV. The Prerogatives, or Peculiar Immunities of the Laity.

THE Fraternity or Body of the People had several high Immunities Inherent in them; and Exercised by them as a Church. As,

1. Voting and giving their Suffrage, for the Admission and Censure of Members. To this purpose before.

2. The Electing their own Officers. For when a Parish, or Bishoprick was vacant through the Death of the Incumbent, the Members of that Parish met in Church to choose a fit person for his Successor; to whom they might commit the Care and Govern­ment of the Church. When Alexander was chosen Bishop of Jerusalem, [says Eusebius, Lib. 6. Cap. 11.] it was by compulsion or choice of the Members of that Church. And so in the Church of Rome when their Bi­shop was deceased; all the People met in the Church to choose a Successor. Euseb. Lib. 6. Cap. 28. Though it is certain that after [Page 19] some time the aspiring Clergy rob'd the Peo­ple of this as well as of other of their Rights. As it is well Represented by a late very wor­thy Anomolous Author, writing de Ordinatione P. 30. Crescente Paulatim Cleri Potestate ad se magis indies, &c. The Power of the Clergy gra­dually increasing, they daily drew more new Rights to themselves, which they took from the People; Thinking that the dignity which they had obtained, was not ample enough, if the People had any share with them in Elections. Therefore at length snatch or take the whole Business into their own hands; The People through their supine negligence not much opposing of them. Yet that the People might be husht into quiet [with much Grace] they grant them the favour of Beggars, viz. Postulare; To ask for an Officer. But this plundering of the Churches falls within the Second Grand Division of Time. Not within the first three hundred years.

3. Of Approbating of Ordination. All the People were consulted; and none were Admitted into holy Orders without their Approbation. As we are assured by Cyprian [Epist. 33.] who tells us it was his con­stant custom, in all Ordinations to consult his People, and with their conmmon Counsel to weigh the Merit of every Candidate of the Sacred Orders.

4. Of Deposing of their own Officers the way. Pag. 96. Sect. 2. For if their Bishops [Page 20] proved Scandalous and Wicked in Life; He­retical and Apostates from the Faith, the Churches had Power to degrade and depose them, and choose others in their Room. There is a peculiar Example of this kind in a Letter from the Church of Rome to the Church of Corinth, written by Clemens Romanus▪ Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 14. upon which Dr. Owen makes this Observation, viz. That the Church of Corinth was fallen into a sinful Excess in the de­position of their Elders, whom the Church of Rome judged to have presided amongst them Laudibly — But yet in the whole Epistle the Church of Corinth is no where reproved, for assuming the Authority to themselves which did not belong [...] them. It seems what Cyprian afterward af­firmed, was then acknowledged, namely, that the Right of choosing the Worthy, and Rejecting the Ʋnworthy was in the Body of the People. But the Corinthian Church is severely reproved for the abuse of their Libertie and Power, State of Churches, P. 94. Also when two Spanish Bi­shops were deposed by their Churches, that the said Churches might not seem to act by a Power which belonged not to them; they sent into Africa to several Bishops to know their Judgment thereupon, who being Con­vened in a Synod [Anno. 258.] whereof Cyprian was President; they commended, and approved their Procedings; assuring them it was according to the Divine Law, which was Express, that none but those that were holy [Page 21] and blameless, should approach Gods Altar; that if they had continued to have communi­cated with their Prophane Bishops, they would have been accessary to their Guilt and Vil­lany, and would have contradicted those Examples, and Commands in Scripture, which obliged a People to separate from Wicked, and Ungodly Ministers, that they had not acted Irregularly in what they had done; since the People had the chief Power in choosing worthy Bishops, so also of refusing those who were unworthy. And many other passages there are in that Epistle which flatly assert the Peoples Power of deposing scan­dalous Bishops. Yet where the Churches were Associated to render their action more unquestionable, they had assistance from o­thers; but yet the Power is plainly acknow­ledged to be inherent in the Church. Epist. 68. Apud Cyp. §. 1.2.3. P. 200. These Premises are very Harmonious with the Constitution of these Churches. Platf. C. 10. Sect. 5.6. The Power which is granted by Christ to the Body of the Church, and Brotherhood is a Prero­gative.

1. In chusing their own Officers.

2. In the Admission, and Censures of their own Members. And,

3. In case an Elder offend incorrigibly &c. as they had Power to call him to Office; so they have Power according to Order to re­move him from his Office, &c.

CHAP. V.

3. WE come nextly to consider the Joynt acts of Officers and People, carrying on, as an Organick Body. And these Peculiarly referr to the Discipline, and good Govern­ment of the Church. And though Ministe­rial trust [precisely considered] was solely devolved on the Officers; yet still the Fra­ternity stood interested in, and possessed of a share in the Juridical part of Government, the whole Church in ordinary Cases were the Judges which composed the Ecclesiastical Consistory. So that the Power of the Keys was so lodged both in the Bishops and Peo­ple, as that each had a share to Exercise and Improve in Joynt acts of Judicature, and thus the Clergy and Laity conjunctly made up that Supream Court which was in every Parish, where all Church Offenders were tryed, and when found Guilty, were Senten­ced and Condemned. That the Laity did Exercise Judicial Power in the Church, is further evident from several Testimonies. As in that of Clemens Romanus. [Epist. 1. Ad Corinth, p 69.] where he writes: Who will say according to the Example of Moses. If Sedi­tions, Contentions, and Schisms are happened be­cause of me, I will depart, I will go whethersoever you please, and I will do what shall be injoyned me by the People, so the Church of Christ be in Peace. So Origen describes a Criminal appear­ing before the whole Church. In Mat. [Page 23] Tom. 13. Cyprian, when some had com­mitted some great misdemeanours, professes himself not a sufficient Judge, but they ought to be tryed by all the People, Epist. 28. p. 64. And to the same purpose, he writes of other Delinquents; viz. That such matters should be adjusted according to the Arbitrament, and com­mon Council of the People. And that the Lapsed in admitting them to Communion, should plead their cause before the Clergy, and before all the People. And concerning such matters he writes to the People, that when it should please God to restore Peace to the Church, and reduce him from Exile, then the case of the Delinquents should be examined in their Presence, and accor­ding to their Judgment. And Cyprian writes in another Place, that all things were debated in common amongst them. And that who­ever was Excommunicated it was by the Suffrages of the People. And though the Elders were Principally concerned, in prepar­ing cases for the Churches Cognizance; yet its plain that the Decisive Suffrage was [in part] the Prerogative of the People. To this purpose we have an instance in some that joyned in the Schism of Novatus; who being sensible of their fault, came into the Presbitery, and desired the Churches Peace; the Presbytery accepted their submission, and proposed it to the whole Church, who rea­dily embraced it. Now it is to be observed, that agreeably with the fore-cited Practice of [Page 24] the Primitive Churches, our own Platform has decided the Question concerning the Sub­ject, and Exercise of Government, Platf. C. 10 Sect. 11. The Ordinary Power of Govern­ment belongs only to the Elders; and Power of Priviledge remaineth with the Brotherhood, [as the Power of Judgment in matters of Censure, and Power of Liberty in matters of Liberty] thence it follows, that in an Or­ganick Church, and Right Administration, all Church acts proceed after the manner of a mixt Administration, so that no Church act can be consummated, or perfected without the consent of both.

CHAP. VI.

4. I Shall nextly consider the Fellowship and Communion that Distinct Churches had & held one with another.

It is very obvious by this Time, [and he must blind his own Eyes that won't see it] That the Primitive Churches [according to the Account we have of their Regiment for the first three hundred years from Christ] were distinct Poli­tical Bodies; and neither Diocaesan, National, Provincial nor Classical, but properly Congre­gational Churches. And as such, were perfect and compleat Societies Incorporate; so that they had a Power, and Capacity of carrying on all Church-work within themselves, and wanted not to borrow, or receive from others, for the support of their Being, and so were Indepen­dent. Yet considering they were imperfect in [Page 25] their Matter, and therefore to help, forward their Well-being, wanted the advantage of all good means; with the influence of the Grace, Love, Knowledge, Experience, Wisdom, and Counsel of each other; so they were dependent, and became mutually Officious, and accountable each to other: Somewhat after the manner, as Mr. Hooker distinguishes on the Independency, and Dependency of Gospel Churches. Pol. Lib. 2. Chap. 3. Says he, Independency implies two things. Either,

1. An absolute Supremacy, opposed to Subordina­tion; and so a Particular Church is not Indepen­dent, it being accountable to Civil Government, &c. and also to the Consociation of Churches. Or,

2. Independency signifies a sufficiency in its kind, for the attainment of its End. And in this sense, Independency is opposed to Imperfection: And if we take it thus, then a Particular Church may be said to be Independent, it being sufficient to attain the end it was Instituted for; it having compleat power, when rightly Constituted, to Exercise all the Ordinances of God. And thus we find, that the Primitive Churches in this sense were Independent Churches: That is, every Particular Church had a sufficient Right and Power, without the Concurrence and Authority of any other Church, to carry on the Worship of God, and Exercise of Discipline in their distinct Society. And yet as they were Parts of the Ʋniversal Church, held themselves obliged to a suitable Communion. And for the support of Ʋ ­nity, Love, and Concord amongst them, and to ad­vise about their common Circumstances and Conditi­on; and also to Regulate their Ecclesiastical Af­fairs within their general Limits, for their mutual advantage; did therefore form themselves into Sy­nodical [Page 26] Assemblies, and were governed in common by them; for that their Synodical Decrees, Canons or Institutions, were accounted Obligatory to all the Churches, who had their Representatives in the Sy­nods. For indeed to what purpose else did they draw up their Resolves, but for the good and bene­fit of the whole Community. And it would have been very fruitless to have made we arisome Jour­neys, with great cost and pains to determine such things, as they judged expedient for the Churches Well-being; if after all, it were indifferent whether they were obeyed or no: Or that when the whole was agreed, some should reluct, & remonstrate; & especially when things were fairly settled by a joynt Suffrage in Synods, some small seat of Wise Men should hold themselves wiser than whole Synods; and afterward should of their own heads in their more private Apartments set forward new Schemes, which in it self is disorderly, and a way to keep the Churches constantly fluctuating, and restless, like the unstable Ocean. And indeed, considering the Regularity, Wisdom and Ʋnion in Synodical Settlements, whilst that all sorts of persons interest­ed, both Officers and People having had their full liberty in Debates, and their free Votes and Suf­frages, in drawing up the Decrees and Settlements; it is a bold intrusion, and little better than defying and trampling under foot the Ʋnity, Love, Ho­nour and Authority of the Churches, to run coun­ter with Synodical Settlements, till they are fairly Repealed by the like Power which made the Settle­ments. And thus we come to consider the Members of the Synods of the Primitive Chur­hes.

And these were Bishops, Presbyters, Deacons, and Deputed Lay-men, in behalf of the People [Page 27] of their Respective Churches. At a great Sy­nod at Antioch, which condemned Paul [...] Sama­satenus, there were present Bishops, Presbyters, Deacons, and the Church of God; that is Lay­men, who represented the People of their seve­ral Churches. Euseb. l. 7 Cap. 30. Also when the Heresie of the Montanists, was fixed and preach­ed, the Faithful in Asia met together several times to Examine it, and upon Examination con­demned it. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 16. Also there be­ing some heats in the Church of Carthage, about the Restitution of the Lapsed, Cyprian, Bishop of that Church, writes from Exile, That there should be Convened a Synod of Bishops, and of the Laity, who had stood firm thro' the Persecution, to Consult about, and Determine their Affairs. Epist. 14. And moreover at a great Synod held at Car­thage, Anno 258. there were present Eighty Se­ven Bishops, together with Presbyters and Dea­cons, and a great part of the Laity. Apud Cypri. p 443.

The Principles of the Churches in New-Eng­land, Asserting the Right of the People in Syno­dal Meetings, is fully set down in the Chapter concerning Synods. Platf. And the Practice of these in Harmony with the Primitive Chur­ches has been all along agreeable to it. In the last Synod which was in New-England, in the year 1679. Some Churches sent only their El­ders without their Brethren, with which the Synod was so far unsatisfyed, as that they would not allow those Pastors to Sit with them, until they had prevailed with their Churches to send Brethren also; being very tender of Admitting any thing, that should look like the Infringe­ment of that Liberty and Priviledge, which does [Page 28] by the Institution of Christ belong to the Bro­therhood in Particular Churches. Dr. Mathers Order. Q. 11. I shall conclude this Head or De­monstration with these Weighty and Solemn Words of the Learned and Famous Mr. Oakes, Praesident of the Colledge, in his Election Ser­mon. Consider (says he) what will be the End of Receding, or making of a Defection from the way of Church Government Established amongst us. I profess that I look upon the Discovery and Settle­ment of the Congregational Way, as the Boon, the Gratuity, the largess of Divine Bounty, which the Lord graciously bestowed on this People, that fol­lowed him into this Wilderness, and who were, se­parated from their Brethren. Those Good People who came over had more Love, Zeal, and affectio­nate desire of Communion with God, in pure Wor­ship and Ordinances, and did more in order to it, than others; and the Lord did more for them than for any People in the World, in shewing them the Pattern of his House, and the truer Scriptural-way of Church-Government and Administrations. God was certainly in a more than ordinary way present with his Servants, in laying of our Foundations; and in settling Church-Order, according to the Will and Appointment of Christ. Consider what will be the sad issue of Revolting from the way fixed on to one extream or to another, whether it be to Presbyte­rianism or Brownism. ‘As for the Presbyteri­ans, it must be acknowledged, that there are a­mongst them, as Pious, Learned, Sober, Or­thodox Men, as the World affords; and that there is as much of the Power of Godliness a­mong that Party, and of the Spirit of the good old Puritans, as among any People in the World. And as for the Ways of their Church [Page 29] Government, it must be confessed, that in the day of it, it was a very considerable step to Reformation. The Reformation in King Ed­ward's Days, was a blessed work; and the Re­formation of Geneva and Scotland, was then a larger step, and in many respects purer than the other. And for my part, I fully believe that the Congregational-way far exceeds both, and is the highest step that has been taken to­wards Reformation; and for the substance of it, it is the very same way that was Establish­ed and Practised in the Primitive Times, ac­cording to the Institution of Jesus Christ.’ Thus ends my first Demonstration in a fair pa­rallel drawn up between the Holiest Churches that ever were in the World, and the Churches of New-England; and however they may differ in their Morals, they are very harmonious in their Order. And considering that the former cannot rationally be thought but they derived their Constitution from the Apostles, and so it must needs be of a Divine Original: And if so, then these in New-England who are fashioned so exactly like them, must needs be of the same Pedigree, &c. But I shall wave all Improvement of the Premises, and leave the whole to the se­rious and judicious thoughts of every Impartial Reader, not doubting but he will find sufficient evidence of the Divine Original of these Churches in what has been said. And that I might now obtain a Supersedeas, and forbear adding any fur­ther Plea in their Defence. But yet to gratifie my own Curiosity, and divert the Reader, I shall proceed to Inquire into the Natural Reason of the Constitution of those Churches we have been comparing, In this Question I shall go out [Page 30] of the Common Road, and take into an unusual and unbeaten Path; wherein possibly I may fall into some Thickets now and then, and be some­what intangled; yet I hope the Candid Reader will afford some succour by his tender Clemen­cy, and his friendly Interpretation of my good Intentions. For tho' I may in so devious a way, miss of some part of the Truth; yet I have a great presumption that I may open a Road to Men of greater Learning, and a deeper Search, that will lead to a rich Treasure of Knowledge, and Wisdom, for Ease and Relief under those many Questions and crabbed Debates concerning Church-Government in the Christian World; for to me it seems most apparent, that under Christ the reason of the Constitution of these and the Primitive Churches, is really and truly owing to the Orginal State and Liberty of Mankind, and founded peculiarly in the Light of Nature. And thus I come to the

CHAP. I.

THE Divine Establishment in Providence of the fore-named Churches in their Order is apparently the Royal assent of the supream Monarch of the Churches, to the grave Decisions of Reason in favour of Mans Natural state of Being, and Original Free­dom. For it we should make a new Survey of the Constitution before named under the brightest Light of Nature, there is no grea­ter [Page 31] Example of natural Wisdom in any set­lement on Earth; for the present and fu­ture security of Humane Beings in all that is most Valuable and Grand, then in this. That it seems to me as though Wise and Provident Nature by the Dictates of Right Reason excited by the moving Suggestions of Humanity; and awed with the just demands of Natural Libertie, Equity, Equality, and Principles of Self-Preservation, Originally drew up the Scheme, and then obtained the Royal Approbation. And certainly it is agreeable that we attribute it to God whether we re­ceive it nextly from Reason or Revelation, for that each is equally an Emanation of his Wisdom, Prov. 20.27. The Spirit of Man is the Candle of the Lord, searching all the in­ward parts of the Belly. There be many larger Volumns in this dark Recess called the Belly to be read by that Candle God has Light up. And I am very well assured the fore named Constitution is a Transcript out of some of their Pages, Joh. 1.4, 9. And the Life was the Light of Men, which Lighteth every Man which cometh into the World. This admirable Effect of Christs Creating Power in hanging out so many Lights to guide man through a dark World, is as Applicable to the Light of Reason, as to that of Revelati­on. For that the Light of Reason as a Law and Rule of Right, is an Effect of Christ's goodness, care and creating Power, as well [Page 32] as of Revelation; though Revelation is Na­tures Law in a fairer and brighter Edition. This is granted by the London Ministers, P. 8. C. 3. ‘That, that which is evident by, and consonant to the true Light of Nature, or Natural Reason, is to be accounted, Jure Divino, in matters of Religion.’ But in the further and more distinct management of this Plea; I shall,

1. Lay before the Reader several Principles Natural Knowledge.

2. Apply or Improve them in Ecclesiastical affairs.

3. Inferr from the Premises, a Demonstra­tion that these Churches, if not properly Formed; yet are fairly Established in their present Order by the Law of Nature.

CHAP II.

1. I Shall disclose several Principles of Na­tural Knowledge; plainly discovering the Law of Nature; or the true sentiments of Natural Reason, with Respect to Mans Be­ing and Government. And in this Essay I shall peculiarly confine the discourse to two heads, viz

1. Of the Natural [in distinction to the Civil] and then,

2. Of the Civil Being of Man. And I shall Principally take Baron Puffendorff for my Chief Guide and Spokes-man.

[Page 33]1. I shall consider Man in a state of Na­tural Being, as a Free-Born Subject under the Crown of Heaven, and owing Homage to none but God himself. It is certain Civil Govern­ment in General, is a very Admirable Result of Providence, and an Incomparable Benefit to Man-kind, yet must needs be acknow­ledged to be the Effect of Humane Free-Compacts and not of Divine Institution; it is the Produce of Mans Reason, of Humane and Rational Combinations, and not from any direct Orders of Infinite Wisdom, in any positive Law wherein is drawn up this or that Scheme of Civil Government. Govern­ment [says the Lord Warrington] is necessa­ry — in that no Society of Men can sub­sist without it; and that Particular Form of Government is necessary which best suits the Temper and Inclination of a People. No­thing can be Gods Ordinance, but what he has particularly Declared to be such; there is no particularly Form of Civil Government described in Gods Word, neither does Nature prompt it. The Government of the Jews was changed five Times. Government is not formed by Nature, as other Births or Pro­ductions; If it were, it would be the same in all Countries; because Nature keeps the same Method, in the same thing, in all Climates. If a Common Wealth be changed into a Mo­narchy, is it Nature that forms, and brings forth the Monarch? Or if a Royal Family [Page 34] wholly Extinct [as in Noah's Case, being not Heir Apparent from Descent from Adam] is it. Nature that must go to work [with the King Bees, who themselves alone preserve the Royal Race in that Empire] to Breed a Monarch before the People can have a King, or a Government sent over them? And thus we must leave Kings to Resolve which is their best Title to their Crowns, whether Natural Right, or the Constitution of Go­vernment settled by Humane Compacts, un­der the Direction and Conduct of Reason. But to proceed under the head of a State of Natural Being, I shall more distinctly Explain the State of Humane Nature in its Original Capacity, as Man is placed on Earth by his Maker, and Cloathed with many Investitures, and Immunities which properly belong to Man separately considered. As,

1. The Prime Immunity in Mans State, is that he is most properly the Subject of the Law of Nature. He is the Favourite Ani­mal on Earth; in that this Part of Gods I­mage, viz. Reason is Congenate with his Na­ture, wherein by a Law Immutable, Instampt upon his Frame, God has provided a Rule for Men in all their Actions, obliging each one to the performance of that which is Right, not only as to Justice, but likewise as to all other Moral Vertues, the which is no­thing but the Dictate of Right Reason found­ed in the Soul of Man. Malloy, De. Mao, [Page 35] Praef. That which is to be drawn from Mans Reason, flowing from the true Current of that Faculty, when unperverted, may be said to be the Law of Nature; on which account, the Holy Scriptures declare it written on Mens hearts. For being indowed with a Soul, you may know from your self, how, and what you ought to act, Rom. 2.14. These having not a Law, are a Law to themselves. So that the meaning is, when we acknow­ledge the Law of Nature to be the dictate of Right Reason, we must mean that the Understanding of Man is Endowed with such a power, as to be able, from the Comtempla­tion of humane Condition to discover a ne­cessity of Living agreeably with this Law: And likewise to find out some Principle, by which the Precepts of it, may be clearly and solidly Demonstrated. The way to discover the Law of Nature in our own state, is by a narrow Watch, and accurate Contemplation of our Natural Condition, and propensions. Others say this is the way to find out the Law of Nature. scil. If a Man any ways doubts, whether what he is going to do to another Man be agreeable to the Law of Nature, then let him suppose himself to be in that other Mans Room; And by this Rule effectually Executed. A Man must be a very dull Scho­lar to Nature not to make Proficiency in the Knowledge of her Laws. But more Particu­larly in pursuing our Condition for the dis­covery [Page 36] of the Law of Nature, this is very obvious to view, viz.

1. A Principle of Self-Love, & Self-Preserva­tion, is very predominant in every Mans Being.

2. A Sociable Disposition.

3. An Affection or Love to Man-kind in General. And to give such Sentiments the force of a Law, we must suppose a God who takes care of all Mankind, and has thus obliged each one, as a Subject of higher Principles of Being, then meer Instincts. For that all Law properly considered, supposes a capable Subject, and a Superiour Power; And the Law of God which is Binding, is published by the Dictates of Right Reason as other ways: Therefore says Plutarch, To fol­low God and obey Reason is the same thing. But moreover that God has Established the Law of Nature, as the General Rule of Govern­ment, is further Illustrable from the many Sanctions in Providence, and from the Peace and Guilt of Conscience in them that either obey, or violate the Law of Nature. But moreover, the foundation of the Law of Na­ture with relation to Government, may be thus Discovered. scil. Man is a Creature ex­treamly desirous of his own Preservation; of himself he is plainly Exposed to many Wants, unable to secure his own safety, and Mainte­nance without the Assistance of his fellows; and he is also able of returning Kindness by the furtherance of mutual Good; But yet Man is often found to be Malicious, Insolent, [Page 37] and easily Provoked, and as powerful in Ef­fecting mischief, as he is ready in designing it. Now that such a Creature may be Pre­served, it is necessary that he be Sociable; that is, that he be capable and disposed to unite himself to those of his own species, and to Regulate himself towards them, that they may have no fair Reason to do him harm; but rather incline to promote his Interests, and secure his Rights and Concerns. This then is a Fundamental Law of Nature, that every Man as far as in him lies, do main­tain a Sociableness with others, agreeable with the main end and disposition of humane Nature in general. For this is very apparent, that Reason and Society render Man the most potent of all Creatures. And Finally, from the Principles of Sociableness it follows as a fundamental Law of Nature, that Man is not so Wedded to his own Interest, but that he can make the Common good the mark of his Aim: And hence he becomes Capacitated to enter into a Civil State by the Law of Na­ture; for without this property in Nature, viz. Sociableness, which is for Cementing of parts, every Government would soon moulder and dissolve.

2. The Second Great Immunity of Man is an Original Liberty Instampt upon his Rational Nature. He that intrudes up­on this Liberty, Violates the Law of Na­ture. In this Discourse I shall wave [Page 38] the Consideration of Mans Moral Turpitude, but shall view him Physically as a Creature which God has made and furnished essenti­ally with many Enobling Immunities, which render him the most August Animal in the World, and still, whatever has happened since his Creation, he remains at the upper-end of Nature, and as such is a Creature of a very Noble Character. For as to his Dominion, the whole frame of the Lower Part of the Universe is devoted to his use, and at his Command; and his Liberty under the Con­duct of Right Reason, is equal with his trust. Which Liberty may be briefly Considered, Internally as to his Mind, and Externally as to his Person.

1. The Internal Native Liberty of Mans Nature in general implies, a faculty of Doing or Omitting things according to the Direction of his Judgment. But in a more special mean­ing, this Liberty does not consist in a loose and ungovernable Freedom, or in an unbound­ed Licence of Acting. Such Licence is disa­greeing with the condition and dignity of Man, and would make Man of a lower and meaner Constitution then Bruit Creatures; who in all their Liberties are kept under a better and more Rational Government, by their Instincts. Therefore as Plutarch says, Those Persons only who live in Obedience to Reason, are worthy to be accounted free: They alone live as they Will, who have Learnt what they ought to Will. So [Page 39] that the true Natural Liberty of Man, such as really and truely agrees to him, must be understood, as he is Guided and Restrained by the Tyes of Reason, and Laws of Nature; all the rest is Brutal, if not worse.

2. Mans External Personal, Natural Liber­ty, Antecedent to all Humane parts, or Al­liances must also be considered. And so eve­ry Man must be conceived to be perfectly in his own Power and disposal, and not to be controuled by the Authority of any other. And thus every Man, must be acknowledged equal to every Man, since all Subjection and all Command are equally banished on both sides; and considering all Men thus at Liber­ty, every Man has a Prerogative to Judge for himself, viz. What shall be most for his Be­hoof, Happiness and Well-being.

3. The Third Capital Immunity belonging to Mans Nature, is an equality amongst Men; Which is not to be denyed by the Law of Nature, till Man has Resigned himself with all his Rights for the sake of a Civil State; and then his Personal Liberty and Equality is to be cherished, and preserved to the high­est degree, as will consist with all just distincti­ons amongst Men of Honour, and shall be a­greeable with the publick Good. For Man has a high valuation of himself, and the passion seems to lay its first foundation [not in Pride, but] really in the high and admi­rable Frame and Constitution of Humane [Page 40] Nature. The Word Man, says my Author, is thought to carry somewhat of Dignity in its sound; and we commonly make use of this as the most proper and prevailing Ar­gument against a rude Insulter, viz. I am not a Beast or a Dog, but am a Man as well as your self. Since then Humane Nature agrees e­qually with all persons; and since no one can live a Sociable Life with another that does not own or Respect him as a Man; It follows as a Command of the Law of Na­ture, that every Man Esteem and treat ano­ther as one who is naturally his Equal, or who is a Man as well as he. There be ma­ny popular, or plausible Reasons that greatly Illustrate this Equality, viz. that we all De­rive our Being from one stock, the same Common Father of humane Race. On this Consideration Boethius checks the pride of the Insulting Nobility.

And also that our Bodies are Composed of matter, frail, brittle, and lyable to be de­stroyed by thousand Accidents; we all owe our Existence to the same Method of propa­gation. The Noblest Mortal in his Entrance on to the Stage of Life, is not distinguished by any pomp or of passage from the lowest of Mankind; and our Life hastens to the same General Mark: Death observes no Ce­remony, but Knocks as loud at the Barriers of the Court, as at the Door of the Cottage. This Equality being admitted, bears a very great force in maintaining Peace and Friend­ship amongst Men. For that he who would use the Assistance of others, in promoting his own Advantage, ought as freely to be at their service, when they want his help on the like Occasions. One Good turn Requires another, is the Common Proverb; for otherwise he must need esteem others unequal to himself, who constantly demands their Aid, and as constantly denies his own. And whoever is of this Insolent Temper, cannot but highly displease those about him, and soon give Oc­casion of the Breach of the Common Peace. It was a Manly Reproof which Charact [...]cus [Page 42] gave the Romans. Num Si vos Omnibus &c. What! because you desire to be Masters of all Men, does it follow therefore that all Men should desire to be your Slaves, for that it is a Command of Natures Law, that no Man that has not obtained a particular and special Right, shall arrogate to himself a Larger share then his fellows, but shall ad­mit others to equal Priviledges with himself. So that the Principle of Equality in a Na­tural State, is peculiarly transgressed by Pride, which is when a Man without sufficient rea­son prefers himself to others. And though as Hensius, Paraphrases upon Aristotle's Poli­ticks to this Purpose. viz. Nothing is more suitable to Nature, then that those who Excel in Ʋnderstanding and Prudence, should Rule and Con­troul those who are less happy in those Advantages, &c. Yet we must note, that there is room for an Answer, soil. That it would be the greatest absurdity to believe, that Nature actually Invests the Wise with a Sovereignity over the weak; or with a Right of forcing them against their Wills; for that no Sove­reignty can be Established, unless some Hu­mane Deed, or Covenant Precede: Nor does Natural fitness for Government make a Man presently Governour over another; for that as Ʋlpian says, by a Natural Right all Men are born free; and Nature having set all Men upon a Level and made them Equals, no Servitude or Subjection can be conceived without Ine­quality; [Page 43] and this cannot be made without Usurpation or Force in others, or Volun­tary Compliance in those who Resign their freedom, and give away their degree of Na­tural Being And thus we come,

2. To consider Man in a Civil State of Being; wherein we shall observe the great difference betwen a Natural, and Political State; for in the latter State many Great disproportions appear, or at least many obvious distinctions are soon made amongst Men; which Doctrine is to be laid open under a few heads.

1. Every Man considered in a Natural State, must be allowed to be Free, and at his own dispose; yet to suit Mans Inclinations to Soci­ety; And in a peculiar manner to gratify the necessity he is in of publick Rule and Order, he is Impelled to enter into a Civil Community; and Divests himself of his Natural Freedom, and puts himself under Government; which a­mongst other things Comprehends the Power of Life and Death over Him; together with Au­thority to Injoyn him some things to which he has an utter Aversation, and to prohibit him other things, for which he may have as strong an Inclination; so that he may be often under this Authority, obliged to Sacrifice his Private, for the Publick Good. So that though Man is inclined to Society, yet he is driven to a Combination by great necessity. For that the true and leading Cause of forming Governments, and yielding up Natural Liberty, and throw­ing Mans Equality into a Common Pile to be new Cast by the Rules of fellowship; was really and truly to guard themselves against the Inju­ries [Page 44] Men were lyable to Interchangeably; for none so Good to Man, as Man, and yet none a greater Enemy. So that,

2. The first Humane Subject and Original of Civil Power is the People. For as they have a Power every Man over himself in a Natural State, so upon a Combination they can and do bequeath this Power unto others; and settle it according as their united discretion shall Determine. For that this is very plain, that when the Subject of Sovereign Power is quite Extinct, that Power returns to the People a­gain. And when they are free, they may set up what species of Government they please; or if they rather incline to it, they may subside into a State of Natural Being, if it be plainly for the best. In the Eastern Country of the' Mogul, we have some resemblance of the Case; for upon the Death of an absolute Monarch, they live so many days without a Civil Head; but in that Interregnum, those who survive the Vacancy, are glad to get into a Civil State a­gain; and usually they are in a very Bloody Condition when they return under the Covert of a new Monarch; this project is to indear the People to a Tyranny, from the Experience they have so lately had of an Anarchy.

3. The formal Reason of Government is the Will of a Community, yielded up and sur­rendred to some other Subject, either of one particular Person, or more, Conveyed in the following manner.

Let us conceive in our Mind a multitude of Men, all Naturally Free & Equal; going about voluntarily, to Erect themselves into a new Common-Wealth. Now their Condition being [Page 45] such, to bring themselves into a Politick Body, they must needs Enter into divers Covenants.

1. They must Interchangeably each Man Co­venant to joyn in one lasting Society, that they may be capable to concert the measures of their safety, by a Publick Vote.

2. A Vote or Decree must then nextly pass to set up some Particular speecies of Govern­ment over them. And if they are joyned in their first Compact upon absolute Terms to stand to the Decision of the first Vote con­cerning the Species of Government: Then all are bound by the Majority to acquiesce in that particular Form thereby settled, though their own private Opinion, incline them to some other Model.

3. After a Decree has specified the Particular form of Government, then there will be need of a New Covenant, whereby those on whom Sovereignty is conferred, engage to take care of the Common Peace, and Welfare. And the Subjects on the other hand, to yield them faith­ful Obedience. In which Covenant is Included that Submission and Union of Wills, by which a State may be conceived to be but one Person. So that the most proper Definition of a Civil State, is this. viz. A Civil State is a Compound Moral Person. whose Will [United by those Covenants before passed] is the Will of all; to the end it may Use, and Apply the strength and riches of Private Persons towards main­taining the Common Peace, Security, and Well-being of all. Which may be conceived as tho' the whole State was now become but one Man; in which the aforesaid Covenants may be sup­posed under Gods Providence, to be the Di­vine [Page 46] Fiat, Pronounced by God, let us make Man. And by way of resemblance the aforesaid Being may be thus Anatomized.

1. The Sovereign Power is the Soul infused, giving Life and Motion to the whole Body.

2. Subordinate Officers are the Joynts by which the Body moves.

3. Wealth and Riches are the Strength.

4. Equity and Laws are the Reason.

5. Councellors the Memory.

6. Salus Populi, or the Happiness of the Peo­ple, is the End of its Being; or main Busi­ness to be attended and done.

7. Concord amongst the Members, and all Estates, is the Health.

8. Sedition is Sickness, and Civil War Death.

4. The Parts of Sovereignty may be consi­dered: So,

1. As it Prescribes the Rule of Action: It is rightly termed Legislative Power.

2. As it determines the Controversies of Sub­jects by the Standard of those Rules. So is it justly Termed Judiciary Power.

3. As it Arms the Subjects against Foreign­ers, or forbids Hostility, so its called the Power of Peace and War.

4. As it takes in Ministers for the discharge of Business, so it is called the Right of Ap­pointing Magistrates. So that all great Officers and Publick Servants, must needs owe their Original to the Creating Power of Sovereignty. So that those whose Right it is to Create, may Dissolve the being of those who are Created, unless they cast them into an Immortal Frame. And yet must needs be dissoluble if they justly forfeit their being to their Creators.

[Page 47]5. The Chief End of Civil Communities, is, that Men thus conjoyned, may be secured a­gainst the Injuries, they are lyable to from their own Kind. For if every Man could secure himself singly; It would be great folly for him, to Renounce his Natural Liberty, in which every Man is his own King and Protector

6. The Sovereign Authority besides that it inheres in every State as in a Common and General Subject. So farther according as it resides in some One Person, or in a Council [consisting of some Select Persons, or of all the Members of a Community] as in a pro­per and particular Subject, so it produceth dif­ferent Forms of Common-wealths, viz. Such as are either simple and regular, or mixt.

1. The Forms of a Regular State are three only, which Forms a rise from the proper and particular Subject, in which the Supream Power Resides. As,

1. A Democracy, which is when the Sovereign Power is Lodged in a Council consisting of all the Members, and where every Member has the Priviledge of a Vote. This Form of Govern­ment, appears in the greatest part of the World to have been the most Ancient. For that Rea­son seems to shew it to be most probable, that when Men [being Originally in a condition of Natural Freedom and Equality] had thoughts of joyning in a Civil Body, would without ques­tion be inclined to Administer their common Affairs, by their common Judgment, and so must necessarily to gratifie that Inclination establish a Democracy; neither can it be rationally i­magined, that Fathers of Families being yet Free and Independent, should in a moment, or [Page 48] little time take off their long delight in govern­ing their own Affairs, & Devolve all upon some single Sovereign Commander; for that it seems to have been thought more Equitable, that what belonged to all, should be managed by all, when all had entered by Compact into one Commu­nity. The Original of our Government, says Plato, [speaking of the Athenian Common­wealth] was taken from the Equality of our Race. Other States there are composed of different Blood, and of unequal Lines, the Consequence of which are disproportionable Soveraignty, Tyrannical or Oligarchycal Sway; under which men live in such a manner, as to Esteem themselves partly Lords, and partly Slaves to each other. But we and our Country-men, being all Born Brethren of the same Mother, do not look upon our selves, to stand under so hard a Relation, as that of Lords and Slaves; but the Parity of our Descent incline us to keep up the like Parity by our Laws, and to yield the precedency to nothing but to Superiour Vertue and Wisdom. And moreover it seems very manifest that most Civil Communities a­rose at first from the Union of Families, that were nearly allyed in Race and Blood. And though Ancient Story make frequent mention of Kings, yet it appears that most of them were such that had an Influence rather in per­swading, then in any Power of Commanding. So Justin discribes that Kind of Government, as the most Primitive, which Aristotle stiles an Heroical Kingdom. viz. Such as is no ways Inconsistent with a Democratical State. De Princip. Reru. 1. L. 1. C.

A democracy is then Erected, when a Num­ber of Free Persons, do Assemble together, [Page 49] in Order to enter into a Covenant for Uniting themselves in a Body: And such a Preparative Assembly hath some appearance already of a Democracy; it is a Democracy in Embrio] properly in this Respect, that every Man hath the Priviledge freely to deliver his Opinion concerning the Common Affairs. Yet he who dissents from the Vote of the Majority, is not in the least obliged by what they determine, till by a second Covenant, a Popular Form be actually Established; for not before then can we call it a Democratical Government, viz. Till the Right of Determining all matters re­lating to the publick Safety, is actually placed in a General Assembly of the whole People; or by their own Compact and Mutual Agree­ment, Determine themselves the proper Sub­ject for the Exercise of Sovereign Power. And to compleat this State, and render it capable to Exert its Power to answer the End of a Civil State: These Conditions are necessary.

1. That a certain Time and Place be Assigned for Assembling.

2. That when the Assembly be Orderly met, as to Time and Place, that then the Vote of the Majority must pass for the Vote of the whole Body.

3. That Magistrates be appointed to Exercise the Authority of the whole for the better dis­patch of Business, of every days Occurrence; who also may with more Mature diligence, search into more Important Affairs; and if in case any thing happens of greater Consequence, may report it to the Assembly; and be pecu­liarly Serviceable in putting all Publick Decrees into Execution. Because a large Body of Peo­ple [Page 50] is almost useless in Respect of the last Ser­vice, and of many others, as to the more Par­ticular Application and Exercise of Power. Therefore it is most agreeable with the Law of Nature, that they Institute their Officers to act in their Name, and Stead

2. The Second Species of Regular Govern­ment, is an Aristocracy; and this is said then to be Constituted when the People, or Assem­bly United by a first Covenant, and having thereby cast themselves into the first Rudi­ments of a State; do then by Common De­cree, Devolve the Sovereign Power, on a Coun­cil consisting of some Select Members; and these having accepted of the Designation, are then properly invested with Sovereign Com­mand; and then an Aristocracy is formed.

3. The Third Species of a Regular Govern­ment, is a Monarchy which is settled when the Sovereign Power is confered on some one worthy Person. It differs from the former, because a Monarch who is but one Person in Natural, as well as in Moral account, & so is fur­nished with an Immediate Power of Exercising Sovereign Command in all Instances of Govern­ment; but the fore named must needs have Particular Time and Place assigned; but the Power and Authority is Equal in each.

2. Mixt Governments, which are various and of divers kinds [not now to be Enumerated] yet possibly the fairest in the World is that which has a Regular Monarchy; [in Distincti­on to what is Dispotick] settled upon a Noble Democracy as its Basis. And each part of the Government is so adjusted by Pacts and Laws that renders the whole Constitution an Elisium [Page 51] It is said of the British Empire, That it is such a Monarchy, as that by the necessary subordinate Concurrence of the Lords and Commons, in the Making and Repealing all Statutes or Acts of Parliament; it hath the main Advantages of an Aristocracy, and of a Democracy, and yet free from the Disadvantages and Evils of either. It is such a Monarchy, as by most Admirable Tem­perament affords very much to the Industry, Li­berty, and Happiness of the Subject, and reserves enough for the Majesty and Prerogative of any King, who will own his People as Subjects, not as Slaves. It is a Kingdom, that of all the Kingdoms of the World, is most like to the King­dom of Jesus Christ, whose Yoke is easie, and Bur­den light. Present State of England 1st Part 64 p Thus having drawn up this brief Scheme concerning Man, and the Nature of Civil Go­vernment, he is become sole Subject of. I shall nextly proceed to make Improvements of the Premises, to accommodate the main Sub­ject under our Consideration.

2. I shall now make some Improvement of the foregoing Principles of Civil Knowledge, fairly deduced from the Law of Nature. And I shall peculiarly referr to Ecclesiastical Af­fairs, whereby we may in probability discover more clearly the Kind, and something of the Nature of that Government, which Christ has plac't in and over his Church. The Learned Debates of Men, and Divine Writ sometimes seems to cast such a Grandure on the Church & its Officers, as tho' they stood in Peerage with Civil Empire. Rev. 1.6, 9 1 Pet. 2.9. 1 Cor. 4.8. 1 Cor. 12.28. 2 Cor. 10.8. But all such Expres­sion must needs be other-ways Interpreted. God [Page 52] is the highest Cause that acts by Council; and it must needs be altogether repugnant, to think he should fore-cast the State of this World by no better a Scheme, than to Or­der two Sovereign Powers, in the same Grand Community, which would be like placing two Suns in the Firmament, which would be to set the Universe into a Flame: That should such an Error happen, one must needs be forth­with Extinguished, to bring the Frame of Nature into a just Temper, and keep it out of harms way. But to proceed with my Pur­pose, I shall go back upon the Civil Scheme, and inquire after two things: First of Rebel­lion against Government in general, and then in special; whether any of the aforesaid Spe­cies of Regular Government can be predica­ble of the Church of God on Earth.

1. In General concerning Rebellion against Government for Particular Subjects to break in upon Regular Communities duly Established, is from the premises to Violate the Law of Nature; and is a high Usurpation upon the first grand Immunities of Mankind. Such Rebels in States, and Usurpers in Churches affront the World, with a presumption that the Best of the Brotherhood are a Company of Fools, and that themselves have fairly Monopolized all the Reason of Humane Nature. Yea, they take up­on them the Boldness to assume a Prerogative of trampling under foot the natural original E­quality & Liberty of their Fellows; for to push the Proprietors of Settlements out of possessi­on of their old, and impose new Schemes upon them, is vertually to declare them in a state of Vassalage, or that they were Born so; and [Page 53] therefore will the Usurper be so gracious as to insure them they shall not be Sold at the next Market: They must esteem it a favour, for by this time all the Original Prerogatives of Man's Nature are intentionally a Victim, smoaking to satiate the Usurpers Ambition. It is a very tart Observation on an English Monarch, and where it may by proportion be applied to a Subject must needs sink very deep, and serve for evi­dence under this Head. It is in the Secret His­tory of K.C. 2. and K J. 2. p. 2. Says my Au­thor, Where the Constitution of a Nation is such, that the Laws of the Land are the Measures both of the Sovereigns Commands, and the Obedience of the Subjects, whereby it is Provided; that as the one are not to Invade what by Concessions and Sti­pulations is granted to the Ruler; so the other is not to deprive them of their lawful and determi­ned Rights and Liberties; then the Prince who drives to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Society, is the Traytor and the Rebel, and not the People, who endeavour to Preserve and Defend their own. It's very applicable to particular Men in their Rebellions or Usurpations in Church or State.

2. In special I shall now proceed to Enquire, Whether any of the aforesaid Species of regular, unmixt Governments, can with any good shew of Reason be predicable of the Church of Christ on Earth. If the Churches of Christ, as Chur­ches, are either the Object or Subject of a Sove­reign Power intrusted in the hands of Men, then most certainly one of the fore-cited Schemes of a perfect Government will be applicable to it.

Before I pursue the Enquiry, it may not be improper to pause, & make some Caution here, [Page 54] by distinguishing between that which may have some Resemblance of Civil Power, and the thing it self; and so the Power of Churches is but a faint Resemblance of Civil Power; it comes in reality nothing near to the thing it self; for the one is truly Coercive, the other perswasive; the one is Sovereign Power, the o­ther is Delegated and Ministerial: But not to delay, I shall proceed with my Enquiry, and therein shall endeavour to humour the several great Claimers of Government in the Church of Christ. And

1. I shall begin with a Monarchy. It's cer­tain, his Holiness, either by reasonable Pleas, or powerful Cheats, has assumed an absolute and universal Sovereignty; this fills his Cathedral Chair, and is adorned with a Triple Crown, and in Defence thereof does protest, The Al­mighty has made him bath Key-keeper of Heaven and Hell, with the adjacent Territories of Purga­tory, and vested in him an absolute Sovereignty o­ver the Christian World. And his Right has so far prevailed, that Princes and Civil Monarchs hold their Crowns and Donations as his Dutiful Sons, and Loyal Subjects; he therefore decks himself with the Spoils of the Divine Attributes, stiling himself, Our Lord God, Optimum, Maximum et supremum numen in Terris; a God on Earth, a visible Deity, and that his Power is absolute, & his Wisdom infallible. And many of the great Potentates of the Earth have paid their Fealty, as tho' it was really so. One of them Clad in Canvas, going Bare-foot in the depth of Win­ter, [in Obedience to the Decree, stinting the Pennance in proportion to the Wickedness of Princes] has waited many days for absolution [Page 55] at hpious Gates. Another has thrown him­self down prostrate a humble Penitent before him: He has placed his Holy Foot on the Mo­narchs profane Neck as crushing a Vermine, crawling out of the Stable of his Soveraighty; and others frequently kiss his Toes with very profound Devotion. These and such like Tri­umphant Signals of his Sovereign Power does he wear. And indeed if he is the Universal Mo­narch of the Catholick Church, Princes that are Members of it must needs knock under; for that in one World there can not possibly be two Most High's, any more than two Infinites. Thus you see the Clergy, or Gospel Ministry of the Christian World have so wisely handled business, and managed the Gospel, that they have fairly [as they avouch] sound a Sovereign Power be­queathed in it to the Ministry of Christ, and romaging more warily and nicely, at last found a Spiritual Monarch, very compleatly furnished with the Keys of all sorts of Power hanging at his Girdle; and may we not pronounce the wi­ser they! seeing the World growing weary of Religion, was willing to loll it self down to Sleep, and leave them in sole Trust with the whole Interest of God's Kingdom. But the sad Enquiry is, Whether this sort of Government has not plainly subverted the Design of the Gos­pel, and the end for which Christ's Government was Ordained, viz. the Moral, Spiritual, and Eternal Happiness of Men?

But I have no occasion to pursue this Remark with tedious Demonstrations: It's very plain, it's written with Blood in Capital Letters, to be Read at Midnight by the Flames of Smith­field, and other such like consecrated Fires. [Page 56] That the Government of this Ecclesiastical Mo­narch has instead of Sanctifying, absolutely De­baucht the World, and subverted all good Chri­stianity in it. So that without the least shew of any vain presumption we may Infer, That God and wise Nature were never Propitious to the Birth of this Monster.

An Aristocracy which places the Supream Power in a Select Company of choice Per­sons. Here I freely acknowledge were the Gospel Ministry Established the Subject of this Power, viz. To Will and Do, in all Church Affairs without controul, &c. This Government might do to support the Church in its most valuable Rights, &c. If we could be assured they would make the Scripture, and not their private Will, the Rule of their Personal and Ministerial Actions: And indeed upon these terms any Species of Government, might serve the great design of Redemption; but considering how great an Interest is im­barkt, and how frail a bottom we trust, though we should rely upon the best of Men, especially if we remember what is in the hearts of Good Men, [viz. Much ignorance, abundance of small ends, many times cloked with a high Pretence in Religion; Pride Skulking and often breeding revenge upon a small affront; and blown up by a pretended Zeal; Yet really and truly by nothing more Divine then Interest, or ill Nature] and also considering how very uncertain we are of the real goodness of those we esteem good [Page 57] Men; and also how impossible it is to secure the Intail of it to Successors: And also if we remind how Christianity by the foresaid Principle has been peel'd, rob'd and spoiled already; it cannot consist with the Light of Nature to venture again upon such Perils, especially if we can find a safer way home. More Distinctly.

It is very plain [allowing me to speak Emblematically] the Primitive Constitution of the Churches was a Democracy, as appears by the foregoing Parallel. But after the Christian Churches were received into the fa­vour of the Imperial Court, under the Domi­nion of Constantine the Great; there being many Praeliminaries which had furnished the Ministers with a disposition thereunto, they quickly deprived the Fraternities of their Rights in the Government of the Churches, when they were once provided of a plentiful maintenance through the Liberality of Con­stantine, that when Christianity was so Luxu­riantly treated, as by his great Bounty, and Noble settlement, it is said there was a Voice heard from Heaven, saying, Now is Poyson poured into the Church. But the subversion of the Constitution, is a story too long now to tell. Take therefore part of it, out of a late Author well versed in Antiquity, which may give some brief Image of the whole.

Non Multa secula jus Plebis Illaesum Mansit, neque Aliter Evenir [...] Potuit, Quin Illud, vel amit­tatur, [Page 58] vel saltem diminuatur, &c. De Ordina; Diss. Hystorica. P. 36.40.41.

The Right of the People did not remain unhurt through many Ages; neither could it well be otherways, but that it must be lost, or much diminished. Zonaras does confess that heretofore Byshops were chosen by the Suffrage of the People. But many Seditions happening among them; it was Decreed that every Bishop should hereafter be chosen by the Authority of the Bishops of every Pro­vince. The cause seemed to be so very spe­cious, that nothing could be more Decent, or more Conducive to the safety of the Com­mon-Wealth.

Yet [says my Author] if you do well weigh the business, you must needs acknow­ledge nothing could have happened more Pernicious or Destructive to the Church of God. For soon after these things came to pass, it is very obvious, that Tyranny over the Consciences of the faithful; and an In­tolerable Pride every where grew Rampant among the guides of the Church. Yet there was one thing still very needful to be done; and that was to Establish or Confirm the Power which the Metropolitans and Bishops had acquired to themselves. Therefore they fell to it Tooth and Nail to drive away the Fraternity from all Interest in Elections: And alas Poor hearts! They began to sleep with both Ears; that then was scarce any Ene­my [Page 59] left to Interrupt, or Controul the Con­querors. This was the manner of the Clergy till they had made themselves the Subjects of all Power and then acted Arbitrarily, and did what they pleased in the Church of God.

But let the learned, knowing World, consider, what the Issue of all this was, scil. what a wretched capacity the drowsiness & cowardize of the People; and the Usurpati­on and Ambition of the Ministry brought the Professing World into. If those who were truely Godly on both sides had in a few Ages lookt down from Heaven, and had Eyed the following Centurys, they might have beheld a world of matter for sorrowful Impressions; to think that they themselves had Occasioned the Ruin of Millions, by their remiss and passive temper in one sort; and too much humouring, and nourishing Pride, and high conceits of themselves and others, in the other; when as if they had stood firm to the Government as left settled by the Apostles; they had certainly pre­vented an Apostacy that has damned, and confounded a great part of about Thirty Generations of Men, Women, and Children. That for my own part I can upon Experi­ence, in some measure truly say [to the His­tory of the Primitive Churches in the loss of their Government; and the Consequents which followed, when I am Impelled to re­peat it to my self] as one Eneas said to Queen Dido.

So doleful a Contemplation is it to think the World should be destroyed by those Men, who by God were Ordained to save it!

In a Word, an Aristocracy is a dangerous Constitution in the Church of Christ, as it possesses the Presbytery of all Church Power: What has been observed sufficiently Evinces it. And not only so but from the Nature of the Constitution, for it has no more Barrier to it, against the Ambition, Insults, and Ar­bitrary measures of Men, then an absolute Monarchy. But to abbreviate; it seems most agreeable with the Light of Nature, that if there be any of the Regular Government settled in the Church of God it must needs be.

3. A Democracy. This is a form of Go­vernment, which the Light of Nature does highly value, & often directs to as most agree­able to the Just and Natural Prerogatives of Humane Beings. This was of great account, in the early times of the World. And not only so, but upon the Experience of several Thousand years, after the World had been tumbled, and tost from one Species of Go­vernment to another, at a great Expence of Blood and Treasure, many of the wise Nati­ons [Page 61] of the World have sheltered themselves under it again; or at least have blendished, and balanced their Governments with it.

It is certainly a great Truth, scil. That Mans Original Liberty after it is Resigned, [yet under due Restrictions] ought to be Che­rished in all wise Governments; or otherwise a man in making himself a Subject, he alters himself from a Freeman, into a Slave, which to do is Repugnant to the Law of Nature. Also the Natural Equality of Men amongst Men must be duly favoured; in that Govern­ment was never Established by God or Na­ture, to give one Man a Prerogative to in­sult over another; therefore in a Civil, as well as in a Natural State of Being, a just Equality is to be indulged so far as that eve­ry Man is bound to Honour every Man, which is agreeable both with Nature and Religion, 1 Pet. 2.17. Honour all Men. — The End of all good Government is to Cul­tivate Humanity, and Promote the happiness of all, and the good of every Man in all his Rights, his Life, Liberty, Estate, Honour, &c. without injury or abuse done to any. Then certainly it cannot easily be thought, that a company of Men, that shall enter into a voluntary Compact, to hold all Power in their own hands, thereby to use and im­prove their united force, wisdom, riches and strength for the Common and Particular good of every Member, as is the Nature of a De­mocracy; [Page 62] I say it cannot be that this sort of Constitution, will so readily furnish those in Government with an appetite, or disposi­tion to prey upon each other, or imbezle the common Stock; as some Particular Persons may be apt to do when set off, and Intrusted with the same Power. And moreover this appears very Natural, that when the aforesaid Government or Power, settled in all, when they have Elected certain capable Persons to Minister in their affairs, and the said Mini­sters remain accountable to the Assembly; these Officers must needs be under the influ­ence of many wise cautions from their own thoughts [as well as under confinement by their Commission] in their whole Admini­stration: And from thence it must needs fol­low that they will be more apt, and inclined to steer Right for the main Point, viz. The peculiar good, and benefit of the whole, and every particular Member fairly and sincerely. And why may not these stand for very Ra­tional Pleas in Church Order?

For certainly if Christ has settled any form of Power in his Church he has done it for his Churches safety, and for the Benefit of every Member: Then he must needs be pre­sumed to have made choice of that Govern­ment as should least Expose his People to Hazard, either from the fraud, or Arbitra­ry measures of particular Men. And it is as plain as day light, there is no Species of [Page 63] Government like a Democracy to attain this End. There is but about two steps from an Aristocracy, to a Monarchy, and from thence but one to a Tyranny; an able stand­ing force, and an Ill-Nature, Ipso facto, turns an absolute Monarch into a Tyrant; this is obvious among the Roman Caesars, and through the World. And all these direful Transmu­tations are easier in Church affairs [from the different Qualities of things] then in Civil States. For what is it that cunning and learned Men can't make the World swallow as an Article of their Creed, if they are once invested with an Uncontroulable Power, and are to be the standing Oratours to Mankind in matters of Faith and Obedience? Indeed some very wise and learned Men are pleased to Inveigh, and Repraoch the Notion of a Democracy in the Church, which makes the Cetu fidelium or Community of the Faithful the first Subject of the Power of Government. This they say tends to Brownism, and abhor­red Anarchy; and then say they upon such praemises, it must needs follow that very Member of the Body must be an Officer; and then every one must Preach and Dispence the Sacraments, &c.

Reply. Certainly such Gentlemen, either designs to pose and baffle their Reader with fallacy; or they themselves never took up, or understood the true Ideas of the several Spe­cies of Government; in that a Democracy is [Page 64] as Regular a form, and as particular as any other. For,

1. An absolute or limited Monarch can't ma­nage the Power or Government Devolved upon him, without the great Officers of the Crown, or a large Sett of Ministers; tho' possibly he may with quicker dispatch issue out his Decrees, yet he must Execute all by his Ministry. And why may not a Democracy be indulged the same Liberty? and this will prevent all Anar­chy or Confusion most apparently. But,

2. The bitter Pill to swallow in this Doc­trine of a Democracy in the Church, is the terrible power of Life and Death; or the ac­countableness of particular Members to the As­sembly, and especially those in the Ministry; but yet this is agreeable with the Nature of the Constitution, and easily managed without A­narchy, or popular Confusion also, which would be made very Evident, if we should but run the parallel in all points between the Democracy of the State and Church. But nextly from the Premises, I shall

3. Infer, That if these Churches are not pro­perly formed, yet are fairly Established in their present Order by the Law of Nature. And will they be advised, I would Exhort them to try who will be so bold as to dare to disseize them. A Monarchy has been tryed in the Church with a witness, but it has absolutely failed us. An Aristocracy in a deep Calm threw the De­mocracy Overboard, and took not only the Helm in hand, but seized Ship and Cargo as their Right and Title; but after some time brought all to Ship-wreck, and that in a good Harbour too.

[Page 65]A Democracy was the noble Government which beat out in all the bad Weather of Ten Bloody Persecutions under the management of Antiquity. And this is our Constitution, and what can't we be pleased? This Constitution is as agreeable with the Light and Laws of Na­ture as any other whatsoever, as has been fairly laid down, and fully Evinced, and more accom­modated to the Concerns of Religion than any other. Therefore I shall now conclude my Demonstration with this brief Appeal to the common Reason of Mankind, viz.

How can it consist with the Honourable Terms man holds upon here on Earth; that the best sort of Men that we can find in the World; such men as are adorned with a dou­ble sett of Enobling Immunities, the first from Nature, the other from Grace; that these men when they enter into Charter-party to manage a Trade for Heaven, must ipso facto be clapt un­der a Government, that is Arbitrary and Dispo­tick; yea that carries the plain symptoms of a Tyranny in it, when the Light of Nature knows of a better Species, and frequently has made use of it? It wants no farther Demonstration, for it's most apparent, that Nature is so much Mis­tress of her self, that man in a Natural State of Being, is under God the first Subject of all Pow­er, and therefore can make his own Choice, and by deliberate Compacts settles his own Conditi­ons for the Government of himself in a Civil State of Being: And when a Government so Settled shall throw its self from its Foundations, or the Subjects of Sovereign Power shall subvert or confound the Constitution, they then degrade themselves; and so all Power returns again to [Page 66] the People, who are the first Owners. And what! Is Man become so unfortunate, degra­ded and debased, as to be without all Power in settling a Government over himself, rela­ting to the Matters of his Eternal Well-Be­ing? Or when he comes back to a Fathers House, must he fall into the Capacity of a meer passive Being, and be put under such Tutors, as can easily turn Tyrants over him, and no relief left for him in his own hands; this is certainly most repugnant to the Light of Nature, and very disagreeable with the li­berty and free Genius of a Gospel State. Nay, In a word, If the Government of the Churches be settled by God, either in the hands of a Church Monarch, or Aristocracy, and the People are no ways the Subject of Church-Power: Nay, if they are not under Christ, the fountain of Power; then the Reformation so called, is but a meer Cheat, a Schism, and notorious Rebellion; neither is there room left for the least palliation, or shadow of Ex­cuse, for the Reformers in renouncing their Obedience to their Publick Governours. And the Martyrologies which pretend to immor­talize the Fame of eminent Heroes, must be changed into Chronicles, handing along an ac­count of the just and deserved fate of a crew of Rebels against God and Government; for what business had such a Company of illeterate and crack brain'd fellows to meddle with their Rulers, or Examine into their Administrati­ons? For if they have no right of Power in Government, they stand absolutely bound to yield a passive Obedience and Non-Resistance; and if they are so hardy and daring as to op­pose [Page 67] their lawful Rulers, the sharpest penalty in this World, is too easie for them; the In­quisition is but dallying and playing with them, Hell is their desert. But how it comes about that a state of Grace, when in want of a suita­ble Government, is become such a Vassal, and wise and cunning Nature is by her Creator in­trusted, and adorned with more enobling Pre­rogatives, I must leave; and resign unto those Learned Men to Solve, who plead for an Aristo­cracy in the Churches of Christ.

But to wind up the whole Discourse in a few words, I acknowledge many Objections may be here made, and several Questions of Moment might here fall under Debate; but having ob­tained what I have principally sought for, in traversing the paths of Nature, in the three fol­lowing Particulars; therefore with them, and with one Objection answered; and also with some brief Improvement of the Grand Hypothe­sis in this Demonstration, I shall finish the Ar­gument.

1. Three Particulars; or so many golden Maxims, securing the Honour of Congregational Churches.

Particular 1. That the People or Fraternity under the Gospel, are the first Subject of Power; or else Religion sinks the Dignity of Humane Nature into a baser Capacity with relation to Ecclesiastical, then it is in, in a Natural State of being with relation to Civil Government.

Particular 2. That a Democracy in Church or State, is a very honourable and regular Govern­ment according to the Dictates of Right Reason. And therefore,

Particular 3. That these Churches of New-England, [Page 68] in their ancient Constitution of Church Order; it being a Democracy, are manifestly Justi­fied and Defended by the Law & Light of Nature.

2. The Objection. The Plea from the Law of Nature for a Democracy in the Church, is as for­ceable for any other Species of Government; be­cause Nature is furnished with such a variety of Schemes as has been pleaded to: And why may not the wise Christian Nations take which likes them best?

Answ. We must distinguish between man left solely to the Direction of the Law of Nature, and as the Subject of Revelation, wherein Di­vine Wisdom may interpose; and determine on some particular Species, without hurting or crossing the Law of Nature. Therefore,

1. I readily grant and acknowledge, a Chris­tian People may settle what Species of Govern­ment they please, when they are solely left to determine by the Law of Nature, what Govern­ment in the Church they will have. But then we must remember, that by the Argument or Concession, the Power is originally in the Peo­ple; and then our own Case is secure and safe enough; both on the account of the Reversion of Power, and especially, for that the People the first Subjects of Power, have been pleased to settle a Democracy for their Government, in the Churches of this Country. And if after the peaceable Possession of about an hundred years, any persons can persuade them to alter their Government into any other Species, this will be less worthy of blame, then craftily, or unfairly to force it out of their hands.

2. It's granted, that according to the Light of Nature, there be various regular Models of Go­vernment; [Page 69] but if Divine Wisdom is pleased to interpose and over-rule Natures agitations, and cast the Scales for this or that particular Form, Nature will be but fair mannered to submit to its Author and Rector. So that if we find that God has Disclosed his Mind by Revelation, that his Churches be the Subjects of a Democracy, then all stand obliged to comply under a double Bond. And so we come under a proper Crisis to enquire in the next place for Scripture-evi­dence in the Justification of these Churches.

But before I proceed to it, I shall

3. Make some brief Improvement of the main Hypothesis in the Demonstration; that is to say, If the Government of the Gospel Churches, be a Democracy, these Consequen­ces must necessarily follow, scil.

1. Cons. That the Right of Convoking Coun­cils Ecclesiastical, is in the Churches.

2. Cons. That such a Council has only Con­sultative, not a Juridical Power in it. A Juri­dical Power committed to such a Representa­tive Body is both needless, and also dangerous to the distinct and perfect States they derive from. Compleat States settled upon a Body of immutable and imperial Laws as its Basis, may want Council; but to Create a new Subject of Juridical Power, is some way to indanger the Being of the Creators.

3. Cons That all the Members of an Ecclesi­astical Council, deriving from a Democracy are Subjects of equal Power. Whatever the Power is, the several Delegates must from the nature of the Government they derive from, be equal sharers in it. Democratical States, in their Representative Body can make but one House, [Page 70] because they have but one Subject of Supream Power in their Nature, and therefore their De­legates, let them be who or what they may be, are under equal Trust; so that none can justly claim Superiority over their Fellows, or pre­tend to a higher power in their Suffrage. In­deed, in such Kingdoms, where the Sovereign Power is distributed and settled in divers Sub­jects, that the ballance of Power may be more Even, for the safety of the whole, and of all parts under all Acts of Sovereign Power: From such a Settlement of Power, there arises several distinct States in the same Government, which when Convened as one Subject of Sove­reign Power, they make different Houses in their Grand Sessions; and so one House or State can Negative another. But in every distinct House of these States, the Members are equal in their Vote, the most Ayes makes the Affirma­tive Vote, and most No's the Negative: They don't weigh the intellectual furniture, or other distinguishing Qualifications of the several Vo­ters in the Scales of the Golden Rule of Fel­lowship; they only add up the Aves, and the No's, and so determine the Suffrage of the House.