LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE ABBE RAYNAL ON THE AFFAIRS OF North-America. IN WHICH The Mistakes in the Abbe's Account OF THE REVOLUTION OF AMERICA ARE CORRECTED AND CLEARED UP.

BY THOMAS PAINE, M. A. of the University of Pennsylvania, and Author of the Pamphlet and other Publications, entitled, "Common Sense."

PHILADELPHIA, Printed.

BOSTON: Re-Printed by BENJAMIN EDES & SONS, in CORNHILL, near the Market.

M,DCC,LXXXII.

INTRODUCTION.

A LONDON translation of an original work in French, by the Abbe Raynal, which treats of the Revolution of North-America, having been re­printed in Philadelphia and other parts of the continent, and as the distance at which the Abbe is placed from the American theatre of war and poli [...]ics, has occasioned him to mistake several facts, or, misconceive the causes or prin­ciples by which they were produced; the following tract, therefore, is published with a view to rectify them, and prevent even accidental errors intermixing with history, under the sanction of time and silence.

THE editor of the London eidtion has entitled it, "The Revolution of America, by the ABBE RAYNAL," and the American printers have followed the example. But I have understood, and I believe my information just, that the piece, which is more properly r [...]fl [...]ctions on the revolution, was unfairly purloined from the printer which the Abbe employed, or from the manuscript copy, and is only part of a large work then in the press, or preparing for it. The person who procured it appears to have been an Englishman, and though in an adver­tisement prefixt to the London edition, he has endea­voured to gloss over the embezzlement with professions [Page iv]of patriotion, and to soften it with high encomiums on the author yet the action, in any view, in which it can be placed, is illiberal and unpardonable.

"In the course of his travels," says he, ‘the trans­lator happily succeeded in obtaining a copy of this exquisite little piece, which has not yet made its appear­ance from any press. He publishes a French edition, in favor of those who will feel its eloquent reasoning more forcibly in its native language, at the same time with the following translation of it; in which he has been desirous, perhaps in vain, that all the warmth, the grace, the strength, the dignity of the original, should not be lost. And he flatters himself, that the indulgence of the illustrious historian will not be want­ing to a man, who, of his own motion, has taken the liberty to give this composition to the public, only from a strong persuasion, that its momentous argu­ment will be useful, in a critical conjuncture, to that country which he loves with an ardor, that can be ex­ceeded only by the nobler flame, which burns in the bosom of the philanthropic author, for the freedom and happiness of all the countries upon earth.’

THIS plausibility of setting off a dishonorable action, may pass for patriotism and sound principles with those who do not enter into its demerits and whose interest is not injured nor their happiness affected thereby. But it is more than probable, notwithstanding the declarations it contains, that the copy was obtained for the sake of profiting by the sale of a new and popular work, and that the professions are but a garb to the fraud.

IT may with propriety be remarked, that in all coun­tries where literature is protected and it never can flou­rish where it is not, the works of an author are his legal property; and to treat letters in any other light than this, is to banish them from the country or strangle them in the birth. The embezzlement from the Abbe Raynal, was. it is true, committed by one country upon another, and therefore shows on defect in the laws of either. But [Page v]it is nevertheless a breach of civil manners and literary justice; neither can it be any apology, that because the countries are at war, literature shall be entitled depre­dation. *

BUT the forestalling the Abbe's publication by London editions, both in French and English, and thereby not only defrauding him and throwing an expensive publica­tion on his hands by anticipating the sale, are only the smaller injuries which such conduct may occasion. A man's opinions, whether written or in thought, are his own until he pleases to publish them himself; and it is adding curely to injustice, to make him the author of what future reflection, or better information, might oc­casion him to suppress or amend. There are declarations and sentiments in the Abbe's piece, which, for my own part, I did not expect to find, and such as himself, on a revisal, might have seen occasion to change; but the an­ticipated piracy effectually prevented him the opportuni­ty, and precipitated him into difficulties, which, had it not been for such ungenerous fraud, might not have hap­pened.

THIS mode of making an author appear before his time, will appear still more ungenerous, when we consi­der how exceedingly few men there are in any country, [Page vi]who can at once, and without the aid of reflection and revisal, combine warm passions with a cool temper, and the full expansion of imagination with the natural and necessary gravity of judgment, so as to be rightly balan­ced within themselves, and to make a reader feel, fancy, and understand justly at the same time. To call three powers of the mind into action at once, in a manner that neither shall interrupt, and that each shall aid and vigorate the other, is a talent very rarely possessed.

IT often happens that the weight of an argument is lost by the wit of setting it off; or the judgment disor­dered by an intemperate irriration of the passions: yet a certain degree of animation must be felt by the writer, and raised in the reader, in order to interest the atten­tion; and a sufficient scope given to the imagination, to enable it to create in the mind a sight of the persons, characters and circumstances of the subject; for without these the judgment will feel little or no excitement to office, and its determinations will be cold, sluggish, and imperfect. But if either or both of the two former are raised too high, or heated too much, the judgment will be jossied from its seat, and the whole matter, however important in itself, will diminish into a pantomime of the mind, in which we create images that promote no other purpose than amusement.

THE Abbe's writings bear evident marks of that ex­tension and rapidness of thinking and quickness of sensa­tion, which of all others require revisal, and the more particularly so, when applied to the living characters of nations or individuals in a state of war. The least mis­information or misconception leads to some wrong con­clusion, and an error believed becomes the progenitor of others — And as the Abbe has suffered some inconvenien­cies in France by mistating certain circumstances of the war, and the characters of the parties therein, it becomes some apology for him that those errors were precipitated into the world by the avarice of an ungenerous enemy.

LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE ABBE RAYNAL ON THE Affairs of North-America.

TO an author of such distinguished reputation as the Abbe Raynal, it might very well be­come me to apologize for the present under­taking; but as to be right is the first wish of philosophy, and the first principle of history, he will, I presume, accept from me a declaration of my motives, which are those of doing justice, in preference to any complimental apology I might otherwise make.—The Abbe, in the course of his work, has, in some instan­ces, extolled without a reason, and wounded without a cause. He has given same where it was not deserved, and withheld it where it was justly due; and appears to be so frequently in and out of temper with his subjects and parties, that few or none of them are decicively and uniformly marked.

IT is yet too soon to write the history of the revolu­tion, and whoever attempts it precipitately, will una­voidably [Page 8]mistake characters and circumstances, and in­volve himself in error and difficulty Things like men are seldom understood rightly at first sight. But the Abbe is wrong even in the foundation of his work; that is, he has misconceived and mistated the couses which produced the rupture between England and her th [...]n colonies, and which led on, step by step, unstudied and uncontrived on the part of America, to a revolution, which has engaged the attention, and affected the inte­rest, of Europe.

To prove this, I shall bring forward a passage, which, though placed towards the latter part of the Abbe's work, is more intimately connected with the beginning; and in which, speaking of the original cause of the dispute, he declares himself in the following manner.—

"NONE," says he, ‘of those energetic causes, which have produced so many revolutions upon the globe, existed in North America. Neither religion nor laws had been outraged. The blood of martyrs or patri­ots had not there streamed from scaffolds. Morals had not there been insulted. Manners, customs, ha­bits, no object dear to nations, had there been the sport of ridicule. Arbitrary power had not there torn any inhabitant from the arms of his family and his friends, to drag him to a dreary dungeon. Public order had not been there inverted. The principles of administration had not been changed there; and the maxims of government had there always remained the same. The whole question was reduced to the knowing whether the mother country had, or had not a right to lay, directly or indirectly, a slight tax upon the colonies.’

ON this extraordinary passage, it may not be improper, in general terms, to remark, that none can feel like those who suffer; and that for a man to be a competant judge of the provocative, or, as the Abbe stiles them, the ener­getic causes of the revolution, he must have resided in America.

[Page 9]THE Abbe in saying that the several particulars he has enumerated, did not exist in America, and neglecting to point out the particular period, in which he means they did not exist, reduces thereby his declaration to a nullity by taking away all meaning from the passage.

THEY did not exist in 1763 and they all existed before 1776; consequently as there was a time when they did not, and another, when they did exist, the time when con­stitutes the essence of the fact, and not to give it, is to withhold the only evidence, which proves the declaration right or wrong, and on which it must stand or fall. But the declaration as it now appears, unaccompanied by time has an effect in holding out to the world, that there was no real cause for the revolution, because it denies the existence of all those causes, which are supposed to be justifiable and which the Abbe stiles energetic.

I CONFESS myself exceedingly at a loss to find out the time to which the Abbe alludes; because, in another part of the work in speaking of the stamp act which was pas­sed in 1764, he stiles it, "An usurpation of the Americans most precious and sacred rights." Consequently he here admits the most energetic of all causes that is, an usurpa­tion of their most precious and sacred rights, to have existed in America twelve years before the declaration of inde­pendence, and ten years before the breaking out of hosti­lities — The time, therefore, in which the paragraph is true, must be antecedent to the stamp act, but as at that time there was no revolution nor any idea of one, it con­sequently applies without a meaning; and as it cannot, on the Abbe's own principle, be applied to any time after the stamp act, it is therefore a wandering solitary paragraph connected with nothing and at variance with every thing.

THE stamp act, it is true, was repealed in two years after it was passed▪ but it was immediately followed by one of infinitely more mischievous magnitude, I mean the declaratory act, which asserted the right, as it was stiled, of the British Parliament, "to bind America in all cases whatsoever."

[Page 10]IF then the stamp act was an usurpation of the Ameri­cans most precious and sacred rights, the declaratory act left them no right at all; and contained the full grown seeds of the most despotic government ever exercised in the world. It placed America not only in the lowest, but in the basest state of vassalage; because it demanded an un­conditional submission in every thing, or as the act ex­presses it, in all cases whatsoever: And what renders this act the more offensive is, that it appears to have been p [...]ssed as an act of mercy; truly then may it be said, that the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.

ALL the original charters from the Crown of England, under the f [...]i [...]h of which, the adventurers from the old world settled in the new, were by this act displaced from their foundations; because, contrary to the nature of them which was that of a compact they were now made subject to repeal or alteration at the meer will of one party only The whole condition of America was thus put into the hands of the Parliament or the Ministry without leaving to her the least right in any case whatsoever.

THERE is no despotism to which this iniquitous law did not extend; and tho' it might have been convenient in the execution of it to have consulted manners and ha­bits, the principle of [...]he [...]ot made all tyranny legal. It stopt nowhere It went to every thing. It took in with it the whole life of a man, or if I may so express it, an eternity of circumstances It is the nature of law to re­quire obedience, but this demanded servitude; and the condition of an American under the operation of it▪ was not that of a subject but a vassal. Tyranny has often been established without law and sometimes against it, but the history of mankind does not produce another instance, in which it has been established by law. It is an audaci­ous outrage upon civil government, and cannot be too much exposed, in order to be sufficiently detested.

NEITHER could it be said after this, that the legisla­ture of that country any longer made laws for this but that it gave out commands; for wherein differed an act [Page 11]of Parliament constructed on this principle, and operating in this manner, over an unrepresented people, from the orders of a military establishment.

THE Parliament of England, with respect to America, was not septennial but perpetual. It appeared to the lat­ter a body always in being. Its election or its expiration were to her the same as it its members succeeded by inhe­ritance, or went out by death, or lived for ever, or were appointed to it as a matter of office. Therefore for the people of England to have any just conception of the mind of America, respecting this extraordinary act, they must suppose all election and expiration in that country to cease for ever, and the present parliament, its heirs, &c. to be perpetual; in this case, I ask, what would the most clamorous of them think were an act to be p [...]ss [...]d, decla­ring the right of such a parliament to bind them in all ca­ses whatsoever? For this word whatsoever would go as effectually to their Magna Charta, Bill of Rights. Trial by Juries, &c. as it went to the charters and forms of go­vermeat in America.

I AM persuaded that the Gentleman to whom I address remarks will not, after the passing this act, say, ‘That the principles of administration had not been changed in America, and that the maxims of govern­ment had there been always the same. For here is, in principle, a total overthr [...]w of the whole; and not a subversion only, but an annihilation of the foundation of liberty, and absolute domination established in its stead.

THE Abbe likewise states the case exceedingly wrong and i [...]juriously, when he says, ‘that the whole question was reduced to the knowing whether the mother coun­try had, or had not, a right to lay, directly, or in­directly a slight tax upon the colonies’—This was not the whole of the question; neither was the quantity of the tax the object▪ either to the Ministry or to the Ame­ricans. It was the principle, of which the tax made but a part▪ and the quantity still less, that formed the ground on which America opposed.

[Page 12]THE tax on tea, which is the tax here alluded to was neither more or less than an experiment to establish the practice of the declaratory law upon; modelled into the more fashionable phrase of the universal supremacy of Parliament. For until this time the declaratory law had lain dormant, and the framers of it had contented them­selves with barely declaring an opinion.

THEREFORE the whole question with America, in the opening of the dispute, was shall we be bound in all ca­s [...] wha [...]soever by the British Parliament, or shall we not? For submission to the tea or tax act implied an acknowledg­ment of the declaratory act, or in other words, of the universal supremacy of Parliament, which as they never intended to do, it was necessary they should oppose it, in its first stage of execution.

IT is probable, the Abbe has been led into this mistake by perusing detached pieces in some of the American news­papers; for in a ease, where all were interested, every one had a right to give his opinion; and there were ma­ny, who with the best intentions, did not chuse the best▪ nor indeed the true ground, to defend their cause upon. They felt themselves right by a general impulse, without being able to separate, analyze, and arrange the parts.

I AM somewhat unwilling to examine too minutely into the whole of this extraordinary passage of the Abbe, lest I should appear to treat it with severity; otherwise I could show that not a single declaration is justly founded: For instance, the reviving an obsolete act of the reign of Henry the eighth, and fitting it to the Americans by au­thority of which they were to be seized and brought from America to England, and there imprisoned and tried for any supposed offences, was, in the worst sense of the words, to tear them, by the arbitrary power of Parliament, from the arms of their families and friends and drag them not only to dreary but distant dungeons. Yet this act was con­trived some years before the breaking out of hostilities. And again, though the blood of martyrs and patriots had not streamed on the scaffolds, it streamed in the streets, [Page 13]in the massacre of the inhabitants of Boston, by the Bri­tish soldiery in the year 1770.

HAD the Abbe said that the causes which produced the revolution in America were originally different from those which produced revolutions in other parts of the globe, he had been right. Here the value and quality of liberty, the nature of government, and the dignity of man, were known and understood, and the attachment of the Ame­ricans to these principles produced the revolution as a natural and almost unavoidable consequence. They had no particular family to set up or pull down. Nothing of personality was incorporated with their cause. They started even handed with each other, and went no faster into the several stages of it, than they were driven by the unrelenting and imperious conduct of Britain. Nay, in the last act, the declaration of independence, they had nearly been too late; for had it not been declared at the exact time it was, I see no period in their affairs since, in which it could have been declared with the same effect, and probably not at all.

BUT the object being formed before the reverse of for­tune took place, that is before the operations of the gloo­my campaign of 1776, their honor, their interest, their every thing called loudly on them to maintain it; and that glow of thought and energy of heart, which even a distant prospect of independence inspires, gave confidence to their hopes and resolution to their conduct, which a state of dependence could never have reached. They looked forward to happier days and scenes of rest, and qualified the hardships of the campaign by contemplating the establishment of their new born system.

IF on the other hand we take a review of what part Britain has acted, we shall find every thing which ought to make a nation blush. The most vulgar abuse, accom­panied by that species of haughtiness, which distinguishes the hero of a mob from the character of a gentleman; it was equally as much from her manners as from her in­justice that she lost the colonies. By the latter she pro­voked [Page 14]their principles, by the former she wore out their temper; and it ought to be held out as an example to the world, to show, how necessary it is to conduct the business of government with civility. In short, other revolutions may have originated in caprice or generated in ambition; but here, the most un [...]ff [...]ding hu [...]ility was tortured into rage, and the infancy of existence made to weep.

A UNION so extensive▪ continued and determined suf­fering with patience and never in despair could not have been produced by common causes. I must be something capable of reaching the whole soul of man and arming it with perpetual energy In vein is it to look for pre­cedents among the revolutions of former ages to find out▪ by comparison, the causes of this. The spring, the progress, the object▪ the consequences ray the men, their habits of thinking and all the circumstances of the country are different. Those of other nations are in general, little more than the history of their quarrels. They are marked by no important character in the an­nals of events; mixt in the mass of general matters they occupy but a common page; and while the chief of the successful parti [...]ns slept into power, the plundered [...]ul­titude sat down and sorrowed. Few very few of them are accompanied with reformation either in government or manners; many of them with the most consummate profligacy. Triumph on the one side and misery on the other were the only events. Pains, punishments, tor­ture, and death were made the business of mankind, un­til c [...]m [...]i [...]n▪ the f [...]irest associate of the heart, was dri­ven from its place and the eye accustomed to continual cruelty, could behold it without offence.

BUT as the principles of the present revolution dif­fered from those which preceeded it, so likewise has the conduct of America both in government and war Nei­ther the foul finger of disgrace nor the bloody hand of vengeance has hitherto put a blot upon her fame. Her victories have received lustre from a greatness of lenity; and her laws been permitted to slumber▪ where they might justly have awakened to punish. War, so much [Page 15]the trade of the world, has here been only the business of necessity; and when the necessity shall cease, her very enemies must confess, that as she drew the sword in her just defence, she used it without cruelty and sheathed it without revenge.

AS it is not my design to extend these remarks to a history, I shall now take my leave of this passage of the Abbe, with an observation, which until something un­folds itself to convince me otherwise, I cannot avoid be­lieving to be true;—which is that it was the fix [...] deter­mination of the British cabinet to quarrel with America at all events.

THEY ( [...]he members who compose the cabinet) had no doubt of success, if they could once bring it to the issue of a battle; and they expected from a conquest, what they could neither propose with decency no [...] hope for by negociation. The charters and constitutions of the co­lonies were become to them matters of offence, and their rapid progress in property and population were disgust­ingly beheld as the growing and natural means of inde­pendence. They saw no way to retain them long but by reducing them in time. A conquest would at once have made them both lords and landlords; and put them in possession both of the revenue and rental. The whole trouble of government would have ceased in a vic­tory, and a final end been put to remonstrance & debate. The experience of the stamp act had taught them how to quarrel with the advantages of cover and convenience, and they had nothing to do but to renew the scene, and put contention into motion. They hoped for a rebellion, and they made one They expected a declaration of inde­pendence, and they were not disappointed. But after this, they looked for victory, and they obtained a defeat.

In this be taken as the generating cause of the contest, then is every part of the conduct of the British Ministry consistent from the commencement of the dispute, until the signing the treaty of Paris, after which, conquest be­coming doubtful, they retreated to negociation, and were again defeated.

[Page 16]THO' the Abbe possesses and displays great powers of genius and is a master of stile and language, he seems not to pay equal attention to the office of an historian. His facts are coldly and carelessly stated. They neither inf [...]r [...] the reader nor interest him. Many of them are erroneous and most of them defective and obscure. It is undoubtedly both an ornament and a useful addition to history to accompany it with maxims and reflections. They afford likewise an agreeable change to the stile and a more diversified manner of expression; but it is absolutely ne­cessary that the root from whence they spring or the foundations on which they are raised should be well at­tended to which in this work they are not. The Abbe hastens through his narrations as if he was glad to get from them, that he may enter the more copious field of eloquence and imagination.

THE actions of Trenton and Princeton in New-Jersey, in December 1776 and January following on which the fate of America stood for a while trembling on the point of suspence, and from which the most important conse­quences followed, are comprised within a single paragraph faintly conceived, and barren of character, circumstance and description.

"ON the 25th of December," says the Abbe, ‘they ( [...]he Americans) crossed the Delaware, and fell acci­dentally upon Trenton, which was occupied by fifteen hundred of the twelve thousand Hessians, sold in so b [...]se a manner by their avaricious master to the King of Great Britain. This corps was massacred taken, or dispersed. Eight days after, three English regiments were in like manner driven from Princeton, but after having better supported their reputation than the foreign troops in their pay.’

THIS is all the account which is given of these most interesting events. The Abbe has preceded them by two or three pages on the military operations of both armies, from the time of General Howe arriving before New-York from Halifax, and the vast reinforcements of British and [Page 17]foreign troops with Lord Howe from England. But in these, there is so much mistake, and so many omissions, that, to set them right, must be the business of history and not of a letter. The action of Long Island is but barely hinted at, and the operations at the White Plains wholly omitted: as are likewise the attack and loss of fort Washington, with a garrison of about two thousand five hundred men, and the precipitate evacuation of Fort Lee, in consequence thereof; which losses were in a great measure the cause of the retreat through the Jersies to the Delaware, a distance of about ninety miles. Neither is the manner of the retreat described, which, from the season of the year, the nature of the country, the nearness of the two armies, (sometimes within sight and shot of each o­ther for such a length of way) the rear of the one employ­ed in pulling down bridges, and the van of the other in building them up, must necessarily be accompanied with many interesting circumstances.

IT is a period of distresses. A crisis rather of dan­ger than of hope. There is no description can do it justice; and even the actors in it, looking back upon the scene, are surprised how they got through; and at a loss to account for those powers of the mind and springs of animation, by which they withstood the force of accumu­lated misfortune.

IT was expected, that the time for which the army was inlisted, would carry the campaign so far into the winter, that the severity of the season, and the consequent con­dition of the roads, would prevent any material opera­tion of the enemy, until the new army could be raised for the next year. And I mention it as a matter worthy of attention by all future historians, that the movements of the American army, until the attack upon the Hessian post at Trenton, the 26th December, are to be consider­ed as operating to effect no other principal purpose than delay, and to wear away the campaign under all the dis­advantages of an unequal force, with as little misfortune as possible.

[Page 18]BUT the loss of the garrison at Fort-Washington on the 16th of November, and the expiration of the time of a considerable part of the army, so early as the 30th of the same month, and which were to be followed by al­most daily expirations afterwards made retreat the only final expedient. To these circumstances may be added the forlorn and destitute condition of the few that re­mained; for the garrison of Fort-Lee, which composed almost the whole of the retreat, had been obliged to abandon it so instantaneously, that every article of stores and baggage was left behind, and in this destitute con­dition, without tent or blanket, and without any other utensils to dress their provision than what they procured by the way, they performed a march of about ninety miles, and had the address and management to prolong it to the space of nineteen days.

BY this unexpected or rather unthought of turn of affairs, the country was in an instant surprised into con­fusion, and found an enemy within its bowels without an army to oppose him. There were no succours to be had, but from the free will offering of the inhabitants. All was choice and every man reasoned for himself.

IT was in this situation of affairs, equally calculated to confound or to inspire, that the gentleman, the merchant, the farmer, the tradesman and the labourer mutually turned from all the conveniences of home, to perform the duties of private soldiers and undergo the severities of a winter campaign. The delay so judiciously contrived on the retreat, afforded time for the volunteer reinforce­ments to join General Washington on the Delaware.

THE Abbe is likewise wrong in saying, that the Ame­rican army fell accidentally on Trenton. It was the ve­ry object for which General Washington crossed the De­laware in the dead of the night and in the midst of snow, storms, and ice; and which he immediately re-crossed with his prisoners, as soon as he had accomplished his purpose. Neither was the intended enterprise a secret to the enemy, information having been sent of it by let­ter [Page 19]from a British officer at Princetown to Colonel Rolle, who commanded the Hessians at Trenton, which letter was afterwards found by the Americans. Nevertheless, the post was completely surprised. A small circumstance which had the appearance of mistake on the part of the Americans, led to a more capital and real mistake on the part of Rolle.

THE case was this. A detachment of twenty or thirty Americans had been sent across the river from a post a few miles above, by an officer unacquainted with the in­tended attack; these were net by a body of Hessians on the night, to which the information pointed, which was Christmas night, and repulsed. Nothing further appear­ing, and the Hessians, mistaking this for the advanced party, supposed the enterprise disconcerted, which at that time was not began, and under this idea returned to their quarters; so that, what might have raised an a­larm, and brought the Americans into an ambuscade, served to take off the force of an information and pro­mote the success of the enterprize. Soon after day light General Washington entered the town, and after a little opposition, made himself master of it, with upwards of nine hundred prisoners.

THIS combination of equivocal circumstances, falling within what the Abbestiles "the wide empire of chance," would have afforded a fine field for thought, and I wish, for the sake of that elegance of reflection he is so capable of using, that he had known it.

BUT the action at Princeton was accompanied by a still greater embarrassment of matters, and followed by more extraordinary consequences. The Americans, by a hap­py stroke of generalship, in this instance, not only derang­ed and defeated all the plans of the British in the intend­ed moment of execution, but drew from their posts the enemy they were not able to drive, and oblige them to close the campaign. As the circumstance is a curiosity in war, and not well understood in Europe, I shall, as con­cisely as I can, relate the principal parts; they may serve [Page 20]to prevent future historians from error, and recover from forgetfulness a scene of magnificent fortitude.

IMMEDIATELY after the surprize of the Hessians at Trenton, General Washington recrossed the Delaware, which at this place is about three quarters of a mile over, and reassumed his former post on the Pennsylvania side. Trenton remained unoccupied, and the enemy were posted at Princeton, twelve miles distant, on the road towards New-York. The weather was now growing very severe, and as there were very few houses near the shore where General Washington had taken his station, the greatest part of his army remained out in the woods and fields.—These, with some other circumstances, induced the recross­ing the Delaware and taking possession of Trenton. It was undoubtedly a bold adventure, and carried with it the panic struck condition of the enemy on the loss of the Hessian post. But in order to give a just idea of the af­fair, it is necessary I should describe the place.

TRENTON is situated on a rising ground, about three quarters of a mile distant from the Delaware, on the east­ern or Jersey side; and is cut into two divisions by a small creek or rivulet, sufficient to turn a mill which is on it; after which it empties itself at nearly right angles into the Delaware. The upper division, which is to the north east, contains about seventy or eighty houses,—and the lower about forty or fifty. The ground on each side this creek, and on which the houses are, is likewise rising, and the two divisions present an agreeable prospect to each other, with the creek between, on which there is a small stone bridge of one arch.

SCARCELY had General Washington taken post here, and before the several parties of militia, out on detach­ments, or on their way could be collected, than the British, leaving behind them a strong garrison at Princeton, march­ed suddenly and entered Trenton at the upper or north east quarter. A party of the Americans skirmished with the advanced party of the British, to afford time for removing [Page 21]the stores and baggage, and withdrawing over the bridge.

IN a little time the British had possession of one half of the town, General Washington of the other;—and the creek only separated the two armies. Nothing could be a more critical situation than this;—and if ever the fate of America depended on the event of a day, it was now. The Delaware was filling fast with large sheets of driving ice, and was impassible, so that no retreat into Pennsylva­nia could be effected; neither is it possible, in the face of an enemy, to pass a river of such extent. The roads were broken and rugged with the frost, and the main road was occupied by the enemy.

ABOUT four o'clock a party of the British approached the bridge, with a design to gain it, but were repulsed. The [...] made no more attempts, though the creek itself is possible any where between the bridge & the Delaware. It runs into a rugged natural made ditch, over which a person may pass with little difficulty, the stream being rapid and shallow. Evening was now coming on, and the British, believing they had all the advantages they could wish for, and that they could use them when they pleased, disconti­nued all further operations, and held themselves prepared to make the attack next morning.

BUT the next morning produced a scene, as elegant as it was unexpected. The British were under arms and ready to march to action, when one of their light-horse from Princeton, came suriously down the street, with an account, that General Washington had that morning at­tacked and carried the British post at that place, and was proceeding on to seize the magazine at Brunswick; on which the British, who were then on the point of making an assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans, wheel­ed about, and in a fit of consternation, marched for Princeton.

THIS retreat is one of those extraordinary circumstan­ces, that in future ages may probably pass for fable. For [Page 22]it will with difficulty be believed, that two armies, on which such important consequences depended, should be crouded into so small a space as Trenton; and that the one, on the eve of an engagement, when every ear is sup­posed to be open, and every watchfulness employed should move compleatly from the ground, with all its stores bag­gage, and artillery, unknown, and even unsuspected by the other. And so entirely were the British deceived, that when they heard the report of the cannon and small arms at Princeton, they supposed it to be thunder, though in the depth of winter.

GENERAL Washington, the better to cover and disguise his retreat from Trenton, had ordered a line of fires to be lighted up in front of his camp. These not only served to give an appearance of going to rest, and continuing that deception, but they effectually concealed from the Bri­tish whatever was acting behind them,—for flame can no more be seen through than a wall,—and in this situation, it may wish some propriety be said, they became a pillar of fire to the one army, and a pillar of a cloud to the other: after this, by a circuitous march of about eighteen miles, the Americans reached Princeton early in the morning.

THE number of prisoners taken were between two and three hundred, with which General Washington immedi­ately set off. The van of the British army from Trenton entered Princeton about an hour after the Americans had left it, who continuing their match for the remainder of the day, arrived in the evening at a convenient situation, wide of the main road to Brunswick, and about sixteen miles distant from Princeton.—But so wearied and ex­hausted were they, with the continual and unabated service and fatigue of two days and a night, from action to action, without shelter and almost without refreshment, that the bare and frozen ground, with no other covering than the sky, became to them a place of comfortable rest. By these two events, and with but little comparative force to ac­complish, which, but a few days before, threatened the country with destruction. The British army, apprehensive [Page 23]for the safety of their magazines at Brunswick, eighteen miles distant, marched immediately for that place, where they arrived late in the evening, and from which they made no attempts to move, for nearly five months.

HAVING thus stated the principal outlines of these two most interesting actions, I shall now quit them, to put the Abbe right in his mistated account of the debt and paper money of America, wherein, speaking of these matters, he says,

‘THESE ideal riches were rejected. The more the multiplication of them was urged by want, the greater did their depreciation grow. The Congress was indig­nant at the affronts given to its money, and declared all those to be traitors to their country who should not receive it as they would have received gold itself.’

‘DID not this body know, that prepossessions are no more to be controled than feelings are? Did it not per­ceive, that in the present crisis every rational man would be afraid of exposing his fortune? Did it not see, that at the beginning of a republic, it permitted to itself the exercise of such acts of despotism as are unknown even in the countries which are moulded to, and become fa­miliar with servitude and oppression? Could it pretend that it did not punish a want of confidence with the pains which would have been scarcely merited by revolt and treason? Of all this was the Congress well aware? But it had no choice of means. Its despised and despi­cable scraps of paper were actually thirty times below their original value, when more of them were ordered to be made. On the 13th of September, 1779, there was of this paper money, amongst the public, to the a­mount of £ 35,544,155. The state owed moreover £ 8,385,356, without reckoning the particular debts of single provinces.’

IN the above recited passages, the Abbe speaks as if the United States had contracted a debt of upwards of forty millions pounds sterling, besides the debts of individual [Page 24]States. After which, speaking of foreign trade with Ame­rica, he says, that ‘those countries in Europe, which are truly commercial ones, knowing that North Ame­rica had been reduced to contract debts at the epoch of even her greatest prosperity, wisely thought, that, in her present distress, she would be able to pay but very little for what might be carried to her.’

I KNOW it must be extremely difficult to make foreign­ers understand the nature and circumstances of our paper money, because there are natives, who do not understand it themselves. But with us its fate is now determined. Common consent has consigned it to rest with that kind of regard which the long service of inanimate things in­sensibly obtains from mankind. Every stone in the bridge that has carried us over, seems to have a claim upon our esteem. But this was a corner stone, and its usefulness cannot be forgotten. There is something in a grateful mind which extends itself even to things that can neither be benefitted by regard, nor suffer by neglect;—But so it is; and almost every man is sensible of the effect.

BUT to return.—The paper money, though issued from Congress under the name of dollars, did not come from that body always at that value. Those which were issued the first year were equal to gold and silver; the second year less; the third still less, and so on for nearly the space of five years; at the end of which, I imagine that the whole value at which Congress might pay away the several emissions, taking them together, was about ten or twelve millions pounds sterling.

NOW as it would have taken ten or twelve millions sterling of taxes to carry on the war for five years, and, as while this money was issuing and likewise depreciating down to nothing, there were none, or few valuable taxes paid; consequently the event to the public was the same, whether they sunk ten or twelve millions of ex­pended money, by depreciation, or paid ten or twelve millions by taxation; for as they did not do both, and chose to do one, the matter, in a general view, was [Page 25]indifferent. And therefore, what the Abbe supposes to be a debt, has now no existence; it having been paid, by every body consenting to reduce at his own expence, from the value of the bills continually passing among themselves a sum equal to nearly what the expence of the war was for five years.

AGAIN. The paper money having now ceased, and the depreciation with it, and gold and silver supplied its place, the war will now be carried on by taxation, which will draw from the public a considerable less sum than what the depreciation drew; but as while they pay the former, they do not suffer the latter and as when they suffered the latter, they did not pay the former, the thing will be nearly equal, with this moral advantage, that taxation occasions frugality and thought, and deprecia­tion produced dissipation and carelessness.

AND again. If a man's portion of taxes comes to less than what he lost by the depreciation, it proves the alte­ration is in his favor. If it comes to more, and he is justly assessed it shows that he did not sustain his proper share of depreciation, because the one was as operatively his tax as the other.

IT is true, that it never was intended, neither was it foreseen, that the debt contained in the paper currency should sink itself in this manner; but as by the voluntary conduct of all and of every one it has arrived at this fate, the debt is paid by those who owed it. Perhaps nothing was ever so universally the act of a country [...] this. Government had no hand in it. Every man de­preciated his own money by his own consent, for such was the effect, which the raising the nominal value of goods produced. But as by such reduction he sustained a loss equal to what he must have paid to sink it by tax­ation, therefore the line of justice is to consider his loss by the depreciation as his tax for that time, and not to tax him when the war is over, to make that money good in any other persons hands, which became nothing in his own.

[Page 26]AGAIN. The paper currency was issued for the ex­press purpose of carrying on the war. It has performed that service without any other material charge to the public, while it lasted. But to suppose, as some did, that, at the end of the war, it was to grow into gold or silver, or become equal thereto, was to suppose that we were to get two hundred million of dollars by going to war, instead of paying the cost of carrying it on.

BUT if any thing in the situation of America, as to her currency or her circumstances, yet remains not understood, then let it be remembered, that this war is the public's war; the people's war; the country's war. It is their independence that is to be supported; their property that is to be secured; their country that is to be saved. Here government, the army and the people, are mutually and reciprocally one. In other wars, kings may lose their thrones and their dominions; but here, the loss must fall on the majesty of the multitude, and the property they are contending to save. Every man being sensible of this, he goes to the field, or pays his portion of the charge, as the sovereign of his own possessions; and when he is conquered a monarch falls.

THE remark which the Abbe in the conclusion of the passage has made, respecting America contracting debts in the time of her prosperity (by which he means before the breaking out of hostilities) serves to show, though he has not made the application, the very great commercial difference between a dependent and an independent country. In a state of dependence, and with a fettered commerce, though with all the advantages of peace, her trade could not balance itself, and she annually run into debt. But now, in a state of independence, though in­volved in war, she requires no credit; her stores are full of merchandize, and gold and silver are become the cur­rency of the country. How these things have establish­ed themselves are difficult to account for: But they are facts, and facts are more powerful than arguments.

As it is probable this letter will undergo a re publica­tion [Page 27]in Europe, the remarks here thrown together will serve to show the extreme follow of Britain in resting her hopes of success on the extinction of our paper currency. The expectation is at once so childish and forlorn, that it places her in the laughable condition of a famished lion watching for prey at a spider's web.

FROM this account of the currency, the Abbe pro­ceeds to state the condition of America in the winter 1777, and the spring following; and closes his observa­tions with mentioning the treaty of alliance, which was signed in France, and the propositions of the British mi­nistry, which were rejected in America. But in the man­ner in which the Abbe has arranged his facts, there is a very material error, that not only he, but other Europe­an historians have fallen into; none of them having as­signed the true cause why the British proposals were re­jected, and all of them have assigned a wrong one.

IN the winter 1777, and spring following, congress were assembled at York town in Pennsylvania, the British were in possession of Philadelphia, and General Washing­ton with the army were encamped in huts at the Valley-Forge, twenty-five miles distant therefrom. To all who can remember, it was a season of hardship, but not of despair; and the Abbe, speaking of this period and its inconveniences, says,—

‘A multitude of privations, added to so many other misfortunes, might make the Americans regret their former tranquility, and incline them to an accommo­dation with England. In vain had the people been bound to the new government by the sacredness of oaths and the influence of religion. In vain had en­deavours been used to convince them that it was im­possible to treat safely with a country, in which one parliament might overturn what should have been established by another. In vain had they been threat­ened with the eternal resentment of an exasperated and vindictive enemy. It was possible that these dis­tant troubles might not be balanced by the weight of present evils.’

[Page 28] ‘So thought the British ministry, when they sent to the New World public agents, authorised to offer eve­ry thing except independence to these very Americans, from whom they had two years before exacted an un­conditional submission. It is not improbable but that by this plan of conciliation, a few months sooner, some effect might have been produced. But at the period at which it was proposed by the Court of London, it was rejected with disdain, because this measure ap­peared but as an argument of fear and weakness. The people were already re assured. The Congress, the Generals, the troops, the bold and skilful men, in each colony had possessed themselves of the authority; every thing had recovered its first spirit. This was the effect of a treaty of friendship and commerce between the United States and the Court of Versailles, signed the 6th of February, 1778.’

ON this passage of the Abbe's I cannot help remark­ing, that, to unite time with circumstance, is a mate­rial nicety in history; the want of which frequently throws is into endless confusion and mistake, occasions a total separation between causes and consequences, and connects them with others they are not immediately, and sometimes not at all, related to.

THE Abbe, in saying that the offer: of the British mi­nistry "were rejected with disdain," it right, as to the fact, but wrong as to the time; and this error in the time, has occasioned him to be mistaken in the cause.

THE signing the treaty of Paris the 6th of February, 1778, could have no effect on the mind or politics of America, until it was known in America; and therefore, when the Abbe says, that the rejection of the British of­fers was in consequence of the alliance being known in America; which was not the case: And by this mistake he not only takes from her the reputation which her un­shaken fortitude in that trying situation deserves, but it likewise led very injuriously to suppose, that had she not [Page 29]known of the treaty, the offers would probably have been accepted; whereas she knew nothing of the treaty at the time of the rejection, and consequently did not reject them on that ground.

THE propositions or offers abovementioned were con­tained in two bills brought into the British Parliament by Lord North on the 17th of February, 1778. Those bills were hurried thro' both Houses with unusual haste, and before they had gone thro' all the customary forms of Par­liament, copies of them were sent over to Lord Howe and General Howe, then in Philadelphia, who were likewise Commissioners. Gen. Howe ordered them to be printed in Philadelphia, and sent copies of them by a flag, to Ge­neral Washington, to be forwarded to Congress, at York­town, where they arrived the 21st of April, 1778. Thus much for the arrival of the bills in America.

CONGRESS, as is their usual mode, appointed a com­mittee from their own body, to examine them, and report thereon. The report was bro't in the next day (the 22d) was read, and unanimously agreed to, entered on their journals, and published for the information of the country. Now this report must be the rejection to which the Abbe alludes, because Congress gave no other formal opinion on those bills and propositions: And on a subsequent appli­cation from the British Commissioners, dated the 27th of May, and received at York Town the 6th of June, Con­gress immediately referred them for an answer to their printed resolves of the 22d of April. Thus much for the rejection of the offers.

ON the 2d of May, that is, eleven days after the above rejection was made, the treaty between the United States and France, arrived at Yorktown; and until this mo­ment, Congress had not the least notice or idea, that suck a measure was in any train of execution. But lest this declaration of mine should pass only for assertion, I shall support it by proof, for it is material to the character and principle of the revolution to show, that no condition of America, since the declaration of independence, however [Page 30]trying and severe, ever operated to produce the most distant idea of yielding it up either by force, distress, artifice or persuasion. And this proof is the more necessary, be­cause it was the system of the British Ministry at this time, as well as before and since, to hold out to the European powers that America was unfix [...] in her resolutions and policy; hoping, by this artifice, to lessen her reputation in Europe, and weaken the confidence which those powers, or any of them, might be inclined to place in her.

AT the time these matters were transacting, I was se­cretary in the foreign department of Congress. All the political letters from the American Commissioners rested in my hands,—and all that were officially written▪ went from my office; and so far from Congress knowing any thing of the signing the treaty, at the time they rejected the British offers, they had not received a line of informa­tion from their Commissioners at Paris, on any subject whatever, for upwards of a twelve month. Probably the loss of the port of Philadelphia, and the navigation of the Delaware, together with the dangers of the seas, covered at this time with British cruisers, contributed to the dis­appointment.

ONE packet, it is true, arrived at Yorktown, in Janu­ary preceding, which was about three months before the arrival of the treaty; but strange as it may appear, every letter had been taken out, before it was put on board the vessel which brought it from France, and blank white pa­per put in their stead.

HAVING thus stated the time when the proposals from the British Commissioners were first received, and likewise the time when the treaty of alliance arrived, and shewn that the rejection of the former was eleven days prior to the arrival of the latter, and without the least knowledge of such circumstance having taken place, or being about to take place; the rejection, therefore, must, and ought to be attributed to the fixt unvaried sentiments of Ameri­ca respecting the enemy she is at war with, and her de­termination to support her independence to the last possible [Page 31]effort, and not to any new circumstance in her favour, which at that time she did not and could not know of.

BESIDES, there is a vigor of determination and spirit of defiance in the language of the rejection, (which I here subjoin) which derive their greatest glory by appearing before the treaty was known; for that which is bravery in distress, becomes insult in prosperity: and the treaty placed America on such a strong foundation, that had she then known it, the answer which she gave, would have appear­ed rather as an air of triumph, than as the glowing se­renity of fortitude.

UPON the whole, the Abbe appears to have entirely mistaken the matter: for instead of attributing the rejec­tion of the propositions to our knowledge of that event. And then the reason why they were hurried over to America in the state of bills, that is, before they were passed into acts, is easily accounted for, which is, that they might have the chance of reaching America before any know­ledge of the treaty should arrive, which they were lucky enough to do, and there met the fate they so richly me­rited. That these bills were brought into the British Par­liament after the treaty with France was signed is proved from the dates: The treaty being on the 6th, and the bills the 17th of February. And that the signing the treaty was known in Parliament when the bills were bro't in, is likewise proved by a speech of Mr. Charles Fox, on the said 17th of February, who in reply to Lord North, in­formed the House of the treaty being signed, and chal­lenged the Minister's knowledge of the same fact.*)

[Page 32]THOUGH I am not surprised to see the Abbe mistakes in matters of history, acted at so great a distance from his [Page 33]sphere of immediate observation, yet I am more than sur­prised to find him wrong (or at least what appears so to me) in the well enlightened field of philosophical reflec­tion Here the materials are his own; creased by him­self; and the error therefore is an act of the mind.

[Page 34]HITHERTO my remarks have been confined to circum­stances: [...]h [...] order in which they arose, and the events they produced▪ In these, my information being better than the Abbe's my task was easy. How I may succeed in controverting matters of sentiment and opinion, with [Page 35]one whom years, experience, and long established repu­tation have placed in a superior line, I am less confi­dent in; but as they fall within the scope of my observa­tions it would be improper to pass them over.

[Page 36]FROM this part of the Abbe's work to the latter end, I find several expressions, which appear to me to start, [Page 37]with a cynical complexion, from the path of liberal think­ing, or at least they are so involved as to lose many of the beauties which distinguish other parts of the perfor­mance.

[Page 38]THE Abbe having brought his work to the period when the treaty of alliance between France and the Uni­ted States commenced, proceeds to make some remarks thereon.

"IN short," says he, ‘philosophy whose first senti­ment is the desire to see all governments just and all people happy, in casting her eyes upon this alliance of a monarchy, with a people who are defending their liberty, is curious to know its motive She fees at once, too clearly, that the happiness of mankind has no part in it

WHATEVER train of thinking or of temper the Abbe might be in, when he penned this expression, matters not. They will neither qualify the sentiment, nor add to its defect. If right, it needs no apology; if wrong. it me­rits no excuse. It is sent into the world as an opinion of philosophy, and may be examined without regard to the author.

IT seems to be a defect, connected with ingenuity, that it often employs itself more in matters of curiosity, than usefulness. Man must be the privy counsellor of fate, or something is not right. He must know the springs, the whys and wherefores of every thing, or he fits down un­satisfied. Whether this be a crime, or only a caprice of humanity. I am not enquiring into. I shall take the Passage as I find it, and place my objections against it.

IT is not so properly the motives which produced the alliance, as the consequences which are to be produced from it, that mark out the field of philosophical reflection, In the one we only penetrate into the barren cave of se­crecy, where little can be known, and every thing may be misconceived; in the other, the mind is presented with a wide extended prospect of vegetative good, and sees a thousand blessings budding into existence.

BUT the expression, even within the compass of the Abbe's meaning, sets out with an error, because it is [Page 39]made to declare that which no man has authority to de­clare. Who can say that the happiness of mankind made no part of the motives which produced the alliance? To be able to declare this, a man must be possessed of the mind of all the parties concerned, and know that their motives were something else.

IN proportion as the independence of America became contemplated and understood, the local advantages of it to the immediate actors, and the numerous benefits it promised to mankind, appeared to be every day encrea­sing; and we saw not a temporary good for the present race only, but a continued good to all posterity; these motives, therefore, added to those which preceeded them, became the motives on the part of America, which led her to propose and agree to the treaty of alliance, as the best effectual method of extending and securing happi­ness; and therefore with respect to us, the Abbe is wrong.

FRANCE. on the other hand, was situated very differ­ently to America. She was not acted upon by necessity to seek a friend, and therefore her motive in becoming one, has the strongest evidence of being good, and that which is so, must have some happiness for its object. With regard to herself, she saw a train of conveniences worthy her attention. By lessening the power of an enemy, whom, at the same time, she sought neither to destroy nor distress, she gained an advantage without doing an evil, and created to herself a new friend by associating with a country in misfortune. The springs of thought that led to actions of this kind, however political they may be, are nevertheless naturally beneficient; for in all causes, good or bad it is necessary there should be a fitness in the mind to enable it to act in character with the object: There­fore as a bad cause cannot be prosecuted with a good mo­tive, so neither an a good cause be long supported by a had one, and as no man acts without a motive, therefore in the present instance, as they cannot be bad they must be admitted to be good. But the Abbe sets out upon such an extended scale, that he overlooks the degrees by which it is measured, and rejects the beginning of good, because the end comes not at once.

[Page 40]IT is true that bad motives may in some degree be brought to support a good cause or prosecute a good ob­ject; but it never continues long, which is not the case with France; for either the object will reform the mind, or the mind corrupt the object, or else nor being able, ei­ther way, to get into unison, they will separate in disgust: And this natural, though unperceived progress of associa­tion or contention between the mind and the object, is the secret cause of fidelity or defection. Every object a man pursues, is for the time, a kind of mistress to his mind: if both are good or bad, the union is natural; but if they are in reverse, and neither can seduce nor yet reform the other, the opposition grows into dislike and a separation fellows.

WHEN the cause of America first made her appearance on the stage of the universe, there were many, who, in the stile of adventurers and fortune hunters, were dang­ling in her train, and making their court to her with every profession of honor and attachment. They were loud in her praise and ostentations in her service. Every place echoed with their ardor or their anger, and they seemed like men in love. But, alas, they were fortune hunters. Their expectations were excited, but their minds were unimpressed; and finding her not to their purpose, nor themselves reformed by her influence, they ceased their suit, and in some instances deserted and betrayed her.

THERE were others, who at first beheld her with in­difference, and unacquainted with her character were cau­tions of her company. They treated her as one, who, under the fair name of liberty, might conceal the hideous figure of anarchy, or the gloomy monster of tyranny. They knew not what she was. If fair, she was fair in­deed. But still she was suspected, and though born a­mong us appeared to be a stranger.

ACCIDENT with some, and curiosity with others, bro [...] on a distant acquaintance. They ventured to look at her. They felt an inclination to speak to her. One intimacy led to another, till the suspicion were away and a change [Page 41]of sentiment stole gradually upon the mind; and having no self-interest to serve, no passion of dishonor to gratify, they became enamoured of her innocence, and unaltered by misfortune or uninflamed by success, shared with fide­lity in the varieties of her fate.

THIS declaration of the Abbe's, respecting motives, has led me unintendedly into a train of metaphysical rea­soning; but there was no other avenue by which it could so properly be approached. To place presumption a­gainst presumption, assertion against assertion, is a mode of opposition that has no effect; and therefore the more eligible method was to shew, that the declaration does not correspond with the natural progress of the mind and the influence it has upon our conduct.—I shall now quit this part and proceed to what I have before stated, namely, that it is not so properly the motives which produced the alliance, as the consequences to be produced from it, that mark out the field of philosophical reflection.

IT is an observation I have already made in some former publication, that the circle of civilization is yet incom­plete. A mutuality of wants have formed the individu­als of each country into a kind of national society, and here the progress of civilization has stopt. For it is easy to see, that nations with regard to each other (notwith­standing the ideal civil law which every one explains as it suits him) are like individuals in a state of nature. They are regulated by no fixt principle, governed by no compulsive law, and each does independently what is pleases or what it can.

WERE it possible we could have known the world when in a state of barbarism, we might have concluded that it never could be brought into the order we now see it. The untamed mind was then as hard, if not harder, to work upon in its individual state, than the national mind is in its present one. Yet we have seen the accomplish­ment of the one, why then should we doubt that of the other.

[Page 42]THERE is a greater fitness in mankind to extend and compleat the civilization of nations with each other at this day▪ than there was to begin it with the unconnected individuals at first; in the same manner that it is some­what easier to put together the materials of a machine after they are formed▪ than it was to form them from ori­ginal matter. The present condition of the world dif­fering so exceedingly from what it formerly was, has gi­ven a new cast to the mind of man, more than what he appears to be sensible of. The want of the individual, which first produced the idea of society, are now aug­mented into the wants of the nation, and he is obliged to seek from another country what before he sought from the next person.

LETTERS, the tongue of the world, have in some mea­sure brought all mankind acquainted, and by an exten­sion of their uses are every day promoting some new friendship. Through them distant nations become capa­ble of conversation, and losing by degrees the awkward­ness of strangers, and the moroseness of suspicion, they learn to know and understand each other. Science, the partisan of no country, but the beneficient patroness of all, has liberally opened a temple where all may meet. Her influence on the mind, like the sun on the chilled earth, has long been preparing it for higher cultivation and further improvement. The philosopher of one coun­try sees not an enemy in the philosopher of another: He takes his seat in the temple of science and asks not who sits beside him.

THIS was not the condition of the barbarian world. Then the wants of man were few, and the objects within his reach. While he could acquire these, he lived in a state of individual independence, the consequence of which was, there were as many nations as persons, each contend­ing with the other, to secure something which he had, or to obtain something which he had not. The world had then no business to follow, no studies to exercise the mind. Their time was divided between sloth and fatigue. Hunt­ing and war were their chief occupations; sleep and food their principal enjoyments.

[Page 43]Now it is otherwise. A change in the mode of life has made it necessary to be busy; and man finds a thou­sand things to do now which before he did not. Instead of placing his ideas of greatness in the rude atchieve­ments of the savage, he studies arts, science, agriculture and commerce, the refinements of the gentleman, the principles of society, and the knowledge of the philoso­pher.

THERE are many things which in themselves are mo­rally neither good nor bad, but they are productive of consequences, which are strongly marked with one or other of these characters. Thus commerce, though in itself a moral nullity, has had a considerable influence in tempering the human mind. It was the want of objects in the ancient world, which occasioned in them such a rude and perpetual turn for war. Their time hung on their hands without the means of employment. The in­dolence they lived in afforded leisure for mischief, and being all idle at once, and equal in their circumstances, they were easily provoked or induced to action.

BUT the introduction of commerce furnished the world with objects, which in their extent, reach every man and give him something to think about and something to do; by these his attention is mechanically drawn from the pursuits, which a state of indolence and an unemployed mind occasioned, and he trades with the same countries, which former ages, tempted by their productions, and too indolent to purchase them, would have gone to war with.

THUS, as I have already observed, the condition of the world being materially changed by the influence of science and commerce, it is put into a fitness not only to admit of, but to desire, an extension of civilization. The principal and almost only remaining enemy it now has to encounter, is prejudice; for it is evidently the in­terest of mankind to agree and make the best of life. The world has undergone its divisions of empire, the several boundaries of which are known and settled. The idea [Page 44]of conquering countries like the Greeks and Romans does not now exist; and experience has exploded the notion of going to war for the sake of profit. In short, the ob­j [...]cts for war are exceedingly diminished, and there is now [...]ft scarcely any thing to quarrel about, but what arises [...]m that demon of society, prejudice, and the conse­quent sullenness and untractableness of the temper.

THERE is something exceedingly curious in the con­stitution and operation of prejudice. It has the singular ability of accommodating itself to all the possible varie­ties of the human mind. Some passion [...] and vices are bu [...] thinly scattered among mankind, and find only here and there a fi [...]ness of reception. But prejudice, like the spider, makes every where his home. It has neither taste nor choice of place, and all that it requires is room. There is scarcely a situation except fire or water, in which a spider will not live. So let the mind be as naked as the wills of an empty and forsaken tenement, gloomy as a dungeon, or ornamented with the richest abilities of think­ing, let it be hot, cold, dark or light, lonely or inhabited, still prejudice, if undisturbed, will fill it with cobwebs, and live, like the spider, where there seems nothing to live on. If the one prepares her food by poisoning it to her palate and her use, the other does the same; and as several of our passions are strongly charactered by the ani­mal world, prejudice may be denominated the spider of the mind.

PERHAPS no two events ever united so intimately and f [...]rceab [...]y to combat and expel prejudice, as the Revolu­tio [...] of America and the Alliance with France. Their effects are felt, and their influence already extends as well to the old world as the new. Our stile and manner of thinking have undergone a revolution, more extraordina­ry than the political revolution of the country. We see with other eyes; we hear with other ears; and think with other thoughts, than those we formerly used. We can look back on our own prejudices, as if they had been the prejudices of other people. We now see and know they were pr [...]judices and nothing else, and relieved from [Page 45]their shackles enjoy a freedom of mind, we felt not before. It was not all the argument, however powerful, nor all the reasoning, however elegant, that could have produced this change, so necessary to the extention of the mind, and the cordiality of the world, without the two circum­stances of the Revolution and the Alliance.

HAS America dropt quietly from Britain, no material change in sentiment, had taken place. The same notions, prejudices, and conceits, would have governed in both countries, as governed them before, and still the slaves of error and education, they would have travelled on in the beaten track of vulgar and habitual thinking. But bro't about by the means it hath been, both with regard to ourselves to France, and to England, every corner of the mind is swept of its cobwebs, poison, and dust, and made fit for the reception of generous happiness.

PERHAPS there never was an Alliance on a broader ba­sis, than that between America and France, and the pro­gress of it is worth attending to. The countries had been enemies, not properly of themselves, but through the me­dium of England. They, originally, had no quarrel with each other, nor any cause for one, but what arose from the interest of England and her arming America against France. At the same time, the Americans at a distance from, and unacquainted with the world, and tutored in all the prejudices which governed those who governed them conceived it their duty to act as they were taught. In doing this they expended their substance to make conquests, not for themselves but for their masters, who in return treated them as slaves.

A LONG succession of insolent severity, and the separa­tion finally occasioned by the commencement of hostilities at Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775, naturally pro­duced a new disposition of thinking. As the mind closed itself towards England it opened itself towards the world, and our prejudices like our oppressions underwent though less observed a mental examination; until we found the former as inconsistent with reason and benevolence, as the latter were repugnant to our civil and political rights.

[Page 46]WHILE we were thus advancing by degrees into the wide field of extended humanity, the alliance with France was concluded. An alliance not formed for the meer purpose of a day, but on just and generous grounds, and with equal and mutual advantages; and the easy affecti­onate manner in which the parties have since communica­ted, has made it an alliance not of courts only but of countries. There is now an union of mind as well as of interest; and our hearts as well as our prosperity call on us to support it.

THE people of England not having experienced this change, had likewise no idea of it. They were hugging to their bosoms the same prejudices we were trampling beneath our feet; and they expected to keep a hold upon America, by that narrowness of thinking, which America disdained. What they were proud of, we despised; and this is a principal cause why all their negociations, con­structed on this ground, have failed. We are now really another people, and cannot again go back to ignorance and prejudice. The mind once enlightened cannot a­gain become dark. There is no possibility, neither is there any term to express the supposition by, of the mind, unknowing any thing it already knows; and therefore all attempts on the part of England, fitted to the former habit of America, and on the expectation of their apply­ing now, will be like persuading a seeing man to become blind, and a sensible one to turn an idiot. The first of which is unnatural, and the other impossible.

As to the remark which the Abbe makes of the one country being a monarchy and the other a republic, it can have no essential meaning. Forms of government have nothing to do with treaties. The former are the internal police of the countries severally; the latter, their external policy jointly: and so long as each per­forms its part, we have no more right or business to know how the one or the other conducts its domestic affairs, than we have to enquire into the private concerns of a family.

[Page 47]BUT had the Abbe reflected for a moment, he would have seen, that courts or the governing powers of all countries, be their forms what they may, are relatively republics with each other. It is the first and true prin­ciple of alliancing. Antiquity may have given prece­dence, and power will naturally create importance, but their equal right in never disputed. It may likewise be worthy of remarking, that a monarchial country can suf­fer nothing in its popular happiness by allying with a re­publican one; and republican governments have never been destroyed by their external connections, but by some internal convulsion or contrivance. France has been in alliance with the republic of Swisserland for more than two hundred years, and still Swisserland retains her origi­nal form as entire as if she had allied with a republic like herself; therefore this remark of the Abbe goes to no­thing —Besides, it is best that mankind should mix. There is ever something to learn, either of manners or principle; and it is by a free communication, without regard to domestic matters, that friendship is to be ex­tended, and prejudice destroyed all over the world.

BUT notwithstanding the Abbe's high professions in fa­vor of liberty, he appears sometimes to forget himself, or that his theory is rather the child of his fancy than of his judgment: For in almost the same instant that he cen­sures the alliance as not originally or sufficiently calcula­ted for the happiness of mankind, he, by a figure of im­plication, accuses France for having acted so generously and unreservedly in concluding it. ‘Why did they (says he, meaning the Court of France) tie themselves down by an inconsiderate treaty to conditions with the Con­gress, which they might themselves have held in de­pendence by ample and regular supplies.’

WHEN an author undertakes to treat of public happi­ness, he ought to be certain that he does not mistake pas­sion for right, nor imagination for principle. Principle, like truth, needs no contrivance. It will ever tell its own tale, and tell it the same way. But where this is not the case, every page must be watched, recollected, and compared, like an invented story.

[Page 48]I AM surprised at this passage of the Abbe. It means nothing or it means ill; and in any case it shews the great difference between speculative and practical know­ledge. A treaty according to the Abbe's language would have neither duration nor affection; it might have lasted to the end of the war, and then expired with it. But France, by acting in a stile superior to the little polities of narrow thinking, has established a generous fame and won the love of a country she was before a stranger to. She had to treat with a people who thought as nature taught them; and, on her own part, she wisely saw, there was no present advantage to be obtained by unequal terms, which could balance the more lasting ones that might flow from a kind and generous beginning.

FROM this part the Abbe advances into the secret transactions of the two Cabinets of Versailles and Madrid respecting the independence of America; through which I mean not to follow him. It is a circumstance sufficient­ly striking without being commented on, that the former union of America with Britain produced a power, which in her hands, was becoming dangerous to the world And there is no improbability in supposing▪ that had the latter known as much of the strength of the former be­fore she began the quarrel as she has known fince, that instead of attempting to reduce her to unconditional sub­mission, she would have proposed to her the conquest of Mexico. But from the countries separately Spain has nothing to apprehend, though from their union she had more to fear than any other power in Europe.

THE part which I shall more particularly confine my­self to, is that wherein the Abbe takes an opportunity of complimenting the British Ministry with high encomiums of admiration, on their rejecting the offered mediation of the court of Madrid, in 1779.

IT must be remembered that before Spain joined France in the war, she undertook the office of a mediator and made proposals to the British King and Ministry so ex­ceedingly favourable to their interest, that had they been [Page 49]accepted, would have become inconvenient, if not inad­missible, to America. These proposals were neverthe­less rejected by the British cabinet; on which the Abbe says,—

‘It is in such a circumstance as this; it is in the time when noble pride clevates the soul superior to all terror; when nothing is seen more dreadful than the shame of receiving the law, and when there is no doubt or hesitation which to chuse, between ruin and disho­nor; it is then, that the greatness of a nation is dis­played. I acknowledge however that men, accustom­ed to judge of things by the event, call great and pe­rilous resolutions, heroism or madness, according to the good or bad success with which they have been attend­ed. If then, I should be asked, what is the name which shall in years to come be given to the firmness, which was in this moment exhibited by the English. I shall answer that I do not know. But that which it deserves I know. I know that the annals of the world hold out to us but rarely, the august and majestic spectacle of a nation, which chuses rather to renounce its duration than its glory.’

IN this paragraph the conception is lofty and the ex­pression elegant; but the colouring is too high for the original, and the likeness fails through an excess of graces. To fit the powers of thinking and the turn of language to the subject, so as to bring out a clear conclusion that shall hit the point in question and nothing else, is the true criterion of writing. But the greater part of the Abbe's writings (if he will pardon me the remark) appear to me uncentral and burthensome with variety. They repre­sent a beautiful wilderness without paths; in which the eye in diverted by every thing, without being particular­ly directed to any thing; and in which it is agreeable to be lost, and difficult to find the way out.

BEFORE I offer any other remark on the spirit and composition of the above passage, I shall compare it with the circumstance it alludes to.

[Page 50]THE circumstance then does not deserve the encomi­um. The rejection was not prompted by her fortitude but her vanity She did not view it as a case of despair or even of extreme danger, and consequently the deter­mination to renounce her duration rather than her glory, cannot apply to the condition of her mind. She had then high expectations of subjugating America, and had no other naval force against her than France; neither was she certain that rejecting the mediation of Spain would combine that power with France. New mediations might arise more favorable than these she had refused. But if they should not, and Spain should join, she still saw that it would only bring out her naval force against France and Spain, which was not wanted and could not be employed against America, and habits of thinking had taught her to believe herself superior to both.

BUT in any case to which the consequence might point, there was nothing to impress her with the idea of renoun­cing her duration. It is not the policy of Europe to suf­fer the extinction of any power, but only to lop off or pre­vent its dangerous enerease. She was likewise freed by situation from the internal and immediate horrors of in­vasion; was rolling in dissipation and looking for con­quests; and tho' she suffered nothing but the expence of war, she still had a greedy eye to magnificent reimburse­ment.

BUT if the Abbe is delighted with high and striking singularities of character, he might, in America, have sound ample field for encomium. Here was a people, who could not know what part the world would take for, or against them; and who were venturing on an untried scheme, in opposition to a power, against which more for­midable nations had failed. They had every thing to learn but the principles which supported them, and every thing to precure that was necessary for their defence. They have at times seen themselves as low as distress could make them, without showing the least stagger in their fortitude; and been raised again by the most unex­pected events, without discovering an unmanly discompo­sure [Page 51]of joy. To hesitate or to despair are conditions e­qually unknown in America. Her mind was prepared for every thing; because her original and final resolution of succeeding or perishing included all possible circumstances.

THE rejection of the British propositions in the year 1778, circumstanced as America was at that time, is a far greater instance of unshaken fortitude than the refusal of the Spanish mediation by the Court of London: And o­ther historians, besides the Abbe, struck with the vastness of her conduct therein, have, like himself, attributed it to a circumstance, which was then unknown, the alliance with France. Their error shews their idea of its great­ness; because, in order to account for it, they have sought a cause suited to its magnitude, without knowing that the cause existed in the principles of the country.*

BUT this passionate encomium of the Abbe is deserved­ly subject to moral and philosophical objections. It is the effusion of wild thinking, and has a tendency to prevent that humanity of reflection which the criminal conduct of Britain enjoins on her as a duty.—It is a laudanum to courtly iniquity.—It keeps in intoxicated sleep the con­science of a nation: and more mischief in effected by [Page 52]wrapping up guilt in splendid excuse, than by directly pa­tronizing it.

BRITAIN is now the only country which holds the world in disturbance and war; and instead of paying compliments to the excess of her crimes, the Abbe would have appeared much more in character, had he put to her, or to her monarch, this serious question—

ARE there not miseries enough in the world, too diffi­cult to be encountered and too pointed to be borne, with­out studying to enlarge the list and arming it with new destruction? Is life so very long, that it is necessary, nay even a duty to shake the sand and hasten out the period of duration? Is the path so elegantly smooth, so decked on every side and carpeted with joys, that wretchedness is wanted to enrich it as a foil? Go ask thine aching heart when sorrow from a thousand causes wound it, go ask thy sickened self when every medicine fails, whether this be the case or not?

QUITTING my remarks on this head, I proceed to ano­ther in which the Abbe has let loose a vein of ill nature, and, what is still worse, of injustice.

AFTER cavilling at the treaty, he goes on to character­ize the several parties combined in the war—"Is it pos­sible," says the Abbe, ‘that a strict union should long subsist among confederates of characters so opposite as the hasty, light, distainful Frenchman, the jealous, haughty sly, slow, circumspective Spaniard, and the American, who is secretly snatching looks at the mo­ther country, and would rejoice, were they compatible with his independence, at the disasters of his allies.’

TO draw foolish portraits of each other, is a mode of attack and reprisal, which the greater part of mankind are fond of indulging. The serious philosopher should be above it, more especially in cases from which no possi­ble good can arise, and mischief may, and where no re­ceived provocation can palliate the offence.—The Abbe [Page 53]might have invented a difference of character for every country in the world; and they in return might find o­thers for him, till in the war of wit all real character is lost. The pleasantry of one nation or the gravity of another may, by a little penciling, be distorted into whim­sical features, and the painter become as much laugh­ed at as the painting.

BUT why did not the Abbe look a little deeper and bring forth the excellencies of the several parties. Why did he not dwell with pleasure on that greatness of cha­racter, that superiority of heart, which has marked the conduct of France in her conquests, and which has forced an acknowledgment even from Britain.

THERE is one line at least (and many others might be discovered) in which the confederates unite, which is, that of a rival eminence in their treatment of their ene­mies. Spain, in her conquest of Minorca and the Baha­ma islands confirms this remark. America has been in­variably in her lenity from the beginning of the war, not­withstanding the high provocations she has experienced. It is England only who has been insolent and cruel.

BUT why must America be charged with a crime un­deserved by her conduct, more so by her principles, and which, if a fact, would be fatal to her honor. I mean that of want of attachment to her allies, or rejoicing in their disasters She, it is true, has been assiduous in shew­ing to the world that she was not the aggressor towards England, that the quarrel was not of her seeking, or, at that time, even of her wishing. But to draw inferences from her candor, and even from her justification, to stab her character by, and I see nothing else from which they can be supposed to be drawn, is unkind and unjust.

DOES her rejection of the British propositions in 1778, before she knew of any alliance with France, correspond with the Abbe's description of her mind? Does a single instance of her conduct since that time justify it?—But there is a still better evidence to apply to, which is, that [Page 54]of all the mails, which at different times have been way­laid on the road, in divers parts of America, and taken and carried into New York, and from which the most se­cret and confidential private letters, as well as those from authority, have been published, not one of them, I repeat it, not a single one of them, gives countenance to such a charge.

THIS is not a country where men are under govern­ment restraint in speaking; and if there is any kind of restraint, it arises from a fear of popular resentment. Now, if nothing in her private or public correspondence favours such a suggestion, and if the general disposition of the country is such as to make it unsafe for a man to shew an appearance of joy at any disaster to her ally, on what grounds, I ask, can the accusation stand. What company the Abbe may have kept in France, we cannot know; but this we know, that the account he gives does not apply to America.

HAD the Abbe been in America at the time the news arrived of the disaster of the fleet under Count de Grasse, in the West Indies, he would have seen his vast mistake. Neither do I remember any instance, except the loss of Charlestown, in which the public mind suffered more se­vere and pungent concern, or underwent more agitations of hope and apprehension as to the truth or falshood of the report. Had the loss been all our own it could not have had a deeper effect, yet it was not one of these cases which reached to the independence of America.

IN the geographical account which the Abbe gives of the Thirteen States, he is so exceedingly erroneous, that to attempt a particular refutation, would exceed the li­mits I have prescribed to myself. And as it is a matter neither political, historical, nor sentimental, and which can always be contradicted by the extent and natural cir­cumstances of the country, I shall pass it over; with this additional remark, that I never yet saw an European de­scription of America that was true, neither can any per­son gain a just idea of it, but by coming to it.

[Page 55]THOUGH I have already extended this letter beyond what I at first proposed, I am, nevertheless, obliged to omit many observations I originally designed to have made. I wish there had been no occasion for making any. But the wrong ideas which the Abbe's work had a ten­dency to excite, and the prejudicial impressions they might make, must be an apology for my remarks, and the free­dom with which they are done.

I OBSERVE the Abbe has made a sort of epitome of a considerable part of the pamphlet Common Sense, and in­troduced it in that form into his publication. But there are other places where the Abbe has borrowed freely from the same pamphlet without acknowledging it. The difference between society and government, with which the pamphlet opens, is taken from it, and in some expres­sions almost literally, into the Abbe's work as if origi­nally his own; and through the whole of the Abbe's re­marks on this head, the idea in Common Sense is so close­ly copied and pursued, that the difference is only in words, and in the arrangement of the thoughts, and not in the thoughts themselves.*

[Page 56]BUT as it is time I should come to a conclusion of my letter, I shall forbear all further observation on the Abbe's [Page 57]work and take a concise view of the state of public affaire, since the time in which that performance was published.

[Page 58]A MIND habited to actions of meanness and injustice, commits them without r [...]l [...]ction, or with a very partial one; for on what other ground than this can we account for the declaration of war against the Dutch. To gain an idea of the politics which actuated the British Ministry to this measure, we must enter into the opinion which they, and the English in general, had formed of the tem­per of the Dutch nation; and from thence infer what their expection of the consequences would be.

COULD they have imagined that Holland would have seriously made a common cause with France, Spain, and America, the British Ministry would never have dared to provoke them. It would have been a madness in poli­ties to have done so; unless their views were to hasten on a period of such emphatic distress as should justify the concessions which they saw they must one day or other make to the world, and for which they wanted an apolo­gy to themselves.—There is a temper in some men which seeks a pretence for submission. Like a ship disabled in action▪ and unfited to continue it, it waits the approach of a still larger out to strike to, and feels relief at the oppor­tunity. Whether this is greatness or littleness of mind, I am not enquiring into. I should suppose it to be the latter, because it proceeds from the want of knowing how to bear misfortune in its original state.

BUT the subsequent conduct of the British cabinet has shewn that this was not their plan of politics, and conse­quently their motives must be sought for in another line.

THIS truth is, that the British had formed a very hum­ble opinion of the Dutch nation. They looked on them as a people who would submit to any thing; that they might insult them as they liked, plunder them at they p [...]as [...]d, and still the Dutch dated not to be provoked.

IF this be taken as the opinion of the British cabinet, the measure it easily accounted for; because it goes on the supposition that when, by a declaration of hostilities, the had rubbed the Dutch of some millions sterling (and to rob them was popular) they could make peace with them again whenever they pleased and on almost any terms the British Ministry should propose. And no sooner was [Page 59]the plundering committed, than the accommodation was set on foot, and failed.

WHEN once the mind loses the sense of its own digni­ty, it loses, likewise, the ability of judging of it in ano­ther. And the American war has throw Britain into such a variety of absurd situations that arguing from her­self, she sees not in what conduct national dignity con­sists in other countries. From Holland she expected du­plicity and submission, and this mistake arose from her having acted, in a number of instances during the present war, the same character herself.

To be allied to, or connected with Britain, seems to be an unsafe and impolitic situation. Holland and Ame­rica are instances of the reality of this remark. Make those countries the allies of France or Spain, and Britain will court them with civility, and treat them with re­spect; make them her own allies, and she will insult and plunder them In the first case, she feels some appre­hensions at offending them, because they have support at hand; in the latter, those apprehensions do not exist. Such, however, has hitherto been her conduct.

ANOTHER measure which has taken place since the pub­lication of the Abbe's work, and likewise since the time of my beginning this letter, is the change in the British ministry. What line the new cabinet will pursue respect­ing America, is at this time unknown; neither is it very material, unless they are seriously disposed to a general and honorable peace.

REPEATED experience has shewn, not only the imprac­ticability of conquering America, but the still higher im­possibility of conquering her mind, or recalling her back to her former condition of thinking. Since the commence­ment of the war, which is now approaching to eight years, thousands and tens of thousands have advanced and are daily advancing into the first stage of manhood, who know nothing of Britain but as a barbarous enemy, and to whom the independence of America appears as much the natural and established government of the country, as that of England does to an Englishman And on the other hand, thousands of the aged, who had British ideas, have [Page 60]dropped, and are daily dropping, from the stage of busi­ness and life. The natural progress of generation and decay operates every hour to the disadvantage of Britain. Time and death, hard enemies to contend with, fight constantly against her interest; and the bills of mortality in every part of America, are the thermometers of her decline. The children in the streets are from their cradle bred to consider her as their only foe. They hear of her cruellies; of their fathers, uncles, and kindred killed; they see the remains of burnt and destroyed houses, and the common tradition of the school they go to, tells them, those things were done by the British.

THESE are circumstances which the mere English state politician, who considers man only in a state of manhood, does not attend to. He gets entangled with parties co­eval or equal with himself at home, and thinks not how [...] [...]he r [...]ing generation in America is growing beyond his knowledge of them, or they of him. In a few years all [...]rso [...]al remembrance will be lost, and who is King or Minister in England, will be little known and scarcely enquired after.

THE new British administration is composed of persons who h [...]ve ever been against the war, and who have con­stantly reprobated all the violent measures of the former one. They considered the American war as destructive to them [...]elves and opposed it on that ground. But what are these things to America? She has nothing to do with English parties. The ins and the outs are nothing to her It is the whole country she is at war with, or must be at peace with.

WERE every Minister in England a Chatham it would now weigh little or nothing in the scale of American politics. [...] has preserved to the memory of this statesm [...]n [...] same which he, by [...]iving would have lost. His plans [...] opinions, towards the letter part of his [...] would have been attended with as many evil conse­quences, and as much reprobated here, as those of Lord [...] and considering him a w [...] man, they abound [...] amounting to absurdities.

[Page 61]IT has apparently been the fault of many in the late minority, to suppose, that America would agree to certain terms with them, were they in place, which she would not ever listen to from the then Administration. This idea can answer no other purpose than to prolong the war; and Britain may, at the expence of many more mil­lions, learn the fatality of such mistakes. If the new mi­nistry wisely avoid this hopeless policy, they will prove themselves better pilots, and wiser men, than they are conceived to be; for it is every day expected to see their bark strike upon some hidden rock and go to pieces.

BUT there is a line in which they may be great. A more brilliant opening needs not to present itself; and it is such a one, as true magnanimity would improve, and humanity rejoice in.

A TOTAL reformation is wanted in England. She wants an expanded mind.—an heart which embraces the uni­verse. Instead of shutting herself up in an island, and quarrelling with the world▪ she would derive more lasting happiness, and acquire more real riches, by generously mixing with it, and bravely saying, I am the enemy of none. It is not now a time for little contrivances or art­ful politics. The European world is too experienced to be imposed upon, and America too wise to be duped. It must be something new and masterly that must succeed. The idea of seducing America from her independence, or corrupting her from her alliance, is a thought too little for a great mind, and impossible for any honest one, to attempt Whenever politics are applied to debauch man­kind from their integrity, and dissolve the virtues of hu­man nature, they become detestable; and to be a states­man upon this plan, is to be a commissioned villain. He who aims at it leaves a vacancy in his character, which may be filled up with the worst of epithets.

In the disposition of England should be such, as not to agree to a general and honorable place, and that the war must, at all events, con [...] lo [...]ger, I cannot help wish­ing, that the allia [...]c [...] which America has or may enter into, may become [...]h [...] only o [...]j [...]cts of the war. She wants an opportunity of [...]h [...]wing to the world, that she holds her [Page 62]honor as dear and sacred as her independence, and that she will in no situation forsake those, whom no negociati­ons could induce to forsake her. Peace to every reflective mind, is a desirable object; but that peace which is ac­companied with a ruined character, becomes a crime to the seducer, and a curse upon the seduced.

BUT where is the impossibility or even the great diffi­culty of England forming a friendship with France and Spain, and making it a national virtue to renounce for ever those prejudiced inveteracies it has been her custom to cherish; and which, while they serve to sink her with an encreasing enormity of debt, by involving her in fruit­less wars, become likewise the bane of her repose, and the destruction of her manners. We had once the fetters that she has now, but experience has shewn us the mistake, and thinking justly has set us right.

THE true idea of a great nation is that which extends and promotes the principles of universal society. Whole mind rises above the atmospheres of local thoughts, and considers mankind, of whatever nation or profession they may be, as the work of one Creator. The rage for con­quest has had its fashion, and its day. Why may not the amiable virtues have the same? The Alexanders and Cae­sars of antiquity have left behind them their monuments of destruction, and are remembered with hatred; while these more exalted characters, who first taught society and science, are blest with the gratitude of every age & country. Of more use was one philosopher, though a heathen, to the world, than all the heathen conquerors that ever existed.

SHOULD the present revolution be distinguished by o­pening a new system of extended civilization, it will receive from heaven the highest evidence of approbation; and as this is a subject to which the Abbe's powers are so emi­nently suited, I recommend it to his attention, with the affection of a friend, and the ardor of a universal citizen.

POSTSCRIPT

SINCE closing the foregoing letter, some intimations, respecting a general peace, have made their way to America On what authority or foundation they stand, or how near or remote such an event may be, are circumstances I am not inquiring into But as the sub­ject must sooner or later become a matter of serious atten­tion, it may not be improper, even at this early period, candidly to investigate some points that are connected with it, or lead towards it.

THE independence of America is at this moment as firm­ly established as that of any other country in a state of war. It is not length of time, but power that gives stability. Nations at war know nothing of each other on the score of antiquity. It is their present and immediate strength, together with their connections, that must support them. To which we may add, that a right which originated to­day▪ is as much a right, as if it had the sanction of a thousand years; and therefore the independence and present governments of America are in no more danger of being subverted, because they are modern, than that of England is secure, because it is ancient.

THE polities of Britain, so far as they respected Ame­rica, were originally conceived in idiotism, and acted in madness. There is not a step which bears the smallest trace of rationality. In her management of the war, she has laboured to be wretched, and studied to be hated; and in all her former propositions for accommodation, she has discovered a total ignorance of mankind, and of those natural and unalterable sensations by which they are so generally governed. How she may conduct her­self in the present or future business of negociating a peace is yet to be proved.

HE is a weak politician who does not understand human nature, and penetrate into the effect which measures of government will have upon the mind. All the miscarria­ges [Page 64]of Britain have arisen from this defect. The former Ministry acted as if they supposed mankind to be without a mind; and the present Ministry, as if America was without a memory. The one must have supposed we were incapable of feeling; and the other, that we could not remember injuries.

THERE is likewise another line in which politicians mistake, which is that of not rightly calculating, or rather of misjudging▪ the consequence which any given circum­stance will produce. Nothing is more frequent as well in common as in political life than to hear people complain, that such or such means produced an event directly con­trary to their intentions. But the fault lies in their not judging rightly, what the event would be: for the means produced only its proper and natural consequence.

IT is very probable, that in a treaty for peace, Britain will contend for some post or other in North-America; perhaps Canada or Halifax or both: And I infer this from the known deficiency of her politics, which have e­ver yet made use of means, whose natural event was a­gainst both her interest and her expectation. But the question with her ought to be, whether it is worth her while to hold them, and what will be the consequence.

RESPECTING Canada, one or other of the two follow­ing will take place, viz If Canada should people, it will revolt; and if it do not people▪ it will not be worth the expence of holding. And the same may be said of Hali­fax, and the country round it. But Canada never will people; neither is there any occasion for contrivances on one side or the other, for nature alone will do the whole,

BRITAIN may put herself to great expences in sending settlers to Canada; but the descendants of those settlers will be Americans, as other descendants have been before them. They will look round and see the neighbouring States sovereign and free, respected abroad and trading at large with the world; and the natural love of liberty, the advantages of commerce, the blessings of independence [Page 65]and of a happier climate, and a richer soil, will draw them southward, and the effect will be that Britain will sustain the expence, and America reap the advantage.

ONE would think that the experience which Britain has had of America, would entirely sicken her of all thoughts of continental colonization; and any part which she might retain, will only become to her a field of jealousy and thorns, of debate and contention, for ever struggling for privileges, and meditating revolt. She may form new settlements, but they will be for us; they will become part of the United States of America; and that against all her contrivances to prevent it, or without any endea­vours of ours to promote it. In the first place she can­not draw from them a revenue, until they are able to pay one, and when they are so, they will be above subjec­tion. Men soon become attached to the soil they live upon, and incorporated with the prosperity of the place; and it signifies but little what opinions they come over with, for time, interest, and new connections will render them obsolete, and the next generation know nothing of them.

WERE Britain truly wise, she would lay hold of the present opportunity to disentangle herself from all conti­nental embarrassments in North-America, and that not on­ly to avoid future broils and troubles, but to save expen­ces. For to speak explicitly on the matter, I would not, were I an European power, have Canada, under the con­ditions that Britain must retain it▪ could it be given to me. It is one of those kind of dominions that is▪ and ever will be, a constant charge upon any foreign holder.

AS to Halifax, it will become useless to England after the present war, and the loss of the United States. A harbour, when the dominion is gone, for the purpose of which only it was wanted, can be attended only with ex­pence. There are, I doubt not, thousands of people in England, who suppose, that those places are a profit to the nation whereas they are directly the contrary and instead of producing any revenue, a considerable part of [Page 66]the revenue of England is annually drawn off, to support the expence of holding them.

GIBRALTAR is another instance of national ill policy. A post which in time of peace is not wanted, and in time of war is of no use, must at all times be useless. Instead of affording protection to a navy, it requires the aid of one to maintain it. And to suppose that Gibraltar commands the Mediterranean, or the pass into it, or the trade of it, is to suppose a detected falshood; because though Britain holds the post she has lost the other three, and every be­nefit she expected from it. And to say that all this hap­pens because it is besieged by land and water, is to say nothing▪ for this will always be the case in time of war, while France and Spain keep up superior fleets, and Bri­tain holds the place.—So that, though as an impenetra­ble inaccessible rock it may be held by the one, it is al­ways in the power of the other to render it useless and excessively chargeable.

I SHOULD suppose that on e of the principal objects of Spain in besieging it, is to shew to Britain, that though she may not take it, she can command it, that is, she can shut it up, and prevent its being used as a harbour, tho' not a garrison.—But the short way to reduce Gibraltar, is, to attack the British fleet; for Gibraltar is as depen­dent on a fleet for support, as a bird is on its wing for food, and when wounded there it starves.

THERE is another circumstance which the people of England have not only not attended to, but seem to be utterly ignorant of, and that is, the difference between permanent power, and accidental power, considered in a national sense.

BY permanent power, I mean, a natural inherent and perpetual ability in a nation, which though always in being, may not be always in action, or not always advan­tageously directed; and by accidental power, I mean, a fortunate or accidental disposition or exercise of national strength, in whole or in part.

[Page 67]THERE undoubtedly was a time when any one Euro­pean nation, with only eight or ten ships of war, equal to the present ships of the line, could have carried terror to all others, who had not began to build a navy, however great their natural ability might be for that purpose: But this can be considered only as accidental, and not as a stand to compare permanent power by, and could last no longer than until those powers built as many or more ships than the former. After this a larger fleet was necessary in order to be superior; and a still larger would again supersede it. And thus mankind have gone on building fleet upon fleet, as occasion or situation dictated. And this reduces it to an original question, which is: Which power can build and man the largest number of ships? The natural answer to which is, That power which has the largest revenue and the greatest number of inhabi­tants, provided its situation of coast affords sufficient con­veniencies.

FRANCE being a nation on the continent of Europe, and Britain an island in its neighbourhood, each of them derived different ideas from their different situations. The inhabitants of Britain could earry on no foreign trade, nor stir from the spot they dwelt upon, without the assist­ance of shipping; but this was not the case with France. The idea therefore of a navy did not arise to France from the same original and immediate necessity which produced it to England. But the question is, that when both of them turn their attention, and employ their reve­nues the same way, which can be superior?

THE annual revenue of France is nearly double that of England, and her number of inhabitants more than twice as many. Each of them has the same length of coast on the channel, besides which. France has several hundred miles extent on the bay of Biscay, and an open­ing on the Mediterranean: And every day proves that practice and exercise make sailors as well as soldiers in one country as well as another.

IT then Britain can maintain an hundred ships of the [Page 68]line, France can as well support an hundred and fifty, because her revenues and her population are as equal to the one, as those of England are to the other. And the only reason why she has not done it, is because she has not till very lately attended to it. But when she sees, as she now sees, that a navy is the first engine of power, she can easily accomplish it.

ENGLAND very falsely, and ruinously for herself, infer, that because she had the advantage of France, while France had the smaller navy, that for that reason it is al­ways to be so. Whereas it may be clearly seen, that the strength of France has never yet been tried on a navy, and that she is able to be as superior to England in the extent of navy, as she is in the extent of her revenues and her population. And England may lament the day, when, by her insolence and injustice, she provoked in France a maritime disposition.

IT is in the power of the combined fleets to conquer every island in the West Indies, and reduce all the British navy in those places. For were France and Spain to send their whole naval force in Europe to those islands, it would not be in the power of Britain to follow them with an equal force. She would still be twenty or thirty ships inferior, were she to send every vessel she had, and in the mean time all the foreign trade of England would lay exposed to the Dutch.

IT is a maxim, which, I am persuaded, will ever hold good, and more especially in naval operations, that a great power ought never to move in detachments, if it can possibly be avoided But to go with its whole force to some important object, the reduction of which shall have a decisive effect upon the war. Had the whole of the French and Spanish fleets in Europe come last spring to the West-Indies, every island had been their own, Rod­ney their prisoner, and his fleet their prize. From the United States the combined fleets can be supplied with provisions, without the necessity of drawing them from Europe, which is not the case with England.

[Page 69]ACCIDENT has thrown some advantages in the way of England, which, from the inferiority of her navy, she had not a right to expect For though she has been obli­ged to fly before the combined fleets, yet Rodney has twice had the fortune to fall in with detached squadrons, to which he was superior in numbers: The first off Cape St Vincent, where he had nearly two to one, and the other in the West Indies, where he had a majority of six ships. Victories of this kind almost produce themselves. They are won without honor, and suffered without dis­grace: And are ascribable to the chance of meeting not to the superiority of fighting. For the same Admiral, under whom they were obtained, was unable, in three former engagements, to make the least impression on a fleet consisting of an equal number of ships with his own, and compounded for the events by declining the actions.*

To conclude, if it may be said that Britain has nume­rous enemies, it likewise proves that she has given nume­rous offences. Insolence is sure to provoke hatred, whe­ther in a nation or an individual. The want of manners in the British Court may be seen even in its birth days and new years Odes, which are calculated to infatuate the vulgar, and disgust the man of refinement: And her for­mer overbearing rudeness, and insufferable injustice on the seas, have made every commercial nation her foe. Her fleets were employed as engines of prey; and acted on the surface of the deep the character which the shark does beneath it.—On the other hand, the Combined Powers are taking a popular part, and will render their reputa­tion immortal, by establishing the perfect freedom of the ocean, to which all countries have a right, and are inte­rested in accomplishing. The sea is the world's high­way; and he who arrogates a prerogative over it, trans­gresses the right, and justly brings on himself the chastise­ment of nations.

[Page 70]PERHAPS it might be of some service to the future tranquility of mankind, were an article introduced into the next general peace, that no one nation should, in time of peace, exceed a certain number of ships of war. some­thing of this kind seems necessary; for according to the prefent fashion, half the world will get upon the water, and there appears no end to the extent to which navies may be carried. Another reason is, that navies add no­thing to the manners or morals of a people. The seques­tered life which attends the service, prevents the oppor­tunities of society, and is too apt to occasion a coarseness of ideas and language, and that more in ships of war than in commercial employ; because in the latter they mir more with the world, and are nearer related to it. I men­tion this remark as a general one; and not applied to any one country more than to another.

BRITAIN has now had the trial of above seven years, with an expence of nearly an hundred million pounds sterling; and every month in which she delays to conclude a peace, costs her another million sterling, over and above her ordinary expences of government, which are a million more; so that her total monthly expence is two million pounds sterling, which is equal to the whole yearly expence of America, all charges included. Judge then who is best able to continue it.

SHE has likewise many atonements to make to an in­jured world as well in one quarter as another. And in­stead of pursuing that temper of arrogance, which serves only to sink her in the esteem, and entail on her the dis­like, of all nations, she would do well to reform her man­ners retrench her expences, live peaceably with her neigh­bours, and think of war no more.

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