THOMAS POPE was born at Dedington in Oxfordshire, about the year 1508^a, and at the end of the reign of king Henry the seventh.

His parents were William and Margaret Pope^b, who lived at Dedington^c: but the family, which seems at least to have been that [Page 2] of a gentleman, was originally seated in Kent, before the reign of Edward the third^d. Wil­liam appears to have been married to a former wife, named Julian Edmondes^e. His second wife, Margaret, mother of THOMAS POPE, was the daughter of Edmund Yate, of Stan­lake in Oxfordshire^f: and after the death of [Page 3] William Pope, she was again married, to John Bustarde of Adderbury in the same county^g. Beside the abovementioned THOMAS, the principal subject of these papers, the said Wil­liam and Margaret had one son, John; and three daughters, Elisabeth, Julian, and Alice^h: concerning all which I shall speak more at large hereafter.

William and Margaret Pope seem to have lived in a decent and creditable condition, as may be collected from the bequests of Wil­liam's will; which also partly shews the cir­cumstances in which his eldestⁱ son was left. He bequeathes his land to be divided between [Page 4] his wife and his son THOMAS^k: one hundred pounds to the said THOMAS, and forty pounds to each daughter: a stipend to a priest to sing for his soul one year in the church of Deding­ton, in which he directs his body to be buri­ed: three shillings and four-pence, respective­ly, to the torches, the bells, Saint Thomas's beam, and our Lady's beam, in the said church: six shillings and four-pence to Clifton chapel near Dedington: three shillings and four-pence to the mother church of Lincoln; and to each of his god-children a sheep. He died in the year 1523^l. By an inquisition taken after his death, it appears, that he pos­sessed estates, at Whitehill and Hooknorton in Oxfordshire, of the yearly value of six pounds^m. Margaret has wife survived him many years, and died on the twenty-fifth day of August, 1557ⁿ, at Wroxton, in Oxford­shire, [Page 5] where she seems to have lived during the latter part of her life with her younger son, John^o; her second husband, John Bus­tarde, dying in the year 1534^p.

Their son THOMAS received the first rudi­ments of grammatical learning at the public school of the neighbouring town of Banbury; at that time a celebrated school, and kept by Thomas Stanbridge of Ma dalen college in Oxford, an eminent instructor of youth^q, bro­ther of John Stanbridge, who compiled a fa­mous grammar, called Stanbridge-grammar^r. [Page 6] From hence he was removed to Eton college^s: but I do not find that he completed his educa­tion at either of our universities.

It seems most probable, that he was imme­diately sent from Eton school to some of the inns of court. I believe, to Gray's-inn. That he was bred to the law is certain; and there is undoubted evidence that he was employed, while very young, in some of the inferior offices of the court of chancery^t. And that he was originally destined, and regularly train­ed, to this profession, may be conjectured from his hand-writing; many specimens of which remain in his college at Oxford. Nor is it improbable, that he might be placed in his youth, for some time at least, under the super­intendence and instruction of some skilful practitioner in the law, perhaps a master in chancery; as in his will he bequeathes to his old master's son, master Croke ^u, his black sattin [Page 7] gown faced with Luserne-spots^w. This Croke or Crooke, his supposed Master, seems to have been the chief of the six clerks in chancery who was ordered by Sir Thomas More, for the satisfaction of the judges, and his own justifi­cation, to make a docquet of all the Injunc­tions which he had given to the law courts during the time of his chancellorship^x.

But whatever was our young adventurer's situation in early life, it is remarkable that a person of his obscure family and inconsiderable fortune, should so soon recommend himself to public notice, and gain access even to the royal favour. Vigorous abilities, and an active mind, easily surmounted all obstacles; and he quickly became a successful candidate in the pursuit of riches and honour.

[Page 8] What was the first step to his advance­ment in life, and whether it arose from the friendship of some private patron, from any distinguished merit in his profession, a peculiar cast for business in general, or a lucky con­currence of all these causes, cannot be precisely determined, although from what follows it may be partly conjectured. He was not much more than twenty-seven years of age, when he had sufficient address or interest to procure an appointment to offices, which seem to have been alternately bestowed upon Henry's most eminent favourites, and the most popular cha­racters of those times^y.

Having been early initiated, as I before ob­served, in the business of chancery, on the fifth day October, 1533, he was constituted by let­ters patent of Henry the eighth, clerk of the briefs in the star-chamber at Westminster^z, On the fifteenth day of October in the same year, he received by letters patent of the same king, a reversionary grant of the office of clerk [Page 9] of the crown in chancery. Of this post, very soon afterwards, he became actually possessed; with an annual fee of twenty pounds from the hanaper, and also a robe with fur at the feasts of Christmas and Pentecost from the king's great wardrobe^a.

On the thirteenth day of November 1535, he was constituted, by the king's letters patent, warden of the mint, exchange, and coinage, in the tower of London, on the voluntary re­signation, in his favour, of John Coppynger, page of the great wardrobe^b. How long he continued in this office I have not learned. It seems, however, that he had quitted it within eight years, and, as I suppose, for some more valuable consideration^c. On the twenty-third day of December, 1536, he was likewise by letters patent appointed, to exercise jointly with William Smythe, the office of clerk of all the briefs in the star-chamber at West­minster^d.

[Page 10] On February the twenty-eighth, 1538, he obtained, at his own instance, a new royal li­cence for exercising the office of clerk of the crown in conjunction with John Lucas^e, who was afterwards, in the reign of Edward the sixth, an eminent crown-lawyer, and employ­ed by that prince in many important commis­sions^f. The first of these grants he perhaps obtained by the recommendation of Sir Tho­mas More; who presiding as Lord Chancellor in the court above-mentioned, where Sir Tho­mas Pope was employed when a young man, might have taken particular notice of his pro­mising diligence and abilities; and from which circumstance, a lasting friendship and intimacy between them both, as will be shewn here­after, seems to have originally commenced. Although there is equal reason to suppose, as it will likewise appear in its proper place, that he was in no less favour and esteem with Sir Thomas More's successor, the Lord Chancellor Thomas lord Audley; under whose immediate inspection and authority he exercised the office of clerk of the crown, and clerk of the briefs in the star-chamber: and to both of which [Page 11] departments, as I presume, he must have been appointed by Lord Chancellor Audley's nomi­nation^g.

But these appointments were soon succeeded by one of much greater consequence. For in the year 1536, he was constituted, by the king, Treasurer of the Court of augmentations of the king's revenue, on its first establishment by act of parliament^h.

The principal design of this court was for estimating the lands of the dissolved mona­steries, vested in the Crown, and for receiving their revenues. It had moreover full power and authority to sell the monastic possessions for the king's serviceⁱ. It was so called from the encrease which the royal revenue received, [Page 12] by this new acquisition of property. All per­sons holding leases and pensions, by former grants, from any convent, exhibited their titles before this court, and their pretensions were allowed in proportion to their validity. And although the governors of the religious houses, foreseein their fate, often contrived immedi­ately before the dissolution of their respective societies, to forge new contracts or indentures in favour of their friends or kindred, few frauds of this kind took effect. For the court seems to have been very vigilant in preventing and exposing such specious impostures^k.

The officers of this court were a Chancel­lor, it's superior, a Treasurer abovementioned, who was the second officer, a sollicitor, ten auditors, seventeen recievers, with others, be­longing to the inferior departments. It was a court of record, and possessed of two seals^l.

The Treasurer's office appears to have been a post of considerable profit and distinction, and of equal trust and importance. He was ranked with the principal officers of state in the reign of Henry the eighth. For by statute of the same, he was privileged, together with [Page 13] the chancellor of the said court, the chancellor of the dutchy of Lancaster, the treasurer of the king's chamber, the chancellor of the court of first Fruits and Tenths, the master of the king's wards and liveries, the groom of the stole, the warden of the cinque ports, and other honourable personages, respectively, to retain in his house one chaplain having a bene­fice with cure of souls, who should not be compelled to residence^m. The Treasurer was allowed a limited annual salary for the exercise of his office; as also perquisites for such sums of money as he paid to the patentees of any office, fee, or annuity, granted under the seal of the court: and also, for such disbursements as he made to any other persons, by virtue of the king's warrant or bill assigned, or by bill assigned and subscribed by the chancellor, and one other officer.

These fees were regulated according to the practice of the court of the dutchy of Lancas­terⁿ. The allowance of Sir John Williams, afterwards Lord Williams of Tame, Treasurer of this court in the reign of Edward the sixth, was 320 l. A sum, which I presume, was [Page 14] then the full value of this place^o: but which, although very considerable, was much inferi­or to the emoluments of the same office, when in the possession of Sir Thomas Pope.

The Treasurer at his admission was sworn before the chancellor, that he would reasonably and honestly procure the king's profit, admi­nister justice to the poor as well as the rich, faithfully keep and expend the king's treasure, and exhibit a true declaration of it without concealment. The receivers were ordered to pay into his hands the whole rents of all the dissolved monasteries: concerning which he accounted annually before the chancellor and two auditors. The chaneellor, Treasurer, at­torney, and sollicitor, or any two of them were entrusted with power or licence to act without the king's warrant^p.

On the dissolution of any greater abbey, some of the auditors, who were employed in riding to survey the manors and lands of the court, repaired thither, and were lodged and [Page 15] accommodated in the house^q; for the purpose of acquiring intelligence, and of transacting the necessary business relating to the several estates, with more convenience and certainty. The first chancellor of this court was Sir Richard Rich, afterwards lord Rich, and lord high chancellor of England^r.

Sir Thomas Pope held the treasurership of this court about five years, and was succeeded by Sir Edward North^s, privy counsellor and executor to Henry the eighth, and created a baron by queen Mary. About the same time he was appointed master, or treasurer, of the jewel-house in the tower^t. The yearly sti­pend of this office, when in the possession of Thomas lord Cromwell, about five years be­fore, was fifty pounds^u.

[Page 16] It would have broken the thread of my narrative, if I had before observed, that in 1535, June the twenty-sixth, beginning now to rise in the world, he received from Barker, otherwise garter king at arms, a patent for a new coat of arms, to be borne by him and his posterity^w; which are the same that are now borne by Trinity college in Oxford: viz. Party per pale, or and azure, on a cheveron between three gryphons heads erased, four fleur de lys, all countercharged^x. To which it may be add­ed here, that in the latter end of the following year, viz. 1536, on the fifteenth day of Octo­ber, he was knighted by Henry eighth^y, amid the solemnities attending the creations of the earl of Southampton, and the gallant Edward Seymour, earl of Hertford, afterwards the [Page 17] famous duke of Somerset. At which time Henry Howard, afterwards the celebrated and unfortunate earl of Surrey, also received the honor of knighthood^z.

A few years after the erection of the court of augmentations above-mentioned, the king perceiving that his exigencies required more expeditious returns of money than the annual revenues of the dissolved monasteries could pro­duce, was necessitated to sell by one extensive commission a very considerable part of their lands, for the purpose of raising present supplies. By this step the court of augmentations was soon diminished. The causes depending in it became few and inconsiderable, and the crown­profits arising from thence decreased; it's offi­cers were numerous, and their pensions ample. On these considerations he was induced to dis­solve it; which he did by letters patent only: and on the second of January, 1546, created by the same letters patent, a new court of augmentations, on a different and more con­fined plan.

In an original rough draught of this new establishment^a, Sir Thomas Pope is nominated, by the king, master of the woods of the court [Page 18] on this side the river Trent, and Sir John Wil­liams, Treasurer. The other principal patent­officers, recited in the instrument, are Sir Ed­ward North, who is appointed chancellor, Sir Walter Mildmay, and Sir Thomas Moyle, ge­neral surveyors, Robert Henneage master of the woods beyond Trent, Richard Goodricke, attorney, and John Gosnold, sollicitor. The rest are Geoffry Gates, and John Arnscott, sur­veyors of the woods on each side Trent, and Richard Duke. The two masters of the woods on each side Trent, are styled the fourth offi­cers. At this time Sir Thomas Pope was one of the king's privy-counsellors^b The total sum of yearly fees belonging to this court, on its second reduced establishmemt, amounted to 7249l. 10s. 3d.^c.

In the year 1553, the last of the reign of Ed­ward the sixth, the first effort was made for the actual abolition of this court, which by degrees was become burthensome, and at length super­fluous. Accordingly, the same year, at Mary's [Page 19] accession^d it was incorporated into the exche­quer^e. Soon afterwards followed a grand sale of lands, which formerly came within the cog­nisance of this court, and continued in possession of the crown, under the conduct of commissio­ners; one of which was the chancellor of the exchequer. This appears from three valuable manuscript volumes in the British Museum^f, which the learned and accurate Wanley sup­posed to have belonged to the court of aug­mentations. But this could not be the case, as the first of them was made and begins so late as the year 1557, four years after the abo­lition of that court. They were however com­piled in consequence of that institution, and may be considered among the last remains of its records^g.

[Page 20] It is commonly supposed, and it has been said in general terms, that Sir Thomas Pope was appointed one of the commissioners, or vi­sitors, under Cromwell, for dissolving the reli­gious houses. It is indeed true, that he was one of those, into whose hands the seal of the magnificent and opulent abbey of Saint Alban's was surrendered on the fifth day of December, 1539, by the last abbot, Richard Stevenache^h. This however is the only instance I can find, that he was ever concerned in this sort of bu­siness. His name does not appear among the persons specially appointed by Cromwell for this purpose; whose names are recited by Dug­daleⁱ from an authentic manuscript in the [Page 21] Cotton Library. Nor does his name occur in the private commissions, which, after a dili­gent search, I have seen relating to this matter; nor in any instruments of resignation, letters of advice to the visitor general, memorials, or other authentic papers, concerning the visitati­on or suppression of any monastery. My opi­nion is therefore, that he was only occasionally employed at Saint Alban's, as being one of the principal officers in the court of augmentations, as the place was in the neighbourhood of Lon­don, and as the surrender of so famous an ab­bey was an affair of some importance. Thus we find that the priory, now the dean and chapter, of Canterbury, was not dissolved in the ordi­nary way; it being thought necessary, that the archbishop of Canterbury, the master of the rolls, Walter Henley attorney and Nicholas Bacon sollicitor of the augmentation-court with four others, should be sent thither, to take the resignation of the prior and monks^k. However, if it can be proved, that he was ever engaged on other occasions in these violent proceedings of an avaricious and arbitrary prince, it may at the same time be fairly presumed, that in an em­ployment which afforded so many obvious temptations to fraud, oppression and rapacity, [Page 22] he behaved with singular decency, moderation, and honour. Of this we have the impartial evidence of a prejudiced historian. For Fuller, who is remarkably severe on the visitors in general, and who is seldom sparing of his invectives, wherever he can discover the slightest foundation for abuse, mentioning Sir Thomas Pope as an agent in these af­fairs, immediately subjoins: ‘"However, by all the printed books of that age, he ap­peareth one of a candid carriage; and in this respect stands sole and single by himself. That of the abbey-lands which he received, he refunded a considerable proportion for the building and endowing Trinity college in Oxford^l."’ And in another place, he mentions him with honour on the same subject. ‘"But the most pleasant object to entertain us at this time in England, is the beholding of two fair and fresh foundations in Oxford; the one Trinity college, built by Sir Thomas Pope, principal visitor at the dissolution of abbies^m. Now as none were losers employed in that service, so we find few refunding back to charitable uses; and perchance this man alone the thankful Samaritane who made a publick acknowledgementⁿ."’ At the surren­der [Page 23] of Saint Alban's Abbey, he preserved by his interest, and particular application to the king, the noble conventual church now stand­ing, and made parochial^o: one of the earliest and most venerable monuments of Norman architecture remaining in England^p.

On the whole, the circumstance of his hav­ing received grants of the lands of the monaste­ries, seems to have occasioned the mistaken sup­position that he was frequently and professedly concerned as a Commissioner in the dissolution of their foundations. That his prodigious pro­perty was accumulated in consequence of the destruction of the religious houses, is not deni­ed: and the lucky oportunity of raising an es­tate from this grand harvest of riches which now lay open before him, seems to have divert­ed his thoughts from making a fortune by the law; a profession which he most probably would have otherwise continued to cultivate with the greatest success, and in which he might have undoubtedly claimed the most opu­lent and distinguished stations. I could give a minute detail, from the most authentic evi­dences, of the grants of abbey-land, which he [Page 24] recieved during the reign of Henry the eighth; but it may suffice to observe in more general terms, that before the year 1556, he appears to have been actually possessed of more than thirty manors in Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, War­wickshire, Derbyshire, Bedfordshire, Hereford­shire, and Kent; beside other considerable es­tates, and several advowsons. Some of these possessions were given him by Henry the eighth; but the greatest part was acquired by purchase while he was connected with the court of augmentations^q. Many of his estates were bought of Queen Mary^r.

But let us suppose, what indeed cannot be proved, that Sir Thomas Pope was one of Cromwell's visitors in the affair of the monas­teries. For although I have insinuated above, that these visitors were not on all occasions en­tirely justifiable in their proceedings, I am yet [Page 25] inclined to think, that their conduct and be­haviour were in general less blameable than has been commonly represented.

It is no wonder, that the monks should load those whom they esteemed the instruments of their ruin with many calumnies; all which were studiously propagated and heightened by their advocates of the catholic persuasion. And it should at the same time be remembered, that the king's injunctions, under which they acted, were extremely severe; insomuch, that many fraternities desired their houses might be rather entirely suppressed, than reformed under such rigorous conditions.

With regard to the vices and disorders^s, which they pretended to have detected in the [Page 26] monasteries, their reports sometimes perhaps deserve credit, as those enormities are too natu­rally and unavoidably connected with the mo­nastic institution. In this, as in all other cases of that sort, mutual opposition produced mu­tual obloquy.

Nor should it be forgotten, that the visitors gave a favorable report of some houses. They interceded earnestly for the nunnery of God-stowe in Oxfordshire: declaring that the nuns were strict in their lives; and alledging that the suppression of this house would prove an irre­parable inconvenience, as most of the young ladies of the best families of that county were sent thither for education^t. From the abbey of [Page 27] saint Edmondsbury in Suffolk they wrote to Cromwell, that they could find nothing scan­dalous in the Abbot or any member of the con­vent^u. After surveying the stately and ancient abbey of Glastonbury, they recommended it to the Lord Privy seal, that the buildings, at least, might be suffered to remain undemolish­ed; representing, that the structure in general of this monastery was so magnificent, that it might very properly be spared, and easily be converted into a palace for the king^w. Gyffard, in particular, one of the visitors, petitioned in the strongest terms for the absolute continuance of the monastery of Woolstrope in Lincoln­shire. I will insert the words of his letter to Cromwell; not only because they contain an unexpected instance of candour, compassion, and honesty, but as they preserve a curious picture of a well-regulated religious house, of the se­cond magnitude, at that period. ‘"The gover­nor thereof [Woolstrope] is a verie good husbande for the howse, and well beloved of all the inhabitants thereunto adjoyn­ynge:—a right honest man, having ryghte religious persones, being prests of ryght good conversacion, and lyvynge relygiously: having such qualities of vertue as we have [Page 28] not found the lyke in no place. For ther is not one religious person ther, but that he can and doth use, either embrotheryng, writinge bokes with verie fair hande, mak­yng their owne garments, carving, paynting, or graffing [graving]. The howse wythout eny slaunder or ill fame, and standinge verie solitarie: keepinge such hospitalitie, that, except singular good provysion, it could not be manytened with half so much land more as they may spend. Such a number of the pore inhabitants nigh thereunto daily reliev­ed, that we have not seene the lyke, havinge no more lands than they have. God be even my judge, as I do wryte unto yow the troth. Which verie pitie causeth me to write. The premises considered, I beseche yow to be a meane to the king's majestie, for the stand­inge of the sayde Wolstrope^x."’ The same [Page 29] commissioner, with three others of his associ­ates in the visitation, pleaded in the same be­nevolent strain for the nunnery of Catesby in Northamptonshire. ‘"This house we found in very perfett order. The priores a sure, wise, discreet, and very relygious woman; with ix nunnys under her obedyence, as relygious and devout, and with as good obedyence as we have in time paste seen, or belyke shall see. The seid howse standyth in such a quarter much to the releff of the king's peo­ple, and his grace's pore subjects their [there] likewyse moo relieved.—Wherefore yf yt shuld please the kyng's highnes to have eny remorse, that eny such religious howse shall stande; we think his grace cannot appointe eny howse more mete to shewe his most gra­cious charitie and pitey over than on the saide howse of Catesby^y."’ I find also Gyf­fard interceding in the same manner for the nunnery of Polesworth in Warwickshire. [Page 30] ‘"Wherein is an abbes namyd dame Alice Fitzherbert, of the age of lx yeares, a very sadde, discreate, and religyous woman:—and in the same howse, under her rule, are xii vertuous and religyous nonnes, and of good conversation.—Wherefore ye myght do a ryght good and merytorious dede, to be medyatour to the kyng's highnes for the said howse to stande and remayne unsuppres­sed.—And in the town of Polesworth are xliv tenements, and never a plough but one^z: the resydue be artifycers, laborers, and victellers, and live in effect by the said howse, and the repayre and resorte that ys made to the gentylmens children and stu­diountes, that ther do lyf, to the nombre sometyme of xxx and sometyme xl and more; that their be ryght vertuously brought upp, &c. Written at Maxstocke beside Co­ventree the xxviii day of July^a."’ [1537.] Many others of the commissioners also shewed a compassionate concern for the religious at their expulsion, in providing them proper pen­sions, [Page 31] according to their age, infirmities, or other circumstances of distress^b.

In the reign of Henry the eighth, Sir Tho­mas Pope was employed in various services and attendances about the court. He was appoint­ed^c, April 21, 1544, together with Sir Ed­ward North, afterwards Lord North, to con­vey the great seal of England, being resigned by the lord chancellor Audley then indisposed, to the king at his new palace of Westminster, who delivered it into the custody of Sir Tho­mas Wriothessey^d. There is a circumstance [Page 32] relating to this resignation which is not men­tioned by any of our historians. For the king committed the seal to Sir Thomas Wriothesley, with the title of keeper, only during the indis­position of lord Audley; with the reservation of reinstating him in the chancellorship on his recovery^e. In 1547, he seems to have been summoned and examined by the privy council, concerning certain treasonable expressions which had dropped from Thomas duke of Norfolk, afterwards condemned with lord Surrey but not executed, in reference to the Act of Uses^f. He was a singular and most intimate friend of sir Thomas More, who seems to have taken early notice of him, as I before hinted, when a young man in the court of chancery; and was sent by the king, to notify to that illustrious sufferer in the cause of mis­taken conscience, the hour appointed for his execution.

[Page 33] As the interview between these two friends, on this important occasion, is memorable and interesting, I shall insert it at length.

On the fifth day of July^g, 1535, he waited on sir Thomas More, then under condemnation in the Tower, early in the morning; and ac­quainted him that he came by command of the king and council, to bring his unfortunate friend the melancholy news, that he must suf­fer death before nine of the clock the same morning, and that therefore he should imme­diately begin to prepare himself for that awe­ful event. Upon this message, More, without the least surprize or emotion, chearfully repli­ed; ‘"Master Pope, I most heartily thank you for your good tidings. I have been much bound to the king's highness for the benefits of his honors that he hath most bountifully bestowed upon me; yet am I more bound to his grace, I assure you, for putting me here, where I have had convenient time and space to have remembrance of my end. And so help me god. Most of all am I bound unto him, that it hath pleased his majesty so shortly to rid me out of the miseries of this wicked world."’ Then Pope subjoined, that [Page 34] it was the king's pleasure that at the place of execution he should not use many words. To this More answered, that he was ready to sub­mit to the king's commands; and added, ‘"I beseech you good Mr. Pope, to gett the king to suffer my daughter Margaret to be present at my burial."’ Pope assured him that he would use his utmost interest with the king for this purpose: and having now finished his disagreeable commission, he solemnly took leave of his dying friend, and burst into tears. More perceiving his concern, said with his usual composure; ‘"Quiet yourself, good Mr. Pope, and be not discomforted; for I trust that we shall one day in heaven see each other full merrily, where we shall be sure to live and love together in joyful bliss eternal­ly^h."’ But this method of consolation prov­ing ineffectual, More to divert the melancholy of his friend, and to dismiss him in better spirits, called for a glass; and applying it as an urinal, he held it up to the light, and with the prophetic air of a sagacious physician gravely declared, ‘"This man might have lived longer if it had pleased the kingⁱ."’

[Page 35] In consequence of sir Thomas Pope's in­tercession with the king, agreeably to More's earnest and dying request, his favorite daugh­ter, Margaret Roper, and others of his family were permitted to be present at his interment, which was performed immediately after the execution in the chapel of the Tower. But Margaret afterwards, and probably by the same interest, begged the body of the king, and deposited it on the south-side of the choir of the church of Chelsea, where a monu­ment, with an inscription written by himself, had been erected some time before. This affectionate daughter, whose resolution equals her pity, also found means to procure her father's head, after it had remained, igno­miniously stuck on a pole, on London bridge, for fourteen days. For this daring fact she was apprehended and imprisoned; but declar­ing in her defence before the privy coun­cil, that she had bought it that it might not in the end become food for fishes in the Thames, she was discharged^k. However she carefully preserved it for some time in a leaden box, till an opportunity offered of con­veying [Page 36] it to Canterbury, where she placed it in a vault belonging to her husband's family, under a chapel adjoining to saint Dunstan's church in that city^l.

IN the reign of Edward the sixth, when the religious and political affairs of the kingdom took another turn, and all pub­lic business fell into the hands of new minis­ters and managers, sir Thomas Pope did not comply with the times. He was appointed to no office, nor enjoyed any favor in this reign. He received indeed some grants of land from the crown about the first year of this king, with Cranmer archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of Somerset, the earl of Warwick, the marquis of Northampton, and several other principal persons of the court. But these grants were made for past services, and in con­sideration of other claims due from the deceas­ed king^m.

[Page 38] The unlimited authority, and arbitrary do­minion of Henry, had kept both protestants and papists in subjection. Under such a govern­ment they both acted uniformly, and neither party presumed to claim any apparent superiori­ty. But upon the decease of that uncontroulable monarch, the people discovered their real sen­timents without reserve, and protestantism manifestly began to be the prevailing religion. The protector Somerset, who had long been a secret partisan of the reformers, on the ac­cession of young Edward, publicly declared his intention of forwarding and establishing the reformation. In this scheme he was hap­pily seconded by most of the privy council, who after the fall of Southampton seem en­tirely to have deserted the catholic commu­nion. The protector wisely took care that all persons to whom he entrusted the educa­tion of the young king, should be attached to these rational principles; and preferred and encouraged those alone that appeared active in this profession.

Thus most of the courtiers, yet more perhaps in general from lucrative views than from real conviction, became converts to the predomi­nant party: amongst which, however, I do not find sir Thomas Pope. This, at least, [Page 39] shews a steadiness and uniformity of mind in those days of change, which afford such fre­quent instances of occasional compliance.

Nor let it be deemed any inconsistency of character, that he, though a rigid papist, should have been in the preceding reign an agent for suppressing the monasteries, and a receiver of their possessions. For the demo­lition of these houses was not an act of the church but of the state. It was prior to the reformation of religion, and effected by a king and parliament of the popish communion. It was even confirmed by the parliament of queen Maryⁿ.

Very few papists wrote or remonstrated against the destruction of these societies. With­out the least impeachment of their principles, or suspicion of apostacy, several others, the strictest members of the catholic persuasion, and the most respectable characters of those times, among which, to mention no more, was the duke of Norfolk, accepted grants of the con­ventual estates.

Even the clergy thought it no sacrilege to share in these acquisitions. The dean and [Page 40] chapter of Litchfield, and the abbot and con­vent of Westminster, made no scruple of re­ceiving manors alienated from other religious corporations^o, lately dissolved. Burnet tells us^p, that bishop Gardiner was remarkably ve­hement in declaiming against the monasteries; and that in many of his sermons he commend­ed the king for supperssing them^q. Queen Mary, in the very first year of her reign, made grants of the site of twenty religious houses, and of very large quantities of abbey-land^r. The bishops and clergy in a catholic convoca­tion, 1554, petitioned that the pope would not insist on a restitution of the ecclesiastical revenues, but rather confirm them to those lords and gentlemen by whom they had been obtained^s. And it is notorious, that some of the popish bishops were no less alienators of their episcopal endowments^t, than many other bishops of the protestant church proved afterwards, in the reigns of Edward the sixth and Elizabeth. The bishop of Chichester, in opening the disputation of Henry the eighth [Page 41] with Lambert, in Westminster-hall, ranked the king's disincorporation of the monks with his rejection of the see of Rome, his abolition of idolatrous adoration, and the introduction of the English bible; as a matter of an external nature, and in no respect interfering with the essentials of the catholic communion^u. The monastic institution was no part of the papistic theology. Undoubtedly the suppression of the convents facilitated the admission of protesta­tism: but it was evidently undertaken on other principles.

When queen Mary succeeded to the throne, sir Thomas Pope was again taken into favour, and soon afterwards constituted one of the queen's privy counsellors^w. He is likewise said to have been appointed cofferer to the houshold^x.

But before I proceed further in this reign, it may be proper to obviate some seeming diffi­culties and inconsistences, by premising, on what security sir Thomas Pope, together with many others, held his church-revenues, under [Page 42] a bigotted catholic queen, and upon the resto­ration of the popish religion. By way of pro­curing new concessions in favour of Rome, and to prevent unseasonable alarms, at the begin­ning of this reign, both the queen and the pope had given repeated assurances that the church and abbey lands should remain, forever unreclaimed, in the hands of their present possessors^y. But that the tenure of these pos­sessions should not be fixed on so precarious a foundation as that of mere promises, in 1554, an act of parliament was passed; which, while it restored the pope's authority, gave absolute security to the proprictors of the ecclesiastical estates, entirely confirmed their title beyond the power of resumption, and, at the same time, exempted them from the danger of spi­ritual censures^z. In the mean time, that this measure might receive the fullest sanction, car­dinal Pole, who was invested by the pope with legantine jurisdiction, ratified the parliament's decree: and, that the dispensation might be still more ample and effectual, in consequence of his master's commission, the legate ensured even the property of future acquisitions of church lands to the present receivers^a.

[Page 43] Thus, an equivalent was granted on both sides. The nobility and gentry were settled in the quiet enjoyment of their estates; and the pope, although most essentially weakened by the alienation of that wealth on which his power so much depended, was reinstated in his supremacy over the church.

During this reign sir Thomas Pope was often employed in commissions of conse­quence. On the twenty-ninth day of July, 1553, he was commissioned by the coun­cil, together with sir Arthur Darcy, and others^b, to apprehend lord Russel, Anthony Browne of Essex, and several accomplices con­cerned in the duke of Northumberland's in­surrection; who, on the death of Edward, had raised an army with an intent to place the lady Jane Gray on the throne, before Mary was proclaimed queen. The duke himself had been apprehended some little time before. For after many fruitless efforts, and vain expectations of a reinforcement, he suddenly changed his principles, dismissed his troops, and tamely submitted to proclaim queen Mary with all external demonstrations of triumph and satis­faction. Being immediately arrested by the [Page 44] earl of Arundel, he fell on his knees and ab­jectly begged his life^c.

In the same year, on the twenty-third day of February, I find him directed by the council, together with lord Rich, the master of the rolls, the lieutenant of the Tower, and others, to appoint a certain number of the council, who should constantly remain, and dispatch business, at London^d. For the court, whom the privy council always followed and attend­ed, was often held at different palaces in the country; as at Oatelands, Richmond, Green­wich, and other places^e. At the same time he is commanded, with the same persons, to give orders for victualling and furnishing the Tower of London^f. There was another commission, the same year, directed by the queen to sir Richard Southwell, and others, for inspecting the office of ordinance, and examining the state of ammunition in the Tower^g. By which [Page 45] it appears, that this department had been greatly neglected in the foregoing reign; or that the queen was willing to take the proper precautions against any future attack on her title, from her factious and discontented sub­jects. The same year, on the twenty-ninth day of October, he was appointed, with the lord treasurer, the earl of Arundel, lord Rich, sir Francis Englefield, and several others, to examine certain offenders taken in Northum­berland's rebellion, and to assess their fines^h. Soon afterwards, in the beginning of 1554, I find him present, together with sir Philip Denny, sir Thomas Brydges, and others, when sir Thomas Wyat, and his desperate associates, after their rash and abortive enterprise, were led prisoners into the tower of London. On which occasion sir Thomas Pope severely re­proached Brett, one of the principal rebels, for his complicated cowardice and treachery. A charge which the prisoner could not but ac­knowledge with much shame and confusion. For Brett, being the captain of a detachment of archers in the queen's service, had privately revolted with all his party at a time of danger, and joined Wyat's armyⁱ.

[Page 46] In the same year, sir Thomas Pope was one of the champions at a magnificent justing ex­hibited before the queen at Westminster. On which occasion the horses were richly capa­risoned with red velvet and silver bosses, and the helmets of the knights were plumed with ostrich-feathers. Many Spanish noblemen were present^k.

On the fifteenth of March, 1554, he was constituted, with sir Robert Rochester, comp­troller of the houshold, sir Richard Southwell, sir Thomas Cornwallis, sir Edmund Peckham, and sir Edward North, knights, a commissio­ner, for examining, adjusting, and balancing the accounts of sir Thomas Gresham, who was agent to the queen at Antwerp for taking [Page 47] up money of the merchants of that city^l. The commissioners are ordered to examine, allow, and determine all receipts, payments, charges, and discharges, declarations, or em­ployments, of sir Thomas Gresham, or his agents; to assign him, by deduction, an al­lowance of twenty shillings per day, with all incidental expences: and finally to acquit and discharge the said sir Thomas Gresham: to charge and discharge all allowances and defal­cations in stating the account, according to their wisdom and discretion, either of monies taken up for Edward the sixth, or for the pre­sent queen. For this business sir Thomas Pope was admirably qualified, from that knowledge and experience in stating extensive and com­plicated accounts, which he must have acqui­red while he was concerned in the court of Augmentations. And for the same reason, in the succeeding reign, sir Walter Mildmay was deputed by the lords, to make a general inqui­sition of the royal revenue^m.

[Page 48] This expedient of borrowing money at an exorbitant interest of the merchants of Ant­werp, was a measure which Mary was oblig­ed to put in practice more than onceⁿ. And it had been to her honor, if she had used no worse. For indeed the chief object of go­vernment, which for some time engaged her attention, was to raise large sums by the most irregular methods, or to extort money from her subjects. She sometimes endeavoured to recruit her exhausted exchequer by retrench­ing the public expences at home. She de­molished several forts on the river below Gravesend, which were filled with superflu­ous garrisons; she broke all the body guards, half the band of pensioners, the gentlemen of the stables, and the pages of honor: and proposed to disband the hundred archers of the guard. But to frugality she added oppression, and her unhappy necessities fre­quently compelled her to the most violent and unjustifiable experiments. She levied sixty thousand marks from seven thousand yeomen, and thirty-six thousand pounds from the mer­chants. This was exacted, because they had not contributed to a former loan of sixty thou­sand pounds levied on a thousand persons, in [Page 49] whose compliance, either on account of their loyalty or their riches, she firmly confided. But that tax not being found sufficient, she exacted a general loan of an hundred pounds each, on all who possessed an annual income of twenty pounds. This imposition obliged many of the gentry to reduce their domestic expences, and to dismiss many of their servants, that they might, at least more prudently, comply with her commands. And as these servants, having no means of subsistence, by too com­mon a transition from that state of idleness, betook themselves to theft and robbery, the queen knew no better method of redressing the grievance, than to publish a proclamation, obliging their former masters to take them back to their services. In order to gratify the city of London for past favors, and to engage them to assist her with future supplies, she issued an edict, at their instance, prohibit­ing for four months, the exportation of Eng­lish clothes into Flanders. By this iniquit­ous combination, a good market was procured in that country for such as had already sent thither large quantities of that sort of mer­chandise^o.

Her extravagancies proved a perpetual ob­struction to the commercial interests of the [Page 50] kingdom. Her own bigottry was not always a sufficient restraint on her conscience, to pre­vent her from exposing to sale the revenues^p of that church, in defence of which she had sacrificed in the flames so many victims. But it would be endless and impertinent here, to mention at large her multiplied extortions; and the various imprudent or fraudulent schemes, which her exigencies invented for obtaining money. It may be sufficient to add, that these expedients were employed, not to carry on an expensive war, for she was in profound peace with all the world; nor to promote the national welfare by any new esta­blishments or improvements: but to satisfy the unjust demands of a husband, who slighted her love, neglected her interests, and solely consulted his own convenience.

On this occasion one cannot help observing the weakness of the human mind under the most powerful and importunate of passions. Mary regarded her husband Philip with all the fondness and sollicitude of an uncertain lover. This attachment produced strange contradic­tions in her sentiments and behaviour. She was naturally too phlegmatic to be profuse; yet, from a penurious and economical habit [Page 51] of mind, she suddenly became rapacious and expensive. She persecuted the reformed with the most barbarous severities, yet alienated the riches assigned to support her favorite superstitions. In this situation, she was at once deserted by that cold and stoical inflexi­bility which distinguishes her character; and the sedate and gloomy queen suffered herself to be betrayed into greater inconsistencies of conduct, than even the most unaccountable caprice of her father Henry could have dic­tated.

Before the reign of queen Mary, it was the common practice with our English princes to have recourse to the city of Antwerp for voluntary loans; and we generally find their credit so low, that they were obliged to en­gage the city of London to join in the secu­rity. But this business seems never to have been so effectually conducted as by that pub­lic-spirited and enterprizing merchant, sir Thomas Gresham, who began to be employed in this agency by Edward the sixth^q. He was likewise employed by queen Elizabeth for the same purpose; one of whose first steps, at her accession, was to procure money. She [Page 52] sent Gresham to Antwerp to borrow two hundred thousand pounds, in order to enable her to reform the coinage, at that time ex­tremely debased. But, as a most sensible and acute historian observes^r, she was so impolitic as to make herself an innovation in the coin; by dividing a pound of silver into sixty-two shillings, instead of sixty, the former standard.

In the year 1557, on the eighth of February, sir Thomas Pope was joined by the queen, in a famous commission for the more effectual suppression of heretics^s, in concert with Bon­ner, bishop of London, Thirlby, bishop of Ely, the Lords Windsor and North, secretary Bourne, sir John Mordaunt, sir Francis Engle­field, sir Edward Waldegrave, sir Nicholas Hare, sir Roger Cholmeley, sir Richard Read, sir Thomas Stradling, sir Rowland Hill, ser­jeant Rastall, Cole, dean of saint Paul's, Wil­liam Cooke, Thomas Martin, John Story, and John Vaughan, doctors of law, and Wil­liam Roper and Ralph Cholmeley, esquires. These commissioners were empowered to en­quire after all persons suspected of heretical [Page 53] opinions: to search for and seize seditious and heterodox books, either exposed to sale, or secreted in private houses: to investi­gate and examine concealments, contempts, conspiracies, and calumnies, against the go­vernment. They were ordered to detect those persons who refused to preach the sacrament of the altar, to hear mass, to take holy bread or holy water, to frequent their respective public churches, and to assist in the solemn processions. They were likewise privileged to summon what witnesses they judged most proper, and to tender oaths to the parties prosecuted, for answering such questions as might be deemed most convenient for dis­covering the truth, In this injunction how­ever, there is a remarkable clause of restraint upon the commissioners. For it is expressly commanded, that if any person brought be­fore them for heretical doctrines or opinions, should still obstinately persist in his error, ‘"He should immediately be committed to his ordinary, there to be used according to the spiritual and ecclesiastical laws."’

Bishop Burnet, whose imagination was per­petually haunted with the horrors of popery, supposes, that something more dreadful was intended by this commission than appears at first sight, and that it was undoubtedly de­signed [Page 54] as the tribunal of an Inquisition in England^t. But a superficial reader may plain­ly perceive, that there is nothing of the form, process, or power, of an Inquisition contained in this instrument. The commissioners receive no authority to try heterodoxy, nor to put the offenders upon making an act of faith. On the contrary, they are directed to deliver up all delinquents to the ordinary. And even here the process is to be regulated by the laws of the church. These circumstances seem sufficiently to exclude the idea of an inquisi­torial tribunal. For the proceedings of the commissioners, however rigorously they might have been conducted, were not unlimited and arbitrary; but finally determinable by the proper ecclesiastical officer, who was himself controlled by the spiritual constitutions of the land, which did not at least on this occasion, receive any degree of extension. The zealous bishop makes the matter still more alarming, where he tells us, that in support of such measures, ‘"he finds it said, that some ad­vised that courts of inquisition, like those in France and Spain, might be set up in England^u."’ But he does not inform us by whom this is said, nor can I find this advice [Page 55] in any of our historians. Even Fox, who omits nothing that can expose the papists, who has studiously recorded all the idle reports of the times, and who supposed that the papists worshipped one god and the protestants another^w, is silent on this important subject. And indeed if we consider the queen's late expostulation with the pope, in which she declared her resolution of maintaining the prerogative and the constitution^x; if we re­collect that Philip's confessor, Alphonsus, ex­pressly declaimed against persecutions in the pulpit, by the king's own desire^y: and if to these reasons we add the distinguished lenity, moderation, and candor of cardinal Pope; this project of an English inquisition must appear altogether improbable.

But whatever was the real state of the case, we find that the commissioners, sensible that persecution naturally counteracts its own pur­pose, [Page 56] and averse to measures which might pro­bably end in the most inhuman punishments, did little or nothing in this business^z: espe­cially as to the detection of prohibited books. For so inactive were they, that on the sixth of June, 1558, the queen was obliged to pub­lish a proclamation^a; in which she com­plains, that not only numberless seditious and treasonable treatises, were printed at home and dispersed without controul, but even import­ed from abroad. As the provocation was great, so the proclamation is conceived in the most despotic and unconstitutional terms. It sets forth, amonst other extraordinary menaces, that if those persons who find such unlaw­ful books do not immediately destroy them, they shall be reputed rebels, and executed accordingly by martial law. The queen in­deed had some reason for complaint, and for substituting somewhat more effectual in the place of her former commission by this recent injunction. For during the actual subsistence and authority of that commission, Knox and Goodman printed, and imported from Geneva, a piece entitled, The first Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous Regimen of Women ^b. In [Page 57] this performance, which is full of paradox and enthusiasm, they call the queen Trait­ress, Bastard, Proserpine; with other terms of illiberal and ridiculous abuse. Goodman also published about the same time, How superior Powers ought to be obeyed of their Subjects, and wherein they may be lawfully by God's Word dis­obeyed and resisted ^c. But these treatises, writ­ten chiefly for the gratification of Calvin then living at Geneva, were not more invectives against the invincible bigottries of Mary, and the gross absurdities of popery, than they were openly subversive of all established go­vernment and religion. Just before, a book of very pernicious tendency had appeared^d, called a Treatise of politick Power ^e. Plays and enterludes ridiculing the queen's person and [Page 58] government were exhibited^f. Libels and sati­res were thrown into the houses of the privy counsellors; and even dropped in the queen's own chamber.

Amongst other pasquinades, there were prints, or pictures, representing her majesty, naked, meager, withered, and wrinkled, with every aggravated circumstance of deformity that could disgrace a female figure, seated in a regal chair; a crown on her head, surrounded with M. R. and A. in capital characters. In the first of these was written, in small letters, Maria, in the second regina, and in the third Anglioe. The additional figures were a great number of Spaniards sucking her. Underneath, in Italian characters, were legends, signifying that the Spaniards had sucked her to skin and bone; as also specifying minutely the money, rings, jewels, and other presents, with which she had secretly gratified her husband Philip. The queen was highly incensed at this insolent and popular piece of ridicule; especially as she suspected some of her own council, who alone were privy to these transactions, and acquainted with her secrets^g.

[Page 59] With regard to the persecutions of this reign, which occasioned the commission in which Sir Thomas Pope was concerned, re­lating to the suppression of heretics, we will allow that the queen and her friends had suffered, what they thought the most in­jurious treatment; and, no doubt, when power returned into their hands, were but too na­turally disposed to retaliate in their own way. These oppressions, perhaps injudiciously con­ducted, prepared the way for popery: just as the severities of Mary, at the succession of Elisabeth made the protestants more violent against the papists. In the reign of Henry the eighth, the monasteries were destroyed, and the wealth of the church, in which it's strength consisted, was dissipated. Three of the abbots, in the course of that transaction, were unjustly put to death^h. Six bishops, amongst which were Mary's favorites, and the great champions of her religion, Bonner and Gardiner, were deprived, insulted, and imprisoned, during the reign of Edward the sixthⁱ. In the same reign, the queen, while princess, was absolutely forbidden to hear mass; a misfortune, in her ideas, almost equal [Page 60] to the loss of life^k: and her friends who pri­vately interposed to defeat the execution of this dreadful interdiction, were sent to the Tower^l.

But as no religion can expiate, so no provo­cation can justify, no resentment can excuse, that uninterrupted series of deliberate barbarity which marks every page of her unprosperous annals with martyrdoms, hardly to be parallel­ed in the pagan persecutions of primitive chris­tianity. If in the two preceding reigns, many venerable prelates of Mary's communion had been injuriously treated, or even put to death, for conscientious disobedience, yet none of them were inhumanly dragged to the flames like the meek Latimer or the learned Rid­ley. It is also allowed, that to burn heretics was an established doctrine of the catholic re­ligion. But in what age of the same religion, or in what country, were these punishments ever executed with so many circumstances of cruelty? Her attempt to restore the monaste­ries, however conformable to her system, was a measure, which tended only to bring back national poverty with national superstition: for [Page 61] it is certain, that Henry's distribution of the monastic revenues into private hands, although dictated by selfish and fordid motives, founded the present greatness of England. In the mean time it will be but charitable to grant, that her private life was confessedly blameless and un­blemished. I will not say whether it was her fault or her unhappiness, that the constancy of her attachments seldom met with suitable re­turns of gratitude and affection. In this at least some goodness of heart appears, that no­thing affected her so much, as the unkindness of those whom she best loved. She possessed a firmness of mind, which deserved better times; and a vigour of understanding, which was im­peded by religious prejudices. Her merits, whatever they were, seem to have been over­looked in her misfortunes: and as the latter were aggravated, so the former were obliterat­ed, by that blaze of prosperity which sur­rounded the succeeding reign.

IN the year 1555, the princess Elizabeth, afterwards queen, having been before treated with much insolence and inhumanity, was placed under the care and inspection of sir Thomas Pope^a. Mary cherished that an­tipathy to the certain heiress of her crown and her successor, which all princes who have no children to succeed naturally feel. But the most powerful cause of Mary's hatred of the princess, with whom she formerly lived in some degree of friendship^b, seems to have arisen from Courtney, earl of Devonshire.

The person, address, and other engaging ac­complishments^c of this young nobleman, had [Page 63] made a manifest impression on the queen^d. Other circumstances also contributed to ren­der him an object of her affection; for he was an Englishman, and nearly allied to the crown; and consequently could not fail of proving acceptable to the nation. The earl was no stranger to these favorable disposi­tions of the queen towards him^e. Yet, he seemed rather to attach himself to the prin­cess; whose youth and lively conversation had more prevailing charms than the pomp and power of her sister^f. This preference not only produced a total change in Mary's senti­ments which regard to the earl, but forced her openly to declare war against Elizabeth.

The ancient quarrel between their mothers remained deeply rooted in the malignant heart of the queen^g: and she took advantage from the declaration made by parliament in favor of Catharine's marriage^h, to represent her sister's birth as illegitimate. Elizabeth's in­clination to the protestant religion still fur­ther heightened Mary's aversion: it offended her bigottry, disappointed her exspectations, [Page 64] and disconcerted her politics. These causes of dislike, however, might perhaps have been forgotten by degrees, or, at least, would have ended in secret disgust. But when the queen found that the princess had obstructed her de­signs in a matter of the most interesting nature; female resentment, founded on female jealousy, and exasperated by pride, could no longer be suppressed.

So much more forcible, and of so much more consequence in public affairs, are private feelings, and the secret undiscerned opera­tions of the heart, than the most important political reasons. Monsieur Noailles, however, the French embassador at the court of Eng­land during this period, with the true dignity of a mysterious statesman, seems unwilling to refer the queen's displeasure to so slight a mo­tive: and assigns a more profound intrigue as the foundation of Courtenay's disgrace. Do­mestic incidents operate alike in every station of life; and often form the greatest events of history. Princes have their passions in com­mon with the rest of mankind.

Elizabeth being now become the public and avowed object of Mary's aversion, was openly treated with much disrespect and in­sult. She was forbidden to take place, in the [Page 65] presence chamber, of the countess of Lenox and the dutchess of Suffolk, as if her legiti­macy had been dubiousⁱ. This doctrine had been insinuated by the chancellor Gardiner, in a speech before both houses of parliament^k. Among other arguments enforcing the neces­sity of Mary's marriage, he particularly in­sisted on the failure of the royal lineage; art­fully remarking, that none of Henry's descen­dants remained, except the queen, and the princess Elisabeth^l. Her friends were neglect­ed or affronted. And while her amiable qua­lifications every day drew the attention of the young nobility, and rendered her universally popular, the malevolence of the vindictive queen still encreased. The princess therefore thought it most prudent to leave the court: and before the begining of 1554, retired to her house at Ashridge in Hertfordshire^m.

In the mean time, Sir Thomas Wyat's rebel­lion, abovementioned, broke out, in opposition [Page 66] to the queen's match with Philip of Spain. It was immediately pretended, that the princess Elisabeth, together with lord Courteney, was privately concerned in this dangerous conspi­racy, and that she had held a correspondence with the traitor Wyat. Accordinglyⁿ, sir Ed­ward Hastings, afterwards lord Loughborough, sir Thomas Cornwallis, and sir Richard South­well, attended by a troop of horse, were ordered to bring her to the court. They found the princess sick, and even confined to her bed, at Ashridge^o. Notwithstanding, under pretence of the strictness of their commission, they com­pelled her to rise: and, still continuing very weak and indisposed, she proceeded in the queen's litter by slow journies to London^p. At the court, they kept her confined and with­out [Page 67] company, for a fortnight: after which, bi­shop Gardiner, who well knew her predomi­nant disposition to cabal and intrigue, with nineteen others of the council, attended to examine her concerning the rebellion of which she was accused. She positively denied the accusation. However they informed her, it was the queen's resolution the should be com­mitted to the Tower, till further enquiries could be made^q. The princess immediately wrote to the queen, earnestly entreating that she might not be imprisoned in the Tower, and concluding her letter thus: ‘"As for that Traytor Wiat, he might paraventur write me a letter; but on my faith I never re­ceved any from him. And as for the copie of my letter sent to the Frenche king, I pray God confound me eternally, if ever I sent him word, message, token, or letter, by any menes^r"’ Her oaths, and her re­peated protestations of innocence were all in­effectual. She was conveyed to the tower, and ignominiously conducted through the Traitor's gate^s.

At her first commitment, only three men and three women of the queen's servants, were [Page 68] appointed for her attendants. But even these were forbidden to bring her meat; and she was waited on, for this purpose, by the lieu­tenant's servants, or even by the common soldiers. But afterwards, two yeomen of her chamber, one of her robes, two of her pantry and ewry, one of her buttery, one of her cellar, another of her larder, and two of her kitchen, were allowed, by permission of the privy council, to serve at her table. No stranger, or visitor, was admitted into her presence. The constable of the tower, sir John Gage, treated her very severely, and watched her with the utmost vigilance. Many of the other prisoners, committed to the same place on account of the rebellion, were often exa­mined about her concern in the conspiracy: and some of them were put to the rack, by way of extorting an accusation. Her inno­cence however was unquestionable: for al­though Wyat himself had accused her, in hopes to have saved his own life by means of so base and scandalous an artifice, yet he afterwards denied that she had the least know­ledge of his designs; and lest those denials which he made at his examinations might be insidiously suppressed, and his former depo­sitions alledged against her adopted in their stead, he continued to make the same declara­tions [Page 69] openly on the scaffold at the time of his execution^t,

There was a pretence, much insisted on by Gardiner, that Wyat had conveyed to her a bracelet, in which the whole scheme of the plot was inclosed. But Wyat acquitted her of this and all other suspicions^u. After a close imprisonment of some days, by the generous intercession of lord Chandois, lieutenant of the tower, it was granted that she might sometimes walk in the queen's lodgings¹⁰, in the presence of the constable, the lieutenant, and three of the queen's ladies; yet on condi­tion that the windows should be shut. She then was indulged with walking in a little garden, for the sake of fresh air: but all the shutters which looked towards the garden were ordered to be kept close.

Such were their jealousies, that a little boy of four years old who had been accustomed every day to bring her flowers, was severely threatened if he came any more; and the child's father was summoned and rebuked by [Page 70] the constable. But lord Chandois being ob­served to treat the princess with too much respect, he was not any longer entrusted with the charge of her; and she was committed to the custody of sir Henry Bedingfield, of Ox­burgh in Norfolk^x, a person whom she had never seen nor knew before. He brought with him a new guard of one hundred soldiers, cloathed in blue; which the princess observ­ing, asked with her usual liveliness, If lady Jane's scaffold was yet taken away?

About the end of May she was removed from the tower under the command of sir Henry Bedingfield, and lord Williams of Thame, to the royal manor or palace at Wood­stock^y. The first night of her journey she lay at Richmond; where being watched all night by the soldiers, and all access of her own private attendants utterly prohibited, she [Page 71] began to be convinced, that orders had been given to put her privately to death. The next day she reached Windsor, where she was lodged in the Dean's house near saint George's collegiate chapel. She then passed to lord Williams's seat at Ricot in Oxford­shire, where she lay; and ‘"was verie prince­lie entertained both of knights and ladies."’ But Bedingfield was highly disgusted at this gallant entertainment of his prisoner. During their journey, lord Williams and another gen­tleman playing at chess, the princess accident­ally came in, and told them she must stay to see the game played out; but this liberty Bed­ingfield would not permit^z.

Arriving at Woodstock, she was lodged in the gatehouse of the palace; in an apartment remaining complete within these fifty years with it's original arched roof of Irish oak, curiously carved, painted blue sprinkled with gold, and to the last retaining it's name of Queen Elizabeth's chamber ^a. Hollingshead [Page 72] gives us three lines which she wrote with a diamond on the glass of her window; and [Page 73] Hentzner, in his itinerary of 1598^b, has re­corded a sonnet, which she had written with a pencil on her window shutter. In the Bodleian Library at Oxford^c, there is an English Translation of saint Paul's Epistles, printed in the black letter, which the prin­cess used while she was here imprisoned; in a blank leaf of which, the following para­graph, written with her own hand, and in the pedantry of the times, yet remains. ‘"I walke many times into the pleasant fieldes of the holye scriptures; where I plucke up the goodliesome herbs of sentences by pruning, eate them by reading: chawe them by mus­ing: and laie them up at length in the hie [Page 74] seate of memorie, by gathering them to­gether. That so having tasted the sweetenes, I maye the lesse perceave the bitternesse of this miserable life."’ The covers are of black silk; on which she had amused hesself with curiously working, or embossing, the follow­ing inscriptions and devices in gold twist. On one side, on the border, or edge, CAE­LUM PATRIA. SCOPUS VITAE XPVS. CHRISTO VIVE. In the middle a heart; and about it, ELEVA COR SURSUM IBI UBI E. C. [i. e. est Christus.] On the other side, on the border, BEATUS QUI DIVI­TIAS SCRIPTURAE LEGENS VERBA VERTIT IN OPERA. In the middle a star, and about it, VICIT OMNIA PER­TINAX VIRTUS E. C. [i. e. Elisabethae Captivae; or, Elisabetha Captiva.] One is pleased to hear these circumstances, trifling and unimportant as they are, which shew us how this great and unfortunate lady, who be­came afterwards the heroine of the British throne, the favorite of her people, and the terror of the world, contrived to relieve the tedious hours of her pensive and solitary con­finement. She had however little opportu­nity for meditation or amusement. She was closely guarded: yet sometimes suffered to walk into the gardens of the palace. In this situation, says Hollingshead, ‘"no marvell, if [Page 75] she hearing upon a time out of hir gardin at Woodstocke a certaine milkmaide sing­ing pleasantlie, wished herself to be a milk­maide, as she was; saying that her case was better, and life merrier^d."’

After being confined here for many months, she procured a permission to write to the queen: but her importunate keeper Beding­field intruded, and overlooked what she wrote^e. At length, king Philip interposed, and begged that she might be removed to the court^f. But this sudden kindness of Philip, who thought Elisabeth a much less obnoxious character than his father Charles the fifth had conceived her [Page 76] to have been, did not arise from any regular principle of real generosity, but partly from an affectation of popularity^g; and partly from a refined sentiment of policy, which made him foresee, that if Elisabeth was put to death, the next lawful heir would be Mary queen of Scots already betrothed to the dauphin of France, whose succession would for ever join the sceptres of England and France, and consequently crush the growing interests of Spain^h.

In her first day's journey, from the manor of Woodstock to lord Williams's at Ricot, a vio­lent storm of wind happened; insomuch, that her hood and the attire of her head were twice or thrice blown off. On this, she begged to retire to a gentleman's house then at hand: but Bedingfield's absurd and superabundant circumspection refused even this insignificant request; and constrained her, with much in­decorum, [Page 77] to replace her head-dress under a hedge near the road. The next night they came to Mr. Dormer's, at Winge, in Buck­inghamshire; and from thence to an inn at Colnebroke, where she lay. At length she arrived at Hampton-court, where the court then resided, but was still kept in the condi­tion of a prisoner. Here bishop Gardiner, with others of the council, frequently per­suaded her to make a confession, and submit to the queen's mercy. Dissimulation appears to have been a conspicuous feature in Elisa­beth's character. One night, when it was late, the princess was unexpectedly summon­ed, and conducted by torch light to the queen's bedchamber: where she kneeled down before the queen, declaring herself to be a most faithful and true subject. She even went so far, as to request the queen to send her some catholic treatises, which might confirm her faith, and inculcate doctrines different from those which she had been taught in the writ­ings of the reformers. The queen seemed still to suspect her sincerity: but they parted on good terms. During this critical interview, Philip had concealed himself behind the tapes­try, that he might have seasonably interposed, to prevent the violence of the queen's passio­nate [Page 78] temper from proceeding to any extre­mitiesⁱ.

One week afterwards she was released from the formidable parade of guards and keepers^k. A happy change of circumstances ensued; and she was permitted to retire with sir Thomas Pope^l to Hatfield-house in Hertfordshire, then a royal palace^m. At parting the queen began to [Page 79] shew some symptoms of reconciliation: she recommended to her sir Thomas Pope, as a person with whom the princess was well ac­quainted, and whose humanity, prudence, and other valuable qualifications were all cal­culated to render her new situation perfect­ly agreeableⁿ; and at the same time she presented her with a ring worth seven hundred crowns^o.

But before I proceed further in this part of my narrative, I stop to mention a circum­stance unnoticed by our historians: which is, that sir Thomas Pope in conjunction with others, had some concern about the person of the princess Elizabeth, even when she first retired from the court, in disgrace, to her house at Ashridge; and before her troubles commenced, occasioned by Wyat's rebellion; all which I have already related at large. When that rebellion broke out, Mary wrote to the princess then sick at Ashridge, art­fully requesting her immediate attendance at the court. Elizabeth's governors at this time, whose names are no where particularly mentioned, waiting every day for her reco­very, [Page 80] very compassionately declared it unsafe yet to remove her. And the princess herself in the mean time, signified by letter her indis­position to the queen; begging that her journey to the court might be deferred for a few days, and protesting her abhorrence of Wyat's seditious practices. Her governors likewise, on their parts, apprehending that this tenderness towards their mistress might be interpreted in a bad sense, dispatched a letter to bishop Gardiner, lord chancellor; acquainting him with her condition, and avowing their readiness to receive the queen's commands. An original draught or copy of this letter in Sir Thomas Pope's own hand, with several corrections and interlineations by the same, is now preseved in the British Museum^p: from which circumstance it is manifest that he was at this time one of these [Page 81] governors or attendants; but in what depart­ment or capacity, I know not. However it [Page 82] is evident that he was removed from this charge, when the princess, notwithstanding her infirm state of health, was hurried up to the court by Southwell, Cornwallis, and Hastings: nor do we find, that from that time he had the least concern with her during her imprisonment in the tower and at Wood­stock, and the rest of those undeserved per­secutions, which preceded her enlargement and final removal to Hatfield.

To this lady sir Thomas Pope behaved with the utmost tenderness and respect: re­siding with her at Hatfield, rather as an indulgent and affectionate guardian, than as an officious or rigorous governor. Although strict orders were given that the mass alone should be used in he family, yet he connived [Page 83] at many protestant servants, whom she retained about her person^p. Yet Sir John Harrington says, that his father, a protestant, was impri­soned in the tower for twelve months, and fined one thousand pounds, for carrying a let­ter to the princess, and expressing his good wishes for her prosperity: and that, as if the heresy of a maid of honor could do any great harm, his mother, who was one of her favo­rite attendants, was removed from that situati­on, as a professed heretic, by the command of bishop Gardiner^q.

Nor was sir Thomas Pope wanting on pro­per occasions, in studiously shewing her such marks of regard and deference as her station and quality demanded. This appears from the following anecdote, which also marks his character^r.

Two of the fellows of Trinity college in Oxford, just founded by him, had violated one of it's strictest statutes, and were accordingly expelled by the president, and Society. Upon [Page 84] this they repaired to their founder, then at Hatfield with the princess Elisabeth, humb­ly petitioning a readmittance into his college. Sir Thomas Pope probably was not a little perplexed on this occasion; for although dis­posed to forgiveness, yet he was unwilling to be the first who should openly countenance or pardon an infringement of laws which himself had made. But perceiving a happy opportu­nity of adjusting the difficulty, by paying at the same time a handsome compliment to the princess, with much address he referred the matter to her gracious arbitration; and she was pleased to order, that they should imme­diately be restored to their fellowships. In consequence of this determination, he wrote the following letter to the President of the college.

Nor did sir Thomas Pope think it incon­sistent with his trust, to gratify the princess on some occasions with the fashionable amuse­ments of the times; even at his own ex­pence, and at the hazard of offending the queen. This we learn from a passage in a curious manuscript chronicle^u. ‘"In Shrove­tide, 1556, sir Thomas Pope made for the ladie Elisabeth all at his owne costes, a greate and rich maskinge in the greate halle at Hatfelde; wher the pageaunts were marvellously furnished. There were tha [...] twelve minstrels antickly disguised; with forty-six or more gentlemen and ladies, [Page 87] many of them knights or nobles, and ladies of honor, apparelled in crimsin sattin, em­brothered uppon with wrethes of golde and garnished with bordures of hanging perle. And the devise of a castell of clothe of gold, sett with pomegranates about the battlements, with shields of knights hang­ing therefrom, and six knights in rich harneis turneyed. At night the cuppboard in the halle was of twelve stages main­lie furnished with garnish of gold and silver vessul, and a banket of seventie dishes, and after a voidee of spices and sut­tleties with thirty spyse plates, all at the chardgis of sir Thomas Pope. And the next day the play of HOLOPHERNES. But the queen percase mysliked these folliries, as by her letters to sir Thomas Pope hit did appear, and so their disguisinges were ceased."’

The princess was notwithstanding some­times suffered to make excursions, partly for pleasure, and partly for paying her compli­ments at court: and on these occasions she was attended in a manner suitable to her rank. Strype tells us, from the same manu­script journal of memorable occurrences, writ­ten [Page 88] about those times^w, that on February the twenty-fifth, 1557, ‘"The lady Eliza­beth came riding from her house at Hat­field to London, attended with a great com­panie of lords, and nobles, and gentle­men, unto her place, called Somerset-place beyond Strond-bridge, to do her duty to the queen. And on the twenty-eighth she repaired unto her grace at Whitehall with many lords and ladies."’ And again, in March, the same year. ‘"Aforenoon the lady Elizabeth's grace took her horse and rode to her palace of Shene; with many lords, knights, ladies, and gentlemen, and a good­ly companie of horse^x"’. In April the same year, she was escorted from Hatfield to En­field-chase, by a retinue of twelve ladies clothed in white sattin on ambling palfries, and twenty yeomen in green, all on horse back, that her grace might hunt the hart. At entering the chase, or forest, she was met by fifty archers in scarlet boots and yellow caps, armed with gilded bows; one of whom presented her a silver-headed arrow, winged with peacock's feathers. Sir Thomas Pope had the devising of this show. By way of closing the sport, or rather the ceremony, the princess was grati­fied [Page 89] with the privilege of cutting the throat of a buck^y. In the same month she was visited by the queen at Hatfield: when the great chamber was adorned with a sumptuous suit of tapestry, called the Hanginge of the siege of Antioch, and after supper a play was performed by the choir-boys of Saint Paul's^z.

In the summer of the same year, the prin­cess paid a visit to the queen at Richmond. She went by water from Somerset-place in the queen's barge; which was richly hung with garlands of artificial flowers, and cover­ed with a of canopy green sarcenet wrought with branches of eglantine in embroidery, and powdered with blossoms of gold. In the barge she was accompanied by sir Thomas Pope, and four ladies of her chamber. Six boats attended on this procession, filled with her highness's retinue, habited in russet da­maske and blue embroidered sattin tasselled and spangled with silver, with bonnets of cloth of silver plumed with green feathers. She was received by the queen in a sump­tuous pavilion, made in form of a castle, with cloth of gold and purple velvet, in the labyrinth of the gardens. The walls, or [Page 90] sides of the pavilion were chequered into compartments, in each of which was alter­nately a lily in silver and a pomegranate in gold. Here they were entertained at a royal banquet; in which was introduced a sottletie ^a of a pomegranate-tree bearing the arms of Spain. There were many minstrels, but no masking or dancing. Before the banquet, the queen was long in consultation with sir Tho­mas Pope. In the evening the princess with all her company returned, as they came, to Somerset-place; and the next day retired to Hatfield^b. During her residence at Hatfield, the princess was also present at a royal Christmas, kept with great solemnity by the queen and king Philip at Hampton-court. On Christmas-eve, the great hall of the pa­lace was illuminated with a thousand lamps curiously disposed. The princess supped at the same table in the hall with the king and queen, next the cloth of state: and after sup­per, and served with a perfumed napkin and plates of confects by the lord Paget. But she retired to her ladies, before the revels; masking, and disguisings began. On saint Stephen's day she heard mattins in the queen's closet adjoining to the chapel, where she was [Page 91] attired in a robe of white sattin, strung all over with large pearls. On the twenty ninth day of December, she sate with their ma­jesties and the nobility at a grand spectacle of justing, when two hundred spears were broken. Half of the combatants were ac­coutred in the Almaine, and half in the Spanish fashion^c. Thus our chronicler, who is fond of minute description. But these and other particularities, insignificant as they seem, which he has recorded so carefully, are a vindication of Queen Mary's character in the treatment of her sister: they prove, that the princess, during her residence at Hatfield, lived in splendor and affluence, that she was often admitted to the diversions of the court, and that her present situation was by no means a state of oppression and imprisonment, as it has been re­presented by most of our historians.

We have before seen that sir Thomas Pope, during his attendance on this lady, was engaged in the foundation of his college. An undertaking of such a nature, could not fail of attracting the attention of the young Elisabeth; whose learned education and pre­sent situation naturally interested her in the progress of a work so beneficial to the in­crease [Page 92] of her favorite pursuits, and carried on by one with whom she was so nearly con­nected. Accordingly this subject was often matter of conversation between them, as ap­pears from part of a letter written by sir Tho­mas Pope: which also still further proves the friendly terms on which they lived together. ‘"The princess Elisabeth her grace, whom I serve here, often askyth me about the course I have devysed for my scollers: and that part of myne estatutes respectinge studie I have shewn to her, which she likes well. She is not only gracious, but most lerned, as ye right well know^d."’

[Page 93] While sir Thomas Pope was concerned in this superintendance of the princess, he re­ceived a letter from Heath, archbishop of York and lord chancellor, the bishops of Rochester and Ely, lord Arundel, and sir Henry Jernegan, dated July the thirtieth, 1556, by which it appears, that the privy council placed much confidence in his pene­tration and address, and greatly depended on [Page 94] his skilful management of her highness at this critical period.

In consequence of Wyat's unsuccessfull at­tempt, new efforts were made to foment a second insurrection. Many of Wyat's adhe­rents, of which the principal was one Dudley Ashton, had fled into France where they were well entertained. Ashton being connected with both kingdoms sent over from France one Cleyberye, a condemned person, who pre­tended to be the earl of Devonshire. The conspirators at the same time, in the letters and proclamations which they dispersed, made use of the lady Elisabeth's name, and pro­pagated many scandalous insinuations against her reputation and honour^e. They proceeded so far, as at Ipswich to proclaim lord Courte­ney and the princess, king and queen of Eng­land^f. In how licentious a manner her cha­racter was abused, appears from a curious manuscript paper preserved in the British Mu­seum, entitled, ‘"A relation how one Cleber, 1556, proclaimed the ladie Elisabethe quene, and her beloved bedfellow, lord Edwarde Courtneye, kynge^g."’ It was thought pro­per [Page 95] that the truth of this affair should be made known to the princess; and as the communication of it was a matter of some delicacy, and that misrepresentations might be prevented, the council above-mentioned order sir Thomas Pope, ‘"Because this mat­ter is spread abroad, and that paradventure, many constructions and discourses will be made thereof, we have thought meet to signifie the whole circumstances of the case unto you, to be by you opened to the ladie Elisabeth's grace at such time as ye shall thinke most convenient. To the end it may appear unto her, how little these men stick, by falshood and untruthe, to compass their purpose: not letting, for that intent to abuse the name of her grace, or any others: which their devises neverthe­less are (god be thanked) by his goodness discovered from time to time, to their ma­jesties perseverance, and confusion of their enemies. And so we bid you hertily well to fare. From Eltham the xxxth of July, 1556. Your loving friends, &c^h."’

In consequence of sir Thomas Pope's ex­planation, the queen herself wrote a letter to [Page 96] the princess, in which she expressed her ab­horrence and disbelief of these infamous for­geries. It was answered by the princess, who declared her detestation of the conspi­rators, and disclaimed the least knowledge of their malicious designs. Undoubtedly having suffered so severely, and perhaps unjustly, in the affair of Wyat, she judged it expedient to clear her character even from the most improbable suspicions. Commissioners were immediately appointed for examining into this conspiracy, sir Francis Englefield the comptroller, sir Edward Waldegrave, sir Henry Jernegan, sir Edward Hastings, and Cordall the queen's sollicitor; and several of the parties were apprehended, and condemned at Guildhallⁱ. When war was next year pro­claimed against France, this secret concurrence of the French court, with the machinations of Dudley Ashton and his accomplices, was ex­pressly specified, amongst other articles in the declaration^k.

Soon afterwards, Eric king of Sweden sent by his ambassador, a message secretly to the princess at Hatfield, with a proposal of marriage. King Philip had just before pro­posed [Page 97] to the queen to marry her to the duke of Savoy^l; with a view perhaps of retaining the duke who was an able general, in his interests against France, with which Philip was at this time engaged in open hostilities. This proposal of the king of Sweden she wisely rejected, because it was not conveyed to her by the queen's directions. But to this objection the embassador answered, that the king of Sweden his master, as a man of honor and a gentleman, thought it most proper to make the first application to her­self: and that having by this preparatory step obtained her consent, he would next, as a king, mention the affair in form to her majesty. But the final answer of princess was an absolute denial: and she desired the messenger to acquaint his master, that as she could not listen to any proposals of that na­ture, unless made by the queen's advice or authority; so she could not but declare, that if left to her own will, she would always pre­fer a single condition of life. The affair soon came to the queen's ears; who sending for sir Thomas Pope to court, received from him an entire account of this secret transac­tion; ordering sir Thomas at the same time to write to the princess, and acquaint her [Page 98] how much she was satisfied with this prudent and dutiful answer to the king of Sweden's proposition. Sir Thomas Pope very soon afterwards returned to his charge at Hatfield; when the queen commanded him, not only to repeat this approbation of the conduct of the princess relating to the proposed match from Sweden, but to receive from her own mouth the result of her sentiments concerning it; and at the same time to take an opportunity of sounding her affections concerning the duke of Savoy, without mentioning his name. The imperial ambassadors Mountmorency lord of Courieres, and Bouchard, were still in England, waiting for the event of the lat­ter negociation^m. For the Emperor Charles the fifthⁿ, who was now become her friend, and had before interested himself in her fa­vor, was anxious, by such an important connection, to form a potent and lasting alliance between the British and Imperial crowns. But I shall insert sir Thomas Pope's letter, written in consequence of this commis­sion, to the queen or council; by which he seems perfectly to have understood Elisabeth's real thoughts and disposition.

Courtney earl of Devonshire being now dead^s, the queen grew less jealous of the princess, and seemed almost perfectly recon­ciled. In November, 1556, she was invited to court; and accordingly came to London with much parade^t. The principal reason [Page 104] of this invitation, was formally to propose to her in person a marriage with Philibert Emanuel, the duke of Savoy, which sir Tho­mas Pope, by the queen's commands, had before hinted at a distance, as we have seen in the preceding letter. This proposal the princess declined; but disguised her refusal with the same earnest professions of her un­changeable devotion to a state of virginity, which she had before made to sir Thomas Pope on account of the Swedish match. Great court was paid to the princess during her abode at Somerset-house^u. Her amiable condescensi­on, obliging address, and agreeable conversati­on, procured her new interests and attach­ments, and even engaged the best part of the lords of the council in her favor.

Her beauty perhaps had no great share in these acquisitions; such as it was, it still re­tained some traces of sickness, and some shades of melancholy, contracted in her late severe but useful school of affliction.

[Page 105] She found however that retirement best suited her circumstances, as it did her inclina­tions; and although she had been invited to pass the whole winter in London, after a short stay of one week only, she returned to her former situation at Hatfield^w.

One should have expected that the queen would have parted in disgust with the prin­cess, at this rejection of a match, recom­mended by Philip, and so convenient to his purposes. But it appears, that the queen was extremely backward in promoting her husband's desire of marrying Elisabeth to the duke of Savoy. On this account, Philip employed Alphonsus, a franciscan frier, his confessor, to confer with her majesty on the subject of this marriage. She told him, that she feared, without consent of parlia­ment, neither her husband Philip, nor the nation would be benefited by this alliance. She added, that she could not in point of conscience press this match upon her sister; [Page 106] meaning perhaps that it would be unjust, to force the princess to be married, after her resolute declarations against wedlock; or im­proper and dishonorable, to match her be­neath the dignity of a crowned head. The theological reasonings of Alphonsus were too refined for the understanding, or too weak for the conscience, of the queen, who still remained inflexible in her former opinion. Upon this, Philip wrote to her in his usual authoritative style, advising her to examine her own conscience, and to consider whether her opinion was founded in truth or in ob­stinacy; adding, that if the parliament op­posed his request, he should lay the blame upon her^x. The queen, in her answer, beg­ged that he would, at least, defer the mat­ter till he returned into England: and that then he might have a better opportunity of judging, what attention her reasons de­served. That otherwise, she should live in jealousy of his affections, a state of mind to her worse than death; but which, to her great disquietude, she had already began to feel. She observed, with many expressions of deference to his superior judgment and authority, that, whatever her conscience might have determined, the matter could not be [Page 107] possibly brought to any speedy conclusion, as the duke would be immediately ordered into the field.

This letter which is in French, and print­ed by Strype^y, is no less a specimen of her implicit submission to Philip, than the whole transaction is, at the same time, an in­stance of that unconquerable perseverance which the queen exerted on certain occasions. Philip persisted in his design: and with a view to accomplish it more effectually, dis­patched into England the duchess of Parma and the duchess of Lorraine, whom he com­missioned to bring back with them the prin­cess Elisabeth into Flanders. Philip was in love with the duchess of Lorain; and the splendor of her table and retinue, which she was unable to support of herself, made the queen extremely jealous. She was therefore, whatever her companion might have been, a very improper suitress on this occasion. The queen would not permit the two duchesses to visit the princess at Hatfield; and every moment of their stay gave her infinite uneasi­ness. But they both soon returned, without success^z.

[Page 108] Perhaps the growing jealousy of the queen, a passion which often ends in revenge against the beloved object, might at least have some share in dictating this opposition to Phi­lip^a. At length the remonstrances of the queen, and the repeated disapprobation of the princess, prevailed; and it is certain, what­ever Mary's real motives might be, that the proposal was suddenly laid aside. But Mary so far concurred with Philip's measures, as the next year to declare war against France^b; in which the duke of Savoy was Philip's chief commander at the battle and siege of saint Quintin^c.

As to the king of Sweden, he afterwards, in the year 1561, renewed his addresses to Elisabeth, when she was queen of England: at which time, he sent her a royal present of [Page 109] eighteen large pyed horses, and two ships laden with riches^d. At the same time, some stationers of London had published prints of her majesty Elisabeth and the king of Swe­den in one piece. This liberty, as it was called, gave great offence to the queen, who ordered secretary Cecil to write to the lord mayor of London, enjoining him diligently to suppress all such publications; as they implied an agreement of marriage between their majesties. Cecil takes occasion to add, ‘"her majestie hitherto cannot be induced, whereof we have cause to sorrow, to allow of any marriadg with any manner of per­son^e."’ Soon afterwards the king of Swe­den was expected to pay the queen a visit at Whitehall; and it is diverting to observe the perplexity and embarrassment of the officers of state about the manner of receiv­ing him at court, ‘"the queenes majestie being a maide. ^f."’

But she still persisted in those vows of vir­ginity which she had formerly made to sir Thomas Pope at Hatfield; and constantly re­fused not only this, but other advantageous [Page 110] matches. One of them was with the Duke D'Alenzon, whom she refused, yet after some deliberation, because he was only a boy of seventeen years of age, and she almost in her fortieth year^g. A husband, I suppose, al­though a young one, would have been at that time perhaps inconsistent with her pri­vate attachments; and the formalities of mar­riage might have laid a restraint on more agreeable gallantries with the earl of Essex and others, Bayle^h assigns a curious physical reason for Elisabeth's obstinate perseverance in a state of virginity.

The four last years of queen Mary's reign, which the princess Elisabeth passed at Hat­field with sir Thomas Pope, were by far the most agreeable part of her time during that turbulent period. For although she must have been often disquieted with many secret fears and apprehensions, yet she was here per­fectly at liberty, and treated with a regard due to her birth and expectations. In the mean time, to prevent suspicions, she pru­dently declined interfering in any sort of business, and abandoned herself entirely to [Page 111] books and amusementsⁱ. The pleasures of solitude and retirement were now become habitual to her mind; and she principally employed herself in playing on the lute or virginals, embroidering with gold and silver, reading Greek, and translating Italian. She was now continuing to profess that character which her brother Edward gave her, when he used to call her his sweet sister Temperance ^k. But she was soon happily removed to a reign of unparalleled magnificence and prosperity.

Upon the accession of the new queen, who was resident at Hatfield when her sister Mary died on November the seventeenth, 1558, it does not appear that sir Thomas Pope was continued in the privy-council. This circumstance may justly be interpreted to his honor. Elisabeth, to prevent an alarm among the partisans of the catholic communion, had prudently retained thirteen of Mary's privy counsellors. These were, Heathe, archbishop of York, and lord chan­cellor; the marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer; the earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, and Derby; the lords Clinton, and Howard; sir Thomas Cheyney, sir William [Page 112] Petre, sir John Mason, sir Richard Sackville, and Doctor Wootton, dean of York and Canterbury^l. But most of these had com­plied with all the changes which were made in the national religion since the latter end of Henry's reign; and were such dexterous adepts in the fashionable art of adapting their principles to the variable complexion of the times, that they were still employed in every new revolution.

WE have now done with sir Thomas Pope's political character; and are entering on that most memorable circum­stance of his life, before incidentally men­tioned, by which he secured immortality to his name, and conferred a perpetual emolu­ment on his country; I mean, the foundation of Trinity college in Oxford. His good sense and good disposition led him to reflect, that he could not bestow a competent pro­portion of those riches which he had so largely received, with greater propriety, uti­lity, and generosity, than in the service of the public. I shall therefore make no apology for delivering at large a history of his pro­ceedings in forming and completing this li­beral design.

And perhaps there are some of my readers, who will be more pleased to view him in the milder and more amiable light of the father of ingenuous education, dispensing rewards to science and virtue, than in the more active yet turbulent scenes of public life, diversified only [Page 114] by the vain vicissitudes of human affairs, or fraught with the crimes and misfortunes of mankind.

About the year 1290, Richard de Hoton, prior, and the monks, of the cathedral con­vent of Durham, erected a college in the northern suburbs of Oxford, for the education of the novices of their monastery; to which it was considered as an appendage^a. This was af­terwards increased, with the addition of revenues and books, by Richard of Bury, bishop of Dur­ham, in the year 1345. It was at length entire­ly rebuilt, more effectually established, and more amply endowed, for eight benedictine monks and eight secular students, in the year 1370, by the munificence of Thomas Hatfield, bishop of the same see^b. About the year 1541, this college was dissolved by Henry the eighth^c: at which time, all its estates, its site, precinct, chapel, bellfry, buildings of all sorts, [Page 115] with the entire appurtenances of the same, were granted by the king to his new dean and chapter of Durham cathedral, which, as I presume, they now possess^d. Its site only re­verted to the crown; for Edward the sixth, in the seventh year of his reign, by letters patent dated February the fourth, 1552^e, granted the site of this college to George Owen, of Godstowe, the king's physician, and William Martyn, gentleman.

On this ground sir Thomas Pope determined to found his intended college. Accordingly, by indenture, dated February the twentieth, 1554^f, he purchased the premises of the said Owen and Martyn. In the same year he ob­tained from Philip and Mary a royal licence, or charter, dated March the eigthth, 1554^g, empowering him to create and erect a certain college within the university of Oxford, con­sisting of one president a priest, twelve fellows, four of whom should be priests, and eight scholars^h: and liberally and sufficiently to en­dow the same and their successors with certain manors, lands, and revenues. In the same [Page 116] charter, and with the estates and possessions therein recited, he likewise obtains licence of the king and queen to found and endow a school at Hokenorton in the county of Oxford, to be called Jesus Scolehouse; and to give statutes as well to the college, as to the first and second masters of the said schoolⁱ. On the twenty­eighth day of March, 1555, by deed so dated^k, he declares his actual erection and establishment of the said college: and con­signs the site and place above-mentioned, to Thomas Slythurste, S.T.B. President: Ste­phen Markes, A.M. Robert Newton, John Barwyke, James Bell, Roger Crispin, John Richardson, Thomas Scotte, George Symp­son, Bachelors of Arts, Fellows: And John Arden, John Comporte, John Perte, and John Langsterre, Scholars. In the morals, learning, and studious diligence of all which persons, he therein declares that he much con­fides. [Page 117] Reserving to himself, at the same time, the right of nominating the remainder.

With this deed the founder himself, the same day, came to Oxford; and in consequence of it, in his own person delivered possession of the college to the said President, Fellows, and Scholars, in the presence of John War­ner, vice-chancellor of the university, war­den of All Souls college, and archdeacon of Cleveland, and of Ely^l; Owen Oglethorp, president of Magdalene, and dean of Wind­sor^m; Robert Morwent, president of Corpus Christi; Walter Wryght, archdeacon of Ox­ford; John Browne, canon of Windsorⁿ; Ed­mund Powel, esquire^o, Edward Love, John Bylling, Simon Perrot, John Heywood, Henry Bryan, Arthur Yeldard, John Myleward, John Edmundes, John Beresford, Ralph Dodmer, John Lawrence, Bartholomew Plott, Humfrey [Page 118] Edmundes^p, gentlemen, and many others^q. In consequence of this last-mentioned deed, by an instrument dated the same day and year, Thomas Slythurste appoints Stephen Markes and Robert Newton, his lawful attornies, to enter, in his name and stead, into a certain messuage or building, with its appurtenances, in Oxford, called Trinity college, of the foundation of sir Thomas Pope, knight; and of the same to take full and peaceable posses­sion; and to keep and retain it for the uses and purposes of the said Thomas Slvthurste, according to the force, form, and effect, of a certain grant made to him and others by the said sir Thomas Pope^r.

In May following, the founder furnished his college with necessaries and implements of every kind^s. To the library in particular he gave no inconsiderable collection of valu­able and costly books, both printed and ma­nuscript^t. But above all, he adorned the [Page 119] chapel, as appears by a deed dated the fifth of May, 1555^u, with silver vessels, embroi­dered vestments, copes of tissue, crosses, and illuminated missals^w. The next year, he transmitted to the society a body of statutes, dated the first of May, 1556. On the eighth of the same month, he gave them one hun­dred pounds for a stock to begin with^x. Matters being thus duely prepared and ad­justed, and his endowment^y of the college consisting of manors, lands, and impropria­tions, having effectually taken place before or upon the feast of the annunciation, 1556^z; the first president, fellows, and scholars, no­minated by himself, were formally and ac­tually [Page 120] admitted within the chapel, on the thirtieth day of May, being the eve of Tri­nity Sunday, the same year, yiz. 1556. They were all, the graduates at least, taken from dif­ferent colleges in Oxford; except one, who was of Cambridge. Their names, dignities, colleges, degrees, counties, and appointments in the new society, as far as notices have oc­curred, are here specified^a.

• PRESIDENT.
  • Thomas Slythurste, S.T.B. Canon of Wind­sor. County, Berkshire.
• FELLOWS.
  • Arthur Yeldarde, Fellow of Pembroke-Hall, in Cambridge, A.M. Northumberland.—Appointed philosophy-lecturer by the founder.
  • Stephen Markes, Fellow, and Rector, of Exeter College, in Oxford, A.M. Cornwall.—Appointed vice-president by the founder.
  • John Barwyke, of Magdalen College, in Ox­ford, A.M. Devonshire.—Appointed dean by election.
  • [Page 121] James Bell, Scholar of Corpus Christi College, in Oxford, A.B. Somersetshire.—Ap­pointed rhetoric-lecturer by election.
  • John Richardson, Scholar of Queen's College, in Oxford, A.B. Cumberland.—Ap­pointed bursar by election.
  • George Sympson, Scholar of Queen's College, in Oxford, A.B. Cumberland.
  • George Rudde, Scholar of Queen's College, in Oxford, A.B. Westmoreland.
  • Thomas Scotte, Scholar of Queen's College, in Oxford, A.B. Cumberland.
  • Roger Cryspin, Fellow of Exeter College, in Oxford, A.B. Devonshire.
  • Roger Evens, A.B. Cornwall.
  • John Perte, A.B. Warwickshire.—Appointed bursar by election.
  • Robert Bellamie, of Exeter College, in Oxford, A.B. Yorkshire.
• SCHOLARS.
  • John Langsterre, of Brasen-Nose College, in Oxford, A.B. Yorkshire.
  • Reginald Braye, A.B. Bedfordshire.
  • John Arden, or Arderne, Oxfordshire.
  • John Comporte, Middlesex.
  • [Page 122] Robert Thraske, Somersetshire.
  • William Saltmarshe, Yorkshire.
  • John Harrys, Gloucestershire.
  • — — —^b.

On saint Swithin's day, being the fifteenth of July, in the same year, the founder paid a visit to his college. He was accompanied by the bishops of Winchester and Ely, and other eminent personages. He dismounted from his horse at the college gate, where he was received by the president, who stood at his stirrup. At entering the gates he was sa­luted in a long and dutiful oration by the vice-president: after which the bursars of­fered him a present of embroidered gloves. From thence he was conducted with the rest of the company into the president's great chamber: the fellows and scholars standing on either side, as he passed along the court. Having viewed the library and Grove, they proceeded to dinner in the hall, where a sumptuous entertainment was provided. The president sate on the left hand of the founder, [Page 123] yet at some distance, and the rest of the guests, and the society, were placed according to their rank, and in their proper order. There were twelve minstrels present in the hall; and among other articles of provision on this occasion, four fat does, and six gallons of Muscadel, are mentioned. The whole expence of the feast amounting to xijl. xiijs. ixd. After dinner they went to evening mass in the chapel, where the president celebrated the service, habited in the richest cope: and the founder offered at the altar a purse full of angels. They then retired to the Bursary; where the founder paid into the hands of the Bursars all the costs incurred by this visit: and gave them besides, at the same time, a silver goblet gilt, which being filled with hypocrasse, he drank to the Bursars, and to all the company present. He then departed towards Windsor: but before he left the col­lege, gave with his own hands, to each of the scholars, one marc^c.

In November following, I find a letter to the president from the founder; in which, as likewise in eighteen others written after­wards^d, [Page 124] are many marks of his attention to the affairs and economy of his college, and of his sollicitude about settling every article of the new foundation in the most effectual manner: as also of his readiness to assist on all necessary occasions. In the letter just mentioned, among several other particulars, he tells the president, in consequence of a conversation which had lately passed between them both at Tyttenhanger in Hertfordshire, by what expedient certain extraordinary ex­pences of the college, in the late visitation^e of [Page 125] the university by the deputies of cardinal Pole, and in some other instances, should be dis­charged. He commissions him to thank mas­ter Rawes, a canon of Windsor^f, for a present of books intended for the library. He desires the president would bargain for him with mas­ter Freere^g, for one thousand load of stone, to [Page 126] be carried to the college for beginning a wall round the Grove. He talks of having moved my lord cardinal Pole's grace, for licence for three of the fellows to preach^h: a matter concerning which very rigid injunctions had been published, at the restoration of the ca­tholic religion by queen Mary. He mentions having sent to the college, for the service of the chapel, two pair of censers of one fashion, two cruets, two candlesticks for the high altar, one ship, and one pax of ivory: ‘"trusting, or it be longe, ye shall have the lyke thynges of sylver."’ He adds,

From other letters, written to the presi­dent, it appears that during his life-time he paid all the university expences of degrees, regencies and determinations, for the fellows and scholarsⁿ.

On the twentieth of January 1557, he sent to the college for the second time^o, and again on the twelfth of April following for the third time^p, various articles of costly fur­niture for the chapel and hall, consisting of rich copes, service books, &c. as before; and several pieces of silver plate. The whole quantity of plate which he gave them at [Page 129] these three several times, is as follows. A standing cup of silver gilt, with a cover, em­bossed with pomegrantes^q, and a sheaf of arrows, weighing thirty-three ounces. Two gilt saltes, weighing thirty-nine ounces. Three cups of silver gilt, weighing more than thirty-one ounces. Twelve silver spoons beside one before sent, parcel-gilt, with knobs of sculp­ture. These were for the hall. For the chapel they received, two cruets of silver gilt, weighing nine ounces. An holy-water-stop and aspergoire of silver parcel-gilt, weighing more than eighteen ounces. A sacring bell of silver gilt, weighing five ounces. A pax of silver gilt, with a crucifix, and the images of Mary and John, weighing near seventeen ounces. Two pair of censers, for frankin­cense, [Page 130] of silver parcel-gilt, weighing seventy ounces. A ship of silver with a spoon for frankinsence, parcel-gilt, weighing near eigh­teen ounces. Two chapel-basons of silver par­cel-gilt weighing more than thirty seven ounces. A fair cross of silver gilt, with images of Mary and John, garnished with chrystal and precious stones, with a foot of silver gilt, weighing together, beside the chry­stal and stones, twenty-four pounds and five ounces. Two candlesticks of silver, for the high altar, parcel-gilt, weighing near thirty-two ounces. A monstrans of silver gilt, weigh­ing twenty-one ounces. A patin with a cha­lice of silver gilt, weighing twenty ounces. Another patin with a chalice of silver parcel­gilt, weighing thirteen ounces. A pipe of sil­ver parcel-gilt, weighing thirteen ounces. He gave them besides, by his last will, several other pieces of plate, for the service of the hall, which I shall enumerate hereafter.

In September, 1557, he made considerable additions to the foundation; on the tenth of which month, he conveyed^r, or rather con­firmed to the Society the manors of Dun­thorp [Page 131] and Seawell in Oxfordshire. With these new revenues he ordains and endows five obits, or dirges, yearly to be sung and celebrated as festivals, in his college^s. These are, for queen Mary and her most noble progenitors, on the day of the assumption of the holy virgin; for dame Margaret his late wife, and Alice his daughter, deceased, on the day of the concep­tion of the holy virgin; for dame Elizabeth his present wife, on the day of the nativity of the holy virgin; and for William and Marga­ret, his father and mother, on the day of the annunciation of the holy virgin. And on Jesus day, the seventh of August, he appoints an [Page 132] Obit or dirge^t, annually to be celebrated, as well during his life, as after his decease, for himself and all christian souls. At which time, during his dirge and mass, he orders that twelve poor men and twelve poor wo­men shall be present in the chapel, and after­wards receive each a competent allowance of money, bread, and drink, within the col­lege at the entrance into the hall: and after the mass of his obsequie was sung^u, that bread and drink be annually distributed the same day among the poor prisoners in Oxford. From the same revenues he likewise grants a [Page 133] weekly allowance to the said prisoners; with various other improvements, and augmenta­tions of former appointments. And because he once intended to found a School at Hokenorton in Oxfordshire; with the endowment intended for that purpose, he now founds from these lands, four additional scholars in his college: By which judicious alteration of his original plan, the number of the scholars was increased to twelve, and equalled to that of the fellows. He tells us that he rejected the scheme of founding a school^w as an appendage to the college, being persuaded that it would prove more beneficial to the public, to restore in some measure, and encrease the number of scholars in the university of Oxford, of late much diminished and still continuing to de­cay, [Page 134] than to multiply the number of gram­mar schools; especially as those situated in the neighbourhood of the place abovemen­tioned, although properly filled with learned masters, were so little frequented and en­couraged.

In December, the same year^x, he declares his intention of building a commodious edi­fice at Garsington near Oxford, to which the society might retire in time of pestilence, then no uncommon malady. For this pur­pose, in case he should not accomplish it in his life-time, as he intended, he left by his will five hundred marks, and the building, consisting of a fair quadrangle of stone, was accordingly raised after his death^y.

When sir Thomas Pope had founded his college, the university of Oxford compliment­ed him with their letters of thanks and acknowledgment, in consideration of his hav­ing [Page 135] added a new college to the former num­ber; which were delivered to the founder by the president^z. Indeed they had no small reason, at this time, to acknowledge with pleasure and gratitude this accession to their constitution. Heylin very justly remarks, that queen Mary, in rebuilding the public schools at Oxford ‘"gave encouragement to two worthy gentlemen to add two new col­leges to the former, Trinity and saint John's. Had it not been for these Foun­dations, there had been nothing in this reign to have made it memorable, but only the misfortunes and calamities of it^a."’ He might have added, that this liberality [Page 136] could not have been conferred at a more sea­sonable time on the university. And of this sir Thomas Pope was very sensible, as we have before seen, when he substituted an ad­ditional number of academical students in the place of a grammar-school.

But that it may further appear, how much these encouragements were now wanted, it will be necessry to look backwards upon the state of learning in England, particularly at Oxford; and from thence to trace its progress, and the causes of its decline, down to the times with which we are concerned. An en­quiry not less instructive than entertaining, and naturally connected with the present subject.

About the close of the fifteenth century, a taste for polite letters, under the patronage of the popes, began to be revived in Italy. But these liberal pontiffs did not consider at the same time that they were undermining the pa­pal interest, and bringing on the Reforma­tion. This event is commonly called the Restoration of Learning; but it should rather be styled the restoration of good sense and useful knowledge. Learning there had been before, but barbarism still remained. The [Page 137] most acute efforts of human wit and penetra­tion had been exerted for some centuries, in the dissertations of logicians and theologists; yet Europe still remained in a state of super­stition and ignorance. What philosophy could not perform, was reserved to be complet­ed by classical literature, by the poets and orators of Greece and Rome, who alone could enlarge the mind, and polish the man­ners. Taste and propriety, and a rectitude of thinking and judging, derived from these sources, gave a new turn to the general sys­tem of study: mankind was civilized, and re­ligion was reformed. The effects of this happy revolution by degrees reached England.

We find at Oxford, in the latter end of the fifteenth century, that the university was filled with the jargon and disputes of the Scotists and Thomists; and if at that time there were any scholars of better note, these were chiefly the followers of Wicliffe, and were consequently discountenanced and persecuted. The latin style then only known in the university, was the technical language of the schoolmen, of casuists, and metaphy­sicians. At Cambridge, about 1485, nothing was taught but Alexander's Parva Lo­gicalia, the trite axioms of Aristotle, which were never rationally explained, and the pro­found [Page 138] questions of John Scotus^b. At length some of our countrymen, the principal of which were Grocyn, Latymer, Lillye, Lina­cer, Tunstall, Pace, and sir Thomas More, ventured to break through the narrow bounds of scholastic erudition, and went over into Italy with a design of acquiring a knowledge in the Greek and Latin languages.^c. The Greek, in particular, was taught there with much perfection and purity, by many learned Greeks who had been driven from Constan­tinople. In 1488, Grocyn and Linacer left Oxford, and studied Greek at Florence under the instruction of Demetrius Chalcondylas, and Politian; and at Rome under Hermo­laus Barbarus^d. Grocyn returned an accom­plished master in the Greek, and became the first lecturer of that language at Oxford, but without any settled endowment^e. Ele­gance of style began now to be cultivated, and the study of the most approved antient writers became fashionable.

[Page 139] In 1496, Alcock bishop of Ely, founded Jesus college in Cambridge, partly for a cer­tain number of scholars to be educated in grammar^f. Degrees in grammar, or rhetoric, had been early established at Oxford. But the pupils of this class studied only systems of grammar and rhetoric, filled with empty defi­nitions and unnecessary distinctions, instead of the real models^g. In 1509, Lillye, the fam­ous grammarian, who have learned Greek at Rhodes, and afterwards improved himself in latin at Rome under Johanes Sulpitius and Pomponius Sabinus, was the first teacher of greek at any public School in England. This was at saint Paul's school in London then newly established, and of which Lillye was the first Master^h. And that ancient pre­judices [Page 140] were subsiding apace, and a national taste for critical studies and the graces of composition began to be diffused, appears from this circumstance alone; that from the year 1502, to the reformation, within the space of thirty years, there were more gram­mar schools founded and endowed in England than had been for three hundred years be­foreⁱ. Near twenty grammar schools were instituted within this period; before which most of your youth were educated at the mo­nasteries^k.

[Page 141] In 1517, that wise prelate and bounti­ful patron, Richard Fox, founded his col­lege^l at Oxford, in which he constituted, with competent salaries, two lectures for the latin and greek languages^m. This was a new and noble departure from the narrow plan of academical educationⁿ, The course of the la­tin lecturer was not confined to the college, but open to the students of Oxford in gene­ral. He is expressly directed to drive barba­rism from the new college^o. And at the same time it is to be remarked, that Fox does not appoint a philosophy-lecturer in his college, as had been the practice in most of the pre­vious foundations; perhaps thinking, that such an institution would not have coincided [Page 142] with his new system of doctrine, and that it would be encouraging that species of science which had hitherto blinded mens under­standings, and kept them so long in ignorance of more useful knowledge. The greek lectu­rer is ordered to explain the best greek clas­sics; and those which the judicious founder, who seems to have consulted the most capital scholars of his age, prescribes on this occasion, are the purest, and such as are most esteemed at this day.

These happy beginnings were seconded by the munificence of cardinal Wolsed. About the year 1519, he founded a public chair at Oxford for rhetoric and humanity; and soon afterwards another for the greek tongue: en­dowing both with ample stipends^p. But these innovations in the plan of study were greatly discouraged and opposed by the scholastic bi­gots, who called the greek language heresy. Even bishop Fox when he founded the greek lecture above-mentioned, was obliged to cover his excellent institution under the ve­nerable mantle of the authority of the church, lest she should seem to countenance a dan­gerous novelty. For he gives it as a rea­son, or rather as an apology, for this new [Page 143] lectureship, that the sacred canons had com­manded, that a knowledge of the greek tongue should not be wanting in public se­minaries of education^q. The university of Oxford was rent into factions on account of these attempts; and the defenders of the new erudition, from disputations, often proceeded to blows with the rigid champions of the schools. But these animosities were soon pacified by the persuasion and example of Erasmus, who was about this time a student in saint Mary's college at Oxford, opposite to New-Inn^r. At Cambridge however, which, in imitation of Oxford, had adopted greek, Erasmus found greater difficulties. He tells us himself that at Cambridge he read the [Page 144] greek grammar of Chrysoloras to the bare walls^s: and that having translated Lucian's dialogue called Icaro-menippus, he could find no person in the university able to tran­scribe the greek with the latin^t. His edition of the greek testament was entirely proscribed there; and a decree was issued in one of the most considerable colleges, ordering that if any of the society was detected in bringing that impious and fantastic book into the col­lege, he should be severely fined^u. One Henry Standish, a doctor in divinity and a mendicant frier, afterwards bishop of saint Asaph, was a vehement opponent of Erasmus in this heretical literature; calling him in a declamation, by way of reproach, Graeculus iste, which afterwards became a synonymous term for an heretic^w.

But neither was Oxford, and for the same reasons, entirely free from these contracted notions. In 1519, a preacher at saint Mary's church harangued with much violence against these pernicious teachers, and his arguments occasioned no small ferment among the stu­dents. [Page 145] But Henry the eighth, who was luckily a patron of these improvements, being then resident at the neighbouring royal manor of Woodstock, and having received a just state of the case from Pace and More, immediately transmitted his royal mandate to the university, ordering that these studies shoud not only be permitted but encouraged^x. Soon afterwards one of the king's chaplains preaching at court, took an opportunity to censure the new, but genuine, interpretations of scrip­ture which the grecian learning had intro­duced. The king, when the sermon was ended, which he heard with a smile of con­tempt, ordered a solemn disputation to be held, in the presence of himself; at which the preacher opposed, and sir Thomas More defended, the use and excellence of the greek tongue. The divine, instead of answering to the purpose, fell upon his knees, and beg­ged pardon for having given any offence in the pulpit. After some little altercation, the preacher, by way of a decent submission, declared that he was now better reconciled to the greek tongue, because it was derived, from the hebrew. The king, amazed at his ignorance, dismissed him, with a charge that he should never again presume to preach [Page 146] at court^y. In the grammar-schools esta­blished in all the new cathedral foundations of this king, a master was appointed with a competent skill not only in the latin, but likewise in the greek language^z. This was an uncommon qualification in a school­master.

At length ancient absurdities universally gave way to these encouragements: and at Oxford in particular, these united efforts for establishing a new system of rational and manly learning were finally consummated in the magnificent foundation of Wolsey's college, to which all the Learned of Europe were invited.

But these auspicious improvements in the state of learning did not continue long. A change of the national religion soon hap­pened, [Page 147] and disputes with the Lutherans en­sued, which embroiling the minds of learn­ed men in difference of opinion, disunited their endeavours in the cause of literature, and diverted their attention to other enquiries.

Many of the abuses in civil society are attended with some advantages. In the be­ginnings of reformation, the loss of these ad­vantages is always felt very sensibly; while the benefit resulting from the change, is the slow effect of time, and not immediately percieved or enjoyed. Scarce any institution can be imagined less favorable to the in­terests of mankind than the monastic. Yet a great temporary check given to the progress of literature at this period, was the dis­solution of the monasteries. For although these seminaries were in general the nurseries of illiterate indolence, and undoubtedly de­served to be destroyed, yet the still contained invitations and opportunities to studious lei­sure and literary pursuits. On this impor­tant event therefore, a visible revolution and decline in the state of learning succeeded. Most of the youth of the kingdom betook themselves to mechanical or other illiberal employments, the profession of letters being now supposed to be without support and re­ward. [Page 148] By the abolition of the religious houses, many towns and their adjacent vil­lages were utterly deprived of their only means of instruction. What was taught in the monasteries was perhaps of no great im­portance, but still it served to keep up a cer­tain degree of necessary knowledge. Hence provincial ignorance became almost universally established.

Nor should we forget, that several of the abbots were persons of public spirit: by their connection with parliament, they became ac­quainted with the world; and knowing where and how to chuse proper objects, and having no other use for the superfluity of their vast revenues, encouraged, in their respective circles, many learned young men.

It is generally thought, that the reformation of religion, the most happy and important event of modern times, was immediately suc­ceeded by a flourishing state of learning. But this, in England at least, was by no means the case; and for a long time afterwards an effect quite contrary was produced. Yet, in 1535, the king's visitors ordered lectures in humanity to be founded in those societies at Oxford where they were yet wanting: and [Page 149] these injunctions were so warmly seconded and approved by the scholars in the largest colleges, that they seized on the venerable volumes of Duns Scotus, and other irrefrag­able logicians, and tearing them in pieces, dispersed them in great triumph about their quadrangles, or gave them away as useless lumber^a. The king himself also established some public lectures, with large endow­ments^b. Notwithstanding, the number of students at Oxford daily decreased: insomuch that, in 1546, there were only ten incep­tors in arts, and three in jurisprudence and theology^c.

In the mean time, the greek language flourished at Cambridge, under the instruc­tion of Cheke and Smyth^d; notwithstanding the unreasonable interposition of their chancel­lor, bishop Gardiner, about pronunciation. But Cheke being soon called up to court, both universities seem to have been reduced [Page 150] to the same deplorable condition of indigence and illiteracy^e.

During the reign of Edward the sixth, whose minority, which promised many vir­tues, was abused by corrupt counsellors and rapacious courtiers, little attention was paid to the support of literature. Learning was not the fashion of the times: and being dis­couraged or despised by the rich who were perpetually grasping at its rewards, was neg­lected by those of moderate fortunes. Ava­rice and zeal were at once gratified in rob­bing the clergy of their revenues, and in re­ducing the church to its primitive apostolical state of purity and poverty^f. A favorite nobleman of the court held the deanery and treasurership of a cathedral, with some of its best canonries: while his son enjoyed an an­nual income of three hundred pounds from the lands of a bishoprick^g. In every robbery of the church, the interests of learning suf­fered. Exhibitions and pensions were sub­stracted [Page 151] from the students in the universities^h. At Oxford the public schools were neglected by the professors and scholars, and allotted to the lowest purposesⁱ. All academical degrees were abrogated as antichristian^k. The spiri­tual reformers of those enlightened days pro­ceeded so far, as to strip the public library, established and enriched by that noble patron Humphrey duke of Gloucester, of all its books and manuscripts; to pillage the ar­chives, and disannul the privileges of the university^l. From these measures many of the colleges were in a short time entirely deserted.

His successor, queen Mary, took pains to restore the splendor of the university of Ox­ford. Unamiable as the was in her temper and conduct, and inflexibly bigotted to the glaring absurdities of catholic superstition, she protected, at least by liberal donations, the interests of learning. She not only con­tributed [Page 152] large sums for rebuilding the public schools, but moreover granted the university three considerable impropriations. In her charter reciting these benefactions, she de­clares it to be her determined resolution, to employ her royal munificence in reviving its ancient lustre and discipline, and recovering its privileges. These privileges she reesta­blished with the addition of fresh immuni­ties^m: and for these good offices the univer­sity decreed for her, and her husband Philip, [Page 153] an anniversary commemorationⁿ. I need not recall to the reader's memory, that sir Tho­mas Pope, and sir Thomas Whyte, were still more important benefactors by their respec­tive foundations. Without all these favors, although they did not perhaps produce an immediate improvement, the university would still have continued to decay: and they were at least a balance, at that time, on the side of learning, against the pernicious effects of returning popery.

In the beginning of the reign of Elisabeth, which soon followed, when protestantism might have been expected to produce a speedy change for the better, puritanism began to prevail, and for some time continued to retard the progress of ingenuous and useful know­ledge. The English reformed clergy, who during the persecutions of queen Mary had fled into Germany, now returned in great numbers'; and in consideration of their suffer­ings and learning, many of them were prefer­red to eminent stations in the church. They brought back with them those narrow prin­ciples about church-government and ceremo­nies, which they had imbibed, and which did well enough, in the petty states and republics [Page 154] abroad, where they lived like a society of philosophers; but which were inconsistent with the genius of a more extended church, established in a great and magnificent nation, and requiring a settled system of policy, and the observance of external institutions. How­ever, they were judged proper instruments to be employed at the head of ecclesiastical af­fairs, by way of making the reformation at once effectual. But unluckily this measure, specious as it appeared at first, tended to draw the church into the contrary extreme. In the mean time their reluctance or absolute refusal to conform, in many instances, to the established ceremonies, and their speculative theology, tore the church into violent divi­sions, and occasioned endless absurd disputes, unfavorable to the progress of real learning, and productive of an illiterate clergy, at least unskilled in liberal and manly science.

In fact, even the common ecclesiastical preferments had been so much diminished by the seizure and alienation of impropria­tions, in the late depredations of the church, which were not yet ended, that few persons were regularly bred to the church, or, in other words, received a learned education. Hence almost any that offered themselves, [Page 155] were without distinction admitted to the sa­cred function. Insomuch, that in 1560, an injunction was directed to the bishop of Lon­don from his metropolitan, ordering him to forbear ordaining any more artificers, and other unlearned persons who had exercised se­cular occupations^o. But as the evil was un­avoidable, this caution took but little effect. About the year 1563, there were only two divines, the dean of Christ Church, and the president of Magdalene college, who were capable of preaching the public sermons at Oxford^p. Many proofs have been mentioned of the extreme ignorance of our clergy at this time: to which I shall add one, which is curious and new. In 1570, Horne bishop of Winchester enjoined the Minor canons of his cathedral to get by memory, every week, one chapter of saint Paul's epistles in latin: and this task, beneath the abilities of an ordinary school-boy, was actually repeated by some of them, before the bishop, dean, and prebendaries, at a public episcopal visitation of that church^q.

The taste for latin composition, and it was fashionable both to write and speak in that [Page 156] language, was much worse than in the reign of Henry the eighth, when juster models were studied. One is surprized to find the learned archbishop Grindal, in the statutes of a school which he founded and amply endowed, pre­scribing such strange classics as Palingenius, Sedulius, and Prudentius, to be taught in the new seminary^r. Much has been said about the passion for reading Greek which prevailed in this reign. But this affectation was confined to the queen, and a few others: and here it went no farther than ostentation and pedantry. It was by no means the na­tional study; nor do we find that it improved the taste, or influenced the writings, of that age. But I am wandering beyond the bounds which I first prescribed to this necessary di­gression.

Yet I must add an observation or two. In government, many shocks must happen before the constitution is perfected. In like manner, it was late in the reign of Elisabeth, before learning, after its sinews had been re­laxed by frequent changes and commotions, recovered its proper tone, and rose with new vigor, under the genial influence of the [Page 157] protestant religion. And it may be further remarked, that, as all novelties are pursued to excess, and the most beneficial improve­ments often introduce new inconveniencies, so this influx of polite literature destroyed philosophy. On this account, sir Henry Sa­vile, in the reign of James the first, establish­ed professors at Oxford for astronomy and geometry; because, as he declares in the preamble of his statutes, mathematical stu­dies had been totally deserted, and were then almost unknown in, England^s. Logic indeed remained; but that science was still cultivated, as being the basis of polemical theology, and a necessary instrument for conducting our con­troversies against the church of Rome.

IN the year 1556, sir Thomas Pope having now finished the foundation of his col­lege, made his last Will^a, which is dated the sixth of February the same year, he being then no more than forty-seven years of age. Of the several bequests and appointments contained therein, and in the codicil annexed dated the twelfth of December 1558, I shall insert a summary^b.

He desires to be buried in the church of saint Stephen's Walbrook, London, in the tomb, or vault, in which his first wife dame Margaret, and his daughter, were interred. His funeral to be without pomp, ‘"or herse of wax,"’ and only two tapers of virgin wax with branches, to burn on his hearse, in the church of the parish in which he shall happen to die, for the space of one week.

[Page 159] He gives ‘"blacke cootes or gownes,"’ to all his executors, his retainers, his household servants; and all such of his overseers, friends, and kindred, as shall happen to be in his house at the time of his decease.

He bequeaths xxl. or more to be distri­buted in alms to the Poor, in general, at his burial: and at the same time, xls. besides, to twenty poor men, and as many poor wo­men, in parricular, with ‘"a gowne of good mantill fryse each:"’ and when his obse­quies were finished, vl. more at least, to be distributed in alms. He gives also xxs. to a discreet preacher for two funeral sermons: one to be preached in the church of the parish in which he shall die; and the other in the church of saint Stephen's Wallbrook, at the time of his interment.

To the prisons of Newgate, Ludgate, Counter of Bread-street, Poultry-Counter, the Fleet, King's Bench, Marshalsea, New Coun­ter in Southwark, Gate-house, saint Alban's, and Hertford, xviijl. To be given within one month after his death.

[Page 160] To several of his kindred ccccccclxxxiijl. vs. and xl. marks^c. Beside certain smaller be­quests to some others.

To his cousin Jane Hankes one new gilt standing cup of silver, with a cover, weigh­ing twenty-five ounces. To his son in law John Basford, or Beresford, the third part of all his^d armour ‘"and artillerie^e,"’ his best gauntlets and target, and his best horse.

To Mr. Thomas Abrydge, ‘"his stele sad­dill gilte, and all the harnes of crymsyn [Page 161] velvett belonging to the same."’ To mis­tress Staveley, his mother in law, and to three others of his kindred, each, a fair new cup, or bowl, of silver, weighing each twenty ounces. To his son in law, John Dodmer, fifty angels to make him a chain; and his mother's picture in the bracelet of gold, ‘"which I ware about my arme, and the ring of gold hanging at the same; which brace­lett was the first tokyn that ever his mo­ther gave me."’

To nine of his servants by name, lviijl. xiijs. ivd. Beside gratuities to all the rest of his servants, of every sort, living in his house at the time of his decease^f. Pray­ing his executors, that if his wife should not find it convenient to retain them after his death, they would help the said servants to some worshipful man's service^g.

To Trinity college in Oxford, by him founded, cl. for building a wall round the Grove of the said college.

[Page 162] To the said college five hundred marcs for building at Garsington near Oxford^h, a house to accommodate the said college, in time of the plague at Oxford; in case he should not live to accomplish the same: And then char­ging his wife, if the said sum should not be found sufficient, as he believes and intends it to be, fully to supply the defect.

To the said college, beside those which he before gave for the service of the hall, the following pieces of silver plate, viz. Three goblets gilt, weighing together threescore and three ounces. Six plain cups gilt, each with one handle, weighing together seventy­seven ounces and an half. Three other goblets parcel gilt, with covers, weighing sixty ounces. Thirteen spoons, one com­pletely gilt, weighing together forty ounces and an half. All the foregoing to be new made. He likewise bequeathes to the said college, the largest of his standing cups with a cover, completely gilt, weighing twenty­three ounces and a half. Also one of his [Page 163] basons and ewers parcel-gilt, weighing three­score and fifteen ouncesⁱ.

To the Nuns of the convent of Syon vl. To the Friers Observants in the chapel of the Holy Cross at Greenwich, vl. To the Black Friers at London, vl.

To saint Bartholomew's hospital in West-Smithfield, ccl. To be bestowed in con­structing a conduit for conveying water to the said hospital. Otherwise, to be expended in purchasing an estate of xl. per annum, for providing coats, shirts, and gowns, for the sick and poor at their first reception into the house^k.

To the repair of the church of Clerken­well, London, xll. To Wallbrook church for opening the vault therein for his sepul­ture, xxs. To the vicar of Clerkenwell church, xs. And to the vicar of Ridge in Hertfordshire, xs.

[Page 164] To John Heyward^l, his ‘"trewe frynd,"’ one of his gowns of silk. To Mr. Croke, his old master's son, his gown of black sattin faced with luserne spots^m To lord Vaulx, cl. To sir Nicholas Shirley, ll. in abatement of cccll. owed, and payable at Midsummer next. Beside debts forgiven to some of his poor relations.

[Page 165] To Mr. Gerrard, the queen's attorney ge­neral, one ring of fine gold. To Thomas Slythurste, clerk, president of Trinity college aforesaid, one ring of fine gold. Another to Sir Arthur Darcy, knight. Each ring to weigh one ounce, with the initials of his name on one side, and a Death's head on the other.

To the children of several poor tradesmen and others, xxxl. and five marcs.

Of this his last will and testament, he constitutes his wife Elisabeth, his most true and assured friend Nicholas Bacon, esquire, afterwards sir Nicholas, and his wife's bro­ther, William Blunt, esquire, Executors. He also appoints his most trusty, worshipful and loving friends, sir Thomas Cornewallys, knight, comptroller of the king's and queen's houshold, sir Francis Englefield, knight, sir Edward Waldegrave, knight, sir Richard Southwell, knight, sir Robert Southwell, knight, William Cordall, esquire, sollicitor general to the king and queen, Richard Goodryck, esquire, John Wyseman, esquire, and Antony Wayte, gentleman, overseers of the same. To each of the said overseers he gives a ring of gold, of the fashion of those [Page 166] before-mentioned. To Nicholas Bacon, one of his executors, he gives his whistle, shaped like a dragonⁿ, and set with stones, which he commonly wore at his chain^o. To his other executor, William Blount, he gives xl angels, to make him a chain^p.

[Page 167] To Elisabeth his wife, and Executrix, whom he declares ever to have found, ho­nest, true, faithful, loving, and obedient, he bequeathes the residue of his moveable goods, leases and debts: praying her heartily that she would bestow part of the same among the Poor^q. He commissions his said wife, to furnish Trinity college aforesaid, with copes, vestments, and ornaments for divine service, and houshold necessaries. But all these things he completely accomplished himself, in his own life-time, as has been already re­lated. He requires his said wife, in case John Pope, his only brother, should be without a male heir when Elisabeth Pope, daughter of the said John, marries, to be­stow ccc marcs, otherwise bequeathed to the said Elisabeth Pope for a marriage-portion, in deeds of charity.

As to his estates, not settled on Trinity col­lege, he wills that they should remain, as is expressed and covenanted in a certain pair of quadripartite indentures, dated April the first, [Page 168] 1554^r. By which indentures it appears, that the principal demises of the same were made to Elisabeth his wife, John Pope his brother, John Edmondes his uncle, and Edmund Hutchins his nephew^s.

He further wills, that all manors, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, whatsoever, by him lately given to the president, fellows, and scholars, of Trinity college aforesaid, shall for ever remain under the first assurances by which they were by him settled upon the said college; without interruption or claim of heirs, executors, and assigns, or disturbance of any other person claiming in in their right, name, or title.

During the time of founding his college, he chiefly resided at Clerkenwell, Lon­don^t, [Page 169] within the dissolved priory of Black nuns^u: to the repair of the conventual church of which, being left standing at the dissolution, he gave the sum of forty pounds^w. The buildings and site of this religious house, containing fourteen acres, had been granted by king Henry in 1545, to sir William Hen­ley and sir John Williams^x. In the country, he lived much at Tyttenhanger, in the parish of Ridge, in Hertfordshire^y; which had been the country-seat of the abbots of saint Al­ban's, and was conveyed to sir Thomas Pope by Henry the eighth, in the last year of his reign, 1547, but not confirmed to him till by letters patent of Edward the sixth, dated July the twenty-fourth, in the following year^z. However, it appears that he bought [Page 170] this estate of Queen Mary, June the six­teenth, 1557, for twenty years purchase^a: notwithstanding, in a deed dated 1555, he styles himself of Tyttenhanger^b, and in the charter of his college, 1554, mentions Tyt­tenhanger as one of his manors. The house was built by John Moot, one of the abbots of saint Alban's, in 1405^c, and much en­larged and adorned by his successors, parti­cularly the learned and munificent John Whethamstede, in the reign of Henry the sixth^d. The chapel was an elegant edifice: and the wainscott, behind the stalls, was beautifully painted with a series of the figures of all the saints who bore the name of John. The windows were enriched with painted glass, which sir Thomas Pope brought hither from the choir of saint Albans abby, when that church was, by his interposition, pre­served from total destruction. Sir Thomas Pope also erected over the vestibule of the great hall a noble gallery for wind-music^e. This house was so large, that in the year [Page 171] 1528, King Henry the eighth and his queen, with their retinue, removed hither from London, during the continuance of the Sweating sickness^e. But this antient and stately mansion was intirely pulled down, and that which is now standing built in its place, about 1654, by sir Henry Blount, the famous traveller^f. Of this county, and of Essex, sir Thomas Pope was twice sheriff, in the years 1552, 1557^g.

I must not here forget, that the learned and candid John de Feckenham, the last abbot of Westminster, and a great friend to the princess Elisabeth, about the reign of Edward the sixth, often visited sir Thomas Pope, at Tyttenhanger-house; who never suffered him to depart without a present. Once in particular he gave Feckenham, at parting, a purse filled with twelve angels, his picture in enamel, a silver crucifix studded with pretious stones, and a large missal richly ornamented with thirty-six historical pic­tures^h. On the mention of Feckenham, I ob­serve [Page 172] here, perhaps out of place, that Sir Tho­mas Pope is said to have joined with abbot Feckenham in an application to queen Mary, to spare the life of sir John Cheek; in conside­ration of Cheek's eminent learning and inte­grity, and on condition that he would renounce the heresies of the reformationⁱ. It is cer­tain that this admirable scholar, the restorer of the Greek tongue, would otherwise have been executed in the flames. Yet he did not long survive the remorse of a recanta­tion. His own conscience had all the severi­ties of a martyrdom.

To resume the course of our narrative. He seems also, for some time, and so early at least as 1546, to have been settled at Bermondsey in Southwark^k; at which place, and in the neighbourhood, he had ac­quired a very considerable property^l. Here, [Page 173] as I conjecture, he built a house on the ruins of the dissolved abbey of Cluniac monks which he probably purchased of his friend sir Robert, or sir Richard, South­well, to one of whom that monastery was granted at the dissolution^m. This house, which Stowe calls ‘"a goodly house builded of stone and timber,"’ afterwards came into the possession of the earls of Suffexⁿ.

What was sir Thomas Pope's last illness, or the particular circumstances of his death, I have not found. It is not improbable, but that he was carried off by a pestilential fever, which began to rage with uncommon vio­lence in the autumn of the year 1558, and before the end of the succeeding winter, seized three parts in four of the people of England^o; destroying in the general devasta­tion, thirteen bishops, and several other per­sons, both men and women, of the most emi­nent rank and quality^p. His last letter to his college, which having established by his munificence, he lived near five years to pro­tect [Page 174] and assist with his patronage, is dated August the eighth, 1558^p. While he medi­tated further benefactions for the encrease of its endowment^q, he died the twenty-ninth day of January following, 1559, on Sexage­sima Sunday, at his house in Clerkenwell, in the fiftieth year of his age^r.

He was magnificently buried, with the following solemnities^s. His body was first carried to the church of Clerkenwell in Lon­don, where it was laid under a herse, or shrine, illuminated with wax tapers, for the space of one week. On the seventh day of February, began his funeral procession to the church of saint Stephen's Wallbrook: to which he was conveyed with a standard, a Coat, a penon or banner of arms, a target, helmet, sword, and four dozen of arms, with twelve for the branches of wax tapers, and six for the body, or shrine. He was attended by two heralds at arms, Clarencieux and York. The first bore the coat, and the lat­ter the helmet and crest. Twenty poor men [Page 175] and twenty poor women, carried torches. The men were cloathed in mantle frieze gowns, and the women in^t rails, which he gave them. Sir Richard Southwell, and sir Thomas Stradling, knights, and diverse gen­tlemen and others, all in black, where mour­ners, to the number of sixty or more. All his house at Clerkenwell, and the church, were hung with black, with escotcheons of his arms. After the heralds had offered the sword, target, coat, and helmet at the high altar, and other ceremonies were performed, the company returned back to his house to a banquet, where they were refreshed with spiced bread and wine. The next day fol­lowed his morrow mass, in the said church; at which were three Songs, two being prick­ed songs, and the third the mass of requiem, all sung by the Clerkes of London. He was then buried; after which they went back to his house to dinner, ‘"being, as my manu­script says, a very great dinner, and plenty of all thinges."’ Then followed a great dole of almes distributed among the Poor.

Stowe insinuates, that he was interred in [Page 176] the north ile of the choir of Wallbrook church. Here was a vault, in which before had been buried his wife Margaret, his daughter Alice, and Anne Pope his sister in law. Stowe adds the following inscription, which was evidently placed there before his death, and I suppose immediately upon the decease of dame Margaret. It was destroyed with the old church. ‘Hic jacet Thomas Pope Primus Thesaura­rius Augmentationum, et domina Mar­gareta uxor ejus, quae quidem Marga­reta obiit xvi Jan. MDXXXVIII^u.’

But in 1567, eight years after his death, his body and the body of dame Margaret afore­said, were removed from saint Stephen's Wallbrook to the chapel of Trinity college in Oxford; where they were again interred on the north side of the altar, under a state­ly tomb of good gothic workmanship, on which are the recumbent figures of sir Tho­mas Pope in complete armour, and of his second wife Elisabeth, large as the life, in alabaster, with this inscription.

[Page 177] ‘Hic jacent corpora Thome Pope militis fundatoris hujus collegii Trinitatis et do­mine Elizabethe et Margarite uxoris ejus. Qui quidem Thomas obiit xxix. die Ia­nuarii, M.D. LVIII.’

That the body of the founder was actually removed hither, appears unquestionably from the Will of Elizabeth his second wife, who desires expressly to be buried in a vault or tomb in Trinity college chapel in Oxford, ‘"wherein lieth the corps of my late good husband sir Thomas Pope^w."’ This is also further confirmed from the testimony of An­thony Wood: who in the Appendix subjoin­ed to his History of the University of Oxford, containing omissions and mistakes of the translator in the Text of that elaborate work, observes; that notwithstanding the inscrip­tion in saint Stephen's Wallbrook, his Tran­slator, according to the original English copy, ought to have expressly inserted, in the place [Page 178] where sir Thomas Pope's burial is mention­ed, ‘"Sed sepultus fuit in capella coll. S.S. Trinitatis^x".’ In the mean time, it is ex­traordinary that no mention should be record­ed of this Removal of the founder's body in any register of the college. That this tomb in the college chapel was standing in the year 1567, at least, that the founder was then removed thither, may be fairly con­cluded from the two following entries in the computus of the Bursars of that year, and they are the only notices that any where occur concerning it, viz.

[Page 179] This monument was probably given by Elizabeth his second wife in her life-time. It was certainly erected after his death, viz. after 1559, as the inscription, which is wrought in large gothic characters out of the substance of the stone, minutely specifies the date of his decease. Elizabeth survived her husband more than thirty years; and, if at all, she must have erected it before 1567, when it appears to have existed. But of this I shall have occasion to bring further evidences.

I Now proceed to throw some collateral light on sir Thomas Pope's history, by giving a detached and distinct account of his brothers, sisters, wives, and friends: most of which have already been occasionally men­tioned in the course of this narrative.

His brother John Pope, who was one of his heirs, and to whom he granted large es­tates, appears to have been settled at Wroxton in Oxfordshire, in the reign of Edward the sixth^z. I find John purchasing of Henry the eighth, in the year 1544, estates belonging to the dissolved canons of Kenilworth in Warwicshire, for 1501l. 13s. 8d ^a. In the same year he recieved a grant of the site of the house of Franciscan friers at Lincoln^b: as also, jointly with others, the site of the black friars at Beverly in Yorkshire^c. In [Page 181] 1545, he received some lands belonging to the priory of Bileigh in Essex^d. I could give many more instances from the patents, and privy seals. I find him often entertained at Trinity college, Oxford: and once with his second wife Elizabeth Brockett^e. He was three times married. But as a further ac­count of him, his marriages, issue, and their descendants, would take up too much of our time here, and on other accounts requires a [Page 180] [...] [Page 181] [...] [Page 182] more minute and separate consideration, these particulars shall form an article for the Appendix^f.

Sir Thomas Pope's sisters were Alice, Eli­zabeth, and Julian, as I before observed. Alice was married to Edward Love, gentle­man, of Aynhoc, in Northamptonshire; ^g whose name often occurs in the affairs of Trinity college aforesaid about the time of its foundation, and who appears to have act­ed as the founder's receiver in Oxfordshire and other counties^h. She died 1534, and they are both buried in the church of Stoke-Lyne near Bicester in Oxfordshire, with an inscription on a brass-plateⁱ. Elizabeth his [Page 183] second sister was married to Richard Hutch­ins, of Chipping-Norton in the same county, and afterwards to John Orpewood of the same place^k. The third sister Julian was, as I conjecture, a nun at Godstowe; and upon the dissolution of that convent, received a grant of an annual pension of vjl. xiijs. ivd ^l. [Page 184] which she continued to possess, 1553. This is a larger pension than was usual: which probably she got by the interest of her brother sir Thomas Pope. And this is more probable, as among other notices, it appears from an in­dorsement on a fragment of a rental of that nunnery in the hand-writing of sir Thomas Pope, that on their dispersion, he gave a gratuitous donation of forty marcs to twelve of its nuns, who were friendless and born in Oxfordshire^m. She, if the same, was however married, before the year 1556, to Henry Bryan of Cogges in Oxfordshireⁿ, who seems to have been but in moderate circumstances^o.

As to the wives of sir Thomas Pope, he was three times married. His first wife was Elisabeth Gunston, from whom he was di­vorced by Richard Gwent, doctor of decrees, archdeacon of London, and principal official in the court of Canterbury, July the eleventh 1536, by the authority of the king and par­liament^p. [Page 185] His second wife was Margaret Dodmer, widow, to whom he was married at London, July the seventeenth, 1536^q, by licence from archbishop Cranmer, authorised by parliament for this purpose^r. Margaret Dodmer's maiden name was Townsend, and she was a native of Stamford in Lincoln­shire^s. She was the relict of Ralph Dod­mer, [Page 186] mercer and sheriff of London, 1524; afterwards knighted^t, and mayor of London, 1529^u. She was married to the said Ralph, by licence from cardinal Wolsey, dated November the twentieth, 1527^w. By this sir Ralph Dodmer, she had two sons Ralph and John, both living 1554^x, and two daugh­ters, Ann and Mary^y. By sir Thomas Pope, her second husband, she had only one [Page 187] daughter Alice, born April the sixteenth, 1537^z, who died very young. Lee, in a book of arms, chiefly of Oxfordshire, drawn by himself in 1574, gives us the arms of Dodmer impaling Pope, from an escocheon of painted glass in a window at Trinity col­lege, since destroyed with many others: viz. Four lozenges meeting in point, gules, be­tween four roses of the same: Upon a chief, gules, a wheat sheaf between two annulets, Or^a. But these arms do not agree with an engraving of the arms of sir Ralph Dodmer given by Stowe^b, With this lady Margaret, sir Thomas Pope seems to have lived in the greatest harmony and happiness; for in his Will he mentions with much affection, ‘"her womanlie behaviour, trewth, and honestie, used towards me,"’ and makes this the sole cause of his kind remembrances and gifts to her son; beseeching his executors, and ho­norable friends, to treat all her children as his own. She died the sixteenth day of January, 1538^c.

[Page 188] His third wife, who deserves more parti­cular notice, was Elizabeth the daughter of Walter Blount, esquire, of Blount's Hall in Staffordshire, and Mary his wife, descended from the illustrious family of Dudley Sutton, of which were the famous, John Dudley duke of Northumberland, and Robert earl of Leicester. The said Elizabeth when mar­ried to sir Thomas Pope, was relict of Anthony Basford, or Beresford, esquire, of Bentley in Derbyshire, by whom she had an only son John^d. It is said by one who [Page 189] knew her well^e, that sir Thomas Pope was induced to marry this lady principally on account of her charitable disposition, and and other excellent qualifications; and that she heartily concurred with her husband's pious intention of founding a college. They were married by licence from archbishop Cranmer, the first of January, 1540^f. They had no issue. After the death of sir Thomas Pope in January 1559, she was married, for the third time, before or in December fol­lowing^g, to sir Hugh Powlett of Hinton saint George in Somersetshire: concerning whose life and character, it may not perhaps be thought too great a digression to mention some few particulars.

Sir Hugh Powlett was the son of sir Amias Powlett knight, of whom it is remembered, that having incurred the displeasure of car­dinal Wolsey, to produce a reconciliation, he [Page 190] re-edified the gate of the middle temple, where he was treasurer, in a most superb manner, introducing among other decora­tions, the cardinal's arms, cognisance, and badges^h. Sir Hugh, during the reign of Henry the Eighth, was much in favor with that king. He was invited, in 1537, with the principal nobility, to attend the magni­ficent baptism of prince Edwardⁱ. He was knighted for his gallant services against the French in the wars of that reign: particu­larly for his behaviour at taking the Brey, at the siege of Boloigne, in the presence of the king^k He was treasurer of the king's army at the siege of Boloigne^l. In consideration of these merits, he was rewarded by Henry the eighth with several grants of manors and lands^m. By that king he was likewise ap­pointed surveyor of the rents of the dissolved [Page 191] monastery of Glastonburyⁿ. In the third year of Edward the sixth, he was knight­marshal of the army commanded by lord Russel lord privy seal, and sent against the rebels of Cornwall and Devonshire, whom he totally defeated^o. For these services he was, the year following, appointed, for life, governor of the isle of Jersey and Mount-Orgueil-castle^p. In 1551, the fifth year of the lastmentioned king, he was installed knight of the garter, at a chapter held in the royal palace of Greenwich^q. In 1559, the the first year of queen Elizabeth, the privy council constituted him vice-president of the marches of Wales, in the absence of lord Williams, president^r. In 1563, he was made governor of Havre de Grace^t, then in the hands of the English. The next year, he was one of the principal commanders who so bravely defended Newhaven against the French. On this occasion, when Montmo­rency, constable of France, sent a trumpet [Page 192] to the earl of Warwick summoning him to surrender, sir Hugh Powlett was deputed by the earl to assure the Constable, that the English were prepared and resolved to suffer the last extremity before they would yield the town, without the queen's express orders. And when the English army was at length so miserably reduced by a pestilence, that her majesty in compassion to those gallant sol­diers who still survived, gave directions to lord Warwick to deliver up the place; sir Hugh Powlett was the chief of the commis­sioners who conducted the conferences with the constable of France for the capitulation^t. He was in a word, beside the character of singular prudence and integrity, one of the most intrepid and experienced officers of his time^u. He was father, by a former wife, of sir Amias Powlett^w, a privy counsellor and an eminent statesman, in the reign of queen Elizabeth^x. Sir Hugh died in 1571, being [Page 193] then representative in parliament for the county of Somerset^y, and without issue by this lady.

This Lady, whom we must now call Dame Elizabeth Powlett, did not, however, from her new connection discontinue that previous and natural attachment, which, in the cha­racter of foundress, she bore to the founda­tion of her former husband sir Thomas Pope. She possessed indeed no small jurisdiction over the transactions of the society: for the foun­der had delegated to her the authority of nominating it's scholars, and presenting to it's advowsons, during life^z. And this power, [Page 194] yet with some interruptions^a, she continued to exercise till her death^b. Nor was she wanting in proper marks of affection to a place, to which she was by the strongest ties so nearly related. She engaged her husband, sir Hugh Powlett, to join with her in protecting the interests of the college. She added, in part, to the founder's endow­ment, after his death, the rectory of Ridge in Hertfordshire, and the advowson to the vicarage^c. She freely fulfilled the founder's unlimited charge, in which she was bound to finish the house at Garsington abovemen­tioned; the cost of it having exceeded the five hundred marcs which he specified by will for that purpose: and accordingly we find her, from time to time, advancing with­out reserve, the necessary supplies of timber and money^d. She appears often to have in­terested [Page 195] herself in the affairs of the society, and to have lent her assistance and advice on many occasions: for which she frequently re­ceived their testimonies of respect and re­gard^c Once I find her present at the college [Page 196] in 1565, viz. ‘"Sol. pro Refectione data Fun­datrici, liijs. iiijd ^f."’ Sir Edward Hoby, an eminent statesman and scholar, in the reigns of queen Elizabeth and James the first, styles her in a latin epistle^g, ‘"praeno­bilis heroina;"’ and adds the great obliga­tion she had conferred upon him in admitting into the college, Bernard Adams^h, afterwards [Page 197] bishop of Limerick. Sir Hugh Powlett assis­ted the college with his patronage, in a trou­blesome and expensive law-suit against lord Rich, and enabled them to overthrow their [Page 198] powerful antagonistⁱ. He generously gave them a present of twenty pounds in silver, in 1566, for finishing the stone wall round their Grove^k. I find him entertained with them on Trinity Sunday the preceding year^l. I find him also visiting them 1567, viz. ‘"Allocat. Jun. xxviii. pro dapibus domini Paulett visentis collegium, vjs. viijd. Item pro cerasis et vino eodem tempore, ijs. ivd. [ixs.]^m.’

But I proceed to some other particulars concerning Dame Elizabeth Powlett. In the year 1560, she placed in rich painted glass in a window of the choir, or chancell, of the church of Broadwell in Oxsordshire, an image of the Holy Trinity, with the figures [Page 199] of herself and Sir Thomas Popeⁿ, both kneel­ing in their heraldic surcoats of arms. But this window was removed or destroyed the following year by own her command, being censured as superstitious^o. In the following year, she gave a great clock to the late conven­tual church of Clerkenwell in London^p. This was a considerable benefaction, and not unworthy to be mentioned here; as clocks, if of any size, were at that time uncommon and very expensive. In 1564, she placed a new pair of organs, with a picture of the Passion of Saint Sebastian, in the chapel of Tytten-hanger-house^q. In the year 1592, being desi­rous of perpetuating her affection to her native town of Burton upon Trent in Staffordshire, by the memorial of some public benefaction, she gave an annuity of [Page 200] fifteen pounds issuing from her estate in Clerkenwell, and all her lands and possessions at Bentley in Derbyshire, for improving the salaries of the first and second masters of the free-school, and also for the perpetual main­tenance of five poor women, aged and un­married, in that town^q. At length this pi­ous and respectable lady having lived to a very great age, died the following year 1593, on the twenty-seventh day of October, at Tyttenhanger in Hertfordshire^r. When her body was carried from thence, to be buried at Oxford, five pounds in money, and large provisions of meat and drink were distributed [Page 201] to the Poor, at the gate of Tyttenhanger-house^s. On the first of November following, the corpse arrived at Oxford, where, not so much on account of her rank, as in regard to that public relation which her former husband sir Thomas Pope bore to the university, it was laid in state, in saint Mary's church^t. The next day it was conveyed with proper solemnity to Trinity college, attended by the president, fellows, and scholars of the same, all cloathed in mourning at her own charge^u; where with great pomp she was interred in the chapel, with sir Thomas Pope and his former wife Margaret. Three pennons, con­taing impalements of all her three hus­bands, Beresford, POPE, and Powlett, were hung up over the tomb^w. Twenty-five of the poorest women which could be found in Oxford, were ordered to be present at the in­terment, habited in black gowns of frieze. On this occasion, a sumptuous dinner was provided in the hall of the college, for the whole society, and attendants of the funeral. The remains of the entertainment were dis­tributed to the poor at the college-gate, and [Page 202] five pounds in money. At the same time, a legacy of ten shillings was delivered to each of the scholars. All this was by her own di­rections^x. She bequeathed xjl. vs. to seve­ral prisons: and to every single prisoner at Oxford one stone of beef. To the poorest and most diseased patients in the hospital of saint Bartholomew^y in West-Smithfield, xls. to be delivered to each of them respectively, within one week after her decease. Among other bequests to her honorable friends and relations, she leaves, to lord keeper Pucker­inge a standing cup with a cover, of silver gilt. To lord treasurer Burleigh a ring of gold garnished with a diamond, pointed up­wards and downwards, which was sometime the ring of lord keeper sir Nicholas Bacon, and by him sold to sir Arthur Darcy, who sold the same to sir Thomas Pope for one hundred pounds. To the earl of Ormond her black ambling horse.^z To the countess of Warwick, aunt of sir Philip Sydney, two long cushions of red cloth of gold, for the furniture of a bow window; and an ewer [Page 203] of silver, suitable to the bason which she gave her at the last ‘"New yeres tide,"’ for a new year's gift^a. To lady Stafford, lady of the queen's privy chamber, a candlestick of silver, weighing twenty two ounces, suitable to two others before given^b. To lady Scudamore, a very fair casting bottle of silver gilt, weighing fifteen ounces^c. To her sister lady Sydenham, [Page 204] a nest of silver bowls, two trencher Salts of silver, and her bed, with all its rich furni­ture, of cloth of^d stamel colour^e. These par­ticulars acquaint us with her connections, and shew the manners of the times.

She had two brothers; William Blount^f an executor, with Nicholas Bacon, of sir Tho­mas Pope's will: and Walter Blount, nomi­nated a scholar of Trinty college, Oxford, by the founder, and admitted January the ninth, 1557^g. Her sisters were Mary, [Page 205] Anne and Ellen^h William Blount's heir Thomasⁱ, who was settled at Tyttenhanger in Hertfordshire about 1593, prefixed Pope to the name of Blount, in remembrance of [Page 206] sir Thomas Pope; as many of his lineal de­scendants have done.

Of this family of Blount there were after­wards three eminent writers: sir Henry Blount knight, sir Thomas Pope-Blount knight, and baronet, and Charles Blount, esquire. Concerning whom a few words may not be perhaps impertinent or unaccepta­ble. Sir Henry Blount was admitted a gentle­man-commoner of Trinity college Oxford, in 1615^l, under the tuition of the learned Robert Skynner one of the fellows, after­wards successively bishop of Bristol, Oxford, and Worcester, in the fourteenth year of his age: where, at that early period of life, he attracted the peculiar attention and esteem of the society, more from his own personal and intrinsic accomplishments, his amiable dispo­sition, lively conversation, engaging address, genius, and taste for polite literature, than from his family connections, and his near re­lation to the founder^m. In 1636, He pub­lished his VOYAGE INTO THE LEVANT, which became exceedingly popular, and was [Page 207] frequently reprinted. But to say the truth, this little work is the voyage of a sceptic: it has more of the philosopher than the tra­veller, and would probably never have been written, but for the purpose of insinuating his religious sentiments. Yet his reflections are so striking and original, and so artfully inter­woven with the thread of his adventures, that they enliven, instead of embarrassing, the nar­rative. He has the plausible art of colouring his paradoxes with the resemblance of truth. So little penetration had the orthodox court of Charles the first, that merely on the merit of this book, he was appointed one of the band of Pensioners^m. Sir Thomas Pope-Blount his eldest son was born in 1649, and was educated under his father's inspection. His CENSURA CELEBRIORUM AUTHORUM, which is a compilation of great erudition and labour, is well known to the critic and the li­terary historian. Niceron unfortunately com­pares the CENSURA with Baillet's JUGE­MENT DES SAVANSⁿ. But Baillet has the vanity and injustice to report the opinions of other writers in his own words: our author has the modesty and fidelity to transcribe and [Page 208] to cite his authorities. His ESSAYS on vari­ous subjects are learned and judicious, and they have the ease and freedom, without the singularity, of Montaigne. Another of his works, which has been superseded by those who have used its materials, is REMARKS ON POETRY. Of this piece it will be sufficient to say, that it was honoured with the appro­bation of lord Mulgrave, the most elegant critic of the author's age. Charles Blount, or Pope-Blount, esquire, second son of sir Henry abovementioned, inherited his father's philosophy. From an abhorence of super­stition, he appears to have adopted the most distant extremes of the theistic system. His ANI­MA MUNDI, ORACLES OF REASON, LIFE OF APPOLLONIUS TYANAEUS, and DIA­NA OF THE EPHESIANS, written with great learning, sagacity, wit, and force of reason­ing, are the consolation of infidels, and are melancholy monuments of admirable abilities abused in the defence of a futile but danger­ous cause^o. In conformity to these princi­ples, he died by his own hand in 1693. Bayle has inaccurately represented the affecting story of his death^p.

[Page 209] I close my account of Dame Elizabeth Powlett, and her nearer relations, with a few words concerning the antiquity and dignity of her family. Its ancestor was Le Blound lord of Guisnes in Normany, whose sons Robert and William le Blound, both entered Eng­land with William the conqueror. William was one of the captains in that expedition, and quartered, with other Norman knights, on the monks of Ely. Robert was created by the conqueror, baron of Ixworth in Suffolk; in which county he received a grant of thir­teen lordships. Gilbert, his son, founded an Augustine priory at Ixworth, in the reign of William Rufus, which he endowed with fourteen knights fees. One of Gilbert's de­scendants was killed at the battle of Lewes, [Page 210] in the reign of Henry the third, where he was standard-bearer to Mountford earl of Leicester. In the progress of it's descent, this family numbers many persons of singular eminence and high station^q; and is, besides, nobly connected by marriages. On the sides of the tomb in Trinity college chapel above­mentioned, are two coats: Pope impaling Quarterings of Blount, viz. Barry, Nebule of six, Or, and sable; And of Roger de Sutton, ancestor of Elizabeth's mother, viz. A lyon rampant. This is one coat. The other con­sists of quarterings of Blount, Of the said Ro­ger de Sutton; and, Of Nicholas de Wichard lord of the manor of Osberston aforesaid in the reign of Henry the third, marrying into the said Roger, viz. Azure, a cheveron Ar­gent, between three martlets^r Or. These arms are an additional and evident proof, that Dame Elizabeth Powlett erected this monument; in decorating which, she was so studious to introduce the ensigns and ho­nors of her own family^s.[Page 211]

IT may be necessary to speak of sir Tho­mas Pope's friends, and of those with whom he seems to have maintained any par­ticular intimacy, connection, or intercourse: notwithstanding most of their names have before occurred incidentally. These were sir Thomas More, lord Audley, sir Richard Southwell, sir Thomas Stradling, sir Nicho­las Bacon, sir Thomas Cornewallys, sir Fran­cis Englefield, sir Robert Southwell, sir Ed­ward Waldegrave, William Cordall, esquire, Richard Gooderick, John Wyseman, sir Ar­thur Darcy, sir Gilbert Gerrard, lord Vaulx, sir Thomas Brydges, cardinal Pole, Thirlby bishop of Ely, sir Thomas Whyte, lord Wil­liams of Thame, Whyte bishop of Winches­ter, and Thomas Slythurste, president of Tri­nity college so often mentioned.

I need not repeat his last interview with sir THOMAS MORE: of whom it will be sufficient to add here, that he was the great­est ornament of the English nation at the res­toration of polite literature; that he was a [Page 213] man whose life and death are equal prodigies, and whose valuable virtues and untimely fate are alike admired and lamented^a. THOMAS lord AUDLEY, made lord high chancellor of England on sir Thomas More's resignation in 1533, was probably sir Thomas Pope's parti­cular patron, and perhaps not a little instru­mental towards his rise in the world, as has been already hinted. In how great confidence and esteem sir Thomas was held by lord Aud­ley, is further manifested, from his being ap­pointed, with sir Edward North, and two others, an executor of lord Audley's will^b; in which, among several other directions, they are requested to deliver, the next new year's day after his decease, one hundred pounds to the king; from whom the testator professes to have received all his reputations and benefits ^c. Few of the favorites of Henry the eighth appear to have more successfully recom­mended themselves to their sovereign than [Page 214] lord Audley. But although by his perseve­rance in the business of the Divorce, and the dissolution of the monasteries, he so gratified the kings private views, as ‘"to sustain, ac­cording to his own declaration, much da­mage and infamy;"’ yet the best historians admit, that he opposed the dangerous designs of his arbitrary master in a matter of the highest importance. In 1539, many severe acts were made, in which those styled the six bloody articles were included; and the pre­rogative was carried to such an enormous height, that the king's proclamation was al­lowed to attain the force of a law. It does not very plainly appear who were his majesty's principal counsellors in this affair: but we are assured, by concurrent and undoubted authorities, that the rigorous execution of those laws which the king had at first in­tended, was prevented by the spirited inter­position of lord Audley^d. But I forbear en­tering further into the history of this distin­guished statesman and lawyer; who bore so considerable and so public a share in the most important transactions of the reign of Henry the eighth. I shall only add, that with sir Thomas Pope, he was an encourager of li­terature; and the founder, or restorer, of [Page 215] Magdalen college in Cambridge^e. Sir RI­CHARD SOUTHWELL was one of the chief mourners at sir Thomas Pope's burial. He was educated at Bennet college in Cambridge, and from thence removed to the inns of court^f. He was summoned, in 1537, with many lords and knights, to attend the baptism of prince Edward^g. He was a visitor at the dissolution of religious houses^h, privy coun­sellor to Henry the eighth, and an executor of his willⁱ. In 1545, although a strict ca­tholic, he protected, in his house called the Charter-house at London, his tutor at Cambridge, one John Loude, a polite scho­lar, who was persecuted for heresy, being a friend to his literature notwithstanding his religion^k. When sir Thomas More was committed to the tower, he was sent by the king, with Rich the sollicitor-general, to take away More's books^l. Henry the eighth left him by will two hundred pounds^m. In the [Page 216] reign of Edward the sixth, he was appointed one of the counsellors to the young king, during his minorityⁿ. In 1551, he was con­cerned with lord Wriothesley, and others, in bringing about the fall of the protector So­merset; who was become odious to the peo­ple on accont of his ambitious views, and the riches he had amassed in plundering the revenues of the church and crown. But in consequence of this intrigue, which was deemed a faction, he was imprisoned, but pardoned. At the accession of Mary, he received a grant from the queen of an annual pension of one hundred pounds^o, for his ser­vices in opposing the duke of Northumber­land who disputed her title, and was accord­ingly beheaded for rebellion^p. In the same reign, 1553, he was master of the ordinance and armory^q; the nature of which, at that time, appears from the following warrant, requiring him to deliver, ‘"towardes the fur­niture [Page 217] of the bande of horsemen, appoint­ed presently to attend upon her Grace, theis parcells of armour; four hundred demy launces, with all their furniture, five hundred corseletts, one hundred and fiftie shirtes of mail, with morions to the same."’ Afterwards mention is made of ‘"two hun­dred bowes, with sheffs of arrowes, two grosse of bowstringes, fifty partizans [hal­berds] and five hundred pikes^r."’ In 1554, the queen gave him a licence for forty re­tainers^s, an honor only granted to persons of uncommon distinction. In this reign he was also one of the privy council, and re­peatedly joined in the most important com­missions^t; one of which he executed in con­junction with sir Thomas Pope. In the first year of queen Elizabeth, he was con­tinued master of the ordinance and ar­mory; when he made suit to the lords, that he might exhibit a declaration of the state of his office, and of the military stores then remaining in his posession. In a letter to Slythurste, the first president of Trinity college, dated Whitmonday 1558, sir Tho­mas Pope proposes to place his son in law [Page 218] John Beresford abovementioned, a student in his college, and concerning whose success in life he appears to have been very sollicitous, as a page with sir Richard Southwell, and his brother sir Robert, ‘"to lerne there amonge his [sir Richard's] childern, the Latin tonge, the French tonge, and to playe at wepons^u."’ These at this time, were probably the sole and complete accomplish­ments of a gentleman. Sir THOMAS STRAD­LING^w, another of the chief mourners at sir Thomas Pope's funeral, was of saint Do­nat's castle in Glamorganshire. When queen Mary succeeded to the crown^x, 1553, he was appointed, with others, a muster-master to the queen's army^y, and a commissioner for the marches of Wales^z. In the same [Page 219] year he was representative in parliament for East-Grinstead in Sussex; and, the follow­ing year for Arundel in the same county^a. In 1558, he was joined with sir Thomas Pope, and others, in a commission, before mentioned at large, for the suppression of heretics^b. He was father of sir Edward Strad­ling, remarkable in the reign of Elizabeth, for his critical skill in the British language, and his patronage of the Welch antiquarian literature^c. Sir Thomas Stradling magnifi­cently repaired the ancient castle of saint Donat's^d; and built saint Mary's chapel, adjoining to saint Donat's church, in which he was buried^e.

Sir NICHOLAS BACON, one of the exe­cutors of sir Thomas Pope's will, in which he likewise remembers him with a token of [Page 220] affection, calling him moreover ‘"his most true and assured friend,"’ was sir Thomas Pope's neighbour at Gorhambury near saint Alban's; where he built in 1566, a beautiful house, which still remains a monument of ancient magnificence and manners, with much of its original furniture and decorations^f. He was likewise sollicitor^g, while sir Thomas was treasurer, of the first court of Augmen­tations. During the reign of Henry the eighth, having enjoyed many marks of royal favor, more from virtuous industy than from mean submission, he was made by queen Elizabeth, 1559, lord keeper of the great seal, and a privy counsellor^h. In these stations, he behaved with that wisdom and integrity which their importance and dignity required. To this character it may be superfluous to add, what alone might supply the place of a prolix panegyric, that he was the father of Francis lord Verulam.

Sir THOMAS CORNEWALLYS, one of the Overseers of sir Thomas Pope's will, all [Page 221] whom he styles his most trusty and loving friends, was sheriff of Norfolk just before queen Mary's accession, where he raised a considerable force against those disaffected and factious subjects who opposed her title. For this seasonable and serviceable assistance, he was immediately made one of her privy council, treasurer of Calais^l, and comptrol­ler of her houshold^k. When it was debated in council to send the princess Elizabeth out of the kingdom, in order that she might be excluded from the succession, he boldly dis­suaded the queen from a proceeding at once unjust and imprudent^l. Sir FRANCIS EN­GLEFIELD, a second overseer of sir Thomas Pope's will, and joined with him in a com­mission, was knighted by Edward the sixth^m, but afterwards imprisoned in the Tower by the protector Somerset, because he concurred with sir Edward Waldegrave, and others, in suppressing the commands of the privy coun­cil for the prohibition of mass in the family of his mistress the princess Mary, with whom he then resided at Copped-hall in Essexⁿ. [Page 222] But when Mary, succeeded to the throne, he was constituted a privy-counsellor, consta­ble of Windsor castle, and master of the great wardrobe^o. She also granted him one hundred retainers^p. In the reign of Eliza­beth, he left the kingdom, and retiring into Spain, became a zealous advocate to king Philip in favor of Mary queen of Scots^q. But Elizabeth, highly provoked at the inso­lence of a man who presumed to plead the cause of a lady more beautiful than herself, commanded him to be outlawed and attaint­ed^r. This bigotted knight was much of­fended at the singular forbearance and indul­gence shewn to the celebrated Roger Ascham, whom he looked upon as a most dangerous heretic, during the rigid reign of queen Mary: but there are papers to prove, that it was principally by sir Thomas Pope's influence and earnest interposition, that Englefield was persuaded to abandon a violent prosecution which he had commenced against Ascham^s. [Page 223] Sir ROBERT SOUTHWELL, another of the overseers of sir Thomas Pope's will, and brother to sir Richard, was made master of the rolls, 1542, by Henry the eighth^t, and continued in that office till about the middle of Edward the sixth, 1550^u. In 1542, he was representative in parliament for the county of Surrey, and often afterwards for the county of Kent, and several boroughs, in the reigns of Edward and Mary^w. He was a receiver of abby lands from Henry the eighth^x. He died in November, 1559^y. Queen Mary granted him twenty retainers^z. He was appointed a delegate and commissary in the first year of queen Mary, with many civilians, and others of the first honor and quality, for the restitution of bishop Bonner^a. He was one of the attornies, while sir Tho­mas Pope was treasurer, of the court of aug­mentations^b. [Page 224] Sir EDWARD WALDEGRAVE, another of the overseers of sir Thomas Pope's will, was a principal officer in the houshold of the princess Mary, and committed to close imprisonment to the Tower, with sir Francis Englefield, and sir Robert Rochester, for omitting to forbid the celebration of mass in her house^c. The princess when she suc­ceeded to the crown, had him much in esteem; and in consideration of his sufferings and unshaken constancy, she constituted him a privy-counsellor, master of the great ward­robe^d, and chancellor of the duchy of Lan­caster^e. He was created knight of the carpet, by lord Arundel, the day following her majesty's coronation^f. He was appoint­ed one of the executors of cardinal Pole's will; in which the cardinal assigns him a gratuity of fifty pounds^g. In the year 1561, he was ordered, with his lady, to the Tower, for hearing mass in his family^h. Strype, in the spirit of his honest simplicity, tells usⁱ, [Page 225] that ‘"this knight and his lady had the cha­racter of very good alms-folks, in respect of their great liberality to the Poor."’ Three other Overseers of sir Thomas Pope's will were sir William Cordall, Richard Gooderyke, and John Wyseman. Sir WIL­LIAM CORDALL was lent reader of Lin­coln's inn, 1553^k, and afterwards frequently governor of that house^l. In the same year he was appointed sollicitor-general, by queen Mary^m; and in 1557, master of the rollsⁿ. Sir Thomas Pope mentions him in this ca­pacity, in a letter to the president of his col­lege, dated at Clerkenwell, on Whitmonday, 1558. ‘"I shall buy of the master of the rolles, ii fayre manors with two advowsons in Lyncolnshere which I entende to gyve to my collegge, &c^o."’ He was one of Mary's privy counsellors^p, who granted him the privilege of twelve retainers^q. He was one of the executors of cardinal Pole's will, [Page 226] with a bequest of fifty pounds^r. He was likewise an executor, and is styled a beloved friend, of the great earl of Dorset^s. In 1558 he was speaker of the house of Commons^t. The mastership of the rolls he kept late in the reign of Elizabeth, with much respect, till 1581^u. William Lambarde's famous book, entitled ARCHAIONOMIA or system of Saxon laws, translated into Latin, and printed at London in 1568, is dedicated to this sir William Cordall; and in the dedication, the learned editor acknowledges the many obli­gations and encouragements he had received from sir William's patronage in the prosecu­tion of that valuable work. Abraham Fle­ming also dedicates his translation of The General Doctrine of Earthquakes to this wor­thy patron^w. He is said to have been a great encourager of Saxton, who published maps of England, in the reign of queen Elizabeth^x. He was appointed visitor of saint John's col­lege in Oxford, during life, by the founder sir Thomas Whyte; and is supposed to have [Page 227] drawn up the statutes of that society by the founder's desire^y. He lived at Long-Mel­ford in Suffolk^z: and, in 1578, gave exam­ple for the magnificent feasting of queen Elizabeth in that county; into which her majesty was received by three troops, one of two hundred young gentlemen cloathed in white velvet, another of three hundred gentlemen of the county apparelled in black velvet coats and costly chains, and a third of fifteen hundred attendants well mounted on horseback^a. RICHARD GOODERYKE ap­pears to have been a lawyer of great emi­nence; and his name is frequently mention­ed, with other chief lawyers and noblemen, in various commissions and proclamations, during the reigns of Henry the eighth, Ed­ward, Mary, and Elizabeth^b. Leland, in [Page 228] the ENCOMIA^c of illustrious persons, compli­ments him when a young man, for his pro­mising virtues and abilities; and from thence infers his future reputation in the profession of the law^d. He was an attorney^e, while sir Thomas Pope was master of the woods, of the second court of Augmentations. Ed­ward the sixth, in 1551, granted him an an­nuity of one hundred pounds^f. He was of­ten a representative in parliament^g. He was [Page 229] born in Yorkshire 1524^h, and was high-sheriff of that county 1579ⁱ. He was nearly related to Goodryke bishop of Ely, high chancellor of England^k. JOHN WYSEMAN^l was of Canfield-Hall in Essex^m. I find him one of the commissioners for certifying to Henry the eighth, the value of all the mo­nastic and other spiritual foundations in the county of Essexⁿ. He was a member of par­liament, in 1554, for Malden in Essex: and in the following year, for East-Grinstead in Sussex^o.

Sir ARTHUR DARCY, to whom sir Thomas Pope bequeathes a valuable memorial in his will, and with whom he was joined in a com­mission, is said to have been ‘"a soldier of great fidelitie and trust^p."’ Upon informa­tion [Page 230] given to Henry the eighth, that the emperor Charles the fifth had threatened war against England, in 1532, and by some secret negotiations, engaged James the fourth of Scotland to his assistance; he entered Scotland with an army, and wasted the country. In the same year he was deputed captain of the Isle of Jersey; and afterwards, in 1551, by Ed­ward the sixth, lieutenant of the tower of London^q. He was moreover an encourager of polite learning, then begining to grow fashion­able, as we learn from Leland; who addresses a copy of verses to him in the ENCOMIA^r; and says, that sir Arthur Darcy was present, and countenanced him when he presented, in 1545, his new years gift to the King^s. Sir GILBERT GERARD, to whom sir Thomas Pope also leaves a memorial, was autumnal reader of Gray's-inn, 1553^t; and in the fol­lowing year, treasurer of that society with Nicholas Bacon^u. He was appointed, by [Page 231] queen Elizabeth, at her accession, 1559, at­torney general^w, and on the death of sir Wil­liam Cordall, in 1588, master of the rolls^x; in which station he remained till 1594^y, when he probably died. The memorable William Herbert, earl of Pembroke, appoin­ted him in 1569, with others his good lords and friends, an overseer of his will, with a reward of fifty pounds, to be given him in money, plate, or jewels^z. WILLIAM Lord VAULX, of Harwedon, to whom sir Thomas Pope leaves a legacy of one hundred pounds, was summoned to parliament 1557. He founded an hospital at Irtlingburgh in North­amptonshire^a. In 1582, he was accused before lord Burghley and sir Walter Mild­may, and heavily fined, for harbouring Cam­pion the jesuit, but was afterwards reconciled to the queen^b. Notwithstanding this popish attachment, he was one of the noblemen ap­pointed to conduct her majesty from Hatfield [Page 224] to London, on the Death of her sister Mary^c. Sir THOMAS BRYDGES, to whom, by the name of Mr. Thomas Abrydge, sir Thomas Pope also bequeathes a remembrance, was brother to John first earl of Chandois^d. In Mary's reign he was lieutenant of the Tower of London^e. Fox mentions a friendly reli­gious conference between him, secetary Bourne, and Bishop Ridley, in the Tower^f. When the princess Elizabeth was confined in the tower, he saved her life, by detecting and communicating a plot which bishop Gar­diner is said to have contrived for her imme­diate execution^g. When he led, as lieutenant of the tower, lady Jane Gray to the scaffold, he begged her to bestow on him some small present, which he might keep as a perpetual memorial of her^h. She gave him her table­book, where she had just written three senten­ces on seeing her husband's headless body [Page 233] carried back to the tower in a cart. They were written one in Greek, another in Latin, and a third in Englishⁱ. That sir Thomas Pope was nearly connected with CARDINAL POLE, appears from passages in his letters. I have before mentioned his application to the cardinal, for obtaining a licence for three of his fellows to preach. Sir Thomas Pope in a letter to the president of his college, 1558, [Page 234] speaks of procuring a prebend for one Hey­wood, and adds, ‘"my lord cardinalls Grace and my lord of Elie [Thirlby] are both willing."’ In another letter to the same, dated 1557, he says, ‘"Towching Mr. Hey­wood's recompens, I wold be glad to un­derstonde what he wold have; and therup­pon wold make my sute to my lord cardi­nall's Grace, and my lord of Elie, accord­inglie^k."’ In another to the same, and on the same business, without date, he says, ‘"my lord cardinall's grace has promised me a prebend of xxl."’ In another to the same, dated July the ninth, 1558, he tells the president, that if his son in law John Beresford, or Basford, mentioned above, then at Trinity college, should prove a good pro­ficient [Page 235] in the latin tongue, ‘"I will not fail to sue to my lord cardinall's grace for him:"’ in order that he ‘"might, as is said in another letter, attende uppon his grace."’ Of the cardinal's character it will be suffi­cient to observe, that he is more endeared to posterity by private virtues and amiable qua­lifications, than ennobled by birth and dig­nities. Instead of imbruing his hands in the blood of martyrs, and loading the consciences of mankind with arbitrary decrees and unna­tural edicts, he corresponded with learned men, and introduced into England the pure and useful elegancies of classical composition^l. [Page 236] Sir Thomas Pope submitted to the cardi­nal the statutes of his college, as appears from a letter to the President: which, while it pays a compliment to the cardinal's taste, likewise illustrates what has been before ob­served about the state of literature at this pe­riod. ‘"My lord cardinall's grace has had the overseeinge of my statutes. He much lykes well that I have therein ordered the latin tonge^m to be redde to my schollers. But he advyses me to order the greeke to be more taught there, than I have provyd­ed. This purpose I well lyke: but I fear the tymes will not bear it nowⁿ. I re­member when I was a yong scholler at Eton, the greeke tongue was growing apace: the studie of which is now alate much decaid^o."’ The passages in the let­ters above cited likewise inform us, how far [Page 237] sir Thomas Pope was connected with THIRL­BY, bishop of Ely^p. He was constituted the first, and only bishop of Westminster by Henry the eighth^q. He was, by Edward the sixth, translated to Norwich, and after­wards by queen Mary to Ely; by whom he was also appointed a privy counsellor^r, and joined in commission with sir Thomas Pope and others for the suppression of heretics^s. By all these princes he was much esteemed for his experience in political affairs, and fre­quently employed as an envoy to foreign courts. In the reign of Elizabeth he was ejected and imprisoned for persevering in po­pery; but was afterwards received into the family of archbishop Parker, who, not more on account of his former dignity, than of his learning, candor, and affability, treated him with due respect and humanity^t. WHYTE, bishop of Winchester, became the first visitor of Trinity college in Oxford. It is reasonable to suppose, that sir Thomas Pope's real motive for appointing the bishops of Winchester to be visitors of his college, [Page 238] originated from Gardiner, who was the bishop of Winchester when the foundation was pro­jected; and who, moreover, had been gover­nor of a college at Cambridge; was now chancellor of that university, a learned civi­lian, a scholar of the first rank, an eminent patron of literature^u, and bore the greatest [Page 239] sway in all civil and ecclesiastical affairs. But Gardiner dying while the statutes were yet [Page 240] under consideration, and Whyte succeeding to the bishoprick, although not confirmed till [Page 241] after they were actually delivered to the new society^w, the founder by this unexpected change of circumstances was not so far reduced to a state of indetermination and indifference, as to wish to depart from his appointment. Sir Thomas Pope in a letter to the president of the college, dated May the twenty-sixth, 1558, acknowledges a very particular favor, which ‘"my lord of Wynchester and others the commissioners for spiritual matters,"’ had promised to grant him for the college. In another letter, dated the same year, to the same, he says ‘"my lord of Wynchester has bene sycke with me at Tyttenhanger, but now returns to the corte. He has pro­mysed to give his coat-armur for the grete [Page 242] glas-windowe ther in my hall^x."’ In a manuscript greek psalter on vellum, in the college library, I find the following entry in sir Thomas Pope's own hand. ‘"Mem. that the reverend father in god, John bushop of Wynton gave me three bokes. THO. POPE^y."’ Whyte, who was first schoolmaster^z, and afterwards warden of Winchester college^a, was made successively bishop of Lincoln^b and Winchester^c by queen Mary^d. He was a man of learning and eloquence^e; but his [Page 243] religious prejudices of course disqualified him from retaining his preferments after the first year of Elizabeth; who was much offended at the panegyric which he too liberally be­stowed on Mary, when he preached at her funeral^f; and soon afterwards commanded him to be imprisoned for making a public appearance in his pontifical vestments^g. He had also incurred no small share of the queen's displeasure for his behaviour at the solemn conference held in Westminster-hall, before her majesty, the privy council, and both houses of parliament; at which, with three other catholic bishops, he was appoint­ed to dispute against a select number of the reformed party^h. He was a benefactor to [Page 244] both Wykeham's collegesⁱ in which he had the happiness to be educated. Of sir Thomas Pope's intimacy with sir THOMAS WHYTE, the founder of saint John's college in Oxford, I have before mentioned proofs^k. And to these evidences we may add, that their inter­ests and attachments tended the same way: for we find sir Thomas Whyte affording sig­nal services to queen Mary against the rebel Wyat and his followers, while lord mayor of London^l; in consequence of which, he was knighted by the queen^m. But a similitude of un­dertakings for the propagation of letters might otherwise have naturally produced a friendship between sir Thomas Whyte and sir Tho­mas Pope; as they were both, at the same [Page 245] time, employed in the same acts of public and literary beneficence. Lord WILLIAMS of THAME generously concurred with sir Thomas Pope in treating the princess Eliza­beth, amidst her unmerited and oppressive persecutions, with proper regardⁿ. He is mentioned in a letter of sir Thomas Pope to the president of Trinity college^o: ‘"I wold be glad to lerne whether my lord Williams and Mr. Ashfeld^p, gave the ii Buckes to my college at the [act] commensement."’ Lord Williams having enjoyed many eminent favors from Henry the eighth, and Edward the sixth, was by queen Mary created a baron in reward for his faithful services at her ac­cession. He continued to receive fresh ho­nors from queen Elizabeth, and was ap­pointed president of the council in the prin­cipality of Wales^q. Bishop Ridley, when bound to the stake, requested lord Williams then present, to sollicit queen Mary, that the episcopal leases which he had granted, while bishop of London, to many poor tenants, might remain and be confirmed. This was [Page 246] the sole anxiety that disquieted the compo­sure of the dying martyr. But lord Williams promised to recommend this petition to the utmost of his power, and it was accordingly performed^r.

It is natural to suppose, that sir Thomas Pope was nearly connected with several other persons of eminence and distinction in the courts of Henry the eighth and queen Mary. That he was in high confidence and esteem with the latter, may, beside many other ar­guments, be concluded from a passage in the statutes of his college: by which it appears, that he expected her majesty, who professed herself so zealous a patroness to the univer­sity, together with king Philip, would ho­nor the college with a royal visit^s.

But among his friends I must not forget to mention THOMAS SLYTHURSTE^t, whom he appointed the first President of his col­lege; and had before probably preferred, by [Page 247] his interest with the queen, to a canonry of Windsor. He seems to have conceived a high opinion of Slythurste's learning and pru­dence; whom, from the trust committed to his charge, we reasonably may imagine to have been a person of distinguished worth and abilities. In a general Address to the new society, annexed to the statutes of the college, he particularly compliments the pre­sident for his remarkable moderation of tem­per, his eminent learning, experience, pru­dence, and probity; observing moreover, in justification of his choice, that he should have acted in vain, if he had not added to the benefit of his foundation such a governor, so properly qualified in every requisite accom­plishment; one completely fitted for the dif­ficult and critical task of conducting the first beginnings of a recent institution, and to whom therefore, borrowing the character of a father in that of a founder, he with plea­sure entrusted the education of his children. On various occasions, sir Thomas Pope ap­pears to have placed the greatest confidence in his friendship, advice, and judgement. Many of the founder's letters to Slythurste contain free consultations about adjusting the [Page 248] endowment, amending the statutes^u, and re­gulating other articles of his young society; and sometimes relate to the domestic con­cerns of his own family. I find him fre­quently visiting the founder at Clerkenwell and Tyttenhanger. The sudden revolution, however, of religion, at the accession of queen Elizabeth, prevents us from knowing much more of his chaaracter and behaviour in this situation: for in September, 1559, he [Page 249] was ejected from his headship by the Queen's visitors, and committed a prisoner to the Tower of London; where he died of grief, 1560, partly for the death of his honored friend and munificent patron the founder, and partly for the loss of his preferments.

AN anecdote equally ridiculous and scan­dalous, has been propagated by Antony Wood, highly injurious to the honor of sir THOMAS POPE; which, notwithstanding it appears at first sight strongly to confute itself, I shall here examine and disprove^a It origi­nated from Henry Cuffe, the famous secretary of the unfortunate earl of Essex, who was executed, soon after his master, in 1601.

Cuffe, being a boy of the most promising abilities and uncommon proficiency in litera­ture, was sent at fifteen years of age, by Lady Elizabeth Powlett, often mentioned above, from Hinton saint George in Somersetshire, to Trinity college in Oxford, where he was elected scholar on the twentyfifth of May, [Page 251] 1578^b. Within five years he was admitted fellow, May 30, 1583^c. But even in this situation, the same discontented and arro­gant spirit, which afterwards hurried him to an ignominious end, could not be suppressed. Soon after his admission, when he was now not more than twenty years of age, and in the year of his probation, he endeavoured to defame his founder by a false insinuation, which savored alike of petulance and ingrati­tude; and which, had it been true, deserved animadversion. The matter being reported to Lady Powlett the foundress, she transmitted a mandate to the college, ordering him to be instantly removed from his fellowship. This we learn from the words of the college regis­ter. ‘"Resignante CUFFO, et locum Litteris Fundatricis dante ^d."’ The cause of his amo­tion is twice mentioned by the Oxford anti­quary. In the ATHENAE he says, that Cuffe ‘"was forced to resign his fellowship of Tri­nity college, for speaking certain matters though true, which redounded to the great discredit of the FOUNDER^e."’ In another place, however, he tells the whole story with­out [Page 252] reserve, and produces his authority. ‘"Doctor Bathurst told me that our Cuffe was of Trinity college, and expelled from thence upon this account: the founder, sir Thomas Pope, would, whersoever he he went visiting his friend, steal one thing or other he could lay his hands on, put it in his pocket, or under his gown. This was supposed rather an humour than of dishonesty. Now Cuffe, upon a time, with his fellows being merry, said, a pox this is a poor beggarly college indeed, the plate that our founder stole would build such another, which coming to the Pre­sident's ears, he was thereupon ejected^f."’ The reader must have already noticed the glaring inconsistency of these two curious narratives. In the first, sir Thomas Pope, is by implication at least, represented as a thief: in the next, his dishonesty is softened into humour and jocularity. That the whole is a misrepresentation, and a jumble of cir­cumstances, appears from an original paper in the hand-writing of Doctor Bathurst. ‘"Secretary Cuffe was expelled from a fel­lowship of Trinity college, on this ac­count. Our founder, when upon a visit, would often carry away a silver cup under [Page 253] his gown for the joke-sake, sending it back the next day to laugh at his friend. Cuffe being merry at ANOTHER COLLEGE with some of his boon companions, said, A pox this is a beggarlie college indeed, the plate that our founder stole would build another as good. These words being told to the President, he was ejected. This I have often heard from my predecessour doctor president Kettell who was contemporarie with Cuffe^g."’ In the margin, Bathurst has recorded the name of the other college, which Cuffe was pleased to treat in such terms of contempt, and which needs not here to be mentioned. Indeed, it was no part of the accusation against Cuffe, that, as Wood's context insinuates, his pleasantry led him to depreciate the buildings of his founder: but that he wantonly converted one of his practi­cal jokes, a species of humour not uncommon among our festive ancestors, into a petty larceny. On the whole, we now perceive that Wood has inaccurately related this story from a casual conversation with Bathurst, which he remembered as imperfectly. As to Cuffe, I know not whether he still con­tinued at Oxford after this ejection. But [Page 254] having great address, and much real merit, about three years afterwards, that is in the year 1586, he was chosen fellow of Merton college. Being an admirable Grecian, he was about the same time made professor of Greek in the university. It was in this de­partment, that he assisted Columbanius in the first edition of Longus's elegant PASTORAL ROMANCE, which was printed at Florence in 1598^h. He was no less eminent as a logician and a disputant. His intimate friend Camden, to whose BRITANNIA, at its first appearance, he prefixed an excellent Greek epigram, characterizes Cuffe, as a man of exquisite learning and genius, but of a fac­tious and perverse temper^l. Notwithstand­ing the severe check he received at Trinity college, he generously presented to the library there several volumes. Perhaps some readers will be candid enough to think, that his ex­pulsion from this society was rather owing to an unguarded vivacity of disposition, than to any malignity of mind. Our historians say, that the earl of Essex, who began, after a [Page 255] tedious confinement, to feel the dangers of his situation, dismissed Cuffe from his ser­vice and family, for turbulence and inso­lence^k. Essex was unfortunate in not having before perceived these qualities, in a man who shared so much of his confidence.

FROM a recapitulation of what has been said, the following character of sir THO­MAS POPE arises. He appears to have been a man eminently qualified for business; and al­though not employed in the very principal departments of state, he possessed peculiar talents and address for the management and execution of public affairs. His natural abi­lities were strong, his knowledge of the world deep and extensive, his judgment solid and discerning. His circumspection and prudence in the conduct of negociations entrusted to his charge, were equalled by his fidelity and perseverance. He is a conspicuous instance of one, not bred to the church, who without the advantages of birth and patrimony, by the force of understanding and industry, raised himself to opulence and honorable employments. He lived in an age when the peculiar circumstances of the times afforded obvious temptations to the most abject de­sertion of principle: and few periods of our history can be found, which exhibit more numerous examples of occasional compliance [Page 257] with frequent changes. Yet he remained unbiassed and uncorrupted amid the general depravity. Under Henry the eighth, when on the dissolution of the monasteries, he was enabled by the opportunities of his situa­tion to enrich himself with their revenues by fraudulent or oppressive practices, he behaved with disinterested integrity; nor does a single instance occur upon record which impeaches his honor. In the succeeding reign of Ed­ward the sixth, a sudden check was given to his career of popularity and prosperity: he retained his original attachment to the catholic religion; and on that account, lost those marks of favor or distinction which were so liberally dispensed to the sycophants of Somerset, and which he might have easily secured by a temporary submission to the reigning system. At the accession of Mary, he was restored to favor; yet he was never instrumental or active in the tyrannies of that queen which disgrace our annals. He was armed with discretionary powers for the suppression of heretical innovations; yet he forbore to gratify the arbitrary demands of his bigotted mistress to their utmost extent, nor would he participate in forwarding the barbarities of her bloody persecutions. In the guardianship of the princess Elizabeth, [Page 258] the unhappy victim of united superstition, jealousy, revenge and cruelty, his humanity prevailed over his interest; and he less re­garded the displeasure of the vigilant and unforgiving queen, than the claims of injur­ed innocence. If it be his crime to have ac­cumulated riches, let it be remembered, that he consecrated a part of those riches, not amid the terrors of a death-bed, nor in the dreams of old age, but in the prime of life, and the vigour of understanding, to the pub­lic service of his country; that he gave them to future generations, for the perpetual sup­port of literature and religion.