CHAP. I.

THE Reader will find upon perusing my Voyage round the World, that I then omitted to speak particularly of the excursions I made to Tonquin, to Malacca, Fort St. George, and Bencouli, from Achin in the Isle of Sumatra; together with the Description I intended to give of those parts. I do but just mention them there; but shall now proceed to a more distinct account of them.

And to keep to the order of time, the Reader may recollect, that my first departure from Achin was to Tonquin, along with Captain Weldon, about July 1688. as I have said p. 505th. of my former Volume. I have there related in a page or two before, to how weak a condition my self and my Companions were brought, through the fatigues of our passage from Nicobar to Achin: yet did not my weakness take me off from contriving some employment or expedition, whereby I might have a comfortable subsistence. Captain Weldon [Page 3] year 1688 touched here, to sell the Slaves he had brought with him from Fort St. George; it being in his way to the Streights of Malacca, and so to Tonquin, whither he was bound. This afforded me the op­portunity of trying that Voyage, to which he kindly invited me, and to which I was the more incouraged because he had a good Surgeon in his Ship, whose Advice I needed: and my friend Mr. Hall was particularly animated thereby; who had also resolved upon this Voyage, and was in a weak­er condition than my self. Besides, Capt. Weldon promised to buy a Sloop at Tonquin, of which he would make me Commander, to go a trading Voyage from thence to Cochinchina, Champa, Cam­bodia, or some others of the adjacent Countries: which Trade has been scarce, yet has been attempt­ed by our Country-men, and there were hopes it might turn to a good account; but this project came to nothing.

However, Captain Weldon having finished his business at Achin, I set out thence with him thro' the Streights of Malacca, and we soon arrived at the Town of Malacca: of which Town and Country, I shall have a better occasion to speak hereafter. Here we found the Caesar of London, commanded by Captain Wright, who came from Bombay, and was bound to China. He stopt here to water and refresh, as is usual for Ships to do that pass these Streights. By him we were in­formed that three other English Ships had touched here, and were past on to the Fastward ten days before. These 3 Ships came from Fort St. George, in company with Captain Weldon: but his business [...]alling him to Achin, they in the mean time pro­ [...]ecuting their Voyage, got the start of us thus much. The Caesar was soon ready to sail again, and went away the next Morning after our arrival at Malacca.

[Page 4] year 1688 Our Captain being a Stranger to the Bay of Ton­quin, as were all his Ships company, he hired a Dutch Pilot at Malacca; and having finished his business there, we set sail, two days after the Cae­sar. We were desirous to overtake these four Ships, and therefore crouded all the Sail we could make; having a strong westerly Wind, accompa­nied with many hard Gusts and Tornadoes: and the very next day we got sight of them; for they had not yet passed through a narrow Passage, called the Streights of Sincapore. We soon got up with them, and past through together; and sailing about three leagues farther we anchored near an Island called Pulo Nuttee, belonging to the Kingdom of Jihore.

Here Captain Weldon took in Wood and Water, and some of the Indian Inhabitans came aboard us in their Canoas, of whom we bought a few Coco­nuts, Plantains, and fresh Fish. We staid here not above 24 hours; for the other Ships had filled most of their Water at other Islands near this, before we came up with them: for tho' Ships do usually take in Water at Malacca Town, yet they do as frequently discharge it again at some of these Islands, and take in better.

We sailed the next day, and kept near the Ma­lacca shore; and there passing by the Mouth of the River Jihore, we left many other Islands on our Starboard side.

The River of Jihore runs by the City of that name, which is the seat of the little Kingdom of Jihore. This Kingdom lies on the Continent of Malacca, and consists of the extremity or doubling of that Promontory. It abounds with Pepper, and other goood Commodities.

They are a Mahometan People, very warlike, and desirous of Trade. They delight much in Shipping and going to Sea, all the neighbouring [Page 5] year 1688 Islands in a manner being Colonies of this King­dom, and under its Government. They coast about in their own Shipping to several parts of Sumatra, Java, &c. their Vessels are but small, yet very serviceable; and the Dutch buy up a great many of them at a small price, and make good trading Sloops of them. But they first fit them up after their own fashion, and put a Rud­der to them, which the Jihorians don't use, tho' they are very good Seamen in their way; but they make their Vessels sharp at each end, tho' but one end is used as the Head: and instead of a Rudder, they have on each side the Stern a thing like a very broad Oar, one of which they let down into the Water at pleasure, as there is occasion to steer the Ship either to the one side or the other, always letting down that which is to the Leeward. They have Proes of a particular neatness and curiosity. We call them Half-moon Proes, for they turn up so much at each end from the Water, that they much resemble a Half-moon, with the Horns upwards. They are kept very clean, sail well, and are much used by them in their Wars. The People of Jishore have formerly endea­voured to get a Commerce with our Nation. For what reason that trade is neglected by us, I know not. The Dutch trade very much there; and have lately endeavoured to bring the King, who is very young, to their bow.

At the farther end of the Streights of Malacca, among many other Islands, we sailed by those of Pulo Oro, and Pulo Timaon: which last is a place often touched at for wood, water, and other re­freshments, tho' we past by it. Among other things, there are great plenty of excellent Green Turtle among these Islands.

Being at length got clear of the Islands into the wide Ocean, we steered away still together [Page 6] year 1688 till we came in sight of Pulo Condore. when having all brought to, and spoke with each other, we part­ed for our several Voyages. The Caesar and two others, that were bound to China, steered away to the Eastward, keeping to the South of Pulo Con­dore; it being their best course, thereby to avoid the large sholes of Pracel. We and the Saphire of Fort St Geonge, commanded by Captain Lacy, steered more Northerly; and leaving Pulo Condore on our Starboard, we hal [...]d in for the Continent, and fell in with it near the River of Cambodia. But leaving this also on our Starboard side, we coasted along to the Eastward, keeping near the Champa shore, and coming to the point of Land that bounds the S. W. part of the Bay of Tonquin, we doubled it, and coasting to the North; leaving Champa still on our Larboard side, and the dangerous shoals of Pracel about 12 or 14 leagues off on our Starboard side, we kept along fair by the shore, just without Pulo Canton.

This Island lies in about 13 d. North. It is much frequented by the Cochinchinese, whose Country be­gins hereabouts, bordering on the Kingdom of Champa. They are most Fishermen that come hi­ther, and their chief business is to make Oyl of Porpusses; for these Fish are found in great plenty here at some seasons of the year, and then the Co­chinchinese resort hither to take them. The people that we found on Pulo Condore, mentioned in the 14th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 395, were of these Cochinchinese. The Turtle also which they catch, is chiefly in order to make Oyl of their fat: and there is a great store of Tur­tle on all this Coast.

We coasted yet f [...]rther on this shore, till we came to the Islands of Champello. These may seem to have some affinity to Champa, by the sound of the word, which one would take to be a [Page 7] year 1688 Portugues diminutive of Champa; yet they lye on the Cochinchina Coast, and belong to it, tho' uninhabited They are 4 or 5 in number, and lye 4 or 5 leagues. from the shore. They are called Champella de la Mar, to distinguish them from others lying farther down in the Bay of Tonquin, called Champello de Terra. These last lye in about 16 d. 45 m. North, but the Islands of Champello de la Mar lye in about 13d. 45m. N.

Over against these last Islands, on the Main, there is a large navigable River empties it self into the Sea. The City of Quinam stands on the banks of this River, and is said to be the principal City of the Kingdom of Cochinchina. As to its distance from the Sea, its bigness, strength, riches, &c. I am yet in the dark: only I have been in­form'd, that if a Ship is cast away on this Kingdom, the Seamen that escape drowning and get ashore become Slaves to the King. Captain John Tiler was thus serv'd, and despaired of ever getting his freedom; but after a considerable stay there he was taken notice of by the King, and upon pro­mise of returning thither again to trade there, he was sent away. I sailed in a Vessel of his after this: but I never found him inclin'd to Trade thither any more. However, notwithstanding this their severity to Shipwrackt People, I have beeen informed by Captain Tiler and others, that they have a desire to Trade, tho' they are yet de­stitute of the means to attain it. This desire of Trade, they seem to have taken up from some Chinese Fugitives, who fled from the Tartars, when they conquered their Country: and being kindly received by these Cochinchinese, and having among them many Artificers, they instructed their kind protectors in many useful Arts, of which they were wholly ignorant before. 'Tis probable this their custom of seizing Shipwrackt Seamen may soon vanish by the coming in of Trade, which is already [Page 8] year 1688 advancing among them; for the Merchants of China do now drive some small traffick among these people, and fetch thence some small quantities of Pepper, Lignum Aloes, and Aguala Wood, which is much esteemed for its rare scent, and is very valuable in other places of India. They also fetch Betle from hence, it growing here in great plenty. I have had no account of any Shipping the Cochinchinese have of their own, but I have met with them in their open Boats of 4, 5, or 6 Tun; imploying themselves chiefly in getting Pitch and Tar from Pulo Condore, in fishing about the Coast and Island to get Oyl, and in fetching Aguala Wood from the Bay of Siam; which, whether it grows there or no, I can't tell, but I have heard that 'tis only Drift-wood cast ashore by the Sea.

The seizing Shipwrackt men has been also a custom at Pegu, but whether still continued I know not. They lookt on such as men preserv­ed by God, purposely for them to feed and main­tain; and therefore the King ordered them to be maintained by his Subjects; neither was any work required of them, but they had liberty to beg. By this means they got food and rayment from the Inhabitants, who were zealously chari­table to them.

But to proceed; we kept a little without all the Islands, and coasting 5 or 6 leagues further, we stood right over towards the N. E. Cod of the Bay of Tonquin. The Bay of Tonquin has its en­trance between the S. E. point of Champa on the West side, which lies in the lat. of about 12 d. North, and the Island of Aynam near the S. W. part of China, on the East side. The Island of Ay­nam is in about 19 d. North. It is a pretty consi­derable Island, well peopled with Chinese Inhabi­tants. They have Ships of their own, and drive [Page 9] year 1688 a great trade by Sea. I have seen many of their Ships, some of 100 Tun, with Outlagers on both sides, and others like ordinary Jonks, without Out­lagers; but am wholly ignorant of their Trade, any farther than what I have mentioned of their having Pearl Oysters there, in the 7th Chapter of my Voyage round the World, page 174.

Near the Cod of the Bay of Tonquin there are abundance of small Islands, of which I shall speak more hereafter. The mouth of the Bay seems to be barred up with the great shole of Pracel, which lies stretched at length before it, yet leaving two wide Channels, one at each end; so that Ships may pass in or out either way. And therefore even the Ships that are bound from the Streigths of Malacca or Siam to China, may as well pass to and from within the shole as without.

The Bay of Tonquin is about 30 leagues wide in the broadest place. There is good sounding and anchoring all over it: and in the middle, where it is deepest, there is about 46 fathom water. There you have black Oaze, and dark Peppery Sand: but on the West side there is reddish Oazy Sand. Beside the other Islands before-mentioned, there are others of less note on the Cochinchina Coast; but none of them all above 4 or 5 miles from the shore.

In the bottom of the Bay also, there are some small Islands, close by the Tonquin shore: 2 of these are of especial note, not for their bigness, but for Sea-marks for the 2 principal Rivers, or Mouth rather of the chief River of Tonquin. One of these Rivers or Mouths, is called Rokbo. It discharges it self into the Sea near the the N. W. cor­ner of the Bay: and the mouth of it is in about 20d. 6m. N. This River or branch I was not at; but have been informed, that it has not above 12 foot water at the entrance; but that its bottom [Page 10] year 1688 is soft Oaz, and therefore very convenient for small Vessels, and it is the way that all the Chinese and Siamars do use. About a League to the Westward of this Rivers mouth, there is a small pretty high Island call'd Fishers Island. It lieth about 2 mile from the shore, and it hath good an­choring about it in 17 or 18 foot water: and therefore it is not only a Sea-mark for the River, but a secure place to ride in, and very convenient for Ships to anchor at, to shelter themselves when they come hither, especially if they have not a present opportunity to enter the River; either because of coming too late in the year, or being hindred by bad weather.

The other River or Mouth, was that by which we entered; and 'tis larger and deeper than the former. I know not its particular name; but for distinction I shall call it the River of Domea; be­cause the first Town of note, that I saw on its bank was so called. The mouth of the River is in lat. 20 d. 45 m. It disembogues 20 leagues to the N. E. of Rokbo. There are many dangerous Sands and Shoals between these 2 Rivers, which stretch into the Sea 2 leagues or more: and all the Coast, even from the Cochinchina shore on the West, to China on the East, admits of Shoals and Sands, which yet in some places lie stretched farther off from the shore than in others.

This River of Domea is that by which most European Ships enter, for the sake of its depth: yet here is a Bar of near 2 mile broad, and the Chan­nel is about half a mile broad, having Sands on each side. The depth of the River is various at different times and seasons, by the relation of the Pilots who are best acquainted here: for at some times of the year here is not above 15 or 16 foot water on a spring tide; and at other times here are 26 or 27 foot. The highest tides are said to he in the month of No­vember, [Page 11] year 1688 December, and January, when the Nor­therly Monsoons blow; and the lowest in May, June, and July, when the Southerly Monsoons blow; but to be particular in them is beyond my experience.

The Channel of the Bar is hard Sand, which makes it the more dangerous: and the Tides whirl­ing among the Sands, set divers ways in a Tides time; which makes it the more dangerous still. Therefore Ships that come hither, commonly wait for a Pilot to direct them, and if they arrive when it is Nepe-tide, they must stay for a Spring before a Pilot will come off to take charge of them. The mark of this River is a great high ridgy Mountain in the Country, called the Elephant. This must be brought to bear N. W. by N: then steering towards the shore, the water runs shallower, till you come into 6 fathom, and then you will be 2 or 3 miles from the foot or entrance of the Bar, and about the same distance from a small Island called Pearl Island; which will then bear nearest N. N. E. Having these marks and depth, you may anchor, and wait for a Pilot.

The Pilots for this River are Fishermen, who live at a Village called Batsha, at the mouth of the River; so seated, that they can see all Ships that wait for a Pilot, and hear the Guns too, that are often fired as signals by Europeans, to give notice of their arrival.

It was in the road before the Bar, in sight of the Elephant Land, that we found the Rainbow of London, Captain Pool Commander, riding and waiting for a Pilot, when we and Captain Lacy arrived. Captain Pool came directly from England, and passing thro' the Streights of Sundy, touched at Batavia.

He had lain here 2 or 3 days before we arriv'd: but the Spring-tides coming on, the Pilots came [Page 12] year 1688 aboard, and we all 3 in company passed in over the Bar, and entring about half-flood, we had 14 foot and a half water on the Bar. Being got over the Bar, we found it deeper, and the bottom soft Oaz. The River at its mouth is above a mile wide, but grows narrower as you run farther up. We had a moderate Sea-breeze, and having a good tide of flood, made the best of it to reach to our an­choring place.

Having run about 5 or 6 leagues up the River, we past by a Village called Domea. This is a hand­some Village: and 'twas the first of note that we saw standing on the banks. 'Tis seated on the Starboard side going up, and so nigh the River, that the tide sometimes washes the walls of the Houses, for the tide rises and falls here 9 or 10 foot. This Village consists of about 100 Houses. The Dutch Ships that trade here do always lye in the River before this Town, and the Dutch Seamen, by their annual returns hither from Batavia, are very intimate with the Natives, and as free here as at their own homes: for the Tonquinese in general are a very sociable people, especially the traders and poorer sort: but of this more in its proper place. The Dutch have instructed the Natives in the art of Gardening: by which means they have abundance of Herbage for Sallading; which among other things is a great refreshment to the Dutch Sea­men, when they arrive here.

Tho' the Dutch who come to trade in this King­dom, go no higher with their Ships than this Do­mea, yet the English usually go about 3 mile farther up, and there lye at anchor during their stay in this Country. We did so at this time, and passing by Domea came to an anchor at that distance. The tide is not so strong here as at Domea; but we found not one house near it: yet our Ships had not lain their many days before the Natives came from [Page 13] year 1688 all the Country about, and fell a building them Houses after their fashion; so that in a Months time there was a little Town built near our anchoring place. This is no unusual thing in other parts of India, especially where Ships lye long at a place, the poorer sort of Natives taking this opportunity to truck and barter; and by some little offices, or begging, but especially by bringing Women to let to hire, they get what they can of the Seamen.

This place where our Ships rode at anchor was not above 20 miles from the Sea: but the Trade of the Kingdom is driven at Cachao, the principal City; where for that reason the English and Dutch East-India Companies have each of them their Factors constantly residing. The City was far­ther up the River, about 80 miles from our An­choring place; and our Captains got themselves in a readiness to go up thither; it being usual to send up the goods in the Country Boats, which are large and commodious enough; and the hire is pretty reasonable both for the Vessels, and the Men who manage them. They are Tonquinese, and use both Oars and Sails. Our Factory at Cachao had news of our arrival before we came to an anchor, and immediately the chief of the Factory, with some of the King of Tonquin's Officers, came down to us, by that time we had lain there about 4 or 5 days. The Tonquinese Officers came to take an ac­count of the Ships and Lading, and our Captains received them with great civility, firing of Guns, feasting for two or three days, and presents also at their return back to Cachao.

Soon after their departure, the chief of the Factory returned thither again, and with him went our three Captains, and some others, among whom I got leave to go also. Captain Weldon had recommended me to the chief of the Factory, while he was aboard us: and my going up now to the [Page 14] year 1688 City, was in order to have his assistance in the Voyage to Cochinchina, Champa, or Cambodia, which Captain Weldon had contrived for me: nor was it his fault that it came no nothing.

We went from our Ships in the Country Boats we had hired, with the Tide of flood, and ancho­red in the ebb: for the Tide runs strong for 30 or 40 miles beyond the place where we left our Ships. Our Men contented themselves with look­ing after their goods (The Tonquinese being very light-finger'd) and left the managment of the Boats entirely to the Boats Crew. Their Boats have but one Mast; and when the Wind is against them they take it down, and ply their Oars. As we advanced thus up the River, sometimes rowing, sometimes sailing, we had a delightful prospect over a large level fruitful Country. It was gene­rally either Pasture or Rice-fields; and void of Trees, except only about the Villages, which stood thick, and appeared mighty pleasant at a distance. There are many of these Villages stand close to the Banks of the Rivers, incom­passed with Trees on the backside only, but open to the River.

When we came near any of these Villages, we were commonly encounter'd with Beggars, who came off to us in little Boats made of twigs, and plaistered over both inside and outside with Clay, but very leaky. These were a poor Leprous Peo­ple, who for that reason are compell'd by the rest to live by themselves, and are permitted to beg publickly. As soon as they spied us they set up a loud doleful cry, and as we past by them we threw them out some Rice, which they received with great appearance of joy.

In about four days time we got to Hean, a Town on the East side of the River; which is here en­tire: for a little before we came to Hean we met [Page 15] year 1688 the main stream where it parts into the 2 Channels, that of Domea, which we came up, and the other of Rokbo: making a large and triangular Island between them and the Sea; the Mouths of those Channels being, as I have said, 20 leagues asunder.

Hean is about 60 miles from the place where we left our Ships, and about 80 from the Sea that way: But along the River or Channel Rokbo, where the Land trends more to the Southward, it seems to be farther distant from the Sea. 'Tis a considerable Town, of about 2000 Houses: but the Inhabitants are most poor People and Soldiers, who keep a Garrison there; tho' it has neither Walls, Fort, nor great Guns.

Here is one street belonging to the Chinese Mer­chants. For some years ago a great many lived at Cachao; till they grew so numerous, that the Natives themselves were even swallowed up by them. The King taking notice of it, ordered them to remove from thence, allowing them to live any where but in the City. But the major part of them presently forsook the Country, as not finding it convenient for them to live any where but at Cachao; because that is the only place of Trade in the Country, and Trade is the Life of a Chinese. However some of them were content to settle at Hean, where they have remained ever since. And these Merchants, notwithstanding the prohi­bition, go often to Cachao, to buy and sell goods; but are not suffer'd to make it their constant resi­dence. There were two of these China Merchants who traded yearly to Japan, with raw and wrought Silks, bringing back Money chiefly. These all of them wore long Hair braided behind, as their own Country fashion was before the Tartarian Conquest. The French too have their Factory here, not being allowed to fix at Cachao, and their Bishops [Page 16] year 1688 Palace is the fairest building in Hean: but of this I shall have occasion to speak more hereafter.

The Governor of the adjacent Province lives here. He is one of the principal Mandarins of the Nation, and he has always a great many Sol­diers in the Town, and inferiour Officers, whom he employs at his pleasure on any occasion. Be­sides, here are also some of the King's River Fri­gats, which I shall hereafter describe, ready to be sent on any expedition: and tho' no Europeans come up so far as this with their Ships, (that I could learn) yet the Siamites and Chinese bring their Ships up the River Rokbo, quite to Hean, and lie at anchor before it: and we found there several Chinese Jonks. They ride a-float in the middle of the River; for the Water does not rise and fall much at this place: Neither is the flood discerned by the turning of the stream; for that always runs down, tho' not so swift near full Sea as at other times: for the tide pressing against the stream, tho' faintly so far up the River, has not power to turn it, but only slackens its course, and makes the Water rise a little.

The Governor or his Deputy gives his Chop or Pass to all Vessels that go up or down; not so much as a Boat being suffer'd to proceed without it. For which reason we also made a stop: yet we stayed here but a little while; and therefore I did not now go ashore; but had a while after this a better opportunity of seeing Hean.

From Hean we went up to Cachao in our Boats, being about 2 days more on our Voyage, for we had no tide to help us. We landed at the English Factory, and I stayed there 7 or 8 days, before I went down to our Ships again in one of the Coun­try Boats. We had good weather coming up but it rained all the time of this my first stay a [...] Cachao; and we had much wet weather after this [Page 17] year 1688 But having got thus far, I shall now proceed to give some general account of this Coun­try; from my own observations, and the ex­perience of Merchants and others worthy of credit, who have had their Residence there, and some of them a great many years.

CHAP. II.

THE Kingdom of Tonquin is bounded to the North and North East with China, to the West with the Kingdom of Laos, to the S. and E. with Cochinchina and the Sea, which washes a part of this Kingdom. As to the particular bounds or extent of it, I cannot be a competent judge, coming to it by Sea, and going up directly to Cachao: but it is reasonable to believe it to be a pretty large Kingdom, by the many great Pro­vinces which are said to be contained in it. That part of the Kingdom, that borders on the Sea, is all [Page 19] year 1688 very low Land: neither is there any Hill to be seen, but the Elephant Mountain, and a Ridge of a much less heigth continued from thence to the mouth of the River of Domea. The Land for about 60 miles up in the Country is still very low, even and plain: nor is it much higher, for about 40 miles farther quite to Cachao, and beyond it; being without any sensible Hill, tho' generally of a tolerable good heighth, and with some gentle risings here and there, that make it a fine pleasant Champian; and the further side of this also is more level than the Champian Country it self about Hean or Cachao. Farther still to the North, beyond all this, I have been informed that there is a chain of high Moun­tains, running cross the Country from East to West; but I could get no intimation of what is beyond them.

The Soil of this Country is generally very rich; That very low Land I speak of towards the Sea, is most black Earth, and the mould pretty deep. In some places there's very strong Clay. The Champian Land is generally yellowish or greyish earth, of a looser and more friable substance than the former: yet in some places it has a touch of the Clay too. In the plain Country, near the Mountains last men­tioned, there are said to be some high steep rocks of Marble scattered up and down at unequal di­stances, which standing in that large plain Savan­nah, are like so many great Towers or Castles: and they appear more visible, because the Land about them is not burdened with Wood, as in some places in its neighbourhood.

I have said somewhat already of the great River and its 2 branches Rokbo and Domea, wherewith this Country is chiefly water'd: tho' it is not desti­tute of many other pleasant streams, that are lost [...]n these, in their course towards the Sea: and probably there are many others, that run imme­diately [Page 20] year 1688 into the Sea, through their own channels, tho' not so navigable as the other. The Country in general is very well watered; and by means of the great Navigable River and its Branches, it has the opportunity of Foreign Trade. This rises about the Mountains in the North, or from beyond them; whence running Southerly toward the Sea, it passes thro' the before mentioned Plain of Marble Rocks, and by that time it comes to Cachao, which is about 40 or 50 miles to the South of the Moun­tains, 'tis about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth: yet so shallow in the dry Season, as that it may be forded on Horseback. At Hean, 20 miles lower, 'tis rather broader than the Thames at Gravesend; and so below Hean to the place where it divides it self.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is said to be divided into 8 large Provinces, viz. the East and West Provinces, the North and South Provinces, and the Province of Cachao in the middle between those 4: which 5 I take to be the principal Provinces, making the heart of the Country. The other 3, which are Tenan, Tenehoa, and Ngeam, lie more upon the Borders.

The Province of Tenan is the most Easterly, ha­ving China on the S. E. the Island Aynam and the Sea on the S. and S. W. and the East Province on the N. W. This is but a small Province: its chiefest product is Rice.

The East Province stretches away from Tenan to the North Province, having also China on its East side, part of the South Province, and the Province on Cachao on the West; and the Sea on the South. This is a very large Province; 'tis chiefly low Land and much of it Islands, especially the S. E. part o [...] it, bordering on the Sea towards Tenan; and here the Sea makes the Cod of a Bay. It has abundanc [...] of Fishermen inhabiting near the Sea: but its chie [Page 21] year 1688 produce is Rice: here is also good pasturage, and much Cattle, &c. Hean is the chief place of this Province, and the Seat of the Mandarin its Gover­nor.

The S. Province is the triangular Island, made by Sea: The River of Domea is on its E. side, dividing it from the East Province, and Rockbo on the West, di­viding it from Tenan; having the Sea to its South. This Province is very low plain even Land, pro­ducing Rice in great abundance: here are large Pastures, and abundance of Fishermen near the Sea.

Tenehoa to the West of Rokbo, has the West Province on its North, Aynam on its West, and the Sea on its South: this Province is also low Land, chiefly abounds in Rice and Cattle, and hath a great Trade in Fishing, as all the Sea Coast has in gene­ral.

The Province of Ngeam, hath Tenehoa on the East, and on the South and West it borders on Co­chinchina, and has the West Province on its North. This is a pretty large Province, abounding with Rice and Cattle: and here are always Soldiers kept to guard the Frontiers from the Cochinchi­neses.

The West Provinces hath Ngeam on the South, the Kingdom of Laos on the West, the Province of Cachao on the East, and on the North the North Province. This is a large Province, and good Champion Land; rich in Soil, partly woody, partly pasture. The product of this Province is chiefly in Lack; and here are bred a great abun­dance of Silk-worms for making Silk.

The North Province is a large tract of Land, ma­king the North side of this whole Kingdom. It hath the Kingdom of Laos on the West, and China on the East and North, the Kingdom of Bao or Baotan on the North West, and on the South bor­ders [Page 22] year 1688 on 3 of the principal Provinces of Tonquin, viz. the West Province that of Cachao, and the East Pro­vince. The North Province, as it is large, so it has variety of Land and Soil; a great deal of plain Champian Land, and many high Mountains which yield Gold, &c. the wild Elephants of this Coun­try are found most on these Mountains. The other parts of the Province produce Lack and Silk, &c.

The Province of Cachao, in the Heart of the Kingdom, lies between the East, West, North, and South Provinces: 'tis a Champian pleasant Coun­try: the Soil is yellow or grey Earth: and 'tis pretty woody, with some Savannahs. It abounds with the two principal Commodities of their Trade, viz. Lack and Silk, and has some Rice: Nor are any of the Provinces destitute of these Commodities, tho' in different proportions, each according to the re­spective Soil.

This Country has of its own growth all necessa­ries for the Life of Man. They have little occa­sion for eatable Roots, having such plenty of Rice; yet they have Yams and Potatoes for variety; which would thrive here as well as any where, were the Natives industrious to propagate them.

The Land is every where cloathed with Herbage of one kind or other; but the dry Land has the same Fate that most dry Lands have between the Tropicks, to be over-run with Purslain; which growing wild, and being pernicious to other ten­der Herbs and Plants, they are at the pains to weed it out of their Fields and Gardens, tho' 'tis very sweet, and makes a good Sallad for a hot Country.

There is a sort of Herb very common in this Country, which grows wild in stagnant Ponds, and floats on the surface of the Water. It has a narrow, long, green thick Leaf. It is much esteemed [Page 23] year 1688 and eaten by the Natives, who commend it for a very wholesome herb, and say that 'tis good to expel poyson. This Country produces many other sorts of wild Herbs; and their Gardens also are well furnished with pleasant and wholesome ones, especially many Onions, of which here are great plenty.

Plantains and Bonanoes grow and thrive here as well as any where, but they are used here only as Fruit, and not for Bread, as in many places of Ame­rica. Besides these here are divers sorts of excellent Fruits, both Ground-fruit and Tree fruit. The Ground-fruits are Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, &c. the Tree-fruits are Mangoes, a few Oranges, Limes, Coco-nuts, Guava's, Mulberries, their much esteemed Betle, a Fruit called Lichea, &c. The Oranges are of divers sorts, and two of them more excellent than the rest. One sort is called Cam-chain, the other is call'd Cam-quit. Cam, in the Tonquinese Language, signifies an Orange, but what the distinguishing Words Cam and Quit signifie I know not.

The Cam-chain is a large Orange, of a yellowish colour: the rind is prety thick and rough; and the inside is yellow like Amber. It has a most fra­grant smell, and the taste is very delicious. This sort of Orange is the best that I did ever taste; I believe there are not better in the World: A Man may eat freely of them; for they are so innocent that they are not denied to such as have Fevers, and other sick People.

The Cam-quit is a very small round Fruit, not above half so big as the former. It is of a deep red colour, and the rind is very smooth and thin. The inside also is very red, the taste is not inferi­our to the Cam-chain, but it is accounted very un­wholesome Fruit, especially to such as are subject to Fluxes; for it both creates and heightens that [Page 24] year 1688 distemper. These 2 sorts are very plentiful and cheap, and they are in season from October till Fe­bruary, but then the Cham-chain becomes redder, and the rind is also thinner. The other sorts of O­ranges are not much esteemed.

The Limes of Tonquin are the largest I ever saw. They are commonly as big as an ordinary Limon, but rounder. The rind is of a pale yellow colour when ripe; very thin and smooth. They are ex­traordinary juicy, but not near so sharp or tart in taste as the West-Indian Limes.

Coco-nnts and Guava's do thrive here very well: but there are not many of the latter.

The Betle of Tonquin is said to be the best in India; there is great plenty of it; and 'tis most esteemed when it is young, green and tender; for 'tis then very juicy. At Mindanao also they like it best green: but in other places of the East-Indies it is commonly chew'd when it is hard and dry.

The Lichea is another delicate Fruit. 'Tis as big as a small Pear, somewhat long shaped, of a red­dish colour, the rind pretty thick and rough, the inside white, inclosing a large black kernel, in shape like a Bean.

The Country is in some part woody; but the low Land in general is either grassy Pasture, or Rice Fields, only thick set with small Groves, which stand scattering very pleasantly over all the low-Country. The Trees in the Groves are of di­vers sorts, and most unknown to us. There is good Timber for building either Ships or Houses, and indifferent good Masts may here be had.

There is a Tree called by the Natives Pone, chiefly used for making Cabinets, or other Wares to be la [...]kred. This is a soft sort of wood, not much unlike Fir, but not so serviceable. Another Tree grows in this Country that yields the Lack, with which Cabinets and other sine things are overlaid. [Page 25] year 1688 These grow plentifully in some places, especially in the Champion Lands. Here are also Mulberry Trees in great plenty, to feed the Silk-worms, from whence comes the chief Trade in the Country. The Leaves of the old Trees are not so nourishing to the Silk-worms, as those of the young Trees; and therefore they raise crops of young ones every year, to feed the Worms: for when the season is over, the young Treees are pluckt up by the Roots, and more planted against the next year; so the Natives suffer none of these Trees to grow to bear Fruit. I heard of no Mulberries kept for eating, but some few raised by our English Merchants at Hean; and these bare but small hungry Fruit.

Here is good plenty of Rice, especially in the low Land, that is fatned by the overflowing Ri­vers. They have two crops every year, with great increase, if they have seasonable Rains and Floods. One crop is in May, and the other in November: and tho' the low Land is sometimes overflown with Water in the time of Harvest, yet they matter it not, but gather the crop and fetch it home wet in their Canoas; and making the Rice fast in small bundles, hang it up on their Houses to dry. This serves them for Bread-corn; and as the Country is very kindly for it, so their Inhabitants live chiefly of it.

Of Land-Animals in this Country there are Elephants, Horses, Buffaloes, Bullocks, Goats, Deer, a few Sheep for the King, Hogs, Dogs, Cats, Lizards, Snakes, Scorpions, Centapees, Toads, Frogs, &c. The Country is so very popu­lous, that they have but few Deer or wild Game for hunting, unless it be in the remoter parts of the Kingdom. But they have abundance of Fowls both tame and wild. The tame Fowls are Cocks and Hens, and Ducks also in great plenty, of the same sort with ours. The Inhabitants have little [Page 26] year 1688 Houses made purposely for the Ducks to lay their Eggs in, driving them in every Night in laying time, and letting them out again in the morning. There are also some Geese, Parrots, Partridges, Para­kites, Turtle-Doves, &c. with many sorts of smal­ler Birds. Of wild Water-fowls they have Ducks, Widgeons, Teals, Herons, Pellicans, and Crab­catchers, (which I shall describe in the Bay of Campeachy) and other smaller Water-fowls. The Duck, Widgeon, and Teal are innumerable: They breed here in the Months of May, June, and July; then they fly only in couples: but from October to March you will see over all the low watry Lands great Companies together: and I have no where seen such large flights, nor such plenty of Game. They are very shy since the English and Dutch settled here; for now the Natives as well as they shoot them: but before their arrival the Tonquinese took them only with Nets, neither is this custom left off yet. The Net that is used for this Game is made square, and either bigger or less according as they have occasion. They fix two Poles about 10 or 11 foot high, upright in the Ground, near the Pond, where the Ducks haunt; and the Net has a head-cord, which is stretched out streight, made from the top of one Pole to the other; from whence the lower part of the Net hangs down loose towards the Ground; and when in the even­ing they fly towards the Pond, many of them strike against the Net, and are there entangled.

There is a kind of Locust in Tonquin, in great abundance. This Creature is about the bigness of the top of a Mans Finger, and as long as the first joynt. It breeds in the Earth, especially in the Banks of Rivers and Ditches in the low Country. In the months of January and February, which is the season of taking them, being then only seen, this Creature first comes out of the Earth in huge [Page 27] year 1688 swarms. It is then of a whitish colour, having 2 small Wings, like the Wings of a Bee: at its first coming out of the Earth it takes its flight; but for want of strength or use falls down again in a short time. Such as strive to fly over the River, do com­monly fall down into the Water and are drowned, or become a prey to the Fish of the River, or are carried out into the Sea to be devoured there: But the Natives in these Months watch the Rivers, and take up thence Multitudes, skimming them from off the Water with little Nets. They eat them fresh, broiled on the Coals; or pickle them to keep. They are plump and fat, and are much esteemed both by rich and poor, as good wholesome food, either fresh or pickled.

The Rivers and Ponds are stored with divers sorts of excellent Fish, besides abundance of Frogs, which they angle for, being highly esteemed by the Tonquinese. The Sea too contributes much to­wards the support of poor People, by yielding plentiful stores of Fish, that swarm on this Coast in their seasons, and which are commonly pre­ferr'd before the River Fish. Of these here are divers sorts, besides Sea Turtle, which frequently come ashore on the sandy Bays in their seasons to lay their Eggs. Here are also both Land-crabs and Sea-crabs good store, and other Shell-fish, viz. Craw-fish, Shrimps, and Prawns. Here is one sort of small Fish much like an Anchovy, both in shape and size, which is very good pickled. There are other sorts of small Fish, which I know not the names of. One sort of them comes in great [...]hoals near the shore, and these the Fishermen with their Nets take so plentifully as to load their Boats with them. Among these they generally take a great many Shrimps in their Nets, which they [...]arry ashore mixt together as they take them, and make Balachaun with them.

[Page 28] year 1688 Balachaun is a composition of a strong favour; yet a very delightsom Dish to the Natives of this Country. To make it, they throw the mixture of Shrimps and small Fish into a sort of weak pickle made with Salt and Water, and put it into a tight earthen Vessel or Jar. The pickle being thus weak, it keeps not the Fish firm and hard, neither is it probably so designed, for the Fish are never gutted. Therefore in a short time they turn all to a mash in the Vessel; and when they have lain thus a good while, so that the Fish is reduced to a Pap, they then draw off the Liquor into fresh Jars, and preserve it for use. The masht Fish that remains behind is called Balachaun, and the liquor pour'd off is called Nuke-mum. The poor People eat the Balachaun with their Rice. 'Tis rank scented, yet the taste is not altogether unpleasant; but rather savory, after one is a little used to it. The Nuke-mum is of a pale brown colour, inclining to grey; and pretty clear. It is also very savory and used as a good sauce for Fowls, not only by the Natives, but also by many Europeans, who esteem it equal with Soy. I have been told that Soy is made partly with a fishy composition, and it seems most likely by the taste: tho a Gentleman of my acquaintance, who was very intimate with one that sailed often from Tonquin to Japan, from whence the true Soy comes, told me, that it was made only with Wheat, and a sort of Beans mixt with Water and Salt.

Their way of Fishing differs little from ours: in the Rivers they take some of their Fish with Hook and Line, others with Nets of several sorts. At the Mouths of the Rivers they set Nets against the Stream or Tide. These have two long Wings opening on each side the Mouth of the Net, to guide the Fish into it; where passing through a narrow neck, they are caught in a bag at the far­ther end.

[Page 29] year 1688 Where the Rivers mouth is so wide, that the wing of the Net will not reach from side to side, as at Batsha particularly it will not, there they sup­ply that defect, with long slender Canes, which they stick upright near one another in a row: for on both sides of the River, when the tide runs strong (which is the time that the Fish are mo­ving) the limber Canes make such a rattling by striking against each other, that thereby the Fish are scared from thence towards the Mouth of the Net, in the middle of the stream. Farther up the River, they have Nets made square like a great sheet. This sort hath two long Poles laid across each other. At this crossing of the Poles a long Rope is fastned; and the Net hangs down in a bag by its corners from them. To manage it there is a substantial post, set upright and firm in the Ri­ver; and the top of it may be 8 or 10 foot above the water. On the top of this post there is a Mortice made to receive a long pole, that lies athwart like the Beam of a Balance: to the heavier end of which they tie the Rope, which holds the Net; and to the other end another Rope to pull up the Net on occasion. The Fishermen sink it with Stones to the Rivers bottom, and when they see any Fish come over it, one suddenly pulls the Rope at the opposite end of the Beam, and heaves Net and Fish out of the Water. They take a great deal of Fish this way: and sometimes they use Drag-Nets, which go quite across, and sweep the Ri­ver.

In the stagnant Ponds, such as the Mandarins have commonly about their Houses, they go in and trouble the water with their feet, till 'tis all mud­dy and thick: and as the Fish rise to the furface they take what they please with small Nets, fastned to a hoop, at the end of a pole.

[Page 30] year 1688 For all these sorts of provision there are Markets duly kept all over Tonquin one in the week, in a neighbourhood of 4 or 5 Villages; and held at each of them successively in its order: so that the same Village has not the Market returned to it till 4 or 5 weeks after. These Markets are abundantly more stor'd with Rice (as being their chief subsistence, especially of the poorer sort) than either with Flesh or Fish, yet wants there not for Pork, and young Pigs good store, Ducks and Hens, plenty of Eggs, Fish great and small, fresh and salted Balachaun and Nuke-Mum; with all sorts of Roots, Herbs, and Fruits, even in these Country Markets. But at Cachao, where there are Markets kept every day, they have besides these, Beef of Bullocks, Buffa­loes Flesh, Goats Flesh, Horse Flesh, Cats and Dogs, (as I have been told) and Locusts.

They dress their food very cleanly, and make savory: for which they have several ways un­known in Europe; but they have many sorts of dishes, that would turn the Stomach of a Stranger, which yet they themselves like very well, as par­ticularly, a dish of raw Pork, which is very cheap and common. This is only Pork cut and minced very small, fat and lean together; which being afterwards made up in balls, or rolls like Sausages, and prest very hard together, is then neatly wrapt up in clean Leaves, and without more ado, served up to the Table. Raw Beef is another dish, much esteemed at Cachao. When they kill a Bullock they singe the hair off with Fire, as we singe Bacon-Hogs in England. Then they open it; and while the Flesh is yet hot, they cut good Collops from off the lean parts, and put them into a very tart Vine­gar, where it remains 3 or 4 hours longer, till it is sufficiently soaked, and then, without more trouble, they take it out, and eat it with great delight. As for Horse-flesh, I know not whether [Page 31] year 1688 they kill any purposely for the Shambles; or whe­ther they only do it, when they are not likely [...]o live; as I have seen them do their working Bullocks at Galicia in Old Spain; where the Cattel falling down with labour, and being so poor and tired that they cannot rise, they are slaughtered, and sent to Market; and I think I never eat worse Beef than at the Groin. The Horse-flesh comes to Market at Cachao very frequently, and is as much esteemed as Beef. Elephants they eat also; and the Trunk of this Beast is an acceptable present for a Nobleman, and that too tho' the Beast dyes with Age or Sickness. For here are but few wild Elephants, and those so shy, that they are not easily taken. But the King having a great number of tame Elephants, when one of these dyes, 'tis given to the poor, who presently fetch away the Flesh, but the Trunk is cut in pieces, and presented to the Mandarins. Dogs and Cats are killed purpose­ly for the Shambles, and their Flesh is much e­steemed by people of the best fashion, as I have been credibly informed. Great yellow Frogs also are much admired, especially when they come fresh out of the Pond. They have many other such choice dishes: and in all the Villages, at any time of the day, be it Market day or not, there are several to be sold by poor people, who make it their Trade. The most common sorts of Cookeries, next to boiled Rice, is to dress little bits of Pork, spitted 5 or 6 of them at once on a small skiver, and roasted. In the Markets also, and daily in every Village, there are Women sitting in the Streets, with a Pipkin over a small Fire, full of Chau, as they call it, a sort of very ordinary Tea, of a reddish brown colour, and 'tis their ordinary drink.

The Kingdom of Tonquin is in general healthy enough, especially in the dry season, when also it is very delightsom. For the seasons of the year [Page 32] year 1688 at Tonquin and all the Countries between the Tro­picks, are distinguished into Wet and Dry, as pro­perly as others are into Winter and Summer: But as the alteration from Winter to Summer, and vice versa is not made of a sudden, but with the interchangeable Weather of Spring and Autumn; so also towards the end of the dry season, there are some gentle showers now and then, that precede the violent wet months; and again toward the end of these, several fair days that introduce the dry time. These seasons are generally much alike at the same time of the year in all places of the Torrid Zone, on the same side of the Equator: but for 2 or 3 degrees on each side of it, the weather is more mixt and uncertain, (tho' inclining to the wet extreme) and is often contrary to that which is then settled on the same side of the Equator more toward the Tropick. So that even when the wet season is set in, in the Northern parts of the Torrid Zone, it may yet be dry weather for 2 or 3 degrees North of the Line: and the same may be said of the con­trary Latitudes and Seasons. This I speak with respect to the dryness or moisture of Countries in the Torrid Zone: but it may also hold good of their Heat or Cold, generally: for as to all these qualities there is a further difference arises from the make or situation of the Land, or other acciden­tal causes, besides what depends on the respective latitude or regard to the Sun. Thus the Bay of Campeachy in the West Indies, and that of Bengal in the East, in much the same latitude, are ex­ceeding hot and moist; and whether their situa­tion, being very low Countries, and the scarcity and faintness of the Sea-breezes, as in most Bays, may not contribute hereunto, I leave others to judge. Yet even as to the Latitudes of these places, lying near the Tropicks, they are generally upon that account alone more inclined to great Heats, [Page 33] year 1688 than places near the Equator. This is what I have experienc'd in many places in such Latitudes both in the East and West-Indies, that the hottest parts of the World are these near the Tropicks, especially 3 or 4 Degrees within them; sensibly hotter than under the Line it self. Many reasons may be assign'd for this, beside the accidental ones from the make of the particular Countries, Tropical Winds, or the like. For the longest day at the Equator never exceeds 12 Hours, and the Night is always of the same length: But near the Tropicks the longest day is about 13 hours and an half; and an hour and an half being also taken from the Night, what with the length of the day, and the shortness of the night, there is a difference of three hours: which is very considerable. Be­sides which, at such places as are about 3 Degrees within the Tropicks, or in the Lat. of 20 Deg. N. the Sun comes within 2 or 3 degrees of the Ze­nith in the beginning of May; and having past the Zenith, goes not above 2 or 3 degrees beyond it, before it returns and passeth the Zenith once more; and by this means is at least 3 Months within 4 degrees of the Zenith: so that they have the Sun in a manner over their Heads from the be­ginning of May, till the latter end of July. Where­as when the Sun comes under the Line, in March or September, it immediately posts away to the North or the South, and is not 20 days in passing from 3 degrees on one side, to 3 degrees on the other side the Line. So that by his small stay there, the heat cannot be answerable to what it is near the Tropick, where he so long continues in a manner Vertical at Noon, and is so much longer above the Horrizon each particular day, with the intervening of a shorter Night.

But to return to Tonquin. During the wet Months there 'tis excessive hot, especially when­ever [Page 34] year 1688 the Sun breaks out of the Clouds, and there is then but little Wind stirring: And I have been told by a Gentleman who lived there many Years, that he thought it was the hottest place that ever he was in, tho' he had been in many other parts of India. And as to the Rains, it has not the least share of them, tho' neither altogether the greatest of what I have met with in the Torrid Zone; and even in the same Latitude, and on the same side of the Equator. The wet Season begins here the lat­ter end of April, or the beginning of May; and holds till the latter end of August, in which time are very violent Rains, some of many hours, others of two or three Days continuance. Yet are not these Rains without some considerable intervals of fair Weather, especially toward the beginning or end of the Season.

By these Rains are caus'd those Land-floods, which never fail in these Countries between the Tropicks at their annual Periods; all the Rivers then overflowing their Banks. This is a thing so well known to all who are any way acquainted with the Torrid Zone, that the cause of the over­flowing of the Nile, to find out which the Ancients set their Wits so much upon the Rack, and fancied melting of Snows, and blowing of Etesi [...], and I know not what, is now no longer a secret. For these Floods must needs discharge themselves upon such low Lands as lie in their way; as the Land of Egypt does with respect to the Nile, coming a great way from within the Torrid Zone, and falling down from the higher Ethiopia. And any one who will be at the pains to compare the time of the Land-flood in Egypt with that of the Torrid Zone in any of the parts of it along which the Nile runs will find that of Egypt so much later than the other, as 'twill be thought reasonable to allow for th [...] daily progress of the Waters along so vast a trac [Page 35] year 1688 of Ground. They might have made the same wonderment of any other Rivers which run any long course from out the Torrid Zone: but they knowing only the North Temperate Zone, and the Nile being the only great River known to come thither a great way from a Country near the Line, they made that only the subject of their enquiry: but the same effect must also follow from any great River that should run from out of the Torrid Zone into the South Temperate Zone. And as to the Torrid Zone, the yearly Floods, and their cause, are every where as well known by People there, as the Rivers themselves. In America parti­cularly, in Campeachy Rivers, in Rio Grande, and others, 'tis a vast havock is made by these Floods; bringing down sometimes Trees of an incredible bigness; and these floods always come at the stated season of the Year. In the dry part of Peru, along the Coasts of Pacifick Sea, where it never rains, as it seldom does in Egypt, they have not only Floods, but Rivers themselves, made by the annual falling of Rain on the Mountains within Land; the Channels of which are dry all the rest of the year. This I have observ'd concerning the River Ylo, on the Coast of Peru, in my former Volume, p. 95. But it has this difference from the Floods of Egypt, that besides its being a River in the Torrid Zone, 'tis also in South Latitude, and so overflows at a contrary season of the Year; to wit, at such time as the Sun being in Southern Signs, causes the Rains and Floods on that side the Line.

But to eeturn from this digression, in August the weather at Tonquin is more moderate, as to heat or wet, yet not without some showers, and September and October are more temperate still: yet the worst weather in all the year for Seamen, is in one of the 3 Months last mentioned: for then the violent Storms, called Tuffoons, (Typhones) are ex­pected. [Page 36] year 1688 These Winds are so very fierce, that for fear of them the Chinese that trade thither, will not stir out of Harbour till the end of October: after which Month there is no more danger of any violent Storms, till the next year.

Tuffoons are a particular kind of violent Storms, blowing on the Coast of Tonquin, and the neighbour­ing Coasts in the Months of July, August, and Sep­tember. They commonly happen near the full or change of the Moon, and are usually preceded by very fair weather, small Winds and a clear Sky. Those small Winds [...]er [...] from the common Trade of that time of the year, which is here at S. W. and shuff [...]es about to the N. and N. E. Before the Storm comes there appears a boding Cloud in the N. E. which is very black near the Horizon, but towards the upper edge it looks of a dark Copper colour, and higher still it is brighter, and after­wards it fades to a whitish glaring colour, at the very edge of the Cloud. This Cloud appears very amazing and ghastly, and is sometimes seen 12 Hours before the Storm comes. When that Cloud begins to move apace, you may expect the Wind presently. It comes on fierce, and blows very vio­lent at N. E. 12 Hours more or less. It is also com­monly accompanied with terrible claps of Thunder, large and frequent flashes of Lightning, and exces­sive hard Rain. When the Wind begins to aba [...]e it dies away suddenly, and falling slat calm it conti­nues so an hour, more or less: then the wind comes about to the S. W. and it blows and rains as fierce from thence, as it did before at N. E. and as long.

November and December are 2 very dry, wholesom, warm and pleasant months. January, February, and March are pretty dry: but then you have thick fogs in the morning, and sometimes drisling cold rains: the air also in these 3 months, particularly in January and February is very sharp, especially [Page 37] year 1688 when the wind is at North East, or North North East, whether because of the Quarter it blows from, or the Land it blows over I know not: for I have elsewhere observed such Winds to be cold­er, where they have come from over Land. April is counted a moderate month, either as to heat or cold, driness or moisture.

This is ordinarily the state of their year: yet are not these various Seasons so exact in the returns, but that there may sometimes be the difference of a month, or more. Neither yet are the several Seasons, when they do come, altogether alike in all years. For sometimes the Rains are more violent and lasting, at other times more mode­rate; and some years they are not sufficient to pro­duce reasonable Crops, or else they come so unsea­sonably as to injure and destroy the Rice, or at least to advance it but little. For the Husbandry of this Country, and other Countreys in the Torrid Zone depends on the Annual Floods, to moisten and fatten the Land, and if the wet seasons prove more dry than ordinary, so as that the Rice-Land is not well dranched with the overflowing of the Rivers, the Crops will be but mean: and Rice being their Bread, the staff of Life with them, if that fails, such a populous Country as this cannot subsist with­out being beholding to its Neighbours. But when it comes to that pass, that they must be supplied by Sea, many of the poorer sort sell their Children to relieve their wants, and so preserve their Lives, whilst others that have not Children to sell, may be famished and dye miserable in the Streets. This manner of Parents dealing with their Children is not peculiar to this Kingdom alone, but is custo­mary in other places of the East-Indies, especially on the Coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. There a famine happens more frequently, and rages some­times to a degree beyond belief: for those Coun­tries [Page 38] year 1688 are generally very dry, and less productive of Rice than Tonquin. Neither are they such large Rivers to fatten the Land: but all their Crop de­pends on Seasons of Rains only, to moisten the earth: and when those seasons fail, as they do very often, then they can have no Crop at all. Sometimes they have little or no rain in three or fore years, and then they perish at a la­mentable rate. Such a Famine as this hapned 2 or 3 years before my going to Fort St. George, which raged so sore, that thousands of people perished for want, and happy were they that could hold out till they got to the Sea-port Towns, where the Europeans lived, to sell themselves to them, tho' they were sure to be transported from their own Coun­try presently. But the famine does never rage so much at Tonquin, neither may their greatest scar­city be so truly called a famine: for in the worst of times there is Rice, and 'tis thro' the poverty of the meaner people, that so many perish or sell their Children, for they might else have Rice enough, had they money to buy it with: and when their Rice is thus dear, all other provisions are so proportionably.

There is a further difference between the Coun­tries of Malabar and Coromandel, and this of Ton­quin, that the more Rain they have there, the greater is their blessing: but here they may have too much rain for the lower part of the Kingdom; but that is rare. When this happens they have Banks to keep in the Rivers, and Ditches to drain the Land; tho' sometimes to little purpose, when the floods are violent, and especially if out of sea­son. For if the floods come in their seasons, tho' they are great, and drown all the Land, yet are they not hurtful; but on the contrary, very beneficial, because the mud that they leave behind fattens the Land. And after all, if the low Land [Page 39] year 1688 should be injured by the floods, the dry Champion Land yields the better increase, and helps out the other; as that does them also in more kindly seasons. In the dry seasons the low Lands have this ad­vantage, that Channels are easily cut out of the River, to water them on each side. So that let the Seasons be wet or dry this Country seldom suffers much. Indeed considering the Number of its inha­bitants, and the poverty of the Major part, it is sometimes here, as in all populous Countries, very hard with the poor, especially the Trades-people in the large Towns. For the Trade is very uncer­tain, and the people are imployed according to the number of Ships that come thither, to fetch away their Goods: and if but few Ships come hither, as sometimes it happens, then the poor are ready to famish for want of work, whereby to get a sub­sistance. And not only this, but most Silk Coun­tries are stockt with great multitudes of poor peo­ple, who work cheap and live meanly on a little Rice; which if it is not very cheap, as it com­monly is here, the poor people are not able to maintain themselves.

CHAP. III.

TOnquin is very populous, being thick set with Villages; and the Natives in general are of a middle stature, and clean limb'd. They are of a Tawny Indian colour: but I think the fairest and clearest that I ever saw of that Complexion: for you may perceive a blush or change of colour in some of their faces, on any sudden surprize of passion; which I could never discern in any other Indians. Their faces are generally flattish, and of an oval form. Their noses and lips are proportio­nable enough, and altogether graceful. Their hair is black, long and lank, and very thick; and they wear it hanging down to their shoulders.

[Page 41] year 1688 Their teeth are as black as they can make them; for this being accounted a great ornament, they dye them of that colour, and are 3 or 4 days doing it. They do this when they are about 12 or 14 years old, both Boys and Girls: and during all the time of the operation they dare not take any nou­rishment, besides Water, Chau, or some liquid thing, and not much of that neither, for fear, I judge, of being poyson'd by the Dye, or Pig­ment. So that while this is doing they undergo very severe Penance: but as both Sexes, so all Qualities, the poor as well as the rich, must be in this fashion: they say they should else be like Brutes; and that would be a great shame to them to be like Elephants or Dogs; which they compare those to that have white teeth.

They are generally dextrous, nimble, and active; and ingenious in any Mechannick Science they pro­fess. This may be seen by the multitude of fine Silks that are made here; and the curious Lacker­work, that is yearly transported from thence. They are also laborious and diligent in their Cal­lings; but the Country being so very populous, many of them are extreme poor for want of em­ployment: and tho' the Country is full of Silk, and other materials to work on, yet little is done, but when strange Ships arrive. For 'tis the Money and goods that are brought hither, especially by the English and Dutch, that puts life into them: for the Handicrafts men have not Money to set themselves to work; and the Foreign Merchants are therefore forced to trust them with advance­money, to the value of at least a third, or half their goods; and this for 2 or 3 months or more, before they have made their Goods, and brought them in. So that they having no Goods ready by them, till they have Money from the Merchant strangers, the Ships that trade hither must of ne­cessity [Page 42] year 1688 stay here all the time that their Goods are making, which are commonly 5 or 6 months.

The Tonquinese make very good Servants; I think the best in India. For as they are generally apprehensive and do [...]il, so are they faithful when hired, diligent and obedient. Yet they are low spirited: probably by reason of their living under an Arbitrary Government. They are patient in labour, but in sickness they are mightily dejected. They have one great fault extreme common among them, which is gaming. To this they are so uni­versally addicted, Servants and all, that neither the awe of their Masters, nor any thing else, is suf­ficient to restrain them, till they have lost all they have, even their very Cloaths. This is a reigning Vice among the Eastern Nations, especially the Chinese, as I said in the 15th Chaper of my former Volume. And I may add, that the Chinese I found settled at Tonquin, were no less given to it than those I met with elsewhere. For after they have lost their Money, Goods and Cloaths, they will stake down their Wives and Children: and lastly, as the dearest thing they have, will play upon tick, and mortgage their Hair upon honour: And whatever it cost 'em they will be sure to redeem it. For a free Chinese, as these are, who have fled from the Tartars, would be as much ashamed of short Hair, as a Tonquinese of white Teeth.

The Cloaths of the Tonquinese are made either of Silk or Cotton. The poor people and Soldiers do chiefly were Cotton Cloath died to a dark tawny colour. The rich men and Mandarins commonly were English Broad-cloath: the chief colours are red or green. When they appear before the King, they wear long Gowns which reach down to their heels: neither may any man appear in his pre­sence but in such a garb. The great men have also long Caps made of the same that their Gowns [Page 43] year 1688 are made of: but the middle sort of men and the poor commonly go bare-headed. Yet the Fisher­men, and such labourers as are by their employ­ments more exposed to the weather, have broad­brimm'd Hats, made of Reeds, Straw, or Palmeto­leaves. These Hats are as stiff as boards, and sit not plyant to their heads: for which reason they have Bandstrings or Necklaces fastned to their Hats; which coming under their chins are there tyed, to keep their Hats fast to their Heads. These Hats are very ordinary things; they seldom wear them but in rainy weather. Their other Cloaths are very few and mean: a ragged pair of Britches commonly sufficeth them. Some have bad Jackets, but neither Shirt, Stockings nor Shooes.

The Tonquinese buildings are but mean. Their Houses are small and low: the Walls are either Mud, or Watle bedawbed over: and the Roofs are thatched, and that very ill, especially in the Country. The Houses are too low to admit of Chambers: yet they have here 2 or 3 partitions on the ground floor, made with a watling of Canes or Sticks, for their several uses; in each of which there is a Window to let in the light. The Win­dows are only small square holes in the Walls, which they shut up at night with a Board, fitted for that purpose. The Rooms are but meanly fur­nished; with a poor Bed or two (or more, accord­ing to the bigness of the family) in the inner Room. The outer Rooms are furnished with Stools, Benches, or Chairs to sit on. There is also a Ta­ble, and on one side a little Altar, with two In­cense-pots on it; nor is any House without its Altar. One of these Incense-pots has a small bun­dle of Rushes in it; the ends of which I always took notice had been burnt, and the fire put out. This outer Room is the place where they common­ly dress their food: yet in fair weather they do it [Page 44] year 1688 as frequently in the open air, at their doors, or in their yards; as being thereby the less incommoded by heat or smoak.

They dwell not in lone houses, but together in Villages: 'tis rare to see a single house by it self. The Country Villages commonly consist of 20, 30, or 40 houses, and are thick seated over all the Country; yet hardly to be be seen till you come to their very doors, by reason of the Trees and Groves they are surrounded with. And 'tis as rare to see a Grove without a Village, in the low Coun­try near the Sea, as to see a Village without a Grove: but the high Lands are full of Woods, and the Villages there stand all as in one great Forest. The Villages and Land about them do most belong to great men, and the Inhabitants are Tenants that manure and cultivate the ground.

The Villages in the low Land are also surround­ed with great banks and deep ditches. These in­compass the whole Grove, in which each Village stands.

The banks are to keep the water from over­flowing their gardens, and from coming into their houses in the wet time, when all the Land about them is under water, 2 or 3 foot deep. The ditches or trenches are to preserve the water in the dry time, with which they water their gardens when need requires. Every man lets water at pleasure, by little drains that run inward from the Town­ditch, into his own garden; and usually each mans yard or garden is parted from his neighbours by one of these little drains on each side. The houses lie scattering up and down in the Grove; no where joyning to one another, but each apart, and fenced in with a small hedge. Every house hath a small gate or stile to enter into the garden first, for the house stands in the middle of it: and the gardens runs also from the backside of the house [Page 45] year 1688 to the Town-Ditch, with its drain and hedge on each side. In the Gardens every Man has his own Fruit-trees, as Oranges, Limes, Betle; his Pumpkins, Melons, Pine-apples, and a great many Herbs. In the dry season these Grovy dwellings are very pleasant; but in the wet season they are altoge­ther uncomfortable: for tho' fenced in thus with banks, yet are they like so many Duck-houses all wet and dirt: neither can they pass from one Village to another, but Mid-leg or to their Knees in Water, unless sometimes in Boats, which they keep for this purpose: But notwithstanding these, they are seldom out of mire and wet, even in the midst of the Village or Garden, so long as that season lasts. The Inhabitants of the higher part of the Kingdom are not troubled with such incon­veniences, but live more cleanly and comfortably, forasmuch as their Land is never overflown with water: and tho' they live also in Villages or Towns as the former, yet they have no occasion to sur­round them with banks or trenches, but lie open to the Forest.

The Capital City Cachao, which stands in the high Country about 80 Miles from the Sea, on the West side of the River, and on a pretty level, yet rising Ground, lies open in the same manner, with­out wall, bank, or ditch. There may be in Cachao about 20000 Houses. The Houses are generally low, the walls of the Houses are of mud, and the covering Thatch, yet some are built with Brick, and the covering with Pan-tile. Most of these Houses have a Yard, or Back-side belonging to them. In each Yard, you shall see a small arched building made somewhat like an Oven, about six foot high, with the Mouth on the Ground. It is built from top to bottom with brick, all over daub'd thick with mud and dirt. If any House wants a yard, they have nevertheless such a kind of Oven as this, but [Page 46] year 1688 smaller, set up in the middle of the House it self; and there is scarce a House in the City without one. The use of it is to thrust their chiefest Goods into when a Fire happens: for these low thatch'd Houses are very subject to take fire, espe­cially in the dry times, to the Destruction of many Houses in an instant, that often they have scarce time to secure their Goods in the arched Ovens, tho' so near them.

As every private Person hath this contrivance, to secure his own Goods, when a Fire happens, so the Government hath carefully ordered necessary means to be used for the preventing of Fire, or extinguishing it before it gets too great a Head. For in the beginning of the dry Season every Man must keep a great Jar of Water, on the top of his House, to be ready to pour down, as occasion shall serve. Besides this, he is to keep a long Pole, with a Basket or Bowl at the end of it, to throw Water out of the Kennels upon the Houses. But if the Fire gets to such a head, that both these ex­pedients fail, then they cut the Straps that hold the Thatch of the Houses, and let it drop from the Rafters to the Ground. This is done with little trouble; for the Thatch is not laid on as ours, nei­ther is it tyed on by single Leaves, as in the West-Indies, and many parts of the East-Indies, where they Thatch with Palmeto or Palm-tree Leaves: but this is made up in Panes of 7 or 8 foot square, before it is laid on; so that 4 or 6 Panes, more or less, accord­ing to the bigness of the House, will cover one side of it: and these Panes being only fastned in a few places to the Rafters with Rattans, they are ea­sily cut, and down drops half the covering at once. These Panes are also better than loose Thatch, as being more managable, in case any of them should fall on or near the Oven where the Goods are, for they are easily dragg'd off to another [Page 47] year 1688 place. The neighbouring Houses may this way be soon uncovered, before the Flame comes to 'em; and the Thatch either carried away, or at least laid where it may burn by it self. And for this purpose every Man is ordered to keep a long Pole or Bambo at his Door, with a Cutting-hook at the end of it, purposely for uncovering the Houses: and if any Man is found without his Jar upon the House, and his Bucket-Pole and long Hook at his Door, he will be punish'd severely for his neglect. They are rigorous in exacting this: for even with all this caution they are much and often damaged by Fire.

The principal Streets in this City are very wide, tho' some are but narrow. They are most of them pav'd, or pitch'd rather, with small Stones; but after a very ill manner. In the wet Season they are very dirty; and in the dry time there are ma­ny stagnant Ponds, and some Ditches full of black stinking Mud, in and about the City. This makes it unpleasant, and a Man would think unwhole­some too: yet it is healthy enough, as far as I per­ceiv'd, or could ever learn.

The Kings of Tonquin, who make this City their constant Residence, have two or three Pa­laces in it, such as they be. Two of them are very mean; they are built with Timber, yet have they many great Guns planted in Houses near them, Stables for the Kings Elephants and Horses, and pretty large square spots of Ground for the Soldiers to draw themselves up regularly before him. The Third Palace is called the Palace Royal. It is more magnificently built than the other two: yet built also with Timber, but all open as the Divans in Turky are said to be. The Wall that in­compasseth it is most remarkable. It is said to be 3 leagues in circumference. The heigth of this Wall is about 15 or 16 foot, and almost as many [Page 48] year 1688 broad or thick. It is faced up on both sides with Brick: there are several small Gates to go in and out at, but the main Gate faceth to the City. This they say is never opened, but when the Boua or Emperor goes in or comes out. There are two smaller Gates adjoyning to it, one on each side, which are opened on all occasions, for any con­cerned there to pass in and out; but Strangers are not permitted this liberty. Yet they may ascend to the top of the Wall, and walk round it, there being Stairs at the Gate to go up by: and in some places the Walls are fallen down.

Within this Wall there are large Fish-ponds, where also there are Pleasure-Boats for the Empe­ror's diversion. I shall defer speaking of him, whose Prison this is, rather than Court, till the next Chapter, where I shall discourse of the Go­vernment.

The House of the English Factory, who are very few, is pleasantly seated on the North end of the City, fronting to the River. 'Tis a pretty hand­som low-built House; the best that I saw in the City. There is a handsome Dining-room in the middle, and at each end convenient Apartments for the Merchants, Factors, and Servants belong­ing to the Company to live in, with other conve­niences. This House stands parallel with the Ri­ver; and at each end of it there are smaller Houses for other uses, as Kitchin, Store-Houses, &c. run­ning in a Line from the great House towards the River, making two Wings, and a square Court open to the River. In this square space, near the Banks of the River, there stands a Flag Staff, purposely for the hoysing up the English Colours on all occasions: for it is the custom of our Coun­trymen aboard, to let fly their Colours on Sundays, and all other remarkable Days.

[Page 49] year 1688 The Dutch Factory joins to the English Factory on the South side: I was never in it, and therefore can say nothing of it, but what I have heard, that their ground is not so large as ours, tho' they are the longest standers here by many years: for the English are but newly removed hither from Hean, where they resided altogether before.

There is nothing more in or about the City worth noting, but only a piece of Work on the same side, up the River. This is a massy Frame of Timber, ingeniously put together, and very ar­tificially placed on great Piles, that are set upright in the River, just by its Banks. The Piles are dri­ven firmly into the Ground, close one by another: and all the space between them and the Bank is filled up with Stones, and on them great Trees laid a-cross, and pinn'd fast at each end to the Piles: so that the whole Fabrick must be moved before any part of it will yield. This piece of work is raised about 16 or 17 foot above the Water in the dry time: but in the wet Season the Floods come within 2 or 3 foot of the top. It was made to resist the violence of the Water in the rainy sea­son: for the Stream then presseth so hard against this place, that before this Pile was built, it broke down the Bank, and threatned to carry all before it, even to the ruining of the City, if this course had not timely been taken to prevent it. And so much the rather, because there is a large Pond just within Land, and low Ground between it and the City: So that had it made but a small breach into the Pond, it would have come even to the Skirts of the City. And tho' the City stands so high as that the Land-floods never reach it, yet the Land on which it stands being a sort of yielding Sand, could not be thought capable of always resisting such violence. For the natural Floods do very of­ten make great changes in the River, breaking down [Page 50] year 1688 one point of Land, and making another point in the opposite side of the River; and that chiefly in this part of the Country, where it is bounded with high Banks: for nearer the Sea, where it presently overflows, the Floods do seldom make any consi­derable change, and move more quietly.

But to return to the People. They are cour­teous and civil to Strangers, especially the trading People: But the great Men are Proud, Haughty and Ambitious; and the Soldiers very insolent. The poorer sort are very Thievish; insomuch that the Factors and Strangers that traffick hither are forced to keep good Watch in the Night to secure their Goods, notwithstanding the severe Punishments they have against Thieves. They have indeed great Opportunities of Thieving, the Houses being so slightly built: But they will work a way under Ground, rather than fail; and use many sub­tle Stratagems. I am a Stranger to any Cere­monies used by them in Marriage, or at the Birth of a Child, or the like, if they use any: Polygamy is allowed of in this Country, and they buy their Wives of the Parents. The King and great Men keep several, as their Incli­nations lead them, and their Ability serves. The Poor are stinted for want of means more than desire: For tho' many are not able to buy, much less to maintain one Wife; yet most of them make a shift to get one, for here are some very low prized ones, that are glad to take up with poor Husbands. But then in hard times, the Man must sell both Wife and Children, to buy Rice to main­tain himself. Yet this is not so common here as in some Places; as I before observed of the Mala­bar and Coromandel Coasts. This custom among them of buying Wives, easily degenerates into that other of hiring Misses, and gives great liberty to the young Women, who offer themselves of then [Page 51] year 1688 own accord to any Ssrangers, who will go to their price. There are of them of all prizes, from 100 Dollars to 5 Dollars, and the refuse of all will be caressed by the poor Seamen. Such as the Lascars, who are Moors of India, coming hither in Vessels from Fort St. George, and other places; who yet have nothing to give them, but such Fragments of Food, as their Commons will afford. Even the great Men of Tonquin will offer their Daughters to the Merchants and Officers, tho' their stay is not likely to be above 5 or 6 Months in the Country: neither are they affraid to be with Child by White Men, for thir Children will be much fairer than their Mothers, and consequently of greater repute, when they grow up, if they be Girls. Nor is it any great charge to breed them here: and at the worst, if their Mothers are not able to maintain them, 'tis but selling them when they are young. But to return, the Women who thus let themselves to hire, if they have been so frugal as to save what they have got by these loose Amours, they soon procure Husbands, that will love and esteem them well enough: and themselves also will prove afterwards obedient and faithful Wives. For 'tis said, that even while they are with Strangers, they are very faithful to them; especially to such as remain long in the Country, or make annual returns hither, as the Dutch generally do. Many of these have gotten good Estates by their Tonquin Ladies; and that chiefly by trusting them with Money and Goods. For in this poor Country 'tis a great advantage to watch the Market; and these female Merchants having stocks will mightily im­prove them, taking their opportunities of buying raw Silk in the dead time of the Year. With this they will employ the poor People, when work is scarce; and get it cheaper and better done, than when Ships are here: for then every man being em­ployed [Page 52] year 1688 and in a hurry of business, he will have his price according to the haste of Work. And by this means they will get their Goods ready against the Ships arrive, and before the ordinary working Season, to the profit both of the Merchant and the Pagally.

When a Man dies he is interr'd in his own Land, for here are no common Burying-places: And within a Month afterwards the Friends of the de­ceased, especially if he was the Master of the Fami­ly, must make a great Feast of Flesh and Fruit at the Grave. 'Tis a thing belonging to the Priests Office to assist at this solemnity; they are always there, and take care to see that the Friends of the deceased have it duly performed. To make this Feast they are obliged to sell a piece of Land, tho' they have Money enough otherways: Which Money they bestow in such things as are necessary for the Solemnity, which is more or less, according to the quality of the deceased. If he was a great Man, there is a Tower of Wood erected over the Grave; it may be 7 or 8 Foot square, and built 20 or 25 foot high. About 20 yards from the Tow­er, are little Sheds built with Stalls, to lay the Provi­sions on, both of Meat and Fruits of all sorts, and that in great plenty. Thither the Country People resort to fill their Bellies, for the Feast seems to be free for all Comers, at least of the Neighbourhood. How it is drest or distributed about, I know not; but there the People wait till 'tis ready. Then the Priest gets within the Tower, and climbs up to the top, and looking out from thence, makes an Oration to the People below. After this the Priest descends, and then they set Fire to the Foundation of the Tower, burn it down to the Ground: and when this is done they fall to their Meat. I saw one of these Grave-Feasts, which I shall have else­where occasion to mention.

[Page 53] year 1688 The Tonquinese have two Annual Feasts. The chief is at the first New-Moon of the New-Year; and their New-Year begins with the first New-Moon that falls out after the middle of January, for else that Moon is reckon'd to the Old Year. At this time they make merry and rejoyce 10 or 12 days, and then there is no business done, but every Man makes himself as fine as may be, especially the com­mon sort. These spend their time in gaming or sporting, and you shall see the Streets full of People, both Citizens and Country Folks, gazing at several diverting Exercises. Some set up Swings in the Streets, and get Money of those that will swing in them. The Frames are contrived like ours in the Fields about London in Holiday times: but they who swing stand upright in the lower part of the Swing, which is only a stick standing on each end, being fastned to a pendulous Rope, which they hold fast with their hands on each side; and they raise themselves to such a prodigious heighth, that if the Swing should break they must needs break their Limbs at best, if not kill themselves outright. Others spend their time in drinking. Their ordi­nary Drink is Tea: but they make themselves mer­ry with hot Rack, which sometimes also they mix with their Tea. Either way it hath an odd nasty taste, but is very strong: and is therefore much esteemed by them: especially at this time, when they so much devote themselves to Mirth, or Mad­ness, or even bestial Drunkenness. The richer sort are more reserved: yet they will also be very merry at this time. The Nobles treat their friends with good Cheer and the best Rack; but indeed there is none good in this Country. Yet such as they have they esteem as a great Cordial; especially when Snakes and Scorpions have been infused therein, as I have been informed. This is not only accounted a great Cordial, but an Antitode against the Leprosie, and [Page 54] year 1688 all sorts of Poyson; and 'tis accounted a great piece of respect to any one to treat him with his Liquor. I had this relation from one that had been treated thus by many o [...] the great men They also at this time more e [...]ecially chew abundance of Betle, and mak presents thereof to one another.

The Betle Leaf is the great entertainment in the East for all Visitants; and 'tis always given with the Arek solded up in it. They make up the Arek in pellets sit for use, by first peeling off the outer green hard rind of the Nuts, and then splitting it length-ways in 3 or 4 parts, more or less, accord­ing to its bigness. Then they dawb the Leaf all o­ver with Chinam or Lime made into a Mortar or Paste, and kept in a Box for this purpose, spread­ing it thin.

And here by the way I shall take notice of a slip in the former Volume, p. 318. which I desire may be corrected: the Nut being there by mistake call'd the Betle, and the Arek-tree call'd the Betle-tree, whereas Betle is the name of the Leaf they chew. In this Leaf thus spread with Chinam, they roll up a slice of Arek Nut, very neatly, and make a pellet of about an Inch long, and as big as the top of ones finger. Every man here has a Box that will hold a great many of these pellets, in which they keep a store ready made up: for all persons, of what quality soever, from the Prince to the Beggar, chew abundance of it. The poorer sort carry a small pouchful about with them: But the Mandarius, or great men, have curious oval Boxes, made purposely for this use, that will hold 50 or 60 Betle Pellets. These Boxes are neatly lackered and gilded, both inside or outside, with a cover to take off; and if any stranger visits them, espe­cially Europeans, they are sure, among other good entertainment, to be treated with a Box of Betle. The Attendant that brings it holds it to the left [Page 55] year 1688 hand of the stranger; who therewith taking off the cover, takes with his right hand the Nuts out of the Box. 'Twere an affront to take them, or give or receive any thing with the left hand, which is confined all over India to the viler uses.

It is accounted good breeding to commend the taste or neatness of this present; and they all love to be flatter'd. You thereby extreamly please the Master of the House, and ingage him to be your friend: and afterwards you may be sure he will not fail to send his Servant with a present of Betle once in two or three mornings, with a comple­ment to know how you do. This will cost you a small gratuity to the Servant, who joyfully acquaints his Master how gratefully you received the Present: and this still engages him more; and he will com­plement you with great respect whenever he meets you. I was invited to one of these New-years Feasts by one of the Country, and accordingly went ashore, as many other Seamen did upon like invitations. I know not what entertainment they had; but mine was like to be but mean, and there­fore I presently left it. The staple Dish was Rice, which I have said before is the common food: Besides which, my friend, that he might the better entertain me and his others Guests, had been in the morning a fishing in a Pond not far from his house, and had caught a huge mess of Frogs, and with great joy brought them home as soon as I came to his house. I wonder'd to see him turn out so ma­ny of these creatures into a Basket; and asking him what they were for? he told me, to eat: but how he drest them I know not; I did not like his Dainties so well as to stay and dine with him.

The other great Feast they have, is after their May-crop is hous'd, about the beginning of June. At this Feast also they have publick Rejoycing; but much inferiour to those of their New-years Feast.

[Page 56] year 1688 Their Religion is Paganism, and they are great Idolaters: Nevertheless they own an omnipotent, supream, over-ruling power, that beholds both them and their actions, and so sar takes notice of them, as to reward the good, and punish the bad in the other world. For they believe the immor­tality of the Soul: but the notion that they have of the Deity is very obscure. Yet by the Figures which they make representing this God, they manifestly shew that they do believe him to excel in sight, strength, courage and wisdom, justice, &c. For tho' their Idols, which are made in human shapes, are very different in their forms; yet they all represent somewhat extraordinary, either in the countenance, or in the make of the body or limbs. Some are very corpulent and fat, others are very lean, some also have many eyes, others as many hands, and all grasping somewhat. Their aspects are also different, and in some measure representing what they are made to imitate, or there is some­what in their hands or lying by them, to illustrate the meaning of the Figure. Several passions are also represented in the countenance of the Image, as love, hatred, joy, grief. I was told of one Image that was placed sitting on his Hams, with his Elbows resting on his knees, and his Chin rest­ing on his 2 Thumbs, for the supporting his Head, which lookt drooping forwards: his Eyes were mournfully lifted up towards Heaven, and the figure was so lean, and the countenance and whole com­posure was so sorrowful, that it was enough to move the beholder with pity and compassion. My Friend said he was much affected with the sight thereof.

There are other Images also, that are in the shape of Beasts, either Elephants or Horses, for I have not seen them in any other shape. The Pago­das or Idol Temples, are not sumptuous and mag­nificent, as in some of the Neighbouring Kingdoms. [Page 57] year 1688 They are generally built with Timber, and are but small and low: yet mostly covered with Pan­tile; especially the City Pagodas: but in the Coun­try some of them are thatched. I saw the Horse and Elephant Idols only in the Country: and in­deed I saw none of the Idols in the City Cachao, but was told they were generally in humane shapes.

The Horse and Elephant Images I saw, were both sorts about the bigness and height of a good Horse, each standing in the midst of a little Tem­ple, just big enough to contain them, with their heads towards the door: and sometimes one, some­times two together in a Temple, which was always open. There were up and down in the Country other buildings, such as Pagodas, or Temples, Tombs, or the like, less than these; and not above the heighth of a man: but these were always shut so close, that I could not see what was within them.

There were many Pagan Priests belonging to these Pagodas, and 'tis reported that they are by the Laws tied to strict rules of Living, as abstinence from Women, and strong drink especially, and en­joined a poor sort of Life. Yet they don't seem to confine themselves much to these Rules: but their subsistence being chiefly from Offerings, and there being many of them, they are usually very poor. The Offerings to the Priest is commonly 2 or [...] handfuls of Rice, a box of Betle, or some such like present. One thing the people resort to them for is Fortune-telling, at which they pretend to be very expert, and will be much offended if any dispute their skill in that, or the truth of their Re­ligion. Their Habitations are very little and mean, close by the Pagodas, where they constantly attend to offer the petitions of the poor people, that fre­quently resort thither on some such errand. For they have no set times of Devotion, neither do they seem to esteem one day above another, except [Page 58] year 1688 their Annual Feasts. The people bring to the Priest in writing what Petition they have to make: and he reads it aloud before the Idol, and after­wards burns it in an Incense-pot, the Supplicant all the while lying prostrate on the Ground.

I think the Mandarins and rich people seldom come to the Pagodas, but have a Clerk of their own, who reads the Petition in their own Courts or Yards: and it should seem by this, that the Manda­rins have a better sense of the Deity, than the com­mon People; for in these Yards, there is no Idol, before whom to perform the Ceremony, but 'tis done with Eyes lift up to Heaven. When they make this Petition they order a great deal of good meat to be drest, and calling all their Servants into the Court, where the Ceremony is to be persormed, they place the food on a Table, where also 2 Incense-pots are placed, and then the Mandarin presents a paper to the Clerk, who reads it with an audible voice. In the first place there is drawn up an ample account of all that God has blest him withal, as Health, Riches, Honour, Favour of his Prince, &c. and long Life, if he be old; and towards the conclusion, there is a Petition to God for a continuance of all these blessings, and a farther augmentation of them; especially with long life and favour of his Prince, which last they esteem as the greatest of all Bles­sings. While this paper is reading the Master kneels down, and bows his face down to the Earth: and when the Clerk has done reading it, he puts it to the burning rushes, that are in the Incense-pot, where 'tis consum'd. Then he flings in [...] or 4 little bundles of sacred paper, which is very fine and gilded; and when that also is burnt, he bids his Servans eat the Meat. This Relation I had from an English Gentlemen, who understood the Lan­guage very well, and was present at such a Cere­mony. This burning of paper seems a great Custom [Page 59] year 1688 among the Eastern Idolaters: and in my former Volume I observed the doing so by the Chinese, in a Sacrifice they had at Bencouli.

The Tonquinese Language is spoken very much through the throat, but many words of it are pro­nounced through the teeth. It has a great affinity to the Chinese Language, especially the Fokein dia­lect, as I have been informed: and tho' their words are differently pronounced, yet they can understand each others writings, the characters and words being so near the same. The Court Lan­guage especially is very near the Chinese; for the Courtiers being all Scholars, they speak more ele­gantly; and it differs very much from the vulgar corrupted Language. But for the Malayan Tongue, which Monsieur Tavernier's Brother in his Histo­ry of Tonquin says is the Court Language, I ne­ver could hear by any person that it is spoken there, tho I have made particular inquiry about it; neither can I be of his opinion in that matter. For the Tonquinese have no manner of Trade with any Malayans that I could observe or learn, neither have any of their neighbours: and for what other grounds the Tonquinese should receive that language I know not. It is not probable that either Con­quest, Trade or Religion could bring it in; nor do they travel towards Malacca, but towards China; and commonly 'tis from one of these causes that Men learn the language of another Nation. The remarkable smoothness of that Language, I confess, might excite some people to learn it out of curiosity: but the Tonquinese are not so curious.

They have Schools of Learning and Nurseries to tutor youth. The Characters they write in are the same with the Chinese, by what I could judge; and they write with a hair Pencil, not sitting at a Table, as we do, but stand upright. They hold their Paper in one hand, and write with the other: [Page 60] year 1688 making their Characters very exact and fair. They write their lines right down from the top to the bottom, beginning the first line from the right hand, and so proceeding on towards the left. Af­ter they can write they are instructed in such Sciences as their Masters can tutor them in; and the Mathematicks are much studied by them: They seem to understand a little of Geometry and Arith­metick, and somewhat more of Astronomy. They have Almanacks among them: but I could not learn whether they are made in Tonquin, or brought to them from China.

Since the Jesuits came into these parts, some of them have improved themselves in Astronomy pretty much. They know from them the Revo­lution of the Planets: they also learn of them natural Philosophy, and especially Ethic [...]s: and when young Students are admitted to make Gra­duates, they pass through a very strict examination. They compose something by way of trial, which they must be careful to have wholly their own, for if it is found out that they have been assisted, they are punished, degraded, and never admitted to a second examination.

The Tonquinese have learnt several Mechanick Arts and Trades, so that here are many Tradesmen, viz. Smiths, Carpenters, Sawyers, Joyners, Tur­ners, Weavers, Tailors, Potters, Painters, Money­changers, Paper-makers, Workers on Lacker were Bell-founders, &c. Their Saws are most in frames. and drawn forwards and backwards by two men. Money-changing is a great Profession here. It is managed by Women, who are very dextrous and ripe in this employment. They hold their Cabals in the night, and know how to raise their Cash as well as the cunningest Stock-jobber in Lon­don.

[Page 61] year 1688 The Tonquinese make indifferent good Paper, of two sorts. One sort is made of Silk, the other of the rinds of Trees. This being pounded well with wooden Pestles in large Troughs, make the best writing Paper.

The vendible Commodities of this Kingdom, are Gold, Musk, Silks, both wrought and raw, some Callicoes, Drugs of many sorts, Wood for Dying, Lacker Wares, Earhen-Wares, Salt, Anniseed, Wormseed, &c. There is much Gold in this Country: It is like the China Gold, as pure as that of Japan, and much finer. Eleven or twelve Tale of Silver brings one of Gold. A Tale is the Name of a Summ about a Noble English. Besides, the raw Silk fetched from hence, here are several sorts of wrought Silks made for Exportation, viz. Pe­longs, Sues, Hawkins, Piniasco's, and Gaws. The Pelongs and Gaws, are of each sort either plain or flowered very neatly. They make several other sorts of Silk, but these are the principal that are bought by the English or Dutch.

The Lakerd Ware that is made here, is not in­ferior to any but that of Japan only, which is esteemed the best in the World; probably because the Japan Wood is much better than this at Tonquin, for there seems not any considerable difference in the Paint or Varnish. The Lack of Tonquin is a sort of gummy Juice, which drains out of the Bodies or Limbs of Trees. It is gotten in such quantities by the Country People, that they daily bring it in great Tubs to the Markets at Cachao to sell, especi­ally all the working Season. The natural colour is white, and in substance thick like Cream: but the Air will change its colour, and make it look blackish: And therefore the Country People that bring it to Town, cover it over with 2 or 3 sheets of Paper, or Leaves, to preserve it in its fresh native colour The Cabinets, Desks, or any sort of [Page 62] year 1688 Frames to be Lackered, are made of Fir, or Pone-tree: but the Joyners in this Country may not compare their Work with that which the Eu­ropeans make: and in laying on the Lack upon good or fine joyned work they frequently spoil the joynts, edges, or corners of Drawers of Cabinets: Besides, our fashions of Utensils differ mightily from theirs, and for that reason Captain Pool, in his second Voyage to the Country, brought an in­genious Joyner with him to make fashionable Com­modities to be lackered here, as also Deal-boards, which are much better than the Pone-wood of this Country.

The Work-houses where the Lacker is laid on, are accounted very unwholesome, by reason of a poisonous quality, said to be in the Lack, which fumes into the Brains through the Nostrils of those that work at it, making them break out in Botches and Biles; yet the scent is not strong, nor the smell unsavoury. The Labourers at this Trade can work only in the dry Season, or when the drying North Winds blow: for as they lay several Coats of Lack, one on another, so these must all have time to be throughly dry, before an outer Coat can be laid on the former. It grows blackish of it self, when exposed to the Air; but the Colour is heightned by Oil and other ingredients mixt with it. When the outside Coat is dry, they polish it to bring it to a gloss. This is done chiefly by often rubbing it with the ball or palm of their Hands. They can make the Lack of any colour, and tem­per it so as to make therewith good Glew, said to be the best in the World: It is also very cheap, and prohibited Exportation. They make Varnish also with the Lack.

Here is also Turpentine in good plenty, and very cheap. Our Captain bought a considerable quan­tity for the Ships use: and of this the Carpenter [Page 63] year 1688 made good Pitch, and used it for covering the Seams after they were caulked.

The Earthen Ware of this Country is course and of a grey Colour, yet they make great quantities of small Earthen Dishes, that will hold half a Pint or more. They are broader towards the brim than at the bottom, so that they may be stowed within one another. They have been sold by Europeans, in many of the Malayan Countries, and for that rea­son Capt. Pool in his first Voyage bought the best part of 100000, in hopes to sell them in his return homeward at Batavia, but not finding a Market for them there, he carried them to Bencouli on the Island Sumatra, where he sold them at a great profit to Governor Bloom: And he also sold most of them at good Advantage to the Native Malayans there: yet some thousands were still at the Fort when I came thither, the Country being glutted with them. Capt. Weldon also bought 30 or 40000, and carried them to Fort St. George, but how he disposed of them I know not. The China Wares which are much finer, have of late spoiled the sale of this Commodity in most places: Yet at Rackan in the Bay of Bengall, they are still esteem­ed, and sell at a good rate.

The several sorts of Drugs bought and sold here, are beyond my Knowledge: but here is China root, Galingame, Rhubarb, Ginger, &c. Neither do I know whether any of these grow in this Country, for they are mostly imported from their Neigh­bours; tho' as to the Ginger, I think it grows here. Here is also a sort of Fruit or Berry said to grow on small Bushes, called by the Dutch, Annise, because its s [...]nt and taste is strong like that of the Anniseed. This Commodity is only exported hence by the Dutch, who carry it to Batavia, and there [...]stil it among their Arack, togive it an Anniseed b [...]vour. This sort of Arack is not sit to make [Page 64] year 1688 Punch with, neither is it used that way, but for want of plain Arack. It is only used to take a Dram of by it self, by the Dutch chiefly, who in­stead of Brandy, will swallow large doses of it, tho' it be strong: but 'tis also much used and estemed all over the East-Indies.

There is one sort of Dying-wood in this Coun­try much like the Campeachy Log-wood, tho' whe­ther the same, or Wood of greater value, I know not. I have heard that 'tis call'd Sappan Wood; and that it comes from Siam. It was smaller than what we usually cut in the Bay of Campeachy; for the biggest stick that I saw here was no bigger than my Leg, and most of it much smaller, and crooked. They have other sort of Dyes; but I can give no account of them. They dye several Colours here, but I have been told they are not lasting. They have many sorts of good tall Tim­ber-trees in this Country, fit for any sorts of building: but by relation none very durable. For Masting the Fir and Pone-trees are the best. Here is much Wormseed, but it grows not in this Kingdom. It is brought from within the Land, from the Kingdom of Boutan, or from the Province of Yunam, bordering on this Kingdom, yet belong­ing to China. From thence comes the Musk and Rhubard; and these three Commodities are said to be peculiar to Boutan and Yunam. The Musk grows in the Cods of Goats. The same Countries yield Gold also, and supply this Country with it: for whatever Gold Mines the Tonquinese are said to have in their own Mountains, yet they do not work upon them.

With all these rich Commodities, one would ex­pect the People to be rich; but the generality an very poor, considering what a Trade is driven here For they have little or no Trade by Sea them selves, except for Eatables, as Rice, and Fill [Page 65] year 1688 which is spent in the Country: but the main Trade of the Country is maintained by the Chinese, English, Dutch, and other Merchant Strangers, who either reside here constantly, or make their annual Returns hither. These export their Com­modities, and import such as are vendible here. The Goods imported hither besides Silver, are Salt­peter, Sulphur, English Broad-cloath, Cloath­rashes, some Callicoes, Pepper and other Spices, Lead, great Guns, &c. but of Guns the long Sa­ker is most esteemed. For these Commodities you receive Money or Goods, according to contract: but the Country is so very poor, that, as I for­merly observed, the Merchant commonly stays 3 or 4 Months for his Goods, after he has paid for them; because the Poor are not employed till Ships arrive in the Country, and then they are set to work by the Money that is brought thither in them. The King buys great Guns, and some pieces of Broad-cloath: but his pay is so bad, that Merchants care not to deal with him, could they avoid it. But the Trading People by all accounts are honest and just: That I heard a Man say, who had traded there ten Years, in which time he dealt for many thousands of pounds, that he did not in all that time lose 10l. by them all.

CHAP. IV.

THis Kingdom is an absolute Monarchy, but of such a kind as is not in the World again; for if has two Kings, and each supreme in his particular way: The one is called Boua, the other Choua; which last Name I have been told signifies Masier. The Boua and his Ancestors were the sole Mo­narchs of Tonquin; tho' I know not whether as in­dependant Soveraigns, or as Tributaries to China, of which they have been thought to have been a [...]ro [...]tier Pro [...]ince, if not a Colony: for there is a great [...] between them in their Language. [Page 67] year 1688 Religion, and Customs. These 2 Kings they have at present, are not any way related in their Descent or Families: nor could I learn how long their Government has continued in the pre­sent form; but it appears to have been for some Successions. The occasion is variously reported; but some give this account of it.

The Boua's, or antient Kings of Tonquin, were formerly Masters of Cochinchina, and kept that Nation in subjection by an Army of Tonquinese con­stantly kept there, under a General or Deputy, who rul'd them. When Cochinchina threw off the Tonquinese Yoak, the King had two great Generals, one in Cochinchina, and another in Tonquin it self. These two Generals differing, he who was in Cochinchina revolted from his Soveraign of Tonquin, and by his Power over the Army there, made himself King of Cochinchina: since which these two Nations have always been at Wars; yet each Nation of late is rather on the defensive part than on the offensive. But when the General who commanded in Cochinchina had been thus suc­cessful in his Revolt from under the Boua, the Tonquinese General took the Courage to do so too; and having gained the Affections of his Army, de­prived the King, his Master, of all the Regal Power, and kept it with all the Revenues of the Crown in his own Hands: yet leaving the other the Title of King; probably, because of the great zeal the People had for that Family. And thus the Kingdom came wholly into the Power of this Tonquinese General, and his Heirs, who carry the Title of Choua; the Boua's of the Ancient Fami­ly having only the shadow of that Authority they were formerly Masters of. The Boua lives the Life of a kind of a Prisoner of State, within the old Palace, with his Women and Children; and diverts himself in Boats among his Fish-ponds [Page 68] year 1688 within the Palace Walls, but never stirs without those bounds. He is held in great Veneration by all the Tonquinese, and seemingly by the Choua also; who never offers any violence to him, but treats him with all imaginable respect. The People say they have no King but Boua; and seem to have sad apprehensions of the loss they should have, if he should dye without an Heir: and whenever the Choua comes into his prefence, which is 2 or 3 times in the year, he useth abundance of Com­pliments to him, and tells him, that his very Life is at his service, and that he governs and rules wholly to do him a kindness: and always gives him the upper hand. So also when any Ambassadors are sent from the Emperor of China, they will de­liver their Message to none but the Boua, and have their Audience of him. Yet after all this Pageantry, the Boua has only a few Servants to attend him, none of the Mandarins make their Court to him, nor is he allow'd any Guards: All the Magistracy and Soldiery, Treasure, and the ordering of all Matters of Peace or War, are en­tirely at the Choua's disposal; all preferment is from him, and the very Servants who attend the Boua, are such only as the Choua places about him. Besides these Servants, none are ever suffer'd to see the Boua, much less Strangers: So that I could learn nothing as to his Person. But as to the Choua, I have been informed that he is an angry, ill-natured, leprous Person. He lives in the second Palace, where he has ten or twelve Wives; but what Children I know not. He governs with ab­solute Authority over the Subjects, and with great tyranny: for their Lives, Goods, and Estates are at his Command. The Province of Tenehoa is said to have belonged properly to his Ancestors, who were grea [...] Mandarins before the usurpation So that he now [...]e [...]s to have a particular value [Page 69] year 1688 for it, and keeps his Treasure there, which, by report, is very great. This Treasure is buried in great Cisterns full of Water, made purposely for that use: and to secure it, he keeps a great many Soldiers there; and commits the charge, both of them and the Treasure, to the Governour of the Province, who is one of his principal Eunuchs.

The Choua has always a strong guard of Soldiers about his Palace, and many large Stables for his Horses and Elephants. The Horses are about 13 or 14 hands high, and are kept very fat: there are 2 or 300 of them. The Elephants are kept in long Stables by themselves, each having a pecu­liar room or partition, with a Keeper to dress and feed him. The number of the King's Elephants are about 150 or 200. They are watered and washed every day in the River.

Some of the Elephants are very gentle and go­vernable, others are more indocil and unruly. When these rude ones are to pass through the Streets, tho' only to be watered, the Rider or Dresser orders a Gong or Drum to be beaten before him, to warn People that an unruly Elephant is coming; and they presently clear the Streets and give a passage for the Beast; who will do mis­chief to any that are in the way, and their Riders or Keepers cannot restrain him.

Before the Choua's Palace, there is a large parade, or square place for the Soldiers to be drawn up. On one side there is a place for the Mandarins to sit, and see the Soldiers exercise, on the other side there is a shed, wherein all the Cannon and heavy Guns are lodged. There may be 50 or 60 Iron Guns from Falcon to Demy-Culverin, 2 or 3 whole Culverin or Demi-Cannon, and some old Iron Mortars lying on logs. The Guns are mount­ed on their Carriages, but the Carriages of these Guns are old and very ill made. There is one [Page 70] year 1688 great Brass Gun, much bigger than the rest, sup­posed to be 8 or 9000 pound weight. It is of a taper bore; of a foot diameter at the mouth, but much smaller at the britch. It is an ill shaped thing, yet much esteemed by them, probably be­cause it was cast here, and the biggest that ever they made. It was cast about 12 or 13 years ago, and it being so heavy, they cou'd not contrive to mount it, but were beholding to the English, to put it into the Carriage; where it now stands more for a show them service. But tho this is but an ordinary piece of workmanship, yet the Tonquinese understand how to run Metals, and are very expert in temper­ing the Earth, wherewith they make their mould.

These are all the great Guns, that I saw or heard of in this Kingdom, neither are here any Forts, yet the King keeps always a great many Solders. 'Tis said that he has always 70 or 80000 constant­ly in pay. These are most Foot, they are arm'd with Curtans or Sword, and Hand-Guns of 3 foot and an half or 4 foot in the Barrel. The bore is about the bigness of our Horse Pistols, they are all Match­locks, and they are very thick and heavy. The Soldiers do all make their own Powder. They have little Engins for mixing the ingredients, and make as small a quantity as they please. They know not how to corn it, and therefore it is in unequal lumps, some as big as the top of a mans Thumb, and some no bigger than a white Pea: neither have I seen any Powder well corn'd, that has been made in any of these Eastern Nations.

The Soldiers have each a Cartage Box covered with leather, after the manner of the West-Indian Privateers: but instead of Paper Cartages, these are filled with small hollow Canes, each containing a load or charge of Powder; which they empty out of the Cane into the Gun; so that each Box has in it, as it were, so many Bandeleers. Their Arms are kept [Page 71] year 1688 very bright and clean: for which purpose every one of them has a hollow Bambo to lay over the Barrel of his Gun; and to keep the dust from it as it lies over the wrack in his House. When they march also in rainy weather, they have another Bambo, to cover their Guns. This is large enough to cover the whole Barrel, and very well lacker'd; so that it is not only handsome, but also preserves the Gun dry.

The Soldiers when they march are led by an Officer, who is leader of the File: and every File consists of 10 men: but as I have been informed by one who has seen them march, they don't keep their ranks in marching. The Soldiers are most of them lusty strong well made men: for 'tis that chiefly recommends them to the Kings service. They must also have good Stomachs, for that is a greater recommendation than the former; neither can any ma [...] be entertain'd as a Soldier, that has not a greater stroke than ordinary at eating: for by this they judge of his strength and constitution. For which reason, when a Soldier comes to be listed, his Stomach is first proved with Rice, the common subsistence of the ordinary People in this Kingdom: and according as he acquits himself in this first tryal of his manhood, so he is either discharged or entertain'd in the service. 'Tis re­ported, that at these Tryals they commonly eat 8 or 9 cups of Rice, each containing a pint, and they are ever afterwards esteem'd and advanced, according to the first days service: and the greatest eaters are chiefly imploy'd as guards to the King, and commonly attend on his person. The Pro­vince of Ngean breeds the lustiest men, and the best eaters: for that reason those of that Province are generally imploy'd as Soldiers. After 30 years service a Soldier may petition to be disbanded; and then the Village where he was born must send another Man to serve in his room.

[Page 72] year 1688 The Horsemen are but few, and armed with Bows, and long Spears or Lances, like the Moors and Turks. Both these and the Foot Soldiers are very dexterous in using their weapons, and shoot very well either with Gun or Bow; for they are often exercised by shooting at Marks. The King orders a shooting match once a year, and rewards the best marks-man with a fine Coat, or about 1000 Cash, as 'tis called, which is a summ above the value of a Dollar. The mark is a white earthen Cup, placed against a Bank. The distance they stand to fire at it is about 80 yards. He who breaks the first Cup has the finest Coat; for there are others also of less worth and finery for the rest, that have the good fortune to break the other Cups, or Cash in lieu of them. This is all at the Kings charge, who incourages this exercise very much, as a means to make them good Marks-men; and they generally prove such. They will load and fire the quickest of any People. They draw the Rammer at one motion, and powring down the Powder and Bullet, they ram all down at one motion more. Then they withdraw the Rammer, and put it into its place, at 2 motions more. All the 4 motions are performed very dexterously and quick: and when they shoot at a mark, they level, and fire at first sight, yet very success­fully.

Tho' the King of Tonquin has no Forts, yet he keeps always a great many Soldiers in the Fron­tier Towns of his Kingdom; especially on the S. W. part thereof, to check the Cochinchinese, his implacable Enemies: and tho' there seldom hap­pens a pitch'd Battel between them, yet there are often Skirmishings, which keep the Soldiers on each side upon thier guards: and sometimes there are considerable excursions made by one or other party into the Enemies Territories, where they [Page 73] year 1688 kill, spoil, and bring away what Booty they can find. The King also has always about 30000 near his person, and quarter'd in or about Cachao, ready on all occasions. The dry season is the time for his Armies to take the Field, or go against an Ene­my: for in these Countries there is no marching in the Wet season. When he sends an Army by Land on any expedition, the General, and other great Officers are mounted on Elephants. These have neat little boarded Houses or Castles fastned on their backs, where the great men sit in state, secur'd from the Sun or Rain. They have no Field-pieces in their Armies, but instead thereof they carry on mens backs Guns that will carry a four ounce Shot. The barrels of these Guns are about 6 or 7 foot long: but tho' one man carries one of them on his back, yet he cannot hold it out to fire, like small Guns, but rests it on its Carriage, which is another Man's burden, and they two manage it between them. The Carri­age is only a round piece of Wood, about 4 inches thick, and 6 or 7 foot long. One end of the Carriage is supported with two Legs, or a Fork of three foot high, the other rests on the ground. The Gun is placed on the top, where there is an Iron Socket for the Gun to rest in, and a Swivel to turn the Muzzel any way. From the britch of the Gun there is a short stock, for the man who fires the Gun to traverse it withal, and to rest it against his shoulder. The use of these Guns is to clear a Pass, or to fire over the Rivers, when the Enemy is so commodiously plac'd, that there is no other way to move him; and they are carry'd by these two men almost with as much ease as Mus­kets. In these Land-expeditions they carry but little Baggage, besides their necessary Arms, Am­munition, and Provender: so that if they are routed they lightly scamper away; and generally [Page 74] year 1688 in these Countries the Dispute is soon [...]over, for they will not long sustain a smart Onset.

Besides the Soldiers on the Frontiers, and those who attend the King about Cachao, he has many others that keep guards in several parts of his King­dom, especially in the great Roads, and on the Rivers. These search all exported goods, to see that no prohibited goods are sent out of the King­dom, especially Arms: and no prohibited goods brought in. They also look after the Custome, and see that all goods have paid, before they may pass further. All Travellers are also search'd by them, and strictly examined; and if any persons are taken only on suspicion, they are used very severely, till they can clear themselves: so that no disaffected or rebellious person can stir, with­out being presently known; and this renders the King very safe in his Government.

The Kings Naval-force consists only in a sort of flat bottom Gallies, and these seemingly designed more for State than service, except to transport Soldiers from one place to another. These Vessels are 50, 60, or 70 foot long, and about 10 or 12 foot broad in the waste; and the 2 ends near as many foot high out of the water, especially the hinderpart or Stern: but the waste or middle of the Vessel is not above 2 foot and an half from the wa­ter, that being the place, by which all the men go in and out. from thence towards each end, it is gently and very artificially raised, to a considerable heighth, so that the whole fabrick appears very graceful and pleasant, as it moves on the water. The head or forepart is not altogether so high as the Stern, neither is there so much cost bestowed on it for ornament: for tho' it wants neither carv'd work or painting, yet 'tis not comparable to that of the Stern, which has great variety of carving and is curiously lacker'd and gilded. The place [Page 75] year 1688 where the Captain sits in is the Stern, and is neatly covered to keep off the Sun or the Rain. and it being higher than any other part of the Vessel, ap­pears like a little Throne, especially that of the General's Galley. This is more magnificent than the rest, tho' all are built much of one form. From the Stern to the waste, it is covered over with a slight covering, to shelter the Men and their Arms from the Rain in the wet season, and the scorching Sun in the dry. Before the waste there are places for the Oars on each side, and a plain [...]ven Deck for the Rowers to stand by their ta [...]k­ling. Each Galley carries a small brass Gun, either Minion or Saker, which is planted afore, and looks out through a Port in the Bow. They have a small Mast and Matt Sail, and they are rowed with from 16 [...] 20 to 24 Oars.

The Soldiers are always the men that row, and they are all naked, except that they have a nar­row piece of black Cloath like a Sash about their Wastes, which is brought between their Thighs, and tuckt again under their Waste. Every one stands upright behind his Oar, which lies in its [...]otch on the Gunnal, and he thrusts or pushes it forward with a great strength; and they plunge their Oars all at one instant into the Water, keep­ing exact time with each other: and that they may the better do this, there is one that strikes on a small Gong, or a wooden Instrument, before every stroke of the Oar. Then the Rowers all at once answer with a sort of a hollow noise, through the Throat, and a stamp on the Deck with one foot, and immediately plunge their Oars into the Water. Thus the Gong and the Rowers alternately answer each other, making a sound that seems very pleasent and warlike to those who are at a small distance on the Water or Shoar.

[Page 76] year 1688 These Boats draw about 2 foot and a half wa­ter. They are only serviceable in Rivers, or at Sea near the Shoar, and that in very fair wea­ther too. They are best in the broad Rivers near the Sea, where they may take the advantage of the Tides to help them: for tho' they row pretty swift when they are light, yet when they have 60, 80, or 100 men aboard, as sometimes they have, they are heavy and row slowly against the stream. Nevertheless when there is occasion they must go against the stream a great way, tho' they perform it with great labour.

The Soldiers in these Vessels are equipt with Bows, Swords, and Lances, and when many of them are sent on any expedition, they are di­vided into Squadrons. They are distinguished by their several Flags of different colours; as appear­ed by an expedition they made up the River, a­gainst some of their Northern Neighbours, while we were there. There were then about 60 of these Galleys sent out up the River; and they had from 16 to 40 Soldiers in each, all well armed. Their General was called Ungee Comei, who was a great Mandarin, and was the person appointed by the King to inspect into our English Traffick; being made director or protector of the English Factory, who used to speak of him as a generous man. There were two more great Officers under him, each in a Vessel by himself. These three had Flags of distinction: the first was yellow, the second blue, the third red or green. They went away from Cachao towards the Mountains, but did not return while we were there: but since we came from thence, I have been informed that the expedition prov'd fruitless, and that the General Ungee Comei was much disgraced.

[Page 77] year 1688 When the Galleys are not in service, they are dragged ashoar, and placed in Houses built for that purpose; where they are set upright on their bottoms, made very clean, and kept neat and dry. These Galley-Houses are 50 or 60 paces from the River side; and when they bring the Galleys into them, there is a strong Rope brought round the stern of the Vessel, and both ends stretched along, one on each side: then 3 or 400 Men, standing ready with the Rope in their Hands, wait for the signal; which being given by the beat of a Gong, they begin to draw withal their strength; and making a great shrieking noise; they run her up in a trice into her place. This also is their Soldiers work, who having thus Housed all their Galleys, return to their Land­service.

Some of the Soldiers are employed also in keep­ing Watch and Ward, for the security of private Men, as well as in the King's business: and the Tonquinese are observ'd to keep good orders in the Night in all Towns and Villages; but more parti­cularly in the great Cities, and especially at Ca­chao. There every Street is guarded with a strong Watch, as well to keep silence, as to hinder any disorder. The Watch-men are armed with Staves, and stand in the Street by the Watch-houses, to examin every one that passeth by. There is also a Rope stretched cross the Street breast high, and no Man may pass this place, till he is examin'd, unless he will venture to be soundly bang'd by the Watch. These Men can handle their Weapon so well, that if they design mischief, they will dex­trously break a Leg or Thigh-bone, that being the place which they commonly strike at. There is a pair of Stocks by every Watch-house, to secure Night Ramblers in: but for a small piece of Money a Man may pass quiet enough, and for the [Page 78] year 1688 most part only the poor are taken up. These Watch-men are Soldiers, but belong to the Governor or some other Men of great Power, who will hear no Complaints against them, tho' never so justly made: and therefore they often put Men in the Stocks at their pleasure, and in the Morning carry them before a Magistrate: who commonly fines the Prisoners to pay somewhat; and be it more or less, it falls part to the Magistrate. Neither dares any Man complain of injustice upon such usage, in this case especially; tho' his cause be never so just: and therefore patience is in this Country as ne­cessary for poor People, as in any part of the World.

But notwithstanding these Abuses, they have one Custom in the Administring Justice, that is pleasing enough. For if a difference or quarrel at any time happens between 2 mean Men, and they are not to be reconciled without going before a Ma­gistrate, he usually considering their Poverty, lays no heavy mulct on the Offender, but injoins him this as his penalty, that he shall treat the injur'd Person with a Jarr of Arack, and a Fowl, or a small Por­ker, that so feasting together, they may both drown all animosity in good Liquor, and renew their Friendship.

But if it be a Controversy about a Debt, they take a very different Method. For the Debtors are many times order'd to be Prisoners in their Creditors houses, where they are beaten, or kept with a log of Wood made fast to their Legs, to hinder them from run­ning away. These poor Prisoners eat nothing but Rice and drink Water, and are tyranically insulted over by their rigid Creditors, till the Debt is satisfied. Their Corporal Punishments upon Malefactors, and some times upon others are very severe. Some an loaden with Iron Chains fastned to their [...] with logs also like the Debtors, but now mentioned Others have their Necks inclosed between 2 grea [Page 79] year 1688 heavy Planks made like a Pillory, but moveable, for they carry it about with them where-ever they go, and even when they go to rest they are forced to lye down and sleep in it as they can.

There is another sort of punishing Instrument not unlike this, called a Gongo. This also is made to wear about the Neck, but is shaped like a Lad­der. The sides of it are 2 large Bamboes, of about 10 or 12 foot long, with several such rounds or sticks as Ladders have to keep the sides asunder; but much shorter: for the 2 side Bamboes are no farther asunder, than to admit of a narrow room for the Neck; and the 2 rounds in the middle are much at the same distance from each other, on each side the Neck, forming a little Square: thro' which the Man looks as if he were carrying a Ladder on his Shoulders, with his Head thro' the rounds. If either of these Yokes were to be taken off in a short time, as in 6, 9, or 12 hours, it would be no great matter: but to wear one of them a Month, 2, 3, or longer, as I have been informed they sometimes do, seems to be a very severe punish­ment. Yet 'tis some comfort to some, that they have the Liberty to walk abroad where they will: but others are both yoak'd and imprison'd: and the Prisoners in publick Prisons are used worse than a Man would use a Dog, they being half starved and soundly beaten to boot.

They have a particular punishment for such as are suspected to fire Houses, or who are thought to have occasioned the Fire through their neglect. The Master of the House, where the Fire first breaks out, will hardly clear himself from suspicion, and the severity of the Law. The punishment in this case is to sit in a Chair of 12 or 14 foot high, bare-headed, 3 whole days successively in the hot scorching Sun: this Chair is set, for his greater dis­grace, before the place where his House stood.

[Page 80] year 1688 Other smaller Crimes are punished with blows; which we call Bambooing. The Criminal is laid flat on his Belly on the Ground, with his Britches pluckt down over his Hams: in which posture a lusty Fellow bangs his bare Britch with a split Bam­bo, about 4 fingers broad, and 5 foot long. The number of his Blows are more or less; according to the nature of the Crime, or the pleasure of the Magistrate; yet Money will buy favour of the Executioner, who knows how to moderate his strokes for a Fee before-hand. Otherwise his blows usually fall so heavy that the poor Offender may be lamed a Month or two. After a Man has suffered any of these punishments, he can never obtain any publick favour or employment.

They have no Courts of Judicature, but any single Magistrate issues out his Warrants for the apprehending of Malefactors, and upon taking them immediately tries them: and as the Sentence is final, and without appeal, so 'tis no sooner past, but 'tis executed also without more ado. Their punishment in capital crimes is usually beheading. The Criminal is carried immediately from the Magistrates House to his own: for there is no com­mon place of Execution, but the Malefactor suf­fers near his own House, or where the fact was committed. There he is placed sitting on the Ground, with his Body upright, and his Legs stretched out: and the Executioner being pro­vided with a large Curtane or Backsword, and striking a full back blow on the Neck, at one stroke he severs the Head from the Body; the Head com­monly tumbling down into the owners lap, and the Trunk falling backward on the Ground.

Theft is not thought worthy of Death, but is punished with cutting off some Member, or part of a Member, according to the degree of the of­fence. For sometimes only one joynt of a Finger [Page 81] year 1688 is chopt off, for other Crimes a whole Finger, or more, and for some the whole Hand.

The Magistrates and other great Men of this Kingdom are called Mandarins. Most of them in Office about the King are Eunuchs, and not only gelded, but also their Members cut quite off quite flat to their Bellies. These, as I have been informed, are all very learned Men after their way, especially in the Laws of the Country. They rise gradually by their merit or favour, from one degree to another, as well they who are employ­ed in Civil as in Military Affairs: And scarce place of trust or profit goes beside them. No Man is permitted to walk familiarly about the King's Palace without the leave of the Eunuch Mandarins; and for this Reason having such free access to the King themselves, and excluding whom they will, they engross his favour. This is taken so much to Heart by some, that through envy and discontent, they often pine away, as is commonly said, even to Death: And I heard of such an one, who was called Ungee Thuan Ding: Ungee seems a Title of Honour among them. He was a Man of great Learning in the Laws, ex­tremely Politick, and mighty high Spirited. This Man sought all the means imaginable to be pre­ferred, but could not for want of being an Eu­nuch. He fretted to see his Inferiours raised: but plainly seeing that there was no rising without removing that objection, he one day in a rage took up a sharp Knife, and qualify'd himself ef­fectually. He had a Wife and 6 or 8 Children, who were all in great fear of his Life: but [...]he was not at all dismayed, tho' in that condition; and the King advanced him. He was living when I was there, and was a great Mandarin. He had the care of the Armory and Artillery, being great Master of the King's Ordnance.

[Page 82] year 1688 There was another Mandarin also, one Ungee Hane, who finding himself baffled by the Eunuchs, was forced to make himself one to be upon the level with them. This Gentleman, it seems, was Lord of a Village or two, where both he and his Tenants were often plagued with the do­mineering Eunuchs, and having born their Malice for some time, and seeing no end of it, he a­greed with an expert Gelder to castrate him: For here are many in this Country, who profess this Art, and are so expert at it, that they will undertake to cut a Man of any Age, for so many thousand Cash as the Man is Years old. 'Tis report­ed, that they first put the Patient into a Sleep: But how long they are curing hm after the Ope­ration is over, I know not. I heard of but three Mandarins of any grandeur in the Government, who were not Eunuchs. One was the Governour of the East Province, whose Daughter was married to a Prince of the Royal Family. The other two, who were Governours of Cachao, were also married Men, and had Children, and one of these married the Kings Daughter. All the Mandarins rule with absolute Power and Authority in their several Precincts, yet in great Obedience to the King; who is as abso­lute over them, as they are over the Common People.

These Eunuch Mandarins especially live in great State. Many of these have command of the Sol­diery, and have Guards attending them at their own Houses: There being a certain number of Sol­diers allowed to attend on each Mandarin, accord­ing to his Quality. They are generally covetous beyond measure, and very malicious. Some of them are Governours of Provinces, but all are raised to Places of trustand profit.

Once every Year the Mandarins receive an Oath of Allegiance to the King, from all the principal [Page 83] year 1688 Officers under them. This is done with great Ceremony: they cut the Throat of a Hen, and let the Blood fall into a Bason of Arack. Of this Arack every Man has a small draught given him to drink, after he has publickly declared his sincerity and readiness to serve his Prince. 'Tis esteemed the solemnest tye by which any Man can ingage himself. This way of giving solemn potions to drink, is used also in other Countries, on different occasions. As particularly on the Gold Coast of Guinea; where when Men or Women are taxed for a Crime, be it of what Nature it will, but especially Adultery, and the matter cannot be proved by Evidence, the Fetissero or Priest, decides the difference, by giving a Potion of bitter Water, to the Person ac­cused: which if they refuse to take, they are sup­posed to be guilty without farther proof: but if they drink it off, the event is said to be, that if the Persons be guilty, this Water immediately swells their bodies till they burst; but if innocent, they are not hurt thereby. What tricks the Fetissero's may play in compounding this Water, I know not: but this kind of Tryal is frequent among them, and seems to be a remainder of the old Jewish Tryal by the Waters of jealousy, spoken of in the 5th. Chapter of Numbers. I am not sufficiently inform'd whether the Event of the Tryal, be such as it was among the Jews; but it seems they have a strong perswasion of it: and a guilty Person does ordinarily so dread the being brought to this Trial, that for the most part he or she choose rather to suffer the punishment of the Country, which is to be sold to Europeans as Slaves. This potion is called Bitter­water, and 'tis given by way of Trial upon any light suspicion even of a small injury. This account I have had from several, who have been in Guinea, but especially from Mr. Canby

But to return to the Eunuch Mandarins, tho' they are bitter Enemies to those whom they take [Page 84] year 1688 aversion against, yet on the other Hand, they are as kind to their Favourites, and as complacent to their Visitants, whether Foreigners or others, feasting them often. They Love mightily to be visited, esteeming themselves highly honoured thereby. When they treat any, they are best pleased with those who Eat and Drink heartily; for this they suppose proceeds from their Love and hearty Affection to them: And indeed the Ton­quineers in general are very free to their Visitants, treating them with the best cheer they are able to procure.

In their entertainments, and at their ordinary eating, instead of Forks and Spoons, they use two small round sticks about the length and bigness of a Tobacco Pipe. They hold them both in the right Hand, one between the fore Finger and Thumb; the other between the middle Finger and the fore Finger, as our Boys do their Snappers. They use them very dextrously, taking up the smallest grain of Rice with them; nor is it account­ed mannerly to touch the Food after it is drest, with their Hands: And tho' it be difficult for stran­gers to use them, being unaccustom'd to them, yet a little use will overcome that difficulty; and Per­sons that reside here ought to learn this, as well as other customs of the Country, that are Inno­cent, that so their Company may be more accept­able. All the Tonquineses keep many of these Sticks in their Houses, as well for their own use, as to entertain Strangers at Meals: They are as ordina­rily placed at the Table here, as Knives Forks, and Spoons are in England: And a Man that cannot dextrously handle these Instruments, makes but an odd figure at their Tables. The richer sort of People especially the Mandarins, have them tipt with Silver. In China also these things are con­stantly used: they are called by the English Sea­men [Page 85] year 1688 Chopsticks. When the Eunuch Mandarins dye, all their riches sall to the King, who as Heir pre­sently seizeth on their Estates, and by it gets vast Riches: For there is but little Money in the King­dom, but what falls into the Clutches of these Birds of Prey. This probably may be one Reason why the King is for preferring none but them; for they are excellent Spunges for him: and whatever some have said of their Love to Justice, I could never learn that they deserve that Character: But thro' their oppression, and injurious dealings, trading is discouraged, and the Country is kept Poor, which otherwise might be a flourishing King­dom. After all, as very Eunuchs as these Man­darins are, yet they are as great admirers of the Female Sex as any Men, and not satisfied without them, but they all keep several handsome young Wenches to dally and spend their time withal. They also love to be courted by Strangers to favour them with a Miss of their procuring. Nothing will ingage them more than to petition them on this account; and the Person thus solicited will not fail to procure a young Damsel for his Friend, be it but for a night or two, or for 4 or 5 Months. Ever afterwards he will take a more than ordinary care of the Persons he has thus brought together, and their affairs; and this base sort of Office is here accounted very decent and honourable. Yet the common Baudy-houses, tho' extreamly rife here, are by all of them accounted hateful and scanda­lous

CHAP. V.

I Have already spoken of my first going up the River to Cachao, and my returning back again to our Ships after a few days. There I lay on board for a great while, and sickly for the most part; yet not so, but that I took a Boat and went ashoar one where or other almost every day: and by this means I took as particular notice as I could of the Country, and have supplied my own obser­vations with those of our Merchants residing there, and other Persons of Judgment, and Inte­grity.

During this interval, Rice being dear at Cachao, as it had been for some time, both our Merchants and Natives were for making up a Fleet of small [Page 87] year 1688 Vessels, to fetch Rice from the Neighbouring Provinces, both for their own use and to supply the Markets: and they never go in single Vessels, for fear of Pirates, who infest the Coasts with their Canoas, and shelter themselves among seve­ral little Islands, lying at the edge of the East Province, and bordering upon the Province of Tenan, whither these Merchants were bound.

Captain Weldon was one who concerned himself in this expedition, hiring a Vessel and Seamen of the Tonquinese, and sending some of his own Men with them as a Guard, among whom I would very fain have gone, had I not been indisposed. Mr. Ludford, who had liv'd sometime at Cachao before our arrival, was another Undertaker, and went himself on board the Bark he had hired; but Cap­tain Weldon staid behind at the City, yet took care to get a Commission from the Governour of the East-Province for his Vessel. In the Commission 'twas exprest, that his Boat should be armed with [...] or other Weapons, and that his Men should resist any that came to oppose them, or any Ves­sels in their Company; and that they might kill and destroy any Robbers that they met with. The Passage to Tenan lay most within Land, thro' Creeks and narrow Channels, among the Islands before-mentioned, which are so many, and lye on the East-side of the Bay so thick together, and so nigh the shoar, that at a small distance off at Sea they appear to be part of the Main. This little Archipelago lies within the precincts of the Govern­our of the East-Province, from whom Captain Weldon had his Commission, and who was a very great Man in the Court of Tonquin. When the Fleet came to this place, some who lay here came forth; and they concluded they must be the Pirates, come to seize their Prey as at other times These always choose rather to take the outward­bound [Page 88] year 1688 Vessels, because then they have all of the [...] Cash or Money aboard to purchase their Ladings; but in their returns they would have only Rice, which these People do not so much regard. At this time Captain Weldon's Dutch Pilot, the chief Man whom he sent in his Bark, was aboard Mr. Ludford's: and when the supposed Pirates came up, Mr. Ludford and he made the Seamen row the Bark to meet them, and in a short time got so near, that they fired at them. These Men not expecting to have met such a reception, for the Tonquinese have no Guns, but in the King's Gallies, thought to save themselves by Flight: but were so eagerly pursued by Mr. Ludford, that at last they yielded to his Mercy, after they had lost one Man in Fight. He, joyful of this success, secured the Prisoners, and made the best of his course to the next Town on the Coast in his way; there deliver­ing up his Prisoners to the Magistrates, and gi­ving a full relation of the Action. He expected a reward for his pains, or at least to be highly ap­plauded for it; but found himself mistaken. For the Prisoners obstinately denying what was al­ledged against them by Mr. Ludford, saying they were poor Fishermen, they were immediately ac­quitted as very honest Persons, and Mr. Ludford was accused for committing a Riot on Men who were about their lawful occasions. Mr. Ludford brought many of the Natives, that were in his company, to justify what he had done, but to no purpose; for he was fined 100000 Cash, as our Merchants call it, for the Man that was killed. Cash are a small kind of Copper-Money: and 'tis the only Coin they have of their own, if it be their own, and not rather brought them from China. They rise and fall in value according to the want or plenty of them, or as the Women-exchangers can manage them: but at this time they were at [Page 89] year 1688 the rate of a Dollar a thousand; so that his fine was 100 Dollars. When Mr. Ludford saw how hard it was like to go with him, he thought to clear himself, or lessen his fine, by bringing Cap­tain Weldon into the snare; saying that he had no Guns in his Bark, but made use of Captain Weldon's, and that Captain Weldon's Pilot was aboard his Ves­sel, and assisted in the Action. But neither did this help him: for upon trying the matter at Cachao, whither 'twas carried by Appeal, Captain Weldon's Commission saved him: so that Mr. Ludford was forced to pay the Money, which was more than he got by the Voyage. This might be a warning to him, how he meddled with Tonquin Pirates again; for it was not enough for him to plead that they came with an intent to rob him. Indeed if he had been robb'd, he might have been pitied by the Magistrates on complaint of his misfortune: but yet it is very probable, that if he should have taken them in the very fact, possest of his Goods, these Vermin, would have had one hole or ano­ther to creep out at; so corrupt are the great Men of this Kingdom. And indeed 'tis not improbable that these Fellows were Fishermen, and going a­bout their business: For there is good Fishing in all the Bay of Tonquin clear round it, and there are many Boats that go out a fishing, and the Fishermen are generally very honest and harmless Men; except now and then, they attempt to make a prize of some poor Vessel they meet, and can overcome by their numbers without fighting; for such an one they board, and strip all the Men naked even to there Skin. Among these Islands also, by report, their are plenty of Pearl Oysters, that have good Pearls in them; but the Seamen are discouraged from fishing for them by the King, for he seizeth on all he finds. But this by their way; nor was any thing else observable in this Voyage to Tenan.

[Page 90] year 1688 These Vessels were 5 or 6 weeks in their Voyage to and from Tenan: And at their return Captain Weldon's Bark went not up to Cachao with the Rice, but unladed it into our Ship to supply us. Soon after this I went a second time up to Cachao, not in a Boat as before, but on Foot along the Coun­try, being desirous to see as much of it as I could: and I hired a Tonquinese for about a Dollar to be my Guide. This, tho' but a small matter, was a great deal out of my Pocket, who had not above 2 Dollars in all, which I had gotten on board, by teaching some of our young Seamen Plain Sailing.

This was all I had to bear my own charges and my Guides; and 'twas the worse with me, because I was forced to make short Journeys every Day by Reason of my Weakness: It was about the latter end of Nov. 1688, when we set out. We kept on the East-side of the River, where we found the Roads pretty dry, yet in some places dirty enough. We ferry'd over several Creeks and Brooks running into the great River, whese are Ferry Boats always plying, which have a few Cash for their fare. The Feaver and Ague which I brought with me from Achin was gone: yet the Fruits I eat here, especially the small Oranges, brought me into a Flux. However tho' I was but weak, yet I was not discouraged from this Journey, being weary of lying still, and impa­tient of seeing somewhat that might further gra­tify my curiosity.

We found no Houses of Entertainment on the Road, yet at every Village we came we got House­room, and a Barbacue of split Bambooes to sleep on. The People were very civil, lending us an earthen Pot to dress Rice, or any thing else. Usually after Supper, if the Day was not shut in, I took a ramble about the Village, to see what was worth taking notice of, especially the Pagoda of [Page 91] year 1688 the place. These had the Image of either an Horse, an Elephant, or both, standing with the Head looking out of the Doors: The Pagodas themselves were but small and low. I still made it dark Night before I returned to my Lodging, and then I laid me down to sleep. My Guide carried my Sea-Gown, which was my covering in the night, and my Pillow was a Log of Wood: but I slept very well, tho' the weakness of my Body did now require better accommodation.

The third day after my setting out, about 3 a Clock in the afternoon, I saw before me a small Tower; such as I mentioned before, as erected for a time in honour of some great Person deceased. But I knew not then the meaning of it, for I had not seen the like before in the Country. As I came nearer to it, I saw a Multitude of People, most of them Men and Boys; and coming nearer still, I saw a great deal of Meat on the Stalls, that were plac'd at a small distance from the Tower. This made me conclude that it was some great Market, and that the Flesh I saw was for sale: Therefore I went in among the Croud, as well to see the Tower as to buy some of the Meat for my Supper, it being now between 4 and 5 a Clock in the Afternoon. My Guide could not speak English, neither could I speak the Tonquinese Lan­guage: So I askt him no questions about it; and he too went readily in with me; it may be not knowing my intent was to buy. First I went round the Tower and viewed it: It was four-square, each side about 8 foot broad: at the Ground the heighth of it was about 26 foot, but at the top somewhat narrower than at the bottom. I saw no door to enter into it: it seemed to be very slightly built, at least covered with thin boards, which were all joyned close together, and painted of a dark red­dish colour. I then went on to the Stalls, which [Page 92] year 1688 had sheds built over them: and there I viewed the Fruits and Flesh, each of which was ranged in order apart. I past by abundance of Oranges packt up in Baskets, which I think were the fairest I ever saw, and for quantity more than I had seen gathered all the time I was at Tonquin. I past by these, and seeing no other Fruit, I came to the Flesh-Stalls, where was nothing but Pork, and this also was all cut into quarters and sides of Pork: I thought there might be 50 or 60 Hogs cut up thus, and all seemed to be very good Meat. When I saw that there was none of it in small pieces, fit for my use, I, as was customary in the Markets, took hold of a quarter, and made signs to the Master of it, as I thought, to cut me a piece of 2 or 3 Pound. I was ignorant of any ceremony they were about, but the superstitious People soon made me sensible of my errour: For they assaulted me on all sides, buffeting me and renting my Cloaths, and one of them snatched away my Hat. My Guide did all he could to appease them, and dragg'd me out of the Crowd: Yet some surly Fellows followed us, and seemed by their Countenance and Gestures to threaten me; but my Guide at last pacify'd them and fetched my Hat, and we marched away as fast as we could. I could not be informed of my Guide what this meant; but sometime after, when I was return'd to our Ship, the Guide's Brother, who spoke English, told me, it was a Funeral Feast, and that the Tower was the Tomb which was to be burned; and some English Men who lived there told me the same. This was the only Funeral Feast that ever I was at among them, and they gave me cause to remember it: but this was the worst usage I received from any of them all the time that I was in the Country. When I was out of this trouble, my Guide and I marched for­wards. [Page 93] year 1688 I was both weary and hungry, and I think my appetite was raised by seeing so much Food: For indeed at first sight of it I concluded to have had a good Supper; but now I was likely to sup only on Rice, or a Yam roasted, and two Eggs, as I us'd to do. For tho' there were Fowls to be bought at every House where I lay, yet my Pocket would not reach them; and for other Flesh, there was none to be had, unless my way had lain thro' the Town when it was Market day with them.

Two Days after this I got with much ado to Hean, for my Flux encreased, and my strength decreased. I presently made towards the French Bishops, as the likeliest place for me both to rest at, and get larger Informations of the Country, from the European Missionaries, whose seat it is. The Bishop's Palace is a pretty neat low House, standing at the North end of the Town, by the side of the River. 'Tis encompassed with a pretty high Wall, and has a large Gate to enter at. The Gate stands fronting to the Street, and runs up with Houses on both sides, and ends at the Palace. Within the Wall there is a small Yard, that goes round the Palace; and at the farther end of the Yard there are small lodging-rooms for the Ser­vants, and other necessary Offices. The House it self is not very large nor high; it stands not in the middle of the Yard, but rather nearest the Gate, which Gate is open all day, but shut in the Night. That part that fronts the Gate, has a pretty neat Room, which seems to be designed for the reception of Strangers: for it has no communi­cation with any other Room in the House, tho' joyned to it as one building: the Door by which you enter it, fronts to the Gate, and this Dooor also stands open all the day.

[Page 94] year 1688 When I came hither I entred the Gate, and seeing no Body in the Yard, I went into that Room. At the Door thereof, I found a small Line hanging down, which I pull'd; and a Bell ringing within, gave notice of my being there: yet no Body appearing presently, I went in and sate down. There was a Table in the middle of the Room, and handsome Chairs, and several European Pictures hung upon the Walls.

It was not long before one of the Priests came into the Room to me, and received me very ci­villy. With him I had a great deal of Discourse: He was a French Man by Nation, but spoke Spanish and Portuguese very well. It was chiefly in Spanish that we entertained each other, which I under­stood much better than I could speak: yet I ask'd him Questions, and made a shift to answer him to such Questions as he asked me; and when I was at a loss in my Spanish, I had recourse to Latin, having still some smatterings of what I learnt of it at School in my youth. He was very free to talk with me, and first asked me my business thither? I told him that my business was to Cachao, where I had been once before: that then I went by Water, but now I was moved by my curiosity to travel by Land, and that I could not pass by any Europeans without a Visit, especially such a famous place as this. He asked me many other Questions, and particularly if I was a Roman Catholick? I told him no, but falling then into a Discourse about Re­ligion, he told me what Progress the Gospel was like to make in these Eastern Nations. First he began with the Nicobar Islands, and told me what I have related of that matter, in the 17 Chap­ter of my Voyage round the World, page 177, for this was the Person I there quoted, and from whom I had that Relation; as he told me he had it from the Friar, who wrote to him from Fort St. George. But [Page 95] year 1688 that Friar having been a Passenger in Captain Weldon's Ship, from one of the Nicobar Islands to Fort St. George, I askt the Captain's opinion of that relation since my writing that Book, and he gave me a quite contrary account of the People of Ni­cobar; that they were a very perverse, false and thievish People, and did not deserve the good character the Friar gave of them.

But to proceed with the discourse I had with the French Priest at Hean. He told me, that in Siom the Gospel was in a very fair way to receive incouragement by the means of a French Bishop there, and several Ecclesiasticks he had with him there to assist him: That the great Minister of State, Constant Falcon, had embraced the Ro­mish Faith; and that the King was very much inclined to it, the Courtiers also seeming well enough pleased with it. Insomuch that 'twas hop'd that in a short time the whole Nation would be converted: And that tho' the Country People in general were against it, yet by the ex­ample of the King and his Court, the rest might come over by degrees; especially because the Priests had free Toleration to use their endeavours. As for Tonquin, he told me that the People in ge­neral were inclined to embrace the Christian Faith, but that the Government was wholly averse to it: that the Missionaries who lived here did not open­ly profess to be Teachers of their Doctrine, but that they lived here under the notion of Mer­chants, and not as Clergy-Men; that this was a great Obstacle to Christianity, yet nevertheless they found ways to draw the People from their Ig­norance: that at present they had about 1 [...]000 Converts, and more coming in daily. He told me, that here were two Bishops, I think both French Men; one of them was entitled the Bishop of Ascalon the other of Auran; and that here were [Page 96] year 1688 ten Priests of Europe, and three more of the Natives of Tonquin, who had been ordain'd Popish Priests. But since I have been informed, that these French Bishops were not suffered to live at Cachao; neither may they at any time go thither without a Licence from the Governour; and such a Licence also must be procur'd by the Favour of some Mandarin who lives at Cachao, for whom the Bishop or other Missionary is to perform some trivial Work or other. For the Missioners living here are purpose­ly skill'd in mending Clocks, Watches, or some Mathematical Instruments, of which the Country People are Ignorant; and this gives them the op­portunity of being often sent for to Cachao by the Mandarins: And when they are there, a small job that would not require above 5 or 6 Hours to per­form, they will be twice as many days about, pretending great difficulty in the work; by which means they take their liberty, privately to teach their Disciples that live there; and then also they enjoy themselves with the English and Dutch Mer­chants, to whom they are always welcome.

As to the Converts these People have made, I have been credibly informed that they are chiefly of the very poor People, and that in the scarce times, their Alms of Rice have converted more than their preaching: and as to those also who have been converted, as they call it, that is to Beads and new Images, and belief in the Pope, they have fallen off again, as Rice grew plentiful, and would no longer be Christians than while the Priests administred Food to them. Yet I cannot think but that these People, who have such Notions of a supreme Deity, might by the industry and example of good Men, be brought to embrace the Christian Faith. But as things stand at pre­sent, it seems very improbable that Christianity should fructify there: For as the English and [Page 97] year 1688 Dutch in these parts of the World are too loose Livers to gain Reputation to their Religion, so are the other Europeans, I mean the Missionary Priests, especially the Portuguese, but very blind Teachers. But indeed as the Romanists are the only Men who compass Sea and Land to gain Proselytes, so they may seem to have one advantage over Protestant Mi­nisters in these Idolatrous Countries, that they pre­sent them with such kind of Objects for Religi­ous Worship as they have been used to already: For the exchange is not great from Pagan Idols to Images of Saints, which may serve altogether as well for the poor Souls they convert, who are guided only by sense. But then even here also, these People having been bred up in the belief of the goodness of their own Gods or Heroes, they will more hardly be brought over to change their own Idols for new ones, without some better Argu­ments to prove these to be more valuable, than the Missionaries ordinarily are able to afford them: and If I may freely speak my opinion, I am apt to think, that the gross Idolatry of the Papists is ra­ther a prejudice, than advantage to their Missions: and that their first care should be to bring the People to be virtuous and considerate, and their next, to give them a plain History and Scheme of the Fundmental Truths of Christianity, and shew them how agreeable they are to natural light, and how worthy of God.

But to return to the French Priest; he at length asked me if any of our English Ships brought Pow­der to sell? I told him, I thought not. Then he asked me if I knew the composition of Powder? I answered that I had receipts how to make either Cannon or fine Powder, and told him the manner of the Composition. Said he, I have the same receipts from France, and have tryed to make Powder, but could not; and therefore I think the [Page 98] year 1688 fault is in our Coals. Then he asked me many questions about the Coals, what were proper to be used, but that I could not satisfie him in. He de­sired me to try to make a pound, and withal told me, that he had all the ingredients, and an Engine to mix them. I was easily perswaded to try my skill, which I had never yet tried, not knowing what I might be put to before I got to England; and having drank a glass or two of Wine with him, I went to work; and it succeeded so well, that I pleased him extremely, and satisfied my own de­sire of trying the Receipt, and the Reader shall have the History of the Operation, if he pleases. He brought me Sulphur and Salt-petre, and I weighed a portion of each of these, and of Coals I gathered up in the hearth, and beat to powder. While his Man mixed these in a little Engine, I made a small Sieve of Parchment, which I pricked full of Holes, with a small Iron made hot, and this was to corn it. I had 2 large Coco-nuts to roul in the Sieve, and work it thro' the holes to corn it. When it was dry we proved it, and it answer'd our expectation. The Receipt I had out of Captain Sturmey's Magazin of Arts.

The being so successful in this put me afterwards on the renewing of Powder at Bencouli, when I was there Gunner of that Fort. There being then about 20 Barrels damnified, which was like mud, they took it out of the Cask, and put it into earthen Jars, that held about 8 Barrels a piece. These they call Montaban Jars, from a Town of that name in Pegu, whence they are brought and carried all over India. In these 'twas intended to send the Powder to Fort St. George, to be renewed there: But I desired the Governour to let me first try my skill on it, because we had but little Powder in the Fort, and might have wanted before any returns could be expected [Page 99] year 1688 from thence. The Salt-petre was sunk to the bottom of the Jars, but I mixt it and beat it al­together, and corned it with Sieves which I made of my own old Parchment Draughts. I made thus 8 Barrels full of very good Powder before I went from thence. The French Priest told me in conclusion, that the Grandees make all their own Powder; and since I have been informed, that the Soldiers make Powder, as I have already said.

I spent the remainder of the day in the Palace with the Priest. He told me that the Bishop was not well, otherwise I should have seen him: and that because it was a Fish day, I could not expect such entertainment, as I might have had on another day; yet he ordered a Fowl to be broiled for my Dinner, and I dined by my self. In the E­vening he sent me out of the Palace, desiring to be excused, that he could not entertain me all night: yet he ordered his Man to lodge me in a Tonquinese Christian House not far from thence. The People were civil, but very poor, and my Lodg­ing such as I had met with on the Road. I have since been told, that the new Christians come to do their Devotion in the Palace at Night, and for that reason probably, I was so soon dis­mist.

I was now again pretty well refreshed, and might have gone to Cachao City a foot: but fearing my strength, I chose to go by Water. Therefore I sent back my Guide: yet before he departed back to our Ships, he bargained with a Tonquinese Water­man for my Passage to Cachao.

The Tide not serving presently to imbark, I walked about the Town, and spent the Day in viewing it: in the Evening I embarked, and they choose an Evening for coolness, rowing [Page 100] year 1688 all night. The Boat was about the bigness of a Gravesend Wherry, and was used purposely to carry Passengers, having a small covering over-head to keep them dry when it rained. There were 4 or 5 more of these Boats, that went up this Tide full of Passengers. In our Boat were about 20 Men and Women, besides 4 or 6 that rowed us. The Women chose their places and sate by themselves, and they had much respect shewed them: but the Men stowed close together, without shewing any respect more to one than to another, yet all very civil. I thrust in among the thickest of them at first, but my Flux would not suffer me to rest long in a place. About midnight we were set ashore to refresh our selves at a Baiting place, where there were a few Houses close by the Rivers side, and the people up, with Candles lighted, Arack and Tea, and little spits of Meat, and other Pro­visions ready drest, to receive us. For these were all Houses of entertainment, and probably got their living by entertaining Passengers. We stayed here about an hour, and then entered again on our Boat, and rowed forwards. The Passen­gers spent the time in merry Discourse, or Singing, after their way, tho' to us it seems like crying; but I was mute for want of a person I could converse with. About 8 or 9 a clock the next day I was set ashore: the rest of the Passengers remained in the Boat, but whither they were bound I know not, nor whither the Boat went quite up to Cachao. I was now 5 or 6 mile short of the City, but in a good path: for the Land here was pretty high, le­vel and sandy, and the Road plain and dry, and I reached Cachao by Noon. I presently went to one Mr. Bowyers House, who was a free Merchant, with whom Captain Weldon lodged; and staid with them a few days: but so weak with my Flux, which daily encreased that I was s [...]a [...]e able to [Page 101] year 1688 go about; and so was forced to learn by others, in a great measure, several particulars relating to this place. This my weakness, joyned with my disappointment; for I found that I was not like to be employed in any Voyage to the Neighbouring Countries, as it had been purposed to me, made me very desirous of returning back again, as soon as might be: and it hapned opportunely, that Captain Weldon had by this time done his business, and was preparing for his departure.

I went therefore down the River again to our Ships, in a Vessel our Merchants had hired, to carry their Goods aboard from Cachao. Among other freight, there were 2 Bells of about 500 weight each, which had been cast at Cachao by the Tonquinese, for my Lord Falcon, the King of Siam's chief Minister of State, and for the use of some of the Christian Churches in Siam. The person who bespoke them, and was to carry them, was Captain Brewster, who had not very long before come from Siam in a Ship of that King's, and had been cast away on the Coast of Tonquin, but had saved most of his Goods. With these he traded at Cachao, and among other goods he had purchased to return with to Siam, were these 2 Bells, all which he sent down to be put on Board Captain Weldon's Ship. But the Bark was no sooner come to Hean, in going down the River, but the Gover­nor of Hean's Officers came on board the Bark and seized the 2 Bells in behalf of the chief of the English Factory; who understanding they were de­signed for the King of Siam, which they were not so sure of as to the rest of the goods, and the En­glish being then at War with the Siamers, he made this his pretence for seizing them, and got the Governor to assist him with his Authority: and the Bells were accordingly carried ashore, and kept at Hean: This was thought a very strange [Page 102] year 1688 action of the chief of the Factory, to seize Goods as belonging to the King of Siam, while they were in a River of Tonquin: but he was a person but meanly qualified for the station he was in. Indeed had he been a man of spirit, he might have been serviceable in getting a Trade with Japan, which is a very rich one, and much cove [...]ed by the East­ern people themselves as well as Europeans. For while I was there, there were Merchants came every year from Japan to Tonquin; and by some of these our English Factory might probably have set­tled a Corespondence and Traffick. but he who was little qualified for the station he was in, was less sit for any new undertaking: and tho' men ought not to run inconsiderately into new discove­ries or undertakings, yet where there is a prospect of profit I think it not amiss for Merchants to try for a Trade, for if our Ancestors had been as dull as we have been of late, 'tis probable we had ne­ver known the way so much as to the East-Indies, but must have been beholden to our Neighbours, for all the product of those Eastern Nations. What care was formerly taken to get us a Trade into the E. Indies, and othet Countries? What pains parti­cularly did some take to find out the Muscovites by doubling the North Cape, and a way thence by land Trade into Persia? but now, as if we were cloy'd with Trade, we sit still contented, saying with Cato, Non minor est virtus quam quaerere parta tuiri. This was the saying of an eminent Merchant of the East-India Company to me: but by his leave, our Neighbours have encroached on us, and that in our times too. However, 'tis certainly for the interest of our Merchants to imploy sit men in their Facto­ries, since the reputation of the Company riseth or falls by the discreet management, or ill conduct of the Agents. Nor is it enough for the chief of a Factory to be a good Merchant, and an honest [Page 103] year 1688 man: for tho' these are necessary Qualifications, yet the Governour, or chief of the Factory ought to know more than barely how to buy, sell, and keep Accompts: Especially where other European Merchants reside among them, or trade to the same places; for they keep a diligent Eye on the management of our Affairs, and are always ready to take all Advantages of our Mis-improvements. Neither ought this care to be neglected where we have the Trade to our selves, for there ought to be a fair understanding between us and the Na­tives, and care taken, that they should have no reason to complain of unjust dealings, as I could shew where there has been; but 'tis an invidious subject, and all that I aim at is to give a caution. But to the matter in hand, it seemed to me that our Factory at Tonquin might have got a Trade with Japan: and to China as much as they pleased. I confess the continual Wars between Tonquin and Cochinchina, were enough to obstruct the designs of making a Voyage to this last: and those other places of Champa and Cambodia as they are less known, so was it more unlikely still to make thither any profit­able Voyages: yet possibly the difficulties here also are not so great, but resolution and industry would overcome them; and the profit would abundantly compensate the trouble.

But to proceed, we found there was no reco­vering the Bells: so we fell down from Hean to our Ships: and Captain Weldon coming to us in a few days, and Captain Brewster with him, to go as a Passenger in his ship, together with one or two more; and 2 Ships who came with us being also ready for their departure, we all weighed anchor, and took leave of Tonquin.

CHAP. VI.

IT was the beginning of Febuary 168 [...] when we left his Country. We went over the Bar 3 Ships in Company, the Rainbow Captain Pool Com­mander, bound for London, and Captain Lacy in the Saphire, bound for Fort St George, and I was in Captain Weldon's Ship the Curtane, bound thither also. We kept Company some time after our de­parture from Tonquin, and having an Easterly Wind we kept more to the middle of the Bay of Tonquin, or towards the Eastern side, than when we entred: by which means we had the opportu­nity of sounding as well in the middle of the Bay [Page 105] year 1688 now, as we had on the West side of it, at our co­ming into the Bay.

Coming out of the Bay of Tonquin, we stood away Southward, having the Sholes of Pracel on our Larboard, and the Coasts of Cochinchina, Cham­pa, and Cambodia on our Starboard. I have just men­tioned these Kingdoms in my former Volume; and here I have but little to say of them, having only sail'd by them. But not altogether to fail the Readers expectation, I shall give a brief account of one or two particulars relating to Cambodia: for as to Champa I have nothing material to speak; and Cochinchina, I have already spoken of in this Volume, as I went to Tonquin.

The Kingdom of Cambodia seems to be much such a kind of Country within Land, as the lower parts of Tonquin: low Land, very woody, and little inhabited, lying on each side a great River that comes from the North a great way, and falls into the Sea over against Pulo Condore. I know not the particular product of Cambodia, but in the Vessels mentioned in my former Vol. p. 399. as taken at Pulo Uby, and which came thither from Cambodia; there were besides Rice, Dragons Blood, Lack, in great Jars, but it looked blackish and thick; and the yellow purging Gum, which we from thence call Cambodia, in great Cakes, but I know not whence they get it. This River and Kingdom (if it be one) is but little known to our Nation, yet some English men have been there; particularly Captain Williams and Captain Howel, the last of whom I came acquainted with some time after this at Fort St George, and I had of him the following account, the particulars of which I have also had confirmed by the Seamen who where with them.

These two Captains, with many more English men, had been for some time in the service of the King of Siam, and each of them commanded a [Page 106] year 1688 stout Frigat of his, mann'd chiefly with English and some Portuguese born at Siam. These the King of Siam sent against some Pyrates, who made spoyl of his Subjects trading in these Seas, and nest­ed themselves in an Island up the River of Cambodia. Captain Howel told me, that they found this River very large, especially at its mouth; that 'tis deep and navigable for very great Vessels, 60 or 70 Leagues up, and that its depth and wideness ex­tended much further up, for ought we know: but so far they went up, at this time, with their Ships. The Course of the River is generally from North to South: and they found the Land low on each side, with many large Creeks and Branches, and in some places considerable Islands. They bended their Course up that branch which seemed most considerable, having the Tide of flood with them, and the River commonly so wide, as to give them room to turn or make Angles where the bending of the River was such as to receive a con­trary East, or South-East Sea-Wind. These Reaches or Bendings of the River East and West were very rare; at least so as to make their Course be against the Sea-wind, which commonly blew in their Stern, and so fresh, that with it they could stem the Tide of Ebb. But in the night when the Land-winds came, they anchored, and lay still till about 10 or 11 a Clock the next day, at which time the Sea-breezes usually sprang up again, and ena­bled them to continue their Course, till they came to the Island, where the Pirates inhabited. They presently began to fire at them, and landing their Men, routed them, and burnt their Houses and For­tifications; and taking many Prisoners, returned again.

These Piratical People were by Nation Chinese, who when the Tartars conquer'd their Country, fled from thence in their own Ships: as chosing [Page 107] year 1688 rather to live any were free, than to submit to the Tartars. These it seems in their flight bent their Course towards this Country, and finding the River of Cambodia open before them, they made bold to enter, and settle on the Island before men­tioned. There they built a Town, and fenced it round about with a kind of Wood-pile, or Wall of great Timber Trees laid along, of the thickness of 3 or 4 of these Trees, and of about as many in heighth. They were provided with all sorts of Planters Instruments, and the Land hereabouts was excellent good, as our English-men told me, so that 'tis like they might have lived here happily enough, had their inclinations led them to a quiet Life: but they brought Arms along with them, and chose to use them, rather than their instru­ments of Husbandry: and they lived therefore mostly by rapin, pillaging their Neighbours, who were more addicted to traffick than fighting. But the King of Siam's Subjects having been long harrassed by them at Sea, he first sent some Forces by Land to drive them out of their Fort: till not succeeding that way, he entirely routed them by sending these 2 Ships up the River. The 2 English Captains having thus effected their business, re­turned out of the River with many Prisoners: but the South West Monsoon being already set in, they could not presently return to Siam, and therefore went to Macao in China; as well to wait for the N. East Monsoon, as to ingratiate themselves with the Tartars, who they thought would be pleased with the Conquest which they had made over these Chinese Pyrates. They were well entertained there by the Tartarian Governor, and gave him their Prisoners: and upon the shifting of the Monsoon, they returned to Siam. There they were received with great applause. Nor was this the first successful expedition the English have [Page 108] year 1688 made in the K. of Siam's service. They once saved the Country, by suppressing an insurrection made by the Buggasses. The Buggasses are a sort of war­like Trading Malayans, and mercenary Soldiers of India: I know not well whence they come, unless from Macasser in the Island Celebes. Many of them had been entertained at Siam in the King's service: but at last being disgusted at some ill usage, they stood up in their own defence. Some hun­dreds of them got together, all well armed: and these struck a dread into the hearts of the Siamites, none of whom were able to stand before them; till Constant Falcon the chief Minister, commanded the English that were then in the King's service to march against them, which they did with success, tho' with some considerable loss. For these services the King gave every year to each of them, a great Silk Coat, on which were just 13 buttons. Those of the chief Commanders were of Massy Gold, and those of the inferior Officers were of Silver Plate. This expedition against the Chinese P [...] ­rats was about the year 1687: the other broyl with the Buggasses was, as I take it, some time before.

But to proceed with our Voyage, we still kept our way Southward, and in company together, till we came about Pulo Condore; but then Captain Pool parted from us, standing more directly South for the Streights of Sundy: and we steered more to the Westward, to go thro' the Streights of Malacca, thro' which we came before. Captain Brewster and another of our Passengers began now to be in fear that the King of Siam would send Ships to lye at the mouth of the Streights of Malacca, and intercept our passage, because there was a War broke out between the English East-India Company and that Prince. This seemed the more likely, because the French at this time were imployed in that King's service, by the means of a French Bishop [Page 109] year 1688 and other Ecclesiasticks; who were striving to con­vert the King and People to Christianity, thro' the Interest they had got in Constant Falcon. Particu­larly they were affraid, that the King of Siam would send the 2 Ships before mentioned, which Captain Williams, and Capt. Howel had commanded a little be­fore, to lye at the west end of the Streights mouth; but probably manned with French Men and French Commanders, to take us. Now tho' this made but little impression on the Minds of our Commanders and Officers, yet so it hapned, that we had such thick dark weather, when we came near the first Entrance of the Streights of Malacca, which was that we came by, and by which we meant to return, that we thought it not safe to stand in at night, and so lay by till morning. The next day we saw a Jonk to the Southward, and chased her; and having spoke with her we made Sail, and stood to the Westward to pass the Streights, and making the Land, we found we were to the Southward of the Streights first mouth, and were gotten to the Souther most Entrance, near the Sumatra shore: but Captain Lacy, who chose to go the old way, made sail again to the Northward, and so passed nearer the Malacca shore by the Sincapore, the way we went before. His was also the best and nearest way: bBut Captain Weldon was willing to sa­tisfie his curiosity, and try a new Passage: which we got thro', tho' we had but little depth of Water: and this Entrance we past is called Brewer's Streights.

Brewer's Streights are sometimes passed by small Ships, that sail from Batavia to Malacca, because for them it is a nearer cut, than to run so far as Pulo Timaon, or the Streights of Sincapore. In this Channel, tho' in some places we found but 14 or 15 foot Water, yet the bottom was soft Oaze: and it lies so among Islands, that there cannot go a [Page 110] year 1688 great Sea. Captain Weldon had also a Dutch-man aboard who had been this way, and he professing to know the Channel, incouraged our Captain to try it, which we affected very well, tho sometimes we had but little more water than we drew. This made us make but an easy Sail, and therefore we were 7 or 8 days before we arrived at Malacca; but Captain Lacy was there 2 or 3 days before us.

Here we first heard of the Death of Constant Fal­con, for whom Captain Brewster seemed to be much concerned. There also we found, besides several Dutch Sloops, and our Companion Captain Lacy, an English Vessel of 35 or 40 Tuns. This Vessel was bought by one Captain Johnson, who was sent by the Governor of Bencouli, in a small Sloop, to trade about the Island of Sumatra for Pepper, but Captain Johnson being killed, the Sloop was brought hither by one Mr. Wells.

Being thus insensibly fallen into the mention of this Captain Johnson; and intending to defer what little I have to say of Malacca, till my coming thi­ther again from Achin, I shall bestow the rest of this Chapter in speaking of this Man's Tragedy, and other occurrences relating to it; which tho' of no great moment in themselves, yet the Circumstances I shall have occasion to relate with them, may be of use to the giving some small light into the state of the opposite Coast of Sumatra, which was the S [...]ne of what I am going to speake of: for tho' I shall have other occasion to speak of Achin and Bencouli, yet I shall not have opportunity to say any thing of this part of that Island, opposite to Malacca, unless I do it here. To go on therefore with his Story, it seems Captain Johnson was part owner of the small Bencouli Sloop: but thinking it too small for his turn, he came to Malacca, intending to buy a larger Sloop of the Dutch, if he could light of a bargain. He had [Page 111] year 1688 the best part of a thousand Dollars in Spanish Mo­ney aboard, for which one may purchase a good Sloop here: for the Dutch, as I have before observ'd, do often buy Proe-bottoms for a small matter, of the Malayans, especially of the People of Jihore, and convert them into Sloops, either for their own use, or to sell. Of these sort of Vessels therefore the Dutch-men of Malacca have plenty, and can afford good pennyworths; and doubtless it was for this reason that Captain Johnson came hither to purchase a Sloop. Here he met with a bargain, not such a Proe bottom reformed, but an old ill shaped thing, yet such a one as pleased him. The Dutch-man who sold him this Vessel, told him withal, that the Government did not allow any such dealings with the English, tho' they might wink at it: and that therefore the safest way for them both to keep out of trouble, would be to run over to the other side of the Streights, to a Town called Bencalis, on Sumatra; where they might safely buy and sell, or exchange without any notice taken of them. Cap­tain Johnson accepting the offer, they sailed both together over to Bencalis, a Malayan Town on that Coast, commanding the Country about it. There they came to an anchor, and Captain Johnson paying the price agreed on for the Vessel, he had her deliver'd to him. The Dutch-man immediate­ly returned over to Malacca again, leaving Captain Johnson with 2 Vessels under his Command, viz. the Sloop that he brought from Bencouli, and this new-bought Vessel. The Bencouli Sloop he sent into a large River hard by, to Trade with the Malayans for Pepper, under the Command of Mr. Wells. He was no Seaman; but a pretty intelligent Person, that came first out of England as a Soldier, [...]o serve the East-India Company in the Island Santa Helena. He liv'd some time very meanly in that Island, but having an aspiring mind, he left that poor, but [Page 112] year 1688 healthy place, to serve the Company at Bencouli; which tho' 'tis accounted the most unhealthy place of any that we trade to, yet the hopes of preferment engaged him to remove thither. After some stay there, he was sent with Captain Johnson to assist him in this Pepper Expedition; more because he could use his Pen, than his Hands in Sea service. He had 3 or 4 raw Seamen with him to work the Sloop up into the River. Captain Johnson stayed near Bencalis to fit his new Vessel: for with other necessaries she wanted a new Boltsprit, which he intended to cut here, having a Carpenter with him for that purpose; as also to repair and fit her to his mind. He had also a few other raw Seamen, but such as would have made better Landmen, they having served the King of Siam as Soldiers: and they were but lately come from thence with the French, who were forced to leave that Country. But here in the Indies, our English are forced for want of better, to make use of any Seamen such as they can get, and indeed our Merchants are often put hard to it for want of Seamen. Here are indeed Lascars or Indian Seamen enough to be hired; and these they often make use of: yet they always covet an English-man or 2 in a Vessel to assist them. Not but that these Lascars are some of them indifferent good Sailors, and might do well enough: but an English man will be accounted more faithful, to be employed on mat­ters of moment; beside the more free Conversation that may be expected from them, during the term of the Voyage. So that tho' oft times their English men are but ordinary Sailors, yet they are pro­moted to some charge of which they could not be so capable any where but in the East-Indies. These Seamen would be in a manner wholly useless in Europe, where we meet with more frequent and hard storms, but here they serve indifferent well, [Page 113] year 1688 especially to go and come with the Monsoons; but enough of that.

Mr. Wells being gone to purchase Pepper, Capt. Johnson went ashore about 5 or 6 Leagues from Ben­calis Town with his Carpenter, to cut a Boltsprit; there being there plenty of Timber Trees fit for his purpose. He soon chose one to his mind, and cut it down. He and his Carpenter wrought on it the first and second days without molestation. The 3d. day they were both set upon by a band of armed Malayans, who killed them both. In the evening the Sailors who were left aboard, lookt out for their Commander to come off: but night approaching without seeing or hearing from him. This put them in some doubt of his safety; for they were sensible enough, that the Malayans that inhabited thereabouts were very treacherous: as indeed all of them are, especially those who have but little Commerce with Strangers: and there­fore all people ought to be very careful in dealing with them, so as to give them no advantage; and then they may Trade safe enough.

There were but 4 Seamen aboard Captain John­son's Sloop. These being terrified by the absence of their Commander, and suspecting the truth, were now very apprehensive of their own safeties. They charged their Guns, and kept themselves on their guards, expecting to be assaulted by the Malayans. They had 2 Blunderbusses, and 3 or 4 Muskets: each man took one in his Hand, with a Caduce-box at his Waste, and looked out sharp for fear of any Enemy. While they were thus on their guard, the Malayans in 6 or 8 Canoas came very silently to attack the Sloop. They were about 40 or 50 Men, armed with Lances and Cresses. The darkness of the night favoured their designs, and they were even aboard before the Seamen per­ceived them. Then these began to Fire, and the [Page 114] year 1688 Enemy darted their Lances aboard, and boarding the Vessel, they entred her over the Prow. The Seamen resolutely defended her, and drove them overboard again. Of the 4 Seamen, 2 were des­perately wounded in the first attack. The Malay­ans took fresh Courage and entred again; and the 2 Seamen who were not wounded, betook them­selves to close quarters in the Steerage; and there being Loop-holes to fire out at, they repulsed the Malayans again, forcing them into their Canoas. There bellies being now pretty full, they returned ashore without hopes of conquering the Sloop. The poor Seamen were still in fear, and kept watch all night; intending to sell their Lives as dear as they could, if they had been attacked again. For they might not, neither did they expect quarter, from these Salvage Malayans: but they were no more assaulted. These two that were wounded, dyed in a short time.

T [...]e next day the 2 Seamen got up their Anchor, and run as nigh the Town of Bencalis as they could, it may be within half a mile. There they An­chor'd again, and made signs for the People to come aboard. It was not long before the Shaban­der or chief Magistrate of the Town came off: to him they told all their misfortunes, and desired him to protect them, because they were not of sufficient strength to hold out against another attack. The Shabander seemed very sorry for what had hapned, and told them withal, that he could not help what was past, for that the People that did it were wild unruly Men, not subject to Government, and that it was not in his power to suppress them: but that as long as they lay there some of his men should lye aboard to secure the Ship; and he, in the mean time, would send a Canoa to their con­sort Mr. Wells, to give him an account how things went. Accordingly he left 10 or 12 of his own [Page 115] year 1688 Malayans aboard the Bark, and sent a Letter writ­ten by the Seamen to Mr. Wells; who was, as I have said, dealing with the Natives for Pepper, in a River at some distance.

It was 2 or 3 days before Mr. Wells came to them. He had not then received the Letter, and therefore they suspected the Shabander of falshood; tho' his men were yet very kind, and serviceable to the 2 Seamen. Mr. Wells had heard nothing of their disasters, but returned for want of Trade; at least such a full Trade as he expected. For tho' here is Pepper growing, yet not so much as might allure any one to seek after it: for the Dutch are so near, that none can come to Trade among them but by their permission. And tho' the Natives themselves were never so willing to Trade with any Nation, as indeed they are, yet the Dutch could soon hin­der it, even by destroying them, if in order to it they should set themselves to produce much Pepper. Such small quantities as they do at present raise up, or procure from other parts of the Island, is lickt by the Dutch, or by their friends of Bencalis for them: for the Town of Bencalis being the princi­pal of these parts, and so nigh Malacca, as only parted by the narrow Sea or Streights, 'tis visited by the Dutch in their small Vessels, and seems wholly to depend on a Trade with that Nation, not daring to Trade with any besides: and I judge it is by the friendship of the Town, that the Dutch drive a small Trade for Pepper in these parts, and by it also vend any of their own Commodities: and these also trading with their Neighbours into the Country, do bring their Cmmodities hither, Where the Dutch come for them. The People of Bencalis therefore, tho' they are Malayans, as the rest of the Country, yet they are civil [...]nough, engaged thereto by Trade: for the more Trade, the more civility; and on the contrary, [Page 116] year 1688 the less Trade the more barbarity and inhumanity. For Trade has a strong influence upon all People, who have found the sweet of it, bringing with it so many of the Conveniencies of Life as it does. And I believe that even the poor Americans, who have not yet tasted the sweetness of it, might be allured to it by an honest and just Commerce: even such of them as do yet seem to covet no more than a bare subsistence of meat and drink, and a clout to cover their nakedness. That large Continent hath yet Millions of Inhabitants, both on the Mexi­can and Peruvian parts, who are still ignorant of Trade: and they would be fond of it, did they once experience it; tho' at the present they live happy enough, by enjoying such fruits of the Earth, as nature hath bestowed on those places, where their Lot is fallen: and it may be they are happier now, than they may hereafter be, when more known to the Avaritious World. For with Trade they will be in danger of meeting with oppression: men not being content with a free Traffick, and a just and reasonable gain, especially in these remote Countries: but they must have the Current run altogether in their own Channel, tho' to the de­priving the poor Natives they deal with, of their natural Liberty: as if all mankind were to be ruled by their Laws. The Islands of Sumatra and Java can sufficiently witness this; the Dutch having in a manner ingrost all the Trade of those, and several of the Neighbouring Countries to them­selves: not that they are able to supply the Natives with a quarter of what they want, but because they would have all the produce of them at their own disposal. Yet even in this they are short, and may be still more disappointed of the Pepper Trade if other People would seek for it. For the greatest part of the Island of Sumatra propagates this Plant, and the Natives would readily comply with any [Page 117] year 1688 who would come to Trade with them, notwith­standing the great endeavours the Dutch make against it: for this Island is so large, populous, and pro­ductive of Pepper, that the Dutch are not able to draw all to themselves. Indeed this place about Bencalis, is in a manner at their devotion; and for ought I know, it was through a design of being revenged on the Dutch that Capt. Johnson lost his life. I find the Malayans in general, are implacable Enemies to the Dutch; and all seems to spring from an earnest desire they have of a free Trade, which is restrained by them, not only here, but in the Spice-Islands, and in all other places where they have any Power. But 'tis freedom only must be the means to incourage any of these remote People to Trade; especially such of them as are in­dustrious, and whose inclinations are bent this way; as most of the Malayans are, and the major part of the People of the East-Indies, even from the Cape of Good Hope Eastward to Japan, both Continent and Islands. For tho' in many places, they are limited by the Dutch, English, Danes, &c. and re­strain'd from a free Trade with other Nations, yet have they continually shewn what an uneasiness that is to them. And how dear has this Restraint cost the Dutch? when yet neither can they with all their Forts and Guard-Ships secure the Trade wholly to themselves, any more than the Barlaventa Fleet can secure the Trade of the West-Indies to the Spa­niards: but enough of this matter.

You have heard before, that Mr. Wells came with his Sloop to Bencalis, to the great joy of the two Men, that were yet alive in Captain Johnson's Vessel. These two Seamen were so just, that they put all Captain Johnson's Papers and Money into one Chest, then lockt it and put the Key of it into another Chest; and locking that, flung the Key of it into the Sea: and when Mr. Wells [Page 118] year 1688 came aboard, they offered him the Command of both Vessels. He seemingly refused it, saying, that he was no Seamen, and could not manage either of them: yet by much importunity he accepted the Command of them, or at least undertook the account of what was in the Sloop, engaging to give a faithful account of it to Governor Bloom.

They were all now so weakned, that they were but just enough to sail one of the Vessels. There­fore they sent to the Shabander of Bancalis, to desire some of his Men, to help sail the Sloops over to Malacca, but he refused it. Then they offered to sell one of them for a small matter, but neither would he buy. Then they offered to give him the smallest: To that he answered, that he did not dare to accept of her, for fear of the Dutch. Then Mr. Wells and his Crew concluded to take the Pepper and all the Stores out of the small Vessel, and burn her, and go away with the other to Malacca. This they put in execution, and presently went away, and opening Captain Johnson's Chest, they found 2 or 300 Dollars in Money. This with all his Writings, and what else they found of value, Mr. Wells took in his possession. In a very short time they got over to Malacca. There they stayed expecting the coming of some English Ship, to get a Pilot to Navigate the Sloop: for neither of them would undertake to Navigate her farther. Captain Lacy coming hither first, he spared Mr. Wells his chief Mate, to Navigate her to Achin. When we came hither they were ready to sail, and went away 2 or 3 days before us.

To return therefore to our own Voyage, Cap­tain Weldon having finished his business at Malacca, we sailed again, steering towards Achin, where he designed to touch in his way to Fort St. George. We overtook Mr. Wells about 35 Leagues short of A [...]hi [...] against the River Passange Jonca: and shortly after [Page 119] year 1688 we both arrived at Achin, and anchored in the Road, about the beginning of March 1689. Here I took my leave of Captain Weldon, and of my friend Mr. Hall, who went with us to Tonquin, and I went ashore being very weak with my Flux, as I had been all the Voyage. Captain Weldon offered me any kindness that lay in his Power at Fort St. George, if I would go with him thither: but I chose rather to stay here, having some small acquaintance, than to go in that weak condition, to a place where I was wholly unknown. But Mr. Hall went with Captain Weldon to Fort St. George, and from thence in a short time returned to England in the Williamson of London.

CHAP. VII.

BEing now arrived at Achin again, I think it not amiss to give the Reader some short account of what observation I made of that City and Coun­try. [Page 121] year 1688 This Kingdom is the largest and best Peopled of many small ones, that are up and down the Isle of Sumatra; and it makes the North West end of that Island. It reaches Eastward from that N. W. point of the Island, a great way along the Shore, towards the Streights of Malacca, for about 50 or 60 Leagues. But from Diamond point, which is about 40 Lagues from Achin, towads the Borders of the Kingdom, the Inhabitants, tho' belonging to Achin are in less subjection to it. Of these I can say but little; neither do I know the Bounds of this King­dom, either within Land, or along the West Coast. That West side of the Kingdom, is high and moun­tainous: as is generally the rest of the West Coast of the whole Island. The point also of Achin, or extremity of the Island, is High Land: but Achin, it self and the Country to the Eastward, is lower, not altogether destitute of small Hills, and every where of a moderate heighth, and a Champion Country, naturally very fit for cultivation.

There is one Hill more remarkable than ordinary, especially to Seamen. The English call it, the Golden Mount: but whether this name is given it by the Natives, or only by the English, I know not. 'Tis near the N. W. end of the Island; and Achin stands but 5 or 6 mile from the bottom of it. 'Tis very large at the foot, and runs up smaller towards the head; which is raised so high, as to be seen at Sea 30 or 40 Leagues. This was the first Land that we saw coming in our Proe from the Nicobar Islands, mentioned in my former Voyage. The rest of the Land, tho' of a good heighth, was then undiscerned by us, so that this Mountain appeared like an Island in the Sea; which was the reason why our Achin Malayans took it for Pulo Way. But that Island, tho' pretty high Champion Land, was invisible, when this Golden Mount appeared so plain, tho' as far di­stant as that Island.

[Page 122] year 1688 Besides what belong to Achin upon the Conti­nent, there are also several Islands under its Juris­diction, most of them uninhabited; and these make the Road of Achin. Among them is this Pulo Way, which is the Eastermost of a Range of Islands, that lye off the N. W. end of Sumatra. It is also the largest of them, and it is inhabited by Male­factors, who are banisht thither from Achin. This, with the other Islands of this Range, lye in a semi­circular form, of about 7 Leagues diameter. Pulo Gomez is another large Island about 20 mile West from Pulo Way, and about 3 Leagues from the N. W. point of Sumatra. Between Pulo Gomez and the Main are 3 or 4 other small Islands; yet with Chan­nels of a sufficient breadth between them, for Ships to pass thro'; and they have very deep Water. All Ships bound from Achin to the Westward, or coming from thence to Achin, go in and out thro' one or other of these Channels: and because shipping comes hither from the Coast of Surrat, one of these Channels which is deeper than the rest, is called the Surrat Channel. Between Pulo Gomez and Pulo Way, in the bending of the Circle, there are other small Islands, the chief of which is called Pulo Rondo. This is a small round high Island, not a­bove 2 or 3 mile in circumference. It lyes almost in the extremity of the bending on the N. E. part of the Circle, but nearer Pulo Way than Pulo Gomez. There are large deep Channels on either side, but the most frequented is the Channel on the West side. Which is called the Bengal Channel, because it looks towards that Bay; and Ships coming from thence, from the Coast of Coromandel, pass in and out this way. Between Pulo Way and the main of Sumatra, is another Channel of 3 or 4 Leagues wide: which is the Channel for Ships that go from Achin to the Streights of Malacca, or any Country to the East of those Streights, and vice versa. There is good riding [Page 123] year 1688 in all this Semicircular Bay between the Islands and Sumatra: but the Road for all Ships that come to Achin is near the Sumatra Shore, within all the Islands. There they anchor at what distances they please, according to the Monsoons or Seasons of the Year. There is a small Navigable River comes out into the Sea, by which Ships transport their Commodities in smaller Vessels up to the City. The Mouth of this River is 6 or 7 Leagues from Pulo Rondo, and 3 or 4 from Pulo Way, and near as many from Pulo Gomez. The Islands are pretty high Champion Land, the Mold black or yellow, the Soil deep and fat, producing large tall Trees, fit for any uses. There are Brooks of Water on the 2 great Islands of Way and Gomez, and several sorts of wild Animals; especially wild Hogs in abun­dance.

The Mold of this Continent is different according to the natural position of it. The Mountains are Rocky, especially those towards the West Coast, yet most that I have seen seems to have a superfi­cial covering of Earth, naturally producing Shrubs, small Trees, or pretty good Grass. The small Hills are most of them cloathed with Woods; the Trees whereof seem by their growth to spring from a fruitful Soil: the Champion Land, such as I have seen, is &;some black, some grey, some reddish, and all of a deep Mold. But to be very particular in these things, especially in all my Travels, is more than I can pretend to: tho' it may be I took as much notice of the difference of Soil as I met with it, as most Travellers have done, having been bred in my Youth in Somersetshire, at a place called East Cocker near Yeovil or Evil: in which Parish there is a great Variety of Soil, as I have ordinarily met with any where, viz. black, red, yellow, sandy, stony, clay, morass or swampy, &c. I had the more reason to take notice of this, because this Vil­lage [Page 124] year 1688 in great measure is Let out in small Leases for Lives of 20, 30, 40, or 50 pound per An. under Coll. Helliar the Lord of the Mannor: and most, it not all these Tenants, had their own Land scatter­ing in small pieces, up and down several sorts of Land in the Parish: so that every one had some piece of every sort of Land, his black Ground, his Sandy, Clay, &c. some of 20, 30, or 40 Shillings an Acre, for some uses, and others not worth 10 Groats an Acre. My Mother being possest of one of these Leases, and having of all these sorts of Land, I came acquainted with them all, and knew what each sort would produce, (viz.) Wheat, Bar­ley, Maslin, Rice, Beans, Peas, Oats, Fetches, Flax, or Hemp: in all which I had a more than usual Knowledge for one so young; taking a par­ticular delight in observing it: but enough of this matter.

The Kingdom of Achin has in general a deep Mold: It is very well water'd with Brooks and small Rivers, but none navigable for Ships of burthen. This of Achin admits not of any but small Vessels. The Land is some part very Woody, in other places Savannah; the Trees are of divers sorts, most unknown to me by name. The Cot­ton and Cabbage-trees grow here, but not in such plenty as in some part of America. These Trees commonly grow here, as indeed usually where-ever they grow, in a Champion dry Ground, such at least as is not drowned or morassy; for here is some such Land as that by the Rivers; and there grow Mangrove Trees, and other Trees of that kind. Neither is this Kingdom destitute of Timber­trees sit for building.

The Fruits of this Country are Plantains, Bo­nanoes, Guava's Oranges, Limes, Jacks, Durians, Coco-nuts, Pumple-noses, Pomgranates, Man­goes, Magastans, Citrons, Water-melons, Musk­melons, [Page 125] year 1688 Pine apples, &c. Of all these sorts of Fruits, I think the Mangastan is without compare the most delicate. This Fruit is in shape much like the Pomgranate, but a great deal less. The outside rind or shell is a little thicker than that of the Pomgranate, but softer, yet more brittle; and is of a dark red. The inside of the shell is of a deep crimson colour. Within this shell the Fruit appears in 3 or 4 Cloves, about the bigness of the top of a man's thumb. These will easily seperate each from the other; they are as white as Milk, very soft and juicy, inclosing a small black Stone or Kernel. The outside rind is said to be binding, and therefore many when they eat the Fruit, which is very delicious, do save the rind or shell, drying it and preserving it, to give to such as have Fluxes. In a small Book, entituled, A new Voyage to the East-Indies, there is mention made of Mangastans, among the Fruits of Java: but the Author is mistaken, in that he compares it to a Sloe, in shape, and taste: Yet I remember there is such a sort of Fruit at Achin; and believe by the description he gives of it, it may probably be the same that he calls the Mangastan, tho' nothing like the true Mangastan.

The Pumple-nose is a large Fruit like a Citron, with a very thick tender uneven rind. The inside is full of Fruit: It grows all in cloves as big as a small Barly-corn, and these are all full of juice, as an Orange or a Lemon, tho' not growing in such partitions. 'Tis of a pleasant taste, and tho' there are of them in other parts of the East-Indies, yet these at Achin are accounted the best. They are ripe commonly about Christmas, and they are so much esteemed, that English men carry them from hence to Fort St George, and make Presents of them to their Friends there. The other Fruits mentioned here, are most of them described by me in my first Volume.

[Page 126] year 1688 The eatable Roots of this Country are Yams and Potatoes, &c. but their chiefest bread kind is Rice. The Natives have lately planted some quanities of this Grain, and might produce much more were they so disposed, the Land being so fruitful. They have here a sort of Herb or Plant called Ganga, or Bang. I never saw any but once, and that was at some distance from me. It ap­peared to me like Hemp, and I thought it had been Hemp, till I was told to the contrary. It is re­ported of this Plant, that if it is infused in any Liquor, it will stupify the brains of any person that drinks thereof; but it operates diversly, ac­cording to the constitution of the person. Some it makes sleepy, some merry, putting them into a Laughing fit, and others it makes mad: but after 2 or 3 hours they come to themselves again. I never saw the effects of it on any person, but have heard much discourse of it. What other use this Plant may serve for I know not: but I know it is much esteemed here, and in other places too whither it is transported.

This Country abounds also with Medicinal Drugs and Herbs, and with variety of Herbs for the Pot. The chief of their Drugs is Camphire, of which there are quanities found on this Island, but most of it either on the borders of this King­dom to the Southward, or more remote still, without the precincts of it. This that is found on the Island Sumatra is commonly sent to Japan to be refined, and then brought from thence pure, and transported whither the Merchants please after­terwards. I know that here are several sorts of Me­dicinal Herbs made use of by the Natives, who go often a simpling, seeming to understand their Virtues much, and making great use of them: but this being wholly out of my Sphere, I can give no account of them; and tho' here are plenty of Pot-Herbs, [Page 127] year 1688 yet I know the names of none, but Onions, of which they have great abundance, and of a very good sort, but small.

There are many other very profitable Commodi­ties on this Island: but some of them are more pe­culiar to other parts of it than Achin, especially Pepper. All the Island abounds with that Spice, except only this North West end; at least so much of it, as is comprehended within the Kingdom of Achin. Whether this defect is through the negli­gence or laziness of these People, I know not.

Gold also is found, by report, in many parts of this Island: but the Kingdom of Achin is at present most plentifully stored with it. Neither does any place in the East-Indies, that I know of, yield such quantities of it as this Kingdom. I have never been at Japan, and therefore can make no estimate of the great Riches of that Kingdom: but here I am certain there is abundance of it.

The Land Animals of this Country are Deer, Hogs, Elephants, Goats, Bullocks, Buffaloes, Horses, Porcupines, Monkeys, Squirrils, Guanoes, Lizards, Snakes, &c. Here are also abundance of Ants of several sorts, and Woodlice, called by the English in the East-Indies White Ants. The Elephants that I saw here were all tame: yet 'tis reported there are some wild; but I judge not many, if any at all. In some places there are plenty of Hogs; they are all wild, and commonly very poor. At some times of the Year, when the wild Fruits fall from the Trees, they are indifferent fat, or at least fleshy: and then they are sweet and good: they are very numerous; and whether for that reason, or scarcity of Food, it is very rare to find them fat. The Goats are not very many, neither are there many Bullocks: but the Savannahs swarm with Buffaloes, belonging to some or other of the Inhabi­tants, [Page 128] year 1688 who milk them and eat them; but don't work them, so far as I saw. The Horses of this Country are but small, yet sprightly; and some­times they are transported hence to the Coast of Coromandel. The Porcupines and Squirrels are ac­counted good food by the English; but how they are esteemed by the Natives I know not.

The Fowls of this Country are Dunghil Fowls and Ducks; but I know of no other tame Fowls they have. In the Woods there are many sorts of wild Fowls, viz. Maccaws, Parrots, Parakites, Pigeons, and Doves of 3 or 4 sorts. There are plenty of other small Birds; but I can say nothing of them,

The Rivers of this Country afford plenty of Fish. The Sea also supplies divers sorts of very good Fish, (viz) Snooks, Mullets, Mudfish, Eels, Stingrays, which I shall describe in the Bay of Campeachy, Ten­pounders, Old Wives, Cavallies, Crawfish, Shrimps, &c.

The Natives of this Country are Malayans. They are much the same People with those of Queda, Jihore, and other places on the Continent of Ma­lacca, speaking the same Malayan Language, with very little difference: and they are of the same Mahometan Religion, and alike in their haughty hu­mour and manner of living: so that they seem to have been originally the same People. They are Peo­ple of a middle stature, straight and well shaped, and of a dark Indian copper colour. Their Hair is black and lank, their Faces generally pretty long, yet graceful enough. They have black Eyes, middling Noses, thin Lips, and black Teeth, by the frequent use of Betle. They are very lazy, and care not to work or take pains. The poorer sort are addicted to theft, and are often punished severely for it. They are otherwise good natured in general, and kinde­nough to strangers.

[Page 129] year 1688 The better sort of them wear Caps fitted to their Heads, of red or other coloured Woollen Cloath, like the Crown of a Hat without any Brims; for none of the Eastern People use the Complement of uncovering their Heads when they meet, as we do. But the general wear for all sorts of People is a small Turban, such as the Mindanaians wear, descri­bed in the 12th Chap. of my former Volume, page 326. They have small Breeches, and the better sort will have a piece of Silk thrown losely over their Shoulders; but the poor go naked from the Waste upwards. Neither have they the use of Stockings and Shoes, but a sort of Sandals are worn by the better sort.

Their Houses are built on Posts, as those of Min­danao, and they live much after the same fashion: but by reason of their Gold Mines, and the fre­quent resort of Strangers, they are richer, and live in greater plenty. Their common food is Rice, and the better sort have Fowls and Fish, with which the Markets are plentifully stored, and sometimes Buffaloes flesh, all which is drest very favourly with Pepper and Garlick, and tinctured yellow with Turmerick, to make it pleasant to the Eye, as the East-Indians generally love to have their Food look yellow: neither do they want good Achars or Sau­ces to give it a relish.

The City of Achin is the chief in all this Kingdom. It is seated on the Banks of a River, near the N. W. end of the Island, and about 2 miles from the Sea. This Town consists of 7 or 8000 Houses, and in it there are always a great many Merchant­strangers, viz. English, Dutch, Danes, Portuguese, Chinese, Guzarats, &c. The Houses of this City are general­ly larger than those I saw at Mindanao, and better furnished with Houshold Goods. The City has no Walls, nor so much as a Ditch about it. It has a great number of Mosques, generally square [Page 130] year 1688 built, and covered with Pantile, but neither high nor large. Every morning a Man made a great Noise from thence: but I saw no Turrets or Stee­ples, for them to climb up into for that purpose, as they have generally in Turky. The Queen has a large Palace here, built handsomely with Stone: but I could not get into the inside of it. 'Tis said there are some great Guns about it, 4 of which are of Brass, and are said to have been sent hither as a Present by our K. James the first.

The chief Trades at Achin are Carpenters, Black­smiths, Goldsmiths, Fishermen, and Money-chan­gers: but the Country-people live either on breed­ing Heads of Cattle, but most for their own use, or Fowls, especially they who live near the City, which they send weekly thither to sell: others plant Roots, Fruits, &c. and of late they have sown pretty large Fields of Rice. This thrives here well enough; but they are so proud, that it is against their Stomach to work: neither do they themselves much trouble their heads about it, but leave it to be managed by their Slaves: and they were the Slaves brought lately by the English and Danes from the Coast of Coromandel, in the time of a Famin there, I spoke of before, who first brought this sort of Husbandry into such request among the Achinese. Yet neither does the Rice they have this way supply one quarter of their occasions, but they have it brought to them from their Neigbouring Countries.

The Fishermen are the richest working People: I mean such of them as can purchase a Net; for thereby they get great profit; and this sort of im­ployment is managed also by their Slaves. In fair weather you shall have 8 or 10 great Boats, each with a Sain or haling Net: and when they see a Shoal of Fish, they strive to encompass them with these Nets, and all the Boats that are near assist each other to drag them ashore. Sometimes they [Page 131] year 1688 draw ashore this way 50, 60, or 100 large Fish, as big as a Man's Leg, and as long: and then they re­joyce mightly, and scamper about, making a great shout. The Fish is presently sent to the Market in one of their Boats, the rest looking out again for more. Those who Fish with Hook and Line, go out in small Proes, with about 1 or 2 Slaves in each Proe. These also get good Fish of other sorts, which they carry home to their Masters.

The Carpenters use such Hatchets as they have at Mindanao. They build good Houses after their fashion: and they are also ingenious enough in building Proes, making very pretty ones, especially of that sort which are Flying-Proes; which are built long, deep, narrow, and sharp, with both sides alike, and Outlagers on each side, the Head and Stern like other Boats. They carry a great Sail, and when the wind blows hard, they send a Man or two to sit at the extremity of the Windward Out­lager, to poise the Vessel. They build also some Vessels of 10 or 20 Tuns burthen, to Trade from one place to another: but I think their greatest in­genuity is in building their Flying-Proes; which are made very smooth, kept neat and clean, and will sail very well: for which reason they had that name given them by the English.

There are but few Blacksmiths in this Town, neither are they very skilful at their Trade. The Goldsmiths are commmonly strangers, yet some of the Achinese themselves know how to work Metals, tho' not very well. The Money-changers are here, as at Tonquin, most Women. These sit in the Mar­kets and at Corners of the Streets, with leaden Money called Cash, which is a name that is gene­rally given to small Money in all these Countries: but the Cash here is neither of the same Metal, nor value with that at Tonquin; for that is Copper, and this is Lead, or Block Tin, such as will bend about [Page 132] year 1688 the Finger. They have but two sorts of Coin of their own; the least sort is this Lea­den Money call'd Cash, and 'tis the same with what they called Petties at Bantam. Of these, 1500 make a Mess, which is their other sort of Coin, and is a small thin piece of Gold, stampt with Malay­an Letters on each side. It is in value 15 pence English, 16 Mess, make a Tale, which here is 20s. English, 5 Tale make a Bancal, a weight so called, and 20 Bancal make a Catty, another weight. But the Gold Coin seldom holds weight, for you shall sometimes have 5 Tale and 8 Mess over, go to make a Pecul, and tho' 1500 Cash is the value of a Mess, yet these rise and fall at the discretion of the Money-changers: for sometimes you shall have 1000 Cash for a Mess: but they are kept usually between these two numbers; seldom less than 1000, and never more than 1500. But to proceed with these Weights, which they use either for Money or Goods, 100 Catty make a Pecul, which is 132l. English weight. Three hundred Catty is a Bahar, which is 396l. English weight; but in some places, as at Bencouli, a Bahar is near 500 English weight. Spanish pieces of Eight go here also, and they are valued according to the plenty or scarcity of them. Sometimes a Piece of Eight goes but for 4 Mess, sometimes for 4 and a half, sometimes 5 Mess.

They Coin but a small quantity of their Gold; so much as may serve for their ordinary occasions in their Traffick one with another. But as the Mer­chant, when he receives large Summs, always takes it by weight, so they usually pay him unwrought Gold, and quantity for quantity: the Merchants chuse rather to receive this, than the coined Gold; and before their leaving the Country will change their Messes for uncoined Gold: perhaps because of some deceits used by the Natives in their Coining.

[Page 133] year 1688 This Gold they have from some Mountain a pretty was within Land from Achin, but within their Dominions, and rather near to the West Coast than the Streights of Malacca. I take Golden Mount, which I spoke of before, to lye at no great distance from that of the Mines; for there is very high Land all thereabouts. To go thither they set out East­ward, towards Passange Jonca, and thence strike up into the heart of the Country. I made some in­quiry concerning their getting Gold, and was told, that none but Mahometans were permitted to go to the Mines: That it was both troublesom and dan­gerous to pass the Mountains, before they came thither; there being but one way, and that over such steep Mountains, that in some places they were forced to make use of Ropes, to climb up and down the Hills. That at the foot of these Precipices there was a Guard of Soldiers, to see that no uncir­cumcised person should pursue that design, and also to receive custom of those that past either forward or backward. That at the Mines it was so sickly that not the half of those that went thither did e­ver return again; tho' they went thither only to Traffick with the Miners, who live there, being seasoned: that these who go thither from the City stayed not usually above 4 Months at the Mines, and were back again in about 6 Months from their going out. That some there made it their constant imployment to visit the Miners once every Year: for after they are once seasoned, and have found the profit of that Trade, no thoughts of danger can deter them from it: for I was credibly told, that these made 2000 per cent. of whatever they car­ryed with them, to sell to the Miners: but they could not carry much by reason of the badness of the ways. The rich men never go thither them­selves, but send their Slaves: and if 3 out of 6 re­turns, they think they make a very profitable jour­ney [Page 134] year 1688 for their Master, for these 3 are able to bring home as much Gold as the Goods which all 6 car­ried out could purchase. The Goods that they carry thither are some sort of cloathing, and liquor. They carry their Goods from the City by Sea part of the way: Then they land somewhere about Passange Jonca, and get Horses to carry their Cargo to the foot of the Mountains. There they draw it up with Ropes, and if they have much goods, one stays there with them, while the rest march to the Mines with their load; and return again for the rest. I had this relation from Captain Tiler, who lived at Achin, and spoke the Language of the Country very well. There was an English Rene­gado that used that trade, but was always at the Mines when I was here. At his Return to Achin he constantly frequented an English Punch-house, spend­ing his Gold very freely, as I was told by the Master of the house. I was told also by all that I discour­sed with about the Gold, that here they dig it out of the Ground; and that sometimes they find pretty large lumps.

It is the product of these Mines that draws so many Merchants hither, for the Road is seldom without 10 or 15 sail of Ships of several Nations. These bring all sort of vendible Commodities, as Silks, Chints, Muzlins, Callicoes, Rice, &c. and as to this last, a man would admire to see what great quanities of Rice are brought hither by the English, Dutch, Danes and Chinese: when any arrives, the Commanders hire each a House to put their goods in. The Silks, Muzlins, Callicoes, Opium, and such like rich Goods, they sell to the Guzurats, who are the chief men that keep Shops here; but the Rice, which is the bulk of the Cargo, they usu­ally retail. I have heard a Merchant say, he has received 60, 70, and 80l. a day for Rice, when it has been scarce; but when there are many sellers, [Page 135] year 1688 then 40 or 50s. worth in a day is a good sale: for then a Mess will buy 14 or 15 Bamboes of it: whereas when Rice is scarce, you will not have above 3 or 4 Bamboes for a Mess. A Bamboe is a small seal'd measure, containing, to the best of my remembrance, not much above half a Gallon. Thus it rises and falls as Ships come hither. Those who sell Rice keep one constantly attending to measure it out; and the very Grandees themselves never keep a stock before hand, but depend on the Market, and buy just when they have occasion. They send their Slaves for what they want, and the poorer sort, who have not a Slave of their own, will yet hire one to carry a Mess worth of Rice for them, tho' not one hundred paces from their own homes, scorning to do it themselves. Besides one to measure the Rice, the Merchants hire a man to take the Money; for here is some false Money, as Silver and Copper Mess gilt over: Besides, here are some true Mess much worn, and therefore not worth near their value in tale. The Merchants may also have occasion to receive 10 or 20l. at a time for other Commodities; and this too besides those little summs for Rice, he must re­ceive by his Broker, if he will not be cheated; for 'tis work enough to examin every piece: and in receiving the value of 10l. in Mess, they will ordinarily be forc'd to return half or more to be chang'd; for the Natives are for putting off bad Money, if possibly they can. But if the Broker takes any bad Money, 'tis to his own loss. These sort of Brokers are commonly Guzurats, and 'tis very necessary for a Merchant that comes hither, especially if he is a Stranger, to have one of them, for fear of taking bad or light Money.

The English Merchants are very welcome here, and I have heard that they do not pay so much Custom as other Nations. The Dutch Free-men [Page 136] year 1688 may trade hither, but the Company's Servants are deny'd that privilege. But of all the Merchants that trade to this City, the Chinese are the most re­markable. There are some of them live here all the Year long; but others only make annual Voy­ages hither from China. These latter come hither some time in June, about 10 or 12 sail, and bring abundance of Rice, and several other Commodities. They take up Houses all by one another, at the end of the Town, next the Sea: and that end of the City is call'd the China Camp, because there they always quarter, and bring their goods ashore thither to sell. In this Fleet come several Mecha­nicks, (viz.) Carpenters, Joyners, Painters, &c. These set themselves immediately to work, making of Chests, Drawers, Cabinets, and all sorts of Chi­nese Toys: which are no sooner finish'd in their Working-houses, but they are presently set up in Shops and at the Doors to sale. So that for two Months or ten Weeks this Place is like a Fair, full of Shops stuft with all sort of vendible commodities, and People resorting hither to buy: and as their goods sell off, so they contract themselves into less compass, and make use of fewer Houses. But as their business decreases, their Gaming among them­selves increases; for a Chinese, if he is not at work, had as lieve be without Victuals as without Gaming; and they are very dexterous at it. If before their goods are all sold, they can light of Chapmen to buy their Ships, they will gladly sell them also, at least some of them, if any Merchant will buy; for a Chinese is for selling every thing: and they who are so happy as to get Chapmen for their own Ships, will return as passengers with their Neighbours, leaving their Camp, as 'tis call'd, poor and naked, like other parts of the City, till the next Year. They commonly go away about the latter end of September, and never fail to return again at the Sea­son: [Page 137] year 1688 and while they are here, they are so much followed, that there is but little business stirring for the Merchants of any other Nations; all the discourse then being of going down to the China Camp. Even the Europeans go thither for their di­version: the English, Dutch, and Danes, will go to drink their Hoc-ciu, at some China Merchants House who sells it; for they have no tippling Houses. The European Seamen return thence into the City drunk enough, but the Chinese are very sober themselves.

The Achinese seem not to be extraordinary good at Accounts, as the Banians or Guzurats are. They instruct their youth in the knowledge of Letters, Malayan principally, and I suppose in somewhat of Arabick, being all Mahometans. They are here, as at Mindanao, very superstitious in washing and cleansing themselves from defilements: and for that Reason they delight to live near the Rivers or Streams of Water. The River of Achin near the City is always full of People of both Sexes and all Ages. Some come on purpose to wash themselves, for the Pleasure of being in the Water: which they so much delight in, that they can scarce leave the River without going first into it, if they have any business brings them near. Even the sick are brought to the River to wash. I know not whether it is accounted good to wash in all distempers, but I am certain from my own Experience, it is good for those that have Flux, especially Mornings and Even­ings, for which reason you shall then see the Rivers fullest, and more especially in the Morning. But the most do it upon a Religious account: for there­in consists the chief part of their Religion.

There are but few of them resort daily to their Mosques; yet they are all stiff in their Religion, and so zealous for it, that they greatly rejoyce in making a Proyselyte. I was told, that while I was [Page 138] year 1688 at Tonquin, a Chinese inhabiting here turn'd from his Paganism to Mahometanism, and being circumcised, he was thereupon carry'd in great state through the City on an Elephant, with one crying before him, that he was turn'd Believer. This man was call'd the Captain of the China Camp; for, as I was in­formed, he was placed there by his Country-men as the chief Factor or Agent, to negotiate their affairs with the People of the Country. Whether he had dealt falsly, or was only envied by others, I know not: but his Country-men had so entangled him in Law, that he had been ruin'd, if he had not made use of this way to disingage himself; and then his Religion protected him, and they could not meddle with him. On what score the two English Runagadoes turn'd here, I know not.

The Laws of this Country are very strict, and offenders are punished with great severity. Nei­ther are there any delays of Justice here; for as soon as the Offender is taken, he is immediately brought before the Magistrate, who presently hears the matter, and according as he finds it, so he either acquits, or orders punishment to be in­slicted on the Party immediately. Small offenders are only whipt on the back, which sort of punish­ment they call Chaubuck. A Thief for his first of­fence, has his right hand chopt off at the Wrist: for the second offence off goes the other; and sometimes instead of one of their hands, one or both their feet are cut off; and sometimes (tho' very rarely) both hands and feet. If after the loss of one or both hands or feet, they still prove incor­rigible, for they are many of them such very Rogues and so arch, that they will steal with their Toes, then they are banish'd to Pulo Way, during their Lives: and if they get thence to the City, as some­times they do, they are commonly sent back again; tho' sometimes they get a License to stay.

[Page 139] year On Pulo Way there are none but this sort of Cattle: and tho' they all of them want one or both hands, yet they so order matters, that they can row very well, and do many things to admiration, whereby they are able to get a livelihood: for if they have no hands, they will get somebody or o­ther to fasten Ropes or Withes about their Oars, so as to leave Loops wherein they may put the stamps of their Arms; and therewith they will pull an Oar lustily. They that have one hand can do well enough: and of these you shall see a great many even in the City. This sort of punishment is inflicted for greater Robberies; but for small pil­fering the first time Thieves are only whipt; but after this a Petty Larceny is looked on as a great crime. Neither is this sort of punishment peculiar to the Achinese Government, but probably, used by the other Princes of this Island, and on the Island J [...]a also, especially at Bantam. They formerly, then the King of Bantam was in his prosperity, [...] priv'd men of the right hand for Theft, and may full for ought I know. I knew a Dutch-man so serv'd: he was a Seaman belonging to one of the King of Bantam's Ships. Being thus punished, he was dismist from his service, and when I was this time at Achin he lived there. Here at Achin, when a member is thus cut off, they have a broad piece of Leather or Bladder ready to clap on the Wound. This is presently applyed, and bound on so fast, that the Blood cannot issue forth. By this means the great Flux of Blood is stop, which would else ensue; and I never heard of any one who died of [...]t. How long this Leather is kept on the Wound [...] know not: but it is so long, till the blood is perfectly stanched; and when it is taken off, the [...]lods of Blood which were prest in the Wound by he Leather, peel all off with it, leaving the [...]ound clean. Then, I judge, they use cleansing [Page 140] year 1688 or healing Plaisters, as they see convenient, and cur [...] the Wound with a great deal of ease.

I never heard of any that suffer'd Death for Theft. Criminals, who deserve death, are executed divers ways, according to the nature of the offence, or the quality of the offender. One way is by Im­paling on a sharp Stake, which passeth up right from the Fundament through the Bowels, and comes out at the Neck. The Stake is about the bigness of a mans Thigh, placed upright, one end in the ground very sirm; the upper sharp end is about 12 or 14 foot high. I saw one man spitted in this man­ner, and there he remain'd 2 or 3 days: but I could not learn his offence.

Noblemen have a more honourable death; they are allowed to fight for their lives: but the num­bers of those with whom they are to engage, soon put a period to the Combat, by the death of the Malefactor. The manner of it is thus; the person condemned is brought bound to the place of ex­cution. This is a large plain Field, spacious enough to contain thousands of People. Thither the Achinese, armed, as they usually go, with their Cresset, but then more especially, resort in Troops, as well to be spectators, as actors in the Tragedy. These make a very large Ring, and in the midst of the multitude the Criminal is placed, and by him such Arms as are allowed on such occasions, which are, a Sword, a Cresset, and a Lance. When the time is come to act, he is unbound, and left at his liberty to take up his fighting Weapons. The spectators being all ready, with each man his Arms in his hand, stand still in their places, till the Malefactor advances, He commonly sets out with a shriek, and daringly faces the multitude: but he is soon brought to the ground, first by Lances thrown at him, and afterwards by their Swords and Cressets. One was thus executed while [Page 141] year 1688 I was there: I had not the fortune to hear of it till it was ended: but had this relation the same even­ing it was done, from Mr. Dennis Driscal, who was then one of the Spectators.

This Country is governed by a Queen, under whom there are 12 Oronkeys, or great Lords. These act in their several precincts with great Power and Authority. Under these there are other inferior Officers, to keep the Peace in the several parts of the Queens Dominions. The present Shabander of Achin is one of the Oronkeys. He is a Man of great­er knowledge than any of the rest, and supposed to be very rich. I have heard say, he had not less than 1000 Slaves, some of whom were topping Merchants, and had many Slaves under them. And even these, tho' they are Slaves to Slaves, yet have their Slaves also; neither can a stranger easily know who is a Slave and who not among them: for they are all, in a manner, Slaves to one an­other: and all in general to the Queen and Oron­keys; for their Government is very Arbitrary. Yet there is nothing of rigour used by the Master to his Slave, except it be the very meanest, such as do all sorts of servile work: but those who can turn their hands to any thing besides Drudgery, live well enough by their industry. Nay, they are encouraged by their Masters, who often lend them Money to begin some trade or business withal: Whereby the Servant lives easie, and with great content follows what his Inclination or Capacity fits him for; and the Master also, who has a share in the gains, reaps the more profit, yet without trou­ble. When one of these Slaves dies, his Master is Heir to what he leaves; and his Children, if he has any, become his Slaves also: unless the Father out of his own clear gains has in his life time had wherewithal to purchase their Freedom. The Markets are kept by these People, and you scarce [Page 142] year 1688 trade with any other. The Money-changers also are Slaves, and in general all the Women that you see in the streets; not one of them being free. So are the Fisher-men, and others who fetch Fire­wood in Canoas from Pulo Gomez, for thence those of this City fetch most of their Wood, tho' there is scarce any thing to be seen but Woods about the City. Yet tho' all these are Slaves, they have ha­bitations or houses to themselves in several parts of the City, far from their Masters Houses, as if they were free People. But to return to the Shabander I was speaking of, all Merchant Strangers, at their first arrival, make their Entries with him, which is always done with a good Present: and from him they take all their dispatches when they depart; and all matters of importance in general between Merchants are determined by him. It seems to have been by his Conversion and Acquaintance with Strangers, that he became so knowing, beyond the rest of the Great-men: and he is also said to be himself a great Merchant.

The Queen of Achin, as 'tis said, is always an old Maid, chosen out of the Royal Family. What Ceremonies are used at the chusing her I know not: Nor who are the Electors; but I suppose they are the Oronkeys. After she is chosen, she is in a manner confin'd to her Palace; for by report she seldom goes abroad, neither is she seen by any People of inferiour rank and quality; but only by some of her Domesticks: except that once a Year she is drest all in white, and placed on an Elephant, and so rides to the River in state to wash her self: but whether any of the meaner sort of People may see her in that Progress I know not: for it is the custom of most Eastern Princes to s [...]reen them­selves from the sight of their Subjects: Or if they sometimes go abroad for their pleasure, yet the People are then ordered either to turn the [...] b [...]ks [Page 143] year 1688 towards them while they pass by, as formerly at Bantam, or to hold their Hands before their Eyes, as at Siam. At Mindanao, they may look on their Prince: but from the highest to the lowest they ap­proach him with the greatest respect and venerati­on, creeping very low, and oft-times on their Knees, with their Eyes fixt on him: and when they with­draw, they return in the same manner, creeping backwards, and still keeping their Eyes on him, till they are out of his sight.

But to return to the Queen of Achin, I think Mr. Hackluit or Purchas, makes mention of a King here in our King James I. time. But at least of la­ter Years there has always been a Queen only, and the English who reside there, have been of the Opinion that these People have been governed by a Queen ab Origine; and from the antiquity of the present constitution, have formed notions, that the Queen of Sheba who came to Solomon was the Queen of this Country: and the Author of an old Map of the World, which I have seen, was, it seems of this Opinion, when writing the old Hebrew names of Nations, up and down the several parts anciently known of Europe, Asia, and Africa, he puts no other name in the Isle of Sumatra, but that of Sheba. But be that as it will, 'tis at present part of it under a Queen, tho' she has little power or authority: for tho' there is seemingly abundance of respect and reverence shewn her, yet she has little more than the title of a Sovereign, all the Govern­ment being wholly in the hands of the Oronkeys.

While I was on my Voyage to Tonquin, the old Queen died, and there was another Queen chosen in her room, but all the Oronkeys were not for that Election; many of them were for chusing a King. Four of the Oronkeys who lived more remote from the Court, took up Arms to oppose the new Queen [Page 144] year 1688 and the rest of the Oronkeys, and brought 5 or 6000 Men against the City: and thus stood the state of affairs, even when we arrived here, and a good while after. This Army was on the East side of the River, and had all the Country on that side, and so much of the City also, as is on that side the River, under their Power: But the Queen's Palace and the main part of the City, which stands on the West-side, held out stoutly. The River is wider, shallower, and more sandy at the City, than any where else near it: yet not fordable at low Water. Therefore for the better communication from one side to the other, there are Ferry-boats to carry Passengers to and fro. In other places the Banks are steep, the River more rapid, and in most places very muddy: so that this place, just at the City it self, is the most convenient to transport Men or Goods from one side to the other.

It was not far from this place the Army lay, as if they designed to force their passage here. The Queens party, to oppose them, kept a small Guard of Soldiers just at the Landing-place. The Sha­bander of Achin had a Tent set up there, he being the chief manager of her Affairs: and for the more security, he had 2 or 3 small brass Guns of a Minion Bore planted by his Tent all the day, with their Muzzels against the River. In the Evening there were 2 or 3 great Trees drawn by an Elephant, and placed by the side of the River, for a Barricado against the Enemy: and then the Brass Guns were drawn from the Shabander's Tent, which stood not far from it, and planted just behind the Trees, on the rising Bank: So that they looked over the Trees, and they might Fire over, or into the River, if the Enemy approached. When the Barricado was thus made, and the Guns planted, the Ferry-boat [...] passed no more from side to side, till the nex [...] morning. Then you should hear the Soldiers cal­ling [Page 145] year 1688 to each other, not in menacing Language, but as those who desired peace and quietness, asking why they would not agree, why they could not be of one mind, and why they should desire to kill one another. This was the Tone all night long; in the morning as soon as Sun was risen, the Gu ns were drawn again to the Shabanders Tent, and the Trees were drawn aside, to open the Passage from one side to the other: and every Man then went freely about his business, as if all had been as quiet as ever, only the Shabander and his Guard staid still in their stations: So that there was not any sign of Wars, but in the night only, when all stood to their Arms: and then the Towns-people seemed to be in fear, and sometimes we should have a Rumour, that the Enemy would certainly make an attempt to come over.

While these Stirs [...]asted, the Shabander sent to all the Foreigners, and desired them to keep in their own Houses in the night, and told them, that whatever might happen in the City by their own civil Broyls, yet no harm should come to them. Yet some of the Portuguese, fearing the worst, would every night put their richest Goods into a Boat, ready to take their flight on the first Alarm. There were at this time not above 2 or 3 English Families in the Town, and 2 English Ships, and one Dutch Ship, besides 2 or 3 Moors Ships of the Moguls Sub­jects, in the Road. One of the English Ships was called the Nellegree; the name taken from Nelle­gree Hills in Bengal, as I have heard. She came from the Bay of Bengal, laden with Rice, Cotton, &c. the other was the Dorothy of London, Captain Thwait Commander, who came from Fort St George, and was bound to Bencouli with Soldiers, but touched here, as well to sell some goods, as to bring a Present to the Queen from our East-India Company. Captain Thwait, according to custom went with his Present [Page 146] year 1688 to the Queen, which she accepted; and complemen­ted him with the usual Civilities of the Country; for to honour him he was set upon an Elephant of the Queens to ride to his Lodgings, drest in a Ma­layan Habit, which she gave him; and she sent also two Dancing Girls to shew him some pastime there: and I saw them at his Lodgings that Evening, dan­cing the greatest part of the night, much after the same manner of the Dancing-women of Mindanao, rather writhing their Hands and Bodies with seve­ral Antick Gestures, than moving much out of the place they were in. He had at this time about twen­ty great Jars of Bengal Butter, made of Buffaloes Milk; and this Butter is said also to have Lard or Hogs fat mixt with it, and rank enough in these hot Countries, tho' much esteemed by all the Achinese, who give a good price for it; and our English also use it. Each of the Jars this came in contained 20 or 30 Gallons; and they were set in Mr. Driscal's Yard at Achin: What other Goods the Captain brought I know not.

But not long after this he being informed that the Moors Merchants residing here had carried off a great Treasure aboard their Ships, in order to return with it to Surrat, and our Company having now Wars with the Great Mogul, Captain Thwait in the Even­ing drew of all his Seamen, and seized on one of the Moors Ships, where he thought the Treasure was. The biggest he let alone: She was a Ship that one Captain Constant took in the Road sometime before, and having plundered her, he gave her to the Queen, of whom the Moors bought her again. The Moors Merchants had speedy notice of this Action of Cap­tain Thwait, and they presently made their Applica­tion to the Queen for satisfaction. But her affairs at this time being in such a posture as I mentioned, by reason of their intestine Broyls, she said she could do nothing for them.

[Page 147] year 1688 It was 11 or 12 a Clock the next day, before we who lived ashore heard of Captain Thwaits proceed­ings: but seeing the Moors flock to Court, and not knowing what answer they had from the Queen, we posted off to the Ships, for fear of being im­prisoned, as some English Men had been while I was at Tonquin, on the like score. Indeed I had at this time great cause to be afraid of a Prison, being sick of a Flux, so that a Prison would have gone near to have killed me: yet I think it fared not much bet­ter with me, for the Ships I fled to afforded me but little comfort. For I knew no man aboard the Do­rothy, and could expect no comfort there. So I and the rest went aboard the Nellegree, where we could more reasonably expect relief, than in a Ship that came from England: for these which come so long a Voyage, are just victualled for the Service, and the Seamen have every one their stinted allowance, out of which they have little enough to spare to Strangers.

But tho' there were Victuals enough aboard the Nellegree, yet so weak as I then was, I had more mind to rest my self than to eat: and the Ship was so pestered with Goods, that I could not find a place to hang up my Hammock in. Therefore it being fair weather, I made a shift to lye in the Boat that I came aboard in. My Flux was violent, and I slept but little; so I had the opportunity of observing the Moon totally Eclipsed, had I been in a condition to observe any thing. As soon as I per­ceiv'd the Moon to be eclipsed, I gazed at it indeed, as I lay, till it was totally obscured, which was a pretty while: but I was so little curious, that I re­membred not so much as what day of the Month it was; and I kept no Journal of this Voyage, as I did of my other, but only kept an account of seve­ral particular Remarks and Observations as they oc­curred to me. I lay three or four days thus in this [Page 148] year 1688 Boat, and the people of the Ship were so kind as to provide me with necessaries: and by this time the Moors had got a Pass from the Dutch Captain then in the Road, for 4 or 500 Dollars, as I was then told, and Captain Thwait delivered them their Ship again, but what terms he made with them, I know not. Thus that Fray was over, and we came ashore again, recovered of the fright we had been in. In a short time also after this, the Achinese all agreed to own the new Queen, and so the War ended without any Bloodshed.

I was perswaded to wash in the River, Mornings and Evenings, for the recovery of my Health: and tho' it seemed strange to me before I tryed it, yet I found so much comfort in the first trial, that I constantly appyed my self to it. I went into the Ri­ver till the water was as high as my waste, and then I stooped down and found the water so cool and refreshing to my Body, that I was always loth to go out again. Then I was sensible that my Bowels were very hot, for I found a great heat within me, which I found refresht by the cool water. My Food was Salt-fish broyled, and boyled Rice mixt with Tire. Tire is sold about the Streets there: 'tis thick sower milk. It is very cooling, and the Salt-fish and Rice is binding: therefore this is thought there the proper food for the common people, when they have Fluxes. But the Richer Sort will have Sago, which is brought to Achin from other Coun­tries, and Milk of Almonds.

But to return to the state of Achin, before I go off from it I shall add this short account of the Sea­sons of year there, that their weather is much the same as in other Countries North of the Line, and their dry Seasons, Rains, and Land-floods come much at the same time, as at Tonquin and other places of North Latitude. Only as Achin lies within a few Degrees of the Line, so upon the Suns crossing the [Page 149] year 1688 Line in March, the Rains begin a little sooner there than in Countries nearer the Tropick of Cancer: and when they are once set in, they are as violent there as any where. I have seen it rain there for 2 or 3 days without intermission; and the River running but a short course, its head not lying very far within Land, it soon overflows; and a great part of the Street of the City, shall on a sudden be all under water; at which time People row up and down the Streets in Canoas. That side of the City towards the River especially, where the Foreign Merchants live, and which is lower ground, is fre­quently under Water in the wet Season: a Ships Long-boat has come up to the very Gate of our English Factory laden with Goods; which at other times is ground dry enough, at a good distance from the River, and moderately raised above it. I did not find the heat there any thing different from other places in that Latitude; tho' I was there both in the wet and dry Season. 'Tis more supportable than at Tonquin; and they have constantly the Refresh­ment of Sea and Land Breezes every 24 Hours.

CHAP. VIII.

AS soon as I was pretty well recovered, I was Shipt Mate of the Sloop that came from Ma­lacca with us, which Mr. Wells had sold to Captain Tyler, who lately came from Siam: and I was sent aboard to take possession of her, about the begin­ning of May, 1689. He who was designed to com­mand [Page 151] year 1688 her came to Achin Mate of the Nellegree; and we were now to go to Pegu, but before the middle of June he left the Employ, being sick, and loth to go at this dead time of the year to Pegu, because the Westerly Wind was set in strong, and the Coast of Pegu is low Land, and we were both unacquainted on the Coast. I was then made Commander, and took in Goods in order to depart for that Coast. In the mean time Mr. Coventry arrived in his Ship from the Coast of Coromandel laden with Rice, and a small Vessel belonging to Capt. Tyler came also from Merga much about the same time.

This last Ship had been at Merga a considerable time, having been seized on by the Siamites, and all the Men imprisoned, for some difference that hap­pened between the English and them. Neither was a Prison then thought hard usage by them, for during the Havock was made of the English there, many of those who lived at Merga were massacred. Those who were imprisoned, were kept there till all the English who lived at the City of Siam, on the other side of the Kingdom, withdrew from thence: and then these Men had their Liberty restored also, and their Ship given them, but no Goods, nor satisfacti­on for their Losses, nor so much as a Compass to bring with them, and but litle Provision. Yet here they safely arrived, this being a better Ship that I was gone aboard of, Captain Tyler imme­diately [...]itted her up for the Sea, in order to send her to Pegu.

By this time my Vessel was loaden, and my Cargo was eleven thousand Coco-nuts, five or six hundred weight of Sugar, and half a dozen Chest of Drawers of Japan work, two were very large, designed for a Present to the King. Besides this, Capt. Tyler, for so we used to call him, tho' he was only a Merchant, said he intended to send a good quantity of Gold thither, by which he expected to gain 60 or 70 per [Page 152] year 1688 Cent; for by report the King of Pegu had lately built a very magnificent Pagoda, and was gilding it very richly with Gold: besides he was making a large Image of Masly Gold for the chief Pagod of this Temple. By this means Gold was risen in its value here: and Achin being a place abounding in that Metal, much of it had already been sent thi­ther from hence, and more was going in other Vessels, belonging to the Moors of Achin, beside what Captain Tyler designed to send.

It was now about the middle of August; and tho' I was ready to sail, yet I was ordered to stay for Captain Tyler's other Vessel, till she had taken in her lading, which was daily sent off. Her Cargo also was Coco-nuts, and she had about 8 or 9000 already aboard: When I received an order from Captaln Tyler to hale aboard of her, and put all my Cargo into her; as also all my Water-ca [...]k, and whatever else I could spare that they wanted; but withal he desired me to be satisfied, and told me I should in a short time be sent to Sea: but that Ship being the biggest, he thought it more conve­nient to dispatch her first. I presently did as I was ordered; and finding that I should not go this Voyage. I sold also my small Cargo, which consisted only of some Coco-nuts and about 100 Nutmegs, which had the Shells on as they grew on the Trees. I bought all that I could meet with in the Town, and paid about 3d. a piece, and expected to have had 12d. a piece for them at Pegu, where they are much esteemed if the Shells be on, for else they don't value them.

About this time the George, a great English Ship belonging to one Mr. Dalton, arrived here from the City of Siam, coming thro' the Streights of Malacca. He had been there some years trading to and fro, and had made very profitable Voyages: but the late Revolution that hapned there by the Death of the [Page 153] year 1688 King, and the unhappy fate of my Lord Falcon, caused the English to withdraw from thence. The French were all sent away some Months before, being not suffered to stay in the Kingdom: but before this Ship came from thence, the Broyls of State were over; for the new King being settled, all Tumults which commonly arise in these Countries at the Death of the King, were appeased. The English were then desired to stay there, and those who had yielded up their Places and Offices, were even in­treated to accept them again, for they owned that they had all served the Nation faithfully. But not long before the Revolution, the Governour of Fort St. George sent for all the English from thence particularly, and from the Service of all other Indian Princes, to come and serve the East-India Company at the Fort, or where else they should send them. For that reason they all came away with Mr. Dal­ton, and he, in kindness to his Country-men, re­fused to take in Goods or Freight, because he would have room enough for their passage, and their Houshold Goods: for here were some Families of Men, Women and Children.

They were a long time coming from Siam to Achin, because they came against the Monsoon; and in their passage they touch'd at Malacca, and when they arrived at Achin, Mr. Dalton went ashore and hired an House, as did also most of his Passen­gers: and among the rest Captain Minchin, who had formerly served the East-India Company at Surrat, but on some disgust left that place and came to Siam. There he was made Gunner of a Fort, and maintained his Wife and Family very well in that Employ, till the Revolution there, and the Companies orders came and called him from thence. He being now destitute of employment, the Merchants there thought of making him Com­mander of the Vessel that I was in, because Cap­tain [Page 154] year 1688 Tyler was minded to sell part of her. Accord­ingly they met about it, and the Vessel was divided into four parts, three of which were purchased by Mr. Dalton, Mr. Coventry, and Capt. Minchin, and Captain Tyler kept the 4th. The next day Capt. Minchin came off with an order to me to deliver him the possession of the Ship, and told me, that if I liked to go his Mate, I might still keep a­board till they had agreed on a Voyage. I was forced to submit, and accepted a Mates Employ under Captain Minchin. It was not long before we were ordered for Malacca to buy Goods there. We carried no Goods with us, besides 3 or 400 pound of Opium.

It was about the middle of September, 1689. when we sailed from Achin. We were four white Men in the Vessel, the Captain, and Mr. Coventry, who went Supercargo, my self and the Boatswain. For common Seamen we had 7 or 8 Moors: and gene­rally in these Country Ships the White-men are all Officers. Two days after we left Achin, being becalmed under the Shore, we came to an Anchor. Not long after a Ship coming in from the Sea­ward, came to an anchor about 2 mile a-head of us. Mr. Coventry knew her to be a Danish Ship be­longing to Trangambar; and therefore we hoisted out our Boat, and thought to have spoken with her: but a small breeze springing up, they weighed their Anchors and went away; neither would they speak with us, tho' we made signs for them to stay. We weighed also and jogg'd on after them, but they sailed better than we. We met little Winds and Calms, so that it was seven or eight days be­fore we got as far as Diamond-point, which is about forty leagues from Achin.

Being about four leagues short of that point, Cap­tain Minchin desired me to set the Land, and withal prick the Card, and see what Course we ought to [Page 155] year 1688 keep all night; for it was now about 6 a clock, and we had a fine gale at W. S. W. our course yet being E. S. E.

After I had set the Land, I went into the Cab­bin to look over the Draught to see what course we must steer after we came about the Point. Mr. Coventry followed me, and when I had satisfied my self, he asked me what course we must steer? I told him E. S. E. till 12 a clock, if the gale stood, and then we might hale more Southerly. He seemed to be startled at it, and told me, that the Captain and he had been pricking the Card, and thought that S. E. or S. E. by S. course would do well at 8 a clock. I said it was a good course to run ashore; he argued a long time with me, but I persisted in my opinion, and when I told Captain Minchin of my opinion, he was well satisfied. Pre­sently after this we had a pretty strong Tornado out of the S. W. which obliged us to hand our Top­sail. When the stress of the weather was over, we set our sails again, and went in to Supper, and ordered the Man at Helm not to come to the Southward of the E. S. E. We stayed in the Cab­bin till about 8 a clock, and then we came out to set the Watch. It was now very dark, by reason of a Thunder-Cloud that hung rumbling over the Land: yet by the flashes of lightning we plainly saw the Land, right a-head of us. I was much surprized, and ran into the Steeridge to look on the Compass, and found that we were steering S. S. E. instead of E. S. E. I clapt the Helm a Star­board, and brought her to N. E. by E. and N. E. and we very narrowly escap'd being cast away.

When we first went to Supper we were 3 leagues off Land, and then E. S. E. was a good course, the Land lying E. S. E. parallel with our course.

[Page 156] year 1688 But then the Man at Helm mistaking his Com­pass steer'd S. S. E. which runs right in upon the Shore. I believe we had also some counter­current, or Tide that help'd us in, for we were quickly got into a Bay within the points of Land. So that 'twas now absolutely necessary to steer Northerly to get out of the Bay; and by this time Mr. Coventry was satisfied with what I told him in the Evening, and was convinced of his Error. I un­dertook to direct the Man at Helm, and the Wind continuing, I kept off till ten a clock: then I steer­ed E. S. E. till 12, and then haled up S. S. E. and in the morning we were about 4 leagues S. E. from Diamond-point, and about 3 leagues to the North of an Island.

The Land from hence lying S. S. E. we steered so; but meeting with calms again, we anchored several times before we came to the River of Dilly, which is 28 leagues from Diamond-point. The Land between seems to be uneven, most of it pret­ty high, and very woody: and 'tis said that all this Country, as far as the River Dilly, is under the Queen of Achin.

About a League before we came to that River, being within 2 mile of the Shore, we saw the Water of a muddy grey colour, and tasting it, sound it to be sweet. Therefore we presently filled some of our Water Cask; and 'tis an ordinary thing in several places to take up fresh Water at Sea, against the mouth of some River where it floats above the Salt-water: but we must dip but a little way down; for sometimes if the Bucket goes but a foot deep it takes up Salt-water with the fresh.

In the Evening we had a fine Land Breeze, with which we ran along the Shore, keeping on a wind, and sounding every now and then. At last we were got among the Sholes, at the mouth of that River, and puzled to get out again. The River [Page 157] year 1688 is in Lat. 3 d. 50 m. N. It seems to be very large, but it is not well known, but only to the Natives, who inhabit it; and they are not very sociable; but are, by report, a sort of Pirats living on rapin. In the Morning we saw a Sail standing off to an Island called Pulo Verero, lying in Lat. 3 d. 30 m. N. seven Leagues from the Mouth of the River Dilly. We having a fair Wind, stood after them, intending there to wood and water at Pulo Verero. For tho we took no fresh Water the Evening before out of the Sea, yet at the River of Dilly it was brackish: for tho' the fresh Water is born up by the Salt, and it might be intire without mixture, yet by plunging of the Buck­et somewhat to low, we might probably take up some of the Salt water with it. They came to an Anchor about 2 or 3 a clock in the After­noon: but the Wind slacken'd, and it was 8 a Clock at night before we came thither. We An­chored about a mile from them, and presently hoysed out our Boat to go aboard: for we judged that this was the Danish Ship, that we saw when we came first from Achin. I went in the Boat, be­cause Mr. Coventry told me, that Mr. Coppinger was Surgeon of her, the same Person who was with me in the Boat when I was set a shore at the Nico­bar Isles, but was not suffered to stay with me. Mr. Coventry was now in the Boat with me, and we went and haled the Ship, asking whence she came; and who was Commander; They answered, they were Danes from Trangambar, for 'twas the Ship we took it to be. Then they askt who we were? I answered English from Achin, and that Mr. Coventry was in the Boat, but they would not believe it till Mr. Coventry spoke and the Captain knew his Voice: neither did they till then believe we were Friends; for they had every man his Gun in his hand, ready [...]o fire on us, if we had gone aboard without haling, [...]s Mr. Coventry would have done, in confidence [Page 158] year 1688 that they knew him, had not I disswaded him. For it seems they were extreamly afraid of us, insomuch that the Commander, seeing us follow them in the morning, would not have touched at these Islands, tho' he was in great want of Water; and had not his Black Merchants fallen before him on their Knees, and even prayed him to take pity on them, they had not anchored here. These Merchants were Inhabitants of Trangambar on the Coast of Coromandel. They having no Ships of their own, when the Danes fit out a Ship, on any Voyage that they are inclined to, these Moors are obliged to joyn Stock with them, and they first make an Offer of it to them as a kindness: and the Moors being gene­rally desirous to Trade, frequently accept of it al­most on any Terms: but should they be unwilling, yet dare they not refuse, for fear of disobliging the Danes, who are Lords of the place. In this Ship I found Mr. Coppenger: and he was the first that I had seen of all the Company that left me at the Nicobar Islands. The next morning we filled our water and weigh'd again; the Dane being gone a little before. He was bound to Jihore, to load Pepper, but in­tended to touch at Malacca, as most Ships do that pass these Streights. He also sailed better than we, and therefore left us to follow him.

We stood on yet nearest to the Sumatra Shore, till we came in sight of Pulo Arii, in Lat. 3d. 2 m. N. These are several Islands lying S. E. by E. ▪Easter­ly from Pulo Verero, about 32 Leagues distant. These Islands are good marks for Ships bound thro' the Streights: for when they bear S. E. at [...] or 4 Leagues distance, you may steer away E. by S. for the Ma­lacca Shore, from whence you then may be about 20 leagues. The first Land you will see is Pulo Parsa­lore, which is a high peeked Hill in the Country, on the Malacca Coast: which standing by it self amidst a low Country, it appears like an Island, [Page 159] year 1688 tho' I know not whether it is really one; for it stands some miles within the Shoar of the Continent of Malacca. It is a very remarkable Hill, and the only Seamark for Seamen to guide themselves through certain Sands that lye near the Main; and if it is thick hazy Weather, and the Hill is obscur'd, Pilots, unless they are very knowing in the Sound­ings, will hardly venture in: for the Channel is not above a League wide, and there are large Shoals on each side. These Shoals lye ten leagues from Pulo Arii, and continue till within 2 or 3 of the Malacca shoar. In the Channel there is 12 or 14 fathom water, but you may keep in 7 or 8 fathom on either side; and sounding all the way, you may pass on without danger.

We had a good gale at West, which brought us in sight of Pulo Parsalore: and so we kept sounding till we came within the Shoar, and then we had the Town of Malacca about 18 leagues distant from us, to the S. E. and by E. Being shot over to the Malacca shore, there is a good wide Channel to sail in, you having the Shoals on one side, and the Land on the other; to which last you may come as nigh as you see convenient, for there is water enough, and good anchoring. The Tide runs pretty strong here; the Flood sets to the Eastward, and the Ebb to the West: and therefore when there is little wind, and Ships cannot stem the Tide, they commonly anchor. But we being in with the Malacca Shoar, had a westerly Wind, which brought us before Malacca Town, about the middle of October; and here I first heard that King William and Queen Mary were crowned King and Queen of England. The Dane that left us at Pulo Verero was not yet arrived: for, as we after­wards understood, they could not find the way through the Sands, but were forced to keep along without them, and fetch a great Compass about, which retarded their Passage.

[Page 160] year 1688 Malacca is a pretty large Town, of about 2 or 300 Families of Dutch and Portuguese, many of which are a mixt breed between those Nations. There are also many of the Native Malayans inhabiting in small Cottages on the Skirts of the Town. The Dutch Houses are built with Stone, and the Streets are wide and straight, but not paved. At the North West of the Town there is a Wall and Gate to pass in and out: and a small Fort always guarded with Soldiers. The Town stands on a level low ground, close by the Sea. The Land on the back­side of the Town seems to be morassy, and on the West side, without the Wall, there are Gardens of Fruits and Herbs, and some fair Dutch Houses: but that Quarter is chiefly the habitation of the Malay­ans. On the East side of the Town, there is a small River which at a Spring Tide will admit small Barks to enter. About 100 paces from the Sea there is a Draw-bridge, which leads from the midst of the Town to a strong Fort, built on the East side of the River.

This is the chief Fort, and is built on a low level ground, close by the Sea, at the Foot of a little steep Hill. Its form is semicircular, according to the natural position of the adjacent Hill. It fronts chiefly to the Sea, and having its foundation on firm Rocks, the Walls are carried up to a good height, and of a considerable thickness. The lower part of it is washed by the Sea every Tide. On the back of the Hill, the Land being naturally low, there is a very large Moat cut from the Sea to the River, which makes the whole an Island; and that back part is stockadoed round with great Trees, set up an end: so that there is no entring when once the Draw-bridge is haled up. On the Hill, within this Fort stands a small Church big enough to receive all the Towns-people, who come hither on Sundays to hear Divine Service: and on the Main, [Page 161] year 1688 beyond the Fort, the Malayans are also seated close by the Sea.

The first Europeans who setled here were the Portuguese; They also built the great Fort: but whether they moted round the Hill, and made an Island of that spot of ground, I know not, nor what charges have been bestowed on it since to make it defenceable; nor what other alterations have been made; but the whole Building seems to be pretty ancient, and that part of it which fronts to the Sea, was in all probability, built by the Portu­gnese; for there are still the marks of the Conque­rours shot in the Walls. It is a place so naturally strong, that I even wonder how they could be beaten out: but when I consider what other places they then lost, and their mismanagements, I am the less surprized at it. The Portuguese were the first discoverers by Sea of the East-Indies, and had thereby the Advantage of Trade with these rich Eastern People, as also an opportunity, thro' their weakness, to settle themselves where they pleased. Therefore they made Settlements and Fortsamong them in divers places of India, as here for one: and persuming upon the strength of their Forts, they insulted over the Natives; and being grown rich with Trade, they fell to all manner of looseness and debauchery; the usual concomitant of Wealth, and as commonly the fore-runner of Ruin. The Portuguese at this place, by report, made use of the Native Women at their pleasure, whether Virgins or Married Women; such as they liked they took without control: and it is probable, they as little restrained their lust in other places; for the Breed of them is scattered all over India; neither are there any People of more different Complexions than of that Race, even from the coal-black to a light tawney. These injuries exasperated the Native [Page 162] year 1688 Maylayans here who joyning with the Dutch, as I have been informed, found means to betray to them their insolent Masters the Portuguese: than whom there are not a more despicable people now in all the Eastern Nations: and of all they once possest, they have now only Goa left, of any place of consequence. The Dutch are now Masters of most of the places they were once possest of; and particularly this of Malacca.

Malacca is a place of no great Trade, yet there are several Moors Merchants always residing here. These have Shops of Wares, such as come from Sur­rat, and the Coast of Coromandel and Bengal. The Chinese also are seated here, who bring the Com­modities of their Country hither, especially Tea, Sugar-candy, and other Sweet-meats. Some of them keep Tea-houses, were for a Stiver a man has near a pint of Tea, and a little Porrenger of Sugar-candy, or other Sweet-meats, if he pleases. Others of them are Butchers: their chief flesh is Pork, which you may have very reasonably, either fresh or salted: Neither are you desired to take any particular piece, but they will cut a piece at one place, and the like at another, either [...]at or lean, as you would have it▪ Others among these Chinese are Trades-people; and they are all in general very industrious, but withal extraordinary Gamesters: and if they can get any to play with them, all business must submit to that.

This Town is plentiful stored with Fish also. When the Fishermen come in, they all resort to a place built purposely for the sale of them. There are Soldiers waiting, who take the best for the Officers of the Fort, Whether they pay for it, or that 'tis a Toll of Custom belonging to the Gover­nor I know not: but after they have served, the rest are sold to any who will buy. The man­ner [Page 163] year 1688 of selling is thus: The Fish which every man brings in is sorted, yet all sold by the lump at once, in the manner of an Outcry or Auction, but not by raising, but lowering the price: for there is one ap­pointed for this sale, who sets the First price higher than the value of the Fish, and falls by degrees, till the price seems reasonable: then one or other buys. But these first Bargains are commonly bought by the Fishwives, who retail them out again. Oysters are [...] great plenty here, and very good when the [...] [...] [...]alt, but sometimes they are fresh and unsavo [...].

As for other Provisions, their Rice is brought to them from abroad. Such Fruits as they have are much the same as I have already described and are proper to the Climate, as Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-apples, Oranges, Water-melons, Pumple-noses, Mango's, &c. but these are only in their Gardens, in no great plenty; and the Country is all covered with Wood, like one Forest: and most of our Walking-Canes used in England, are brought from thence. They have also a few Cattle, Bullocks, and Horses, &c. having but little Pasturage, but good store of tame Fowl, Ducks, and Poultry. The principal person in the Town is the Shahander, a Dutch man, next in power to the Governour, who lives in the Fort, and meddles not with Trade, which is the Shahander's Province, who seems to be chiefly concerned about the Customs of Goods.

This Town has no great Trade, by what I could see, but it seems to be designedly built to command the passage of Shipping, going this way to the more Eastern Nations. Not but that Ships may pass far enough out of reach of their Cannon; but Guardships belonging to the Town, and lying in the Road, may hinder others from passing. How the Portuguese managed their Affairs I know not; [Page 164] year 1688 but the Dutch commonly keep a Guardship here; and I have been told they require a certain Duty of all Vessels that pass this way, the English only excepted: for all Ships touch at this place, espe­cially for Wood, Water, and Refreshment.

Two days after our arrival here, the Danish Ship came also to an Anchor; but reporting that they were bound to Jihore, to lade Pepper, the Dutch told them it was but in vain for them to seek a Trade there; for that the King of Jihore had agreed with the Dutch to Trade only with them; and that to secure that Trade, they had a Guardship lying there. I had this account from the Surgeon, Mr. Coppinger, who seemed a little concerned at it: because when he told me this, he could not tell whether they should proceed thither or no; but they did go thither, and sound all this a sham, and Traded there to their own and the Natives satis­faction, as he told me the next time I met him. This of Jihore being but a small Kingdom on the same Malacca Coast, 'tis not of strength sufficient to resist the power of the Dutch: neither could it benefit the Dutch to take it, should they attempt it; for the people would probably forsake it, and it would be too great a charge for the Dutch to settle it themselves. And therefore they only endeavour to ingross the Pepper Trade; and it is probable enough that the Dutch might sometimes keep a Guardship there, as they do at other places, particu­larly at Queda, Pulo Dinding, &c. For where there is any Trade to be had, yet not sufficient to maintain a Factory; for where there may not be a convenient place to build a Fort, so as to secure the whole Trade to themselves, they send their Guardships, which lying at the mouth of the Rivers, deter Strangers from coming thither, and keep the petty Princes in awe of them. They commonly make a [Page 165] year 1688 shew as if they did this out of kindness to those Peo­ple; yet most of them know otherwise, but dare not openly resent it. This probably causes so many petty Robberies and Piracies as are commited by the Malayans on this Coast. The Malayans, who inhabit on both sides the Streights of Malacca, are in general a bold People, and yet I do not find any of them addicted to Robbery, but only the pilfering poorer sort, and even these severely punished among the Trading Malayans, who love Trade and Pro­perty. But being thus provoked by the Dutch, and hindred of a free Trade by their Guard-ships, it is probable, they therefore commit Piracies them­selves, or connive at and incourage those who do. So that the Pirates who lurk on this Coast, seem to [...]o it as much to revenge themselves on the Dutch, for restraining their Trade, as to gain this way what they cannot obtain in way of Traffick.

But to return to our concerns here. I have said already, that we had only 3 or 400l. of Opium in Goods, the rest was in Money to the value of 2000 Dollars in the whole: but we did not pre­tend, that we came hither purposely to trade, but that finding our Vessel unfit for the Sea, we put in here to mend and repair her. Leave was granted us for this; and I prepared to hale our Vessel ashore, at the West end of the Town, not far from the small Fort. It is there soft Oazy ground, near a mile off shore, and it deepens very leisurely, being shole water just by the shore; and when the Tide goes out, it leaves the Oaz dry a quarter of a mile from the shore: but a mile from shore, you have clean Sand, and about 4 fathom at low Water. Our Vessel floated in close to the Fort, and lay not 20 yards from it, and at low water it sunk down into the mud: that we could not fit the after-part, as I would [Page 166] year 1688 have done. Opium, which is much used by the Malayans in most places, was a great Commodity here at this time: but it is prohibited Goods, and therefore tho' many asked for it, we were shy of having it too openly known that we had any. But in short, Mr. Coventry found a Customer, and they found means to get it ashore, while the Soldiers of the Fort were at dinner. The Customer was a Dutch Man; and the price he was to pay for it was as much as he was worth: and finding it to be nought, he would have been off his Bargain; and when Mr. Coventry would not release him, he absconded. But Mr. Coventry having an Interest in the Shabander, he compell'd the Man's Wife to pay for the Opium, under the Name of Gold; for so Mr. Coventry call'd it. The Shabander chid Mr. Coventry for smugling with an inferiour, when he might have done it better with him: but stood his Friend in compelling the Woman, tho' unjustly, to pay for the Opium. I saw this Dutch-man on board his own Vessel, when he had bought the Opium, and he was very pensive and sad. He had a pretty fine House without the Gates, and a Gar­den which maintained his Family with Pot-Herbs, Sallading, and Fruits, besides some for the Mar­ket. This was managed by his Wife, and he himself had two Sloops; and either imployed them in Trading among the Malayans for Pepper, carrying them such Commodities as they wanted, especially Opium, or by hiring himself and Sloop to the Dutch East-India Company, to go whither they would send him. It was not long since he had been at the Spice Islands with Rice, which he sold at a profitable rate: but he told me he was not suffered to bring any Spice from thence, except eight or ten pound for his own spending: nei­ther was there so much profit that way for him, [Page 167] year 1688 as by trading at home among the Malayans, either on the Coast of Malacca or Sumatra. For tho' he and other free Men are not suffered to trade for them­selves to any places where the Company have Facto­ries, or Guardships, yet they could find Trade enough nearer home, and by this Trade the Freemen of Malacca pick up a good livelihood. It was on this Home Trade that he was now bound, and the Opium had been very beneficial to him, had it been good: but he went away and ordered his Wife not to pay for it, but left Mr. Coventry to take it again; and upon the Shabander's compelling her to take it and pay for it, she complained they were utterly undone, for the Opium, when it came to be examined was really very bad, and worth little or nothing.

Here Mr. Coventry bought Irons Bars, Arack, Canes, and Rattans, wherewith we load our Ves­sel, which was now set afloat again. The Dutch brought most of our Goods aboard, and were more kind then I expected, for they had not used to Trade with us, and I believe the news of our Revolution in England had sweetned them; for they often drank the Konings Health with us very hear­tily. While we were here we made two new Cables of Rattans, each of them 4 Inches about. Our Captian bought the Rattans, and hired a Chinese to work them, who was very expert at making such wooden Cables. These Cables I found serviceable enough after, in mooring the Vessel with either of them; for when I carried out the Anchor, the Cable being thrown out after me, swam like Cork in the Sea: so that I could see when it was tight, which we cannot so well discern in our Hemp Cables, whose weight sinks them down: nor can we carry them out but by placing two or three Boats at some distance asunder, [Page 168] year 1688 to buoy up the Cable, while the Long-Boat rows out the Anchor. To conclude with Malacca, our Goods being all aboard, we fill'd our Water; and got all in a readiness for our departure back again.

CHAP. IX.

WE departed from Malacca towards Achin about the middle of November 1689. Mr. Coventry being weary of Captain Minchin's Company, had bought a small Vessel of 7 or 8 Tuns, and laded her also with the same kind of Goods. This he commanded himself, having a Portuguese Pilot, and 3 or 4 Mariners under him, and we set out both Ships in Company together. We had now in Captain Minchin's Ship but 2 white Men, the Cap­tain and I, the Boatswain being gone with Mr. [Page 170] year 1688 Coventry; but we took in as a Passenger one Mr. Richards an Englishman, who having lately married a Dutch Woman at Malacca, came aboard us with her, to go as Passengers to Achin with us.

We had a Land Wind in the morning and about 11 a clock had the Wind at N. W. a pretty strong gale: and at 12 our Fore-yard broke in the middle. We made signs to Mr. Coventry to bear down to us; who weighing before was a mile to Windward of us; but he kept on, fearing to return, as having bought his Ship there by stealth: and we therefore returned alone into Malacca Road. As soon as we anchored, Mr. Richards was sent ashore to buy a new Yard; I gave him the length and bigness. It was Evening before he came aboard again, and he brought aboard an old Yard much too big and too long for us. This piece I shortned and shaped to my mind, and by 12 a clock at Night, had it fixed and slung, rigg'd and the Sail bent to it.

Then we weighed again having a small land Wind; but the Tide of flood was against us, and drove us to the Eastward. When the Ebb came we jogg'd on, and got about three leagues, anchoring when the flood came, because the Winds were against us. Thus we continued plying with the Ebb, and ancho­ring every flood, till we came to Pulo Parselore, where the Captain told me he would not go out the same way we came in, as I would have persuaded him, but kept the Malacca Shore aboard, and past within the Sholes. But in a few Hours after we ran upon a Shole, driven on it by the Tide of Flood, which here set to the Eastward, tho' by our reckoning it should have been half Ebb, and the flood should have set Westward, as we had it all the rest of the way from Malacca: but the Sholes probably caused some whirling about of the Tide. However, the Sand we were stuck upon was not above 100 yards in circumference, and the flood being rising we [Page 171] year 1688 waited the time of high Water, and then drove over it, having sent our Boat to discover how the Sholes lay, while our Ship was a-ground: Mr. Ri­chards all the while being in great fear, lest the Malayans should come off in their Boats and attack the Vessel.

We were now afloat again, and soon got without all the Sholes: yet we did not stand over towards Sumatra, but coasted along nearest the Malacca shore, it being now most proper for us so to do yet; for having the Winds westerly, we could not have beat under the other shore. 2 or 3 days after this we had sight of some Islands called Pulo Sambilong, which in the Malayan Language signifies nine Islands, there being so many of them, lying scattering at unequal distances from each other. It was near one of these Islands, that Captain Minchin in a former Voyage was like to loose his hand by a prick with a Cat-fishes Fin, as I have said in my former Vol. p. 149. und tho' his hand was cured, yet he has lost the use of it ever since; and is never likely to regain it more.

We stood in pretty near the shore, in hopes to gain a fresh Land Wind. About 10 a Clock the Land Wind came off, a gentle breez, and we coast­ed along the shore. But a small Tornado coming off from the shore about midnight, we broke our Mizen Yard, and being near a Dutch Island called Pulo Dinding, we made in for it, and anchored there the Night ensuing, and found there a Dutch Sloop, mann'd with about 30 Soldiers at an anchor.

This is a small Island lying so nigh the Main, that Ships passing by cannot know it to be an Island. It is pretty high Land and well watered with Brooks. The Mould is blackish, deep and fat in the lower Ground: but the Hills are somewhat Rocky yet in general very Wood. The Trees are of divers sorts, many of which are good Timber, and large enough for any use. Here are also some good for Masts and Yards; they being naturally [Page 172] year 1688 light, yet tough and serviceable. There is good riding on the East side, between the Island and the Main. You may come in with the Sea Breeze, and go out with a Land Wind, there is Water enough, and a secure Harbour.

The Dutch, who are the only Inhabitants, have a Fort on the East side, close by the Sea, in a bend­ing of the Island, which makes a small Cove for Ships to anchor in. The Fort is built 4 square, without Flankers or Bastions, like a House: every Square is about 10 or 12 yards. The Walls are of a good thickness, made of stone, and carried up to a good heighth, of about 30 foot, and covered over head like a dwelling House. There may be about 12 or 14 Guns in it, some looking out at every Square. These Guns are mounted on a strong Platform, made within the Walls, about 16 Foot high; and there are steps on the out side to ascend to the Door that opens to the Platform, there be­ing no other way into the Fort. Here is a Go­vernour and about 20 or 30 Soldiers, who all lodge in the Fort. The Soldiers have their lodging in the Platform among the Guns, but the Go­vernour has a fair Chamber above it, where h [...] lies with some of the Officers. About a hundred yards from the Fort on the Bay by the Sea, there is a low timbered House, where the Governour abides all the day time. In this House there were two or three Rooms for their use, but the chiefest was the Governours Dining Room. This fronted to the Sea, and the end of it looked towards the Fort. There were two large Windows of about 7 or 8 Foot Square; the lower part of them about 2 or 3 foot from the Ground. These Windows were wont to be left open all the day, to let in the re­freshing Breeze; but in the night, when the Go­vernour withdrew to the Fort, they were closed with strong shutters, and the Doors made fast til [...] [Page 173] year 1688 the next day. The Continent of Malacca op­posite to the Island, is pretty low champion Land, cloathed with lofty Woods; and right against the Bay where the Dutch Fort stands, there is a naviga­ble River for small Craft.

The product of the Country thereabouts, besides Rice and other Eatables, is Tutaneg, a sort of Tin; I think courser than ours. The Natives are Ma­layans, who, as I have always observed, are bold and treacherous: yet the Trading People are affa­ble and courteous to Merchants.

These are in all respects, as to their Religion, Custom, and manner of Living, like other Ma­layans. Whether they are governed by a King or Raja, or what other manner of Government they live under, I know not. They have Canoas and Boats of their own, and with these they fish and traffick among themselves: but the Tin Trade is that which has formerly drawn Merchant Strangers thither. But tho' the Country might probably yield great quanities of this Metal, and the Natives are not only inclinable, but very desirous to trade with Strangers, yet are they now restrained by the Dutch, who have monopoliz'd that Trade to them­selves. It was probably for the lucre of this Trade that the Dutch built the Fort on the Island; but this not wholly answering their ends, by reason of the distance between it and the Rivers mouth, which is about 4 or 5 miles, they have also a Guardship commonly lying here, and a Sloop with 20 or 30 armed men, to hinder other Nations from this Trade. For this Tutaneg or Tin is a valuable Com­modity in the Bay of Bengal, and here purchased rea­sonably, by giving other Commoditiesin exchange: neither is this Commodity peculiarly found here­abouts, but farther Northerly also on the Coast; and particularly in the Kingdom of Qu [...]da there is much of it: The Dutch also commonly keep a [Page 174] year 1688 Guardship, and have made some fruitless essays to bring that Prince and his Subjects to trade only with them; but here over against P. Dinding, no Strangers dare approach to trade; neither may any Ship come in hither but with consent of the Dutch. Therefore as soon as we came to an Anchor at the East end of the Island, we sent our Boat a shore to the Governour, to desire leave to wood, water, and cut a new Mizin yard. He granted our re­quest, and the Boat returned again aboard, and brought word also that Mr. Coventry touch'd here to water, and went out that morning. The next morning betimes Captain Minchin sent me ashore to cut a Yard. I applyed my self to the Gover­nour, and desired one of his Soldiers might go with me, and shew me the best Timber for that use; but he excused himself, saying, that his Soldiers were all busie at present, but that I might go and cut any Tree that I lik'd. So I went into the Woods, where I saw abundance of very fine strait Trees, and cut down such a one as I thought fit for my turn: and cutting it of a just length, and stripping off the Bark, I left it ready to be fetcht away, and return'd to the Fort, where I dined with the Governour. Pre­sently after dinner, our Captain, with Mr. Richards and his Wife came ashore, and I went aboard. The Governour met them at Landing, and conduct­ed them into the Dining Room I spoke of, where they treated the Govenour with Punch, made of Brandy, Sugar, and Lime-juice, which they brought with them from aboard: for here is nothing, not so much as the Governours drink, but what is brought from Malacca: no Herbs or Fruit growing here: but all is either fetch from Malacca, or is brought by the Malayans from the Main. It is not through any sterility in the Soyl, for that is very fat, and fruitful: neither is it through laziness o [...] the Dutch, for that is a vice they are net guilty of [Page 175] year 1688 but it is from a continual fear of the Malayans, with whom tho' they have a Commerce, yet dare they not trust them so far, as to be ranging about the Island in any work of Husbandry, or indeed to go far from the Fort, for there only they are safe. But to return to the Governour, he, to retalliate the Captains and Mr. Richard's kindness, sent a Boat a fishing, to get some better entertain­ment for his Guests, than the Fort yielded at present. About 4 or 5 a Clock the Boat returned with a good Dish of Fish. These were immediately drest for Supper, and the Boat was sent out again to get more, for Mr. Richards and his Lady to carry aboard with them. In the mean time the Food was brought into the Dining-Room, and placed on the Table. The Dishes and Plates were of Silver, and there was a Silver Punch-Bowl full of Liquor. The Govenour, his Guests, and some of his Officers were seated, but just as they began to fall to, one of the Soldiers cried out, Malayans, and spoil'd the Entertainment; for immediately the Go­vernour without speaking one word, leapt out of one of the Windows, to get as soon as he could to the Fort. His Officers followed, and all the Servants that attended were soon in motion. Every one of them took the nearest way, some out of the Win­dows, others out of the Doors, leaving the 3 Guests by themselves, who soon followed with all the haste they could make, without knowing the meaning of this sudden consternation of the Governour and his People. But by that time the Captain and Mr. Ri­chards and his Wife were got to the Fort, the Go­vernour, who was arrived before, stood at the door to receive them. As soon as they were entred the Fort, the Door was shut, all the Soldiers and Ser­vants being within already: nor was any man suf­fered to fetch away the Victuals, or any of the Plate: but they fired several Guns to give notice [Page 176] year 1688 to the Malayans that they were ready for them; but none of them came on. For this Uproar was occasioned by a Malayan Canoa full of armed Men that lay skulking under the Island, close by the Shore: and when the Dutch Boat went out the se­cond time to fish, the Malayans set on them sud­denly, and unexpected, with their Cressets and Lances, and killing one or two, the rest leapt over­board, and got away, for they were close by the Shore; and they having no Arms were not able to have made any resistance. It was about a mile from the Fort: and being landed, every one of them made what haste he could to the Fort, and the first that arrived was he who cried in that man­ner, and frighted the Governour from Supper. Our Boat was at this time ashore for water, and was filling it in a small Brook by the Banquetting­house. I know not whether our Boats Crew took notice of the Alarm, but the Dutch call'd to them; and bid them make haste aboard, which they did; and this made us keep good watch all night, having all our Guns loaden and primed for service. But it rained so hard all the night, that I did not much fear being attack'd by any Malayans; being inform­ed by one of our Sea-men, whom we took in at Malacca, that the Malayans seldom or never make any attack when it rains. It is what I had before observed of other Indians, both East and West: and tho' then they might make their Attacks with the greatest advantage on Men armed with Hand-guns, yet I never knew it practised; at which I have wondered; for it is then we most fear them, and they might then be most successful, because their Arms, which are usually Lances and Cressets, which these Malayans had, could not be damaged by the Rain, as our Guns would be. But they cannot en­dure to be in the Rain: and it was in the Evening before the Rain fell, that they assaulted the [Page 177] year 1689 Dutch Boat. The next Morning the Dutch Sloop weighed, and went to look after the Malayans; but having sailed about the Island, and seeing no Ene­mies, they anchored again. I also sent Men ashore in our Boat to bring off the Mizen-yard that I had cut the Day before: But it was so heavy a kind of Timber, that they could not bring it out of the Woods. Captain Minchin was still ashore, and he being acquainted with it, desired the Governor to send a Soldier, to shew our Men what Trees were best for our use: Which he did, and they presently cut a small Tree, [...]about the bigness and length of that which I cut, and brought it aboard. I imme­diately went to work, and having fitted it for use, bent my Sail, and hoised it up in its place. In the Evening Captain Minchin and Mr. Richards and his Wife came aboard, having staid one Night at the Fort; and told me all that hapned to them a­shore.

We now waited only for a Land Wind to carry us out. The former part of the Night we had much Rain, with Thunder and Lightning, but no Wind. At one a Clock we had a small Land Wind, and got up our Anchors. We got out before Day clear of the Island, and we steered along shore to the North­ward, intending to keep this shore aboard for 20 or 30 Leagues farther, if the Winds did not favour us; for the Sea Winds were now at N. W. This Day we kept near the shore, and the Night ensuing; but the next Day the Wind coming at N. and N. N. E. we stood over for Sumatra, and the next Evening we past by Diamond Point: And the Wind coming at E. N. E. we got, in about 2 Days more to Achin, about the end of November 1689.

Here we found Mr. Coventry, who had got hither 2 or 3 Days before us. Captain Minchin went ashore with his Passengers, and was discharged of his Com­mand. I kept aboard till all the Goods were unla­den, and then lay ashore, and was very sick for a [Page 178] year 1690 Fortnight of a kind of Fever. But after Christmas I was sent aboard again, by order of Mr. Coventry, who had then bought out Mr. Dalton's and Capt. Ti­ler's shares, to take the Charge of the Vessel, which he had then laded with Pepper, Cubebs (which I think grow somewhere in Sumatra) and Tutanegg, which he bought of an English Vessel that came from Queda to Achin; and with these he had also some of our Malacca Cargo, which we kept on board, viz. Rattans and Walking Canes. With this Cargo we were bound for Fort St. George. We took in also 2 English Passengers, who had escaped out of Prison in the Mogul's Country. The one belong'd to the Defence, Capt. Heath's Ship, which I came home to England in afterwards; he was Purser of it: the other was a Midshipman in the Princess Ann, which return'd to England at the same Time. But during our War with the Mogul these Ships had been in the Bay of Bengal, to fetch away our Effects from the [...]. of Hugly. These 2 Men, with 2 or 3 others, went a­shore upon some Occasion, and were taken Prisoners by the Mogul's Subjects; who sent them a great way up into the Country, where they were kept in close Custody, and often threatned with Death. The old Anabob, or Governor of the Province, be­ing remov'd, and a new one coming thither, he re­leased these Men, and gave them leave to go to the Sea side, where finding a Dutch ship bound to Bata­via, these 2, and one more, went aboard her, the rest getting other Passage: But she meeting with that English Ship coming from Queda, which brought the Tutanegg I but now mentioned to Achin, they left the Dutch Ship, and went to Achin with the other English Vessel; and those 2 were now for going with us to Fort St. George.

'Twas about New-years day, 1690. that we set out from Achin again: We steered away toward the Nicobar Islands, and came in sight of that, which I had been formerly set ashore upon. But leaving [Page 179] year 1690 it on our Star-board, we stood more Northerly up into the Bay; for by Mr. Coventry I had learnt there were Northerly and North Easterly winds in the Bay at this time of Year. We stood over there­fore as high as Pallacat; and having then a fair North East Wind, we run along the Coast till we came before Fort St. George, which was about the middle of January.

I was much pleased with the beautiful prospect this place makes off at Sea. For it stands in a plain Sandy spot of Ground, close by the shore, the Sea sometimes washing its Walls, which are of Stone and high, with Half Moons and Flankers, and a great many Guns mounted on the Battlements: so that what with the Walls and fine Buildings within the Fort, the large Town of Maderas without it, the Pyramids of the English Tombs, Houses, and Gardens adjacent, and the variety of fine Trees scatter'd up and down, it makes as agreeable a Landskip as I have any where seen.

But 'tis not my design to enter into a Description of a place so well known to my Country-Men as this is. It may suffice to have mentioned it; and that after some Months stay here, and meeting with Mr. Moody and Jeoly the Painted Prince, I prepared to go for Sumatra again; to Bencouli, as I have said in my former Vol. p. 512. I set out from Fort St. George with Captain Howel in July. 1690. we steered a pretty way along the Coast of Coromandel, before we stood over for Sumatra; and then made the best of our way for Bencouli. I have in that Volume spoken of my Arrival there: but having given no account of the place, I shall do it briefly now, and so shut up this Suppliment.

Bencouli lies on the West Coast of the Island of Su­matra, in about 4 d. S. Lat. It is a place noted enough at Sea; by reason of a high slender Hill in the Country. It has a small Island before it within which Ships ride. The point of Stillabar lies 2 or 3 [Page 180] year 1690 Leagues to the Southward of it, and runs out farther than any part of the Shore, making a small Bay within it. Besides these marks, when you come within 2 or 3 Leagues of the Shore, you'll see the English Fort fronting to the Sea, which makes a fine show: On the N. W. of the Fort is a small River, at the Mouth of which is a large Store-house to put Pepper in. About a quarter of a Mile from the Sea stands a small Indian Village, close by the River; on the same side that the Fort is on, and but a small distance from it. The Houses are small and low, all built on Posts, after the Malayan manner, as at Mindanao and Achin; for 'tis a Swamp that the Town stands on: But the Malayans usually choose to build in such low places near Rivers, for the con­venience of washing themselves, which they greatly delight in; as 'tis indeed a part of their Religion as Mahometans: And if they can, they will have their Houses stand on Posts over the River.

The Weather here is none of the pleasantest. There are great Rains chiefly in September, October, and November, and pretty great Heats. But when the Wind blew hard, which 'twould often do, the Air would be chill: And the Sea-breezes in fair Wea­ther were generally pretty fresh and comfortable. The Land Winds coming over Swamps, usually brought a Stink with them. 'Tis in general an un­healthy Place; and the Soldiers of the Fort were sickly and died very fast. On the South side of the Fort is a fair champion Savannah, of a Mile or Two Square, called Greenhil. It produces long thick Grass: The N. W. part of it fronts the Sea, and the S. E. is bounded with lofty Woods.

The Soil of this Country is very different, ac­cording to its different position: For within Land 'tis hilly, yet those Hills are clothed with Trees; which shews it to be fruitful enough. The low Land, near the River, especially near the Sea, is swampy, producing nothing but Reeds, or Bamboes: [Page 181] year 1690 But the higher Ground, which is of a reasonable heighth, is very fruitful. The Mould is deep, and is either black or yellow; and in some places Clay; or such Mould as is very proper for making Bricks.

The Trees in the Woods are mostly large bodied, straight and tall: They are of divers sorts, some or other of them fit for any uses. The Fruits of the Country are much the same as at Achin and Malaca, viz. Limes, Oranges, Guava's, Plantains, Bonanoes, Coco Nuts, Jacks, Durains, Mangoes, Mangastans; Pomkins, Pine apples, and Pepper. The Roots are Yams, and Potatoes: Rice grows here pretty well also; but whether the Natives sow enough for their own spending or no, I know not. The Land Ani­mals are Buffaloes, Bullocks, Deer, Wild Hogs, Por­cupines, Guanoes, Lizards, &c. The tame Fowls are Ducks and Dunghil Fowls, both in great plenty. The wild Fowl are Parrots, Parakites, Pidgeons, Turtle-Doves, and many sort of smaller Birds.

The Natives also are swarthy Indians, like their Neighbours of Achin. They are slender, straight, active, and industrious. They are sociable and desi­rous of Trade; but if they are affronted, they are treacherous and revengeful. They live together in Towns, and speak the Malayan Language: Con­forming themselves in their Habit, Food, and Cu­stoms to other Malayans; who are all, so far as I learnt, of the Mahometan Religion. There are some Mechanicks among them; a few Smiths: But most of them are Carpenters, and let themselves out to hire to the English at the Fort. The Hatchets they work with are such as they use at Mindanao, so con­trived as to serve also for an Ads. Here are also Fishermen, who get a livelihood by Fishing; and there are several sorts of Fish on the Coast, besides plenty of Green Turtle: Such of the Malayans as live near the English Fort are usually employed in the East-India Companies Service, to work for [Page 182] year 1690 them: but the Country People are most Husband­men. They plant Roots, Rice, Pepper-bushes, &c.

Pepper is the chief vendible Commodity in this Country, it thrives very well on all the Coast; but the greatest quantity of what is exported from hence, is either brought down this River out of the Country, or fetched from Sillabar, or other places bordering on the Sea in small Vessels. Pepper grows plenty in other places of this Island; as at Indrapore, Pangasanam, Jamby, Bancalis, &c. It grows also on the Island Java, on the Coast of Malacca, Malabar, Cochinchina, &c. The Coast of Malabar is said to produce the best; or at least there the Natives take most care to have the best, by letting it grow till it is full ripe; for which reason it is larger and fairer than here, where they gather it too soon, to avoid losing any: for as soon as it grows ripe 'tis apt to shed, and fall in waste to the ground.

It was the Pepper Trade that drew our English Merchants to settle here. For after Bantam was lost, our English, who were wont to trade thither for this spice, were at a great loss to regain the Pepper Trade, which now was in a manner fallen with the other sorts of Spice into the hands of the Dutch: tho' the Pepper which we were wont to fetch from Ban­tam did not all grow on this Island Java, nor perhaps the tenth part of it; for as I have been informed it came most from Sumatra, particularly from Bencooly, and the adjacent parts. For this Reason it behoved our Merchants to get an Interest here to prop up their declining Trade. Yet, as I have been told, the success was more owing to the Natives of this place than themselves; for that some of the Raja's of the Country sent Ambassadors to Fort St. George to invite the English hither to take possession, be­fore the Dutch should get it; who are never slack to promote their Interest, and were now setting out on the same design. But however that were, the English had the good fortune to get hither first: [Page 183] year 1690 though so narrowly, that the Dutch were within an ace of preventing them, their Ships being in sight before our Men got ashore. But the Dutch coming thus too late, were put by their designs; for the English immediately got ashore some Guns, and stood ready to defend their interest. This might happen about the Year 1685, as I was informed; for they told me it was 5 or 6 years before I came hither: and the English immediately fortified them­selves. The Fort, as I said before, fronts to the Sea, and stands about 100 paces from the River. There has been a great deal of cost bestowed on it, but to little purpose; for 'tis the most irregular piece I ever saw. I told the Governor the best way was to new model it, and face it with Stone or Brick, either of which might be easily had. He said he liked my Counsel, but being saving for the Com­pany, he rather chose to repair it, by the making some Alterations: but still to as little purpose, for 'twas all made ground and having no facing to keep it up, 'twould moulder away every wet season, and the Guns often fall down into the Ditches. What was possible to be done I endeavoured to do while I was there. I made the Bastions as regular as I could upon the Model they were made by: and whereas the Fort was designed to be a Pentagone, and there were but 4 of the Bastions made, I sta­ked out ground for a 5th, and drew a plan of it, which I gave the Government; and had I staid longer I should have made up the other Bastion: but the whole Plan is too big by half for so sorry a Garison; and the best way of mending it, is to de­molish all of it, and make a new one.

The Fort was but sorrily governed when I was there; nor was there that care taken to keep a fair Correspondence with the Natives in the Neighbour­hood as I think ought to be, in all Trading places especially. When I came thither there were 2 Neigh­bouring Raja's in the Stocks, for no other reason, but [Page 184] year 1690 because they had not brought down to the Fort such a quantity of Pepper as the Governor had sent for. Yet these Raja's rule in the Country, and have a considerable number of Subjects: Who were so exasperated at these Insolencies, that, as I have since been informed, they came down and assanlt­ed the Fort, under the Conduct of one of these Raja's. But the Fort, as bad as it is, is Guard e­nough against such indifferent Soldiers as they are: Who tho' they have Courage enough, yet scarce any Arms besides Back-swords, Cressets, and Lances, nor skill to use Artillery, if they had it. At ano­ther Time they made an Attempt to surprize the Fort, under pretence of a Cock match; to which they hoped the Garrison would come out to share in the Sport, and so the Fort left with small Defence. For the Malayans here are great lovers of Cock­fighting, and there were about 1000 of them got together about this Match, while their armed Men lay in ambush. But it so [...] that none of the Garrison went out to the Cock match, but one John Necklin, a Dane, who was a great Gamester himself: And he discovering the Ambush, gave notice of it to the Governor; who was in Disorder enough upon their Approach: But a few of the great Guns drove them away.

I have nothing more to add but what concerns my self; which is not so material, that I should need to trouble the Reader with it. I have said in my former Volume, p. 519. upon what Motives I left Bencouli: And the particulars of my Voyage thence to England are also in that Volume: So that I may here conclude this Supplement to my Voyage round the World.

CHAP. I.

AMong other things referr'd to in my for­mer Volume, I mentioned an Account I intended to give of the Bay of Cam­peachy, where I lived first and last about 3 Years. I shall now discharge my self of that Promise; and because my Campeachy Voyages were in order of time, before that Round the World, I shall upon this occa­sion go so far back as to speak briefly of my first going to Sea, and the Rambles I made till my setting out for Campeachy.

My Friends did not originally design me for the Sea, but bred me at School till I came to Years fit for a Trade. But upon the Death of my Father and Mother, they who had the disposal of me, took other Measures; and having removed me from the Latine School to learn Writing and [Page 3] year 1673 Arithmetick, they soon after plac'd me with a Master of a Ship at Weymouth, complying with the Incli­nations I had very early of seeing the World: With him I made a short Voyage to France: and return­ing thence, went to Newfoundland, being then about eighteen Years of Age. In this Voyage I spent one Summer; but so pinched with the rigour of that cold Climate, that upon my return I was absolutely against going to those parts of the World, but went home again to my Friends. Yet going up a while after to London, the offer of a warm Voyage and a long one, both which I always desired, soon carried me to Sea again. For hearing of an outward-bound East-India Man, the John and Martha of London, Capt. Earning Commander, I entered my self aboard, and was employed before the Mast, for which my two former Voyages had some way qualified me. We went directly for Bantam in the Isle of Java, and staying there about two Months, came home again in little more than a year; touching at St. Ja­go of the Cape Verd Islands at our going out, and at Ascension in our return. In this Voyage I gain'd more experience in Navigation, but kept no Journal. We arrived at Plymouth about two Months before Sir Robert Holms went out to fall upon the Dutch Smyrna Fleet: and the second Dutch Wars breaking out upon this, I forbore going to Sea that Summer, reti­ring to my Brother in Somersetshire. But growing wea­ry of staying ashore, I lifted my self on board the Royal Prince, Commanded by Sir Edward Sprague, and served under him in the Year 1673. being the last of the Dutch War. We had three En­gagements that Summer; I was in two of them, but falling very sick, I was put aboard an Hospital Ship a day or two before the third Engagement, seeing it at a distance only; and in this Sir Edward Sprague was kill'd. Soon after I was sent to Harwich, with [Page 4] year 1674 the rest of the Sick and Wounded: And having langui­shed a great while, I went home to my Brother to recover my health.

By this time the War with the Dutch was con­cluded; and with my health, I recovered my old Inclination for the Sea. A Neighbouring Gentleman, Colonel Hellier of East-Coker in Somersetshire, my Native Parish, made me a seasonable offer to go and manage a Plantation of his in Jamaica, under one Mr. Whalley: for which place I set out with Capt. Kent in the Content of London.

I was then about 22 Years old, and had never been in the West-Indies; and therefore, lest I might be trapann'd and sold as a Servant after my arrival in Jamaica, I agreed with Capt. Kent to work as a Seaman for my Passage, and had it under his hand to be cleared at our first arrival. We sailed out of the River Thames in the beginning of the Year 1674. and meeting with favourable Winds in a short time got into the Trade-wind, and went merrily along, steering for the Island Barbadoes. When we came in sight of it Captain Kent told his Passengers, if they would pay his Port-Charges he would anchor in the Road, and stop whilst they got refreshment: But the Merchants not caring to part with their Money, he bore away, directing his Course towards Jamaica.

The next Island that appeared in our view was St. Lucia. 'Tis distant from Barbadoes about 30 Leagues, and very wealthy in large Timber Trees fit for all uses. For this reason 'tis often visited by the En­glish, who stock themselves here with Rollers, &c. They have endeavoured to settle an English Co­lony there, but hitherto unsuccessfully, because of the Caribbe-Indians.

The Caribbees are a sort of Warlike Indians, de­lighting to [...]ove on the Sea in Periagoes or large Canoas. Their chiefest Habitations are on the Main; [Page 5] year 1674 but at certain Seasons of the Year they visit the Islands for their Pleasure. Barbadoes was former­ly much frequented by them; but since the En­glish settled there they have been forced to abandon it, and content themselves in their Sea-Voyages, or with such Islands only as are not possess'd by the Europeans; except where they have hopes of conquering; as they have done at St. Lucia.

Near the Main where these Indians live, lies Tabago, which, when it was first settled by the Dutch, was much infested by them. These Indi­ans, as I have heard, had formerly Planta­tions on most of the Caribbe-Islands; and in their Sea Voyages did use to remain 3 Weeks or a Month at a time on an Island, and then remove to ano­ther; and so visit most of them before their re­turn to the Main.

St. Vincent is another of these Islands lying near St. Lucia: We passed between them; and seeing a smoke on St. Lucia, we sent our Boat ashore there. Our men found some of the Caribbe-Indians, and bought of them Plantains, Bonanoes, Pine-Apples, and Sugar-Canes; and returning aboard again, there came with them a Canoa with 3 or 4 of the Indians. These often repeated the word Captain Warner, and seemed to be in some disquiet about him. We did not then understand the meaning of it; but since I have been informed that this Captain War­ner, whom they mentioned, was born at Antego, one of our English Islands, and the Son of Gover­nour Warner, by an Indian Women, and bred up by his Father after the English manner; he learn­ed the Indian Language also of his Mother; but being grown up, and finding himself despised by his English Kindred, he forsook his Fathers House, got away to St. Lucia, and their lived among [...]he Caribbe-Indians, his Relations by the Mother [Page 6] year 1674 side. Where conforming himself to their Cu­stoms he became one of their Captains, and roved from one Island to another, as they did. About this time the Caribbees had done some spoil on our English Plantations at Antego: and therefore Governour Warner's Son by his Wife took a Party of Men and went to suppress those Indians; and came to the Place where his Brother the Indian-Warner lived. Great seeming Joy there was at their Meet­ing; but how far it was real the Event shewed; for the English Warner providing plenty of Liquor, and inviting his half Brother to be merry with him, in the midst of his Entertainment ordered his Men upon a signal given to murder him and all his Indians; which was accordingly performed. The Reason of this inhumane Action is diversly repor­ted; some say that this Indian Warner committed all the spoil that was done to the English; and there­fore for that Reason his Brother kill'd him and his Men. Others that he was a great Friend to the English, and would not suffer his Men to hurt them, but did all that lay in his power to draw them to an amicable Commerce; and that his Brother kill'd him, for that he was ashamed to be Related to an Indian. But be it how it will, he was call'd in question for the Murder, and forced to come home to take his Tryal in Eng­land. Such perfidious Doings as these, beside the Baseness of them, are great hindrances of our gaining an Interest among the Indians.

Putting from these Islands we steered away fur­ther West, and falling in with the East end of Hispaniola, we ranged down along on the South side even to Cape Tihuron, which is the West-end of the I sland. There we lay by and sent our Boat ashore; for Captain Kent had been informed that there were great Groves of Orange-Trees near this Cape; but our Men not finding any, he then [Page 7] year 1674 concluded there were none: But I have been since informed my self by several that have been there, that their are enough of them thereabouts. From hence we steered away for Jamaica, where we ar­rived in a short time, bringing with us the first News they had of the Peace with the Dutch.

Here, according to my Contract, I was immedi­ately discharged; and the nevt day I went to the Spanish Town, call'd Sant' Jago de la Vega; where meeting with Mr. Whalley, we went together to Colonel Hellier's Plantation in 16 Mile-Walk. In our way thither we past through Sir Tho. Muddiford's Plantation, at the Angells, where at that time were Otta and Cacao Trees growing; and fording a pretty large River, we past by the side of it 2 or 3 Miles up the Stream, there being high Mountains on each side, The way to 16 Mile-Walk was formerly a great deal about, round a large Mountains; till Mr. Cary Hellier, the Colonel's Brother, found out this way. For being desirous of making out a shorter cut, he and some others coasted along the River, till they found it run between a Rock that stood up perpendicularly steep on each side, and with much difficulty they climbed over it. But a Dog that belonged to them, finding a hole to creep through the Rock, suggested to them that there was a hollow Passage; and he clear'd it by blowing up the Rock with Gunpowder, till he had made a way through it broad enough for a Horse with a Pack, and high enough for a Man to ride through. This is called the Hollow Rock. Some other Places he levell'd, and made it an in­different good Passage.

He was a very ingenious Gentleman, and doubt­less had he lived, he might have propagated some advantagious Arts on that Island. He was once endeavouring to make Salt Petre at the Angells, but did not bring it to Perfection. Whether the [Page 8] year 1674 Earth there was not right, I know not; but pro­bably there may be Saltpetre Earth in other Places, especially about Passage-Fort, where as I have been informed, the Canes will not make good Sugar, by Reason of the Saltness of the Soil.

I liv'd with Mr. Whalley at 16 Mile-walk for almost six Months, and then entred my self into the Service of one Captain Heming, to manage his Plantation at St. Anns, on the North side of the Island, and accordingly rode from St. Jago de la Vega toward St. Anns.

This Road has but sorry accommodations for Travellers. The first night I lay at a poor Hun­ters Hut, at the foot of Mount Diabolo on the South side of it, where for want of Clothes to cover me in the Night I was very cold when the Land-wind sprang up.

This Mountain is part of the great Ridge that runs the length of the Island from East to West; to the East 'tis call'd the Blew Mountain, which is higher than this. The next day crossing Mount Diabolo, I got a hard Lodging at the Foot of it on the North side; and the third day after arrived at Captain Heming's Plantation.

I was clearly out of my Element there, and therefore as soon as Captain Heming came thither I disingaged my self from him, and took my pas­sage on Board a Sloop to Port-Royal, with one Mr. Statham, who used to trade round the Island, and touched there at that time.

From Port-Royal I sailed with one Mr. Fishook, who traded to the North side of the Island, and sometimes round it: and by these coasting Voy­ages I came acquainted with all the Ports and Bays about Jamaica, and with all their Manu­factures; as also with the Benefit of the Land and Sea-winds. For our Business was to bring Goods [Page 9] year 1675 to, or carry them from Planters to Port-Royal; and we were always entertain'd civilly by them, both in their Houses and Plantations, having Liberty to walk about and view them. They gave us also Plantains, Yams, Potatoes &c. to carry aboard with us; on which we fed commonly all our Voyage.

But after six or seven Months, I left that Employ also, and shipt my self aboard one Capt. Hudsel, who was bound to the Bay of Campeachy to load Logwood.

We sailed from Port-Royal about the beginning of August, 1675. in Company with Capt. Wren in a small Jamaica Bark, and Capt. Johnson Com­mander of a Ketch belonging to New-England.

This Voyage is all the way before the Wind, and therefore Ships commonly sail it in 12 or 14 Days; Neither were we longer in our Passage; for we had very fair Weather, and touch'd no where till we came to Trist Island in the Bay of Campeachy, which is the only place they go to. In our way thither we first sailed by little Caimanes, leaving it on our Larboard side, and Key Monbrack, which are two small Islands, lying South of Cuba. The next Land we saw was the Isle of Pines; and steering still Westerly, we made Cape Corien­tes: and sailing on the South side of Cuba, till we came to Cape Antonio, which is the West end of it, we stretched over towards the Peninsula of Jucatan, and fell in with Cape Catoch, which is in the extream part of that Promontory towards the East.

The Land trends from this Cape one way South about 40 Leagues till you come to the Island Cozumel, and from thence it runs S. W. down into the Bay of Honduras. About 10 Leagues from Cape Catoch, be­tween it and Cozumel, lies a small Island called by the Spaniards Key-Muger, or Womens-Island; because 'tis reported that when they went first to settle in these [Page 10] year 1675 parts they left their Wives there, while they went over on the Main to find some better habitation: Tho' now they have no settlement near it, whatever they have had formerly.

About 3 Leagues from Cape Catoch, and just against it is a small Island called Loggerhead-Key; probably because it is frequently visited by a sort of Turtle so call'd: near this Island we always find a great Ripling, which Seamen call the Rip-raps. This Cape, tho' it appears to be part of the Main, yet is divided from it by a small Creek, scarce wide enough for a Canoa to pass through, though by it 'tis made an Island. This I have been credibly informed of by some, who yet told me that they made a shift to pass it in a Canoa.

The Cape is very low Land by the Sea, but some­what higher as you go further from the shore. It is all over-grown with Trees of divers sorts, especially Logwood; and therefore was formerly much frequented by the Jamaica Men, who came thither in Sloops to load with it, till all the Logwood­trees near the Sea were cut down; but now 'tis wholly abandoned, because the Carriage of it to the shore repuires more labour, than the cutting, logging and chipping. Besides they find better Wood now in the Bays of Campeachy and Honduras, and have but a little way to carry it; not about 300 Paces, when I was there: whereas at Cape Catoch they were forc'd to carry it 1500 Paces before they left that Place.

From Cape Catoch we coasted along by the shore, on the North side of Jucatan towards Cape Condecedo. The Coast lies nearest West. The distance between these two Capes is about 80 Leagues. The shore lies pretty level without any visible Points or Bendings in the Land. It is Woody by the shore, and full of sandy Bays and lofty Mangroves.

The first place of note to the West of Cape Catoch, is a small Hill by the Sea, call'd the Mount, and [Page 11] year 1675 is distant from it about 14 Leagues, It is very remark­able, because there is is no other High-Land on all this Coast. I was never ashore here, but have met with some well acquainted with the Place, who are all of opinion that this Mount was not natural, but the Work of Men: And indeed it is very probable this place has been inhabited; for here are a great many large Cisterns, supposed to have been made for the receiving of Rain-water, for there are no fresh Springs to be found here, the Soil being all sandy and very salt. So that, as I have been credibly informed by an intelligent Person, the Spaniards do fetch of it to make Salt-Petre. He also told me, that being once there in a Privateer, and landing some Men on the Bay, they found about 100 Packs of this Earth bound up in Palmeto leaves; and a Spanish Mulatto to guard it. The Privateers at first sight of the Packs were in hopes there had been Maiz or Indian Corn in them, which they then wanted; but opening them they found nothing but Earth; and examining the Mu­latto for what use it was, he said to make Powder, and that he expected a Bark from Compeachy to fetch it away. He further told me, that tasting of it he found it very salt; as all the Earth there­abouts was. So that 'tis not improbable that those Cisterns were made for the carrying on of Salt-Petre Work. But whatever was the design at first, it is now wholly laid aside: for there is no use made of them; neither are there any Inhabitants near this Place.

Between the Mount and Cape Condecedo, close by the Sea, are many little Spots of Mangrove Trees, which at a distance appear like Islands: but coming nearer, when other lower Trees appear, it shews like ragged and broken Ground; but at last all the Land presents it self to your view very even.

[Page 12] year 1675 The next place of note on this Coast is Rio de la Gartos, almost in the mid-way between Cape Cotoch and Cape Condecedo. This also is a very remarkable Place; for here are 2 Groves of High Mangroves, one on each side the River, by which it may be known very well. The River is but small, yet deep enough for Canoas. The Water is good, and I know not any other Brook of fresh River on all the Coast from Cape Catoch till within 3 or 4 Leagues of Campeachy Town.

A little to the East of this River is a Fish-Range, and a small Indian Hutt or two within the Woods; where the Indian Fishers who are subject to the Spaniards, lye in the Fishing-Seasons, their Habi­tations and Families being farther up in the Country. Here are Poles to hang their Nets on, and Barbecues to dry their Fish. When they go off to Sea, they fish with Hook and Line about 4 or 5 Leagues from the shore, for Snappers and Gropers, which I have already described in my Voyage round the World. Chap. 4. pag. 91.

Since the Privateers and Logwood-ships have sailed this way, these Fisher-men are very shy, having been often snapp'd by them. So that now, when they are out at Sea, if they see a Sail, they presently sink their Canoas even with the edge of the Water; for the Canoas when they are full of Water, will sink no lower, and they themselves lye just with their heads above Water, till the Ship which they saw is pass'd by or comes nigh. I have seen them under sail, and they have thus vanished on a sudden. The Fish which they take near the Shore with their Nets, are Snooks, Dog-Fish, and sometimes Tarpoms.

The Tarpom is a large scaly Fish, shaped much like a Salmon, but somewhat flatter. 'Tis of a dull Silver Colour, with Scales as big as a Half Crown. A large Tarpom will weight 25 or 30 Pound. 'Tis good sweet wholsome Meat, and the Flesh solid and firm. [Page 13] year 1675 In its belly you shall find two large Scalops of Fat, weighing two or three Pound each: I never knew any taken with Hook and Line; but are either with Nets, or by striking them with Harpoons, at which the Moskito-Men are very expert. The Nets for this purpose are made with strong double Twine, the Meshes 5 or 6 Inches square. For if they are too small, so that the Fish be not intang­led therein, he presently draws himself a little back­ward, and then springs over the Net: Yet I have seen them taken in a Sain made with small Meshes in this manner. After we have inclosed a great number, whilst the two ends of the Net were drawing ashore, 10 or 12 naked Men have fol­lowed; and when a Fish struck against the Net, the next Man to it grasped both Net and Fish in his Arms, and held all fast till others came to his assistance. Besides these we had three Men in a Canoa, in which they mov'd side-ways after the Net; and many of the Fish in springing over the Net, would fall into the Canoa: And by these means we should take two or three at every draught. These Fish are found plen­tifully all along that shore from Cape Catoch to Trist, especially in clear Water, near sandy Bays; but no where in muddy or rocky Ground. They are also about Jamaica, and all the Coast of the Main; es­pecially near Carthagena.

West from Rio de le Gartos, there is a Look-out or Watch-tower, called Selam. This is a Place close by the shore, contrived by the Spaniards for their Indians to watch in. There are many of them on this Coast: Some built from the Ground with Timber, others only little Cages placed on a Tree, big enough for one or two Men to sit in, with a Ladder to go up and down. These Watch-towers are never without an Indian or two all the day long; the Indians who live near any of them being obli­ged to take their turns.

[Page 14] year 1675 About three or four Leagues Westward of Selam, is another Watch-box on a high Tree, called Linchanchee Lookout, from a large Indian Town of that Name, 4 Leagues up in the Country; and two Leagues farther within Land is another Town called Chinchanchee. I have been ashore at these Lookouts, and have been either rowing in a Canoa or walking ashore on all this Coast, even from Rio de la Gartos to Cape Condecedo: but did never see any Town by the shore, nor any Houses besides Fishing-hutts on all the Coast, except only at Sisal. Between Selam and Linchanchee are many small regular Salt Ponds, divided from each other by little Banks; the biggest Pond not above 10 yards long and 6 broad.

The Inhabitants of these two Towns attend these Ponds in the Months of May, June, and July to gather the Salt, which supplies all the Inland Towns of these Parts; and there is a skirt of Wood between the Sea and the Ponds, that you can neither see them nor the People at work till you come ashore.

From these Salt Ponds further West, about three or four Leagues, is the Lookout called Sisal. This is the highest and most remarkable on all the Coast; it stands close by the Sea, and it is built with Timber. This is the first Object that we make off at Sea; and sometimes we take it for a Sail, till running nearer we discover the High Mangrove-trees appearing in small Tufts at several distances from it.

Not far from hence there is a Fort with 40 or 50 Soldiers to Guard the Coast; and from this place there is a Road through the Country to the City of Merida. This is the chiefest City in all the Province of Jucatan, it being inhabited mostly with Spani­ards: Yet there are many Indian Families among them, who live in great subjection, as do the rest of the Indians of this Country. The Province of Ju­catan, [Page 15] year 1675 especially this Northern and the most East­erly part of it, is but indifferently fruitful, in compa­rison of that rich Soil farther to the West: Yet is it pretty populous of Indians, who all live together in Towns; but none within five or six Miles of the Sea, except (as I said) at 2 or 3 Fishing places; and even there the Indians resort to fish but at cer­tain Seasons of the Year. Therefore when Privateers come on this Coast, they fear not to land and ram­ble about, as if they were in their own Country, seeking for Game of any sort, either Fowl or Deer; of both which there are great plenty, especially of the latter, though sometimes they pay dear for it: A small Jamaica Privateer once landed 6 or 7 Men at this Lookout of Sisal; who not suspecting any danger, ordered the Canoa with 3 or 4 Men to row along by the shore, to take them in upon their giving a sign or firing a Gun: But within half an hour they were attack'd by about 40 Spanish Soldiers, who had cut them off from the shore, to whom they surren­dered themselves Prisoners. The Spaniards carried them in triumph to the Fort, and then demanded which was the Captain. Upon this they all stood mute, for the Captain was not among them; and they were afraid to tell the Spaniards so, for fear of being all hanged for Straglers; Neither did any one of them dare to assume that Title, because they had no Commission with them, nor the Copy of it; for the Captains don't usually go ashore without a Copy at least, of their Commission, which is wont to secure both themselves and their Men.—At last one John Hullock cock'd up his little crop [...] Hat, and told them that he was the Captain; and the Spaniards demanding his Commission, he said it was aboard; for that he came ashore only to hunt, not thinking to have met any Enemy. The Spaniards were well satisfied with this Answer, and afterwards respected him as the Captain, and served him with [Page 16] year 1675 better Provision and Lodging than the rest; and the next day when they were sent to the City of Merida about 12 or 13 Leagues from thence, Captain Hul­lock had a Horse to ride on, while the rest went on Foot: And though they were all kept in close Prison, yet Hullock had the honour to be often sent for to be examined at the Governour's House, and was frequently Regal'd with Chocolate, &c. From thence they were carried to Campeachy Town, where still Captain Hullock was better served than his Comrades: At last, I know not how, they all got their Liberties, and Hullock was ever after called Captain Jack.

It is about 8 Leagues from Sisal to Cape Condecedo; twenty Leagues North of which lies a small Island, call'd by the Spaniards Isles des Arenas, but the Eng­lish Seamen, as is usual with them, corrupt the Name strangely; and some call it the Desarts, others the Desarcusses; but of this Island, having never seen it, I can give no account.

All this Coast from Cape Catoch to Cape Conde­cedo, is low Land, the Mount only excepted. It is most sandy Bay by the Sea; yet some of it is Man­grovy Land; within which you have some Spots of dry Savannah, and small scrubbed Trees, with short thick Bushes among them. The Sea deepens gra­dually from the shore, and Ships may anchor in sandy Ground in any depth from 7 or 8 Foot to 10 or 12 Fathom Water.

In some Places on this Coast we reckon our di­stance from the shore by the depth of the Sea, allow­ing 4 Fathom for the first League, and for every Fa­thom afterward a League more.

But having got thus to Cape Condecedo, I shall de­fer the further description of these Parts from this Cape Southward and Westward to the High-Land of St Martin, which is properly the Bay of Campeachy; and from thence also further Westward, till my se­cond [Page 17] year 1675 coming on this Coast, when I made so long a stay here. To proceed therefore with my present Voyage having past Cape Catoch, the Mount, Rio de la Gartos, Sisal, and Cape Condecedo, we stood South­ward directly for Trist, the Haven of our Logwood-Cutters; at which Place being not above 60 Leagues distant, we soon arrived.

Trist is the Road only for big Ships, Smaller Vessels that draw but a little Water run 3 Leagues farther, by crossing over a great Lagune that runs from the Island up into the Main-Land; where they anchor at a place called One-Bush-Key. We stayed at Trist 3 days to fill our Water, and then with our 2 Consorts sailed thence with the Tide of Flood; and the same Tide arrived there. This Key is not above 40 Paces long, and 5 or 6 broad, having only a little crooked Tree growing on it, and for that reason it is called One-Bush-Key. It seems to be only a heap of Shells, for the Island is covered with them. The greatest part are Oyster-shells. There are a great many Oysters-banks in this Lagune, and the adjacent Creeks; but none afford better, either for largeness or taste, than the Bank about this Island. In the wet Season the Oysters as well of One-Bush-Key as other Places here, are made fresh by the Freshes running out of the Country: But in the dry time they are salt enough. In the Creeks they are smaller, but more numerous; and the Mangrove-Roots that grow by the sides of the Creeks are loaden with them; and so are all the Branches that hang in the Water.

One-Bush-Key is about a Mile from the shore; and just against the Island is a small Creek that runs a Mile farther, and then opens into another wide La­gune; and through this Creek the Logwood is brought to the Ships riding at the Key. Between the Oyster-Banks that lye about the Island and the Main, there is good Riding in about 12 Foot Wa­ter. [Page 18] year 1675 The bottom is very soft Oaz, insomuch that we are forced to shooe our Anchors to make them hold. The Main by it is all low Mangrovy-Land, which is over-flow'd every Tide; and in the Wet Season is covered with Water. Here we lay to take in our Lading.

Our Cargo to purchase Log-wood was Rum and Sugar; a very good Commodity for the Logwood-cutters, who were then about 250 Men, most Eng­lish, that had settled themselves in several Places hereabouts: Neither was it long before we had these Merchants came aboard to visit us; we were but 6 Men and a Boy in the Ship, and all little enough to entertain them: for besides what Rum we sold by the Gallon or Firkin; we sold it made into Punch, wherewith they grew Frolicksome. We had none but small Arms to fire at their drinking Healths, and therefore the noise was not very great at a distance; but on Board the Vessels we were loud enough till all our Liquor was spent: We took no Money for it, nor expected any; for Log-wood was what we came hither for, and we had of that in lieu of our Commodities after the rate of 5 Pound per Tun, to be paid at the Place where they cut it; and we went with our Long-boat to fetch small Quan­tities. But because it would have taken up a long time to load our Vessel with our own Boat only, we hired a Periago of the Logwood-Cutters to bring it on Board; and by that means made the quicker dispatch. I made two or three Trips to their Huts, where I and those with me were always very kindly entertain'd with Pig and Pork and Pease, or Beef and Dough-Boys. Their Beef they got by hunting in the Savannahs. As long as the Liquor lasted, which they bought of us, we were treated with it either in Drams or Punch. But for a more particular account of the Logwood-Cutters I shall refer the Reader to my second Voyage hither, [Page 19] year 1675 which I made shortly after my return to Jamaica, because I saw a great prospect of getting Money here, if Men would be but diligent and frugal.

But let's proceed with our Voyage: It was the latter end of September, 1675. when we sailed from One-Bush-Key with the Tide of Ebb; and anchored again at Trist that same Tide; where we watered our Vessel in order to sail. This we accomplished in two Days, and the third day sailed from Trist toward Jamaica. A Voyage which proved very tedious and hazardous to us, by reason of our Ships being so sluggish a Sailor that She would not ply to Windward, whereby we were necessarily driven upon several Shoals that otherwise we might have avoided, and forced to spend 13 Weeks in our Passage, which is usually accomplished in half that time.

We had now a Passenger with us, one Will. Wood­ers a Jamaica Seamen, that with three others that were taken by the Spaniards, was sent to the City of Mexico, where they remained Prisoners six or eight Months, but at last wereremanded to La Vera Cruz, and from thence by Sea to Campeachy: They were not imprisoned, but only kept to work on Board the Ship that brought them, and soon found an opportunity to make their escapes in this man­ner. They had been imployed ashore all the day, and being sent aboard at Night, they fell to con­trive how to run away with the Boat; but considering that they wanted necessaries for their Voyage, they resolved first to go back and supply themselves, which they might then do the better, because they knew there were none but a few Indians on Board. Accordingly having seiz'd and bound the Indians, taking with them a Compass, with some Bread and Water, they put off to Sea, and arriv'd at Trist a Week before our departure: And this Will. Wooders was the means under God of the Preservation of our Ship.

[Page 20] year 1675 The third day, after we left Trist, about 8 in the Morning, near 12 or 14 Leagues W. S. W. from Campeachy, we saw two Sail about 3 Leagues to Windward coming directly towards us, the Captain supposing that they had been Jamaica Vessels, would have lain by to hear some News, and to get some Li­quor from them; for we had now none on Board but a few Bottles in a small Case, that the Captain reserved for his own Drinking. But Wooders with­stood the Captains Proposal, and told him, that when he came from Campeachy there were two small Ves­sels ready to sail for Tobasco River, which is not above 11 or 12 Leagues Leeward of Trist, and that it was more probable these were those two Ves­sels than any from Jamaica. Upon this we ed­ged off more to Sea, and they also alter'd their Course steering away still directly with us; so that we were now assured they were Spaniards; and therefore we put away; quartering, and steering N. W. and though they still fetch'd on us a-pace, yet to make the more speed they turned a Boat loose that was in a Tow, at one of their Sterns, and She being a good Sailor came within Gun-shot of us; when, as it pleased God, the Land-wind dyed away o [...] a sudden, and the Sea Breez did not yet spring up.

While the Wind lasted we thought our selves but a degree from Prisoners; neither had we yet great hopes of escaping; for our Ketch, even when light, was but a dull Sailor, worse being deep loaden. However, we had now time to unbend the Foresail, and make a studding Sail of it, to put right be­fore the Sea-Breez when it should spring up. This was accordingly done in a trice, and in less than an hour after the Breez sprung up fresh, and we put right before the Wind. We had this advantage in it, that all the Sail we had did us service; while on the contrary, those who chased us, being three [Page 21] year 1675 Mast Vessels, could not bring all theirs to draw.; for their After-sails becalmed their Head-sails, and we held them tack for two or three Hours, neither gain­ing nor losing Ground. At last the Wind freshing on by the coming of a Tornado, we gained conside­rably of them; so they fired a Gun and left their Chase, but we kept on crouding till Night; and then clapp'd on a Wind again and saw no more of them.

In about a Fortnight after this, we were got as far to the East as Rio de la Gartos, and there overtook us a small Barmudoes Boat belonging to Jamaica which had not been above ten days come from Trist, who sailed much better than we did. Therefore our Merchant went on board of Her, for he saw we were like to have a long Passage; and Provision began to be scarce already, which he could not so well brook as we. Our Course lay all along against the Trade-wind.

All the hopes that we had was a good North, this being the only time of the Year for it: and soon after we saw a black Cloud in the N. W. (which is a sign of a North, but of this more in my Discourse of Winds) for two days, Morning and Evening. The third day it rose apace and came away very swiftly. We presently provided to receive it by furling all but our Main-sail; intending with that to take the advantage of it. Yet this did us but little service; for after an Hours time, in which it blew fresh at N. W. the Cloud went away, and the Wind came about again at E. N. E. the usual trade in these Parts. We therefore made use of the Sea and Land-Breezes, as we had done before; and being now as high as the before mentioned Fishing Banks on the North of Jucatan, we so ordered our Business, that with the Land-winds we run over to the Banks; and while it was calm between the Land-winds and Sea-Breez, we put out our Hooks and Lines and [Page 22] year 1675 fished, and got plenty every Morning: One time our Captain after he had haled in a good Fish, being eager at his sport, and throwing out his Line too ha­stily, the Hook hitched in the Palm of his Hand, and the weight off the Lead that was thrown with a jerk, and hung about six Foot from the Hook, forced the beard quite through, that it appeared at the back of his Hand.

Soon after this we got as high as the Mount, and then stood off about 30 Leagues from Land, in hopes to get better to Windward there, than near the shore; because the Wind was at E. S. E. and S. E. by E. a fresh gale: continuing so 2 or 3 days. We steered off to the North, expecting a Sea-Breez at E. N. E. and the third day had our desire. Then we tack'd and steered in again S. E. for the shore of Jucatan. Our Ketch, as I said, was a heavy Sailer, especially on a Wind: for she was very short; and having great round Bows, when we met a Head-Sea, as now, she plunged and laboured, not going a-head, but tumbling like an Egg-shell in the Sea. It was my fortune to be at the Helm from 6 a Clock in the Evening till 8. The first 2 Glasses she steered very ill; for every Sea would strike her dead like a Log; then she would fall off 2 or 3 Points from the Wind, though the Helm was a Lee; and as she recovered, and made a little way, she would come again to the Wind, till another Sea struck her off again. By that time 3 Glasses were out the Sea became more smooth; and then she steered very well, and made pretty fresh way through the Water. I was somewhat surprized at the sudden Change, from a rough Sea to a smooth; and therefore looked over-board 2 or 3 times; for she steered open on the Deck, and it being very fair Weather, all our Men were layn down on the Deck and fallen asleep. My Captain was just behind me on the Quarter Deck fast asleep too, for neither he nor they dreaded any Danger, we being [Page 23] year 1675 about 30 Leagues from the Main-Land, at Noon, and as we thought, not near any Island.

But while I was musing on the sudden alteration of the Sea, our Vessel struck on a Rock, with such force that the Whipstaff threw me down on my back: This frighted me so much that I cryed out, and bad them all turn out, for the Ship struck. The surge that the Ship made on the Rock, avvakened most of our Men, and made them ask, What the matter vvas? But her striking a second time, soon ansvvered the Question, and set us all to vvork for our Lives. By good fortune she did not stick, but kept on her way still, and to our great comfort, the water was very smooth, otherwise we must certainly have been lost; for we very plainly savv the Ground un­der us: so we let go our Anchor, in 2 fathom Wa­ter, clean White Sand: When our Sails vvere furled, and a sufficient scope of Cable veered out, our Cap­tain, being yet in amaze, vvent into his Cabin, and most of us with him to vievv his draught, and we soon found vve were fallen foul of the Alcranes.

The Alcranes are 5 or 6 low sandy Islands, lying in the Lat. of about 23d. North, and distant from the Coast of Jucatan about 25 Leagues; the biggest is not above a Mile or two in Circuit. They are distant from one another 2 or 3 Miles, not lying in a Line, but scattering here and there, with good Chan­nels of 20 or 30 Fathom Water, for a Ship to pass between. All of them have good Anchoring on the West sides, where you may ride in what depths you please, from 10 to 2 Fathom Water, clean sandy Ground. On some there are a fevv lovv Bushes of Burton-vvood, but they are mostly Barren and Sandy, bearing nothing but only a little Chicken-Weed; neither have they any fresh Water. Their Land-Animals are only large Rats, vvhich are in great Plenty; and of Fovvls, Boobies in vastabundance, vvith Men of War and Egg-Birds. These inhabit [Page 24] year 1675 only some of the Northermost of them, not pro­miscuously one among another, but each sort within their own Precincts, (viz.) the Boobies and the other two sorts each a-part by themselves; and thus two or three of the Islands are wholly taken up. The Boobies being most numerous, have the greatest portion of Land. The Egg-Birds, tho' they are many, yet being but small, take up but little room to the rest: Yet in that little part which they inhabit, they are sole Masters, and not disturbed by their Neighbours. All three sorts are very tame, especially the Boobies, and so thick settled, that a Man cannot pass through their Quarters, without coming within reach of their Bills, with which they continually peckt at us. I took notice that they sat in Pairs; and therefore at first thought them to be Cock and Hen; but upon striking at them, one flew away from each place, and that which was left behind seemed as malicious as the other that was gone. I admired at the boldness of those that did not fly away, and used some sort of violence to force them, but in vain; for indeed these were young Ones, and had not yet learned the use of their Wings, tho' they were as big and as well feathered as their Dams, only their Feathers were something whiter and fresher. I took notice that an old one, either the Cock or Hen, always sat with the young to secure them; for otherwise these fowls would prey on each other, the strong on the weak, at least those of a different Kind would make bold with their Neigh­bours: the Men-of-War-Birds as well as the Boo­bies left Guardians to the Young, when they went off to Sea, lest they should be starved by their Neighbours; for there were a great many old and lame Men-of-War-Birds that could not fly off to Sea to seek their own Food. These did not inhabit among their Consorts, but were either expelled the Com­munity, or else chose to lye out at some distance [Page 25] year 1675 from the rest, and that not altogether; but scatter­ing here and there, where they could rob securest: I saw near 20 of them on one of the Islands, which sometimes would sally into the Camp to seek for Booty, but presently retreated again, whether they got any thing or nothing. If one of these lame Birds found a young Booby not guarded, it presently gave him a good poult on the back with his Bill to make him disgorge, which they will do with one stroak, and it may be cast up a Fish or two as big as a Mans Wrist; this they swallow in a trice, and march off, and look out for another Prize. The sound Men-of-War will sometimes serve the old Boobies so off at Sea. I have seen a Man-of-War fly directly at a Booby, and give it one blow, which has caused it to cast up a large Fish, and the Man-of-War flying directly down after it, has taken it in the Air, before it reach'd the Water.

There are abundance of Fish at some distance from these Islands, by which the Fowls inhabiting here, are daily supplied.

The Fish near the Island, are Sharks, Sword-Fishes, and Nurses; all three sorts delighting to be near sandy Bays; those that I saw here were but of a small size, the Sword-Fish not above a Foot and a half, or two Foot long; neither were the Sharks much longer, and the Nurses about the same length. The Nurse is just like a Shark, only its Skin is rougher, and his used for making the finest Rasps. Here are many Seals: they come up to sun themselves only on two or three of the Islands, I don't know whether exactly of the same kind with those in colder Cli­mates, but, as I have noted in my former Book, they always live where there is plenty of Fish.

To the North of these Islands lyes a long ledge of Rocks bending like a Bow; it seems to be 10 or 12 Yards wide, and about 4 Leagues long, and 3 Leagues distant from the Island. They are above Wa­ter, [Page 26] year 1675 all joyning very close to one another, except at one or two Places, where are small Passages about nine or ten Yards wide; 'twas through one of these that Providence directed us in the Night; for the next Morning we saw the Riffabout half a Mile to the North of us, and right against us was a small Gap, by which we came in hither, but coming to view it more nearly with our Boat, we did not dare to venture out that way again. One Reason why we would have gone out to the North­ward, was, because from our Main-top we saw the Islands to the Southward of us, and being unac­quainted, knew not whether we might find among them a Channel to pass through; our second reason was the hopes of making a better slant in for the shore, if we could weather the East end of the Riff. In order to this we weighed Anchor, keeping down by the side of the Riff till we were at the West end of it, which was about a League from where we Anchored: then we stood off to the North, and there kept plying off and on to weather the East end of the Riff, three Days; but not being able to effect it, by reason of a strong Current, setting to the N. W. we ran back again to the West end of the Riff, and steered away for the Islands. There we Anchored and lay three or four days, and visited most of them, and found plenty of such Creatures, as I have already described.

Though here was great store of such good Food and we like to want, yet we did neither salt any, nor spend of it fresh to save our Stock. I found them all but one Man averse to it, but I did heartily wish them of another mind, because I dreaded wanting before the end of the Voyage; a hazard which we needed not to run, there being here such plenty of Fowls and Seals, (especially of the later) that the Spaniards do often come hither to make Oyl of their Fat; upon which account it has been visited by En­glish-men [Page 27] year 16-- from Jamaica, particularly by Capt Long: who having the Command of a small Bark, came hither purposely to make Seal-Oyl, and anchored on the North side of one of the sandy Islands, the most convenient Place, for his design:—Having got ashore his Cask to put his Oyl in, and set up a Tent for lodging himself and his Goods, he began to kill the Seal, and had not wrought above three or four days before a fierce North-wind blew his Bark ashore. By good fortune she was not damnified: but his Company being but small, and so despairing of setting her afloat again, they fell to contriving how to get away; a very difficult task to accomplish, for it was 24 or 25 Leagues to the nearest Place of the Main, and above 100 Leagues to Trist, which was the next English Settlement. But contrary to their ex­pectation, instead of that, Capt. Long bid them fol­low their Work of Seal-killing and making Oyl; assuring them that he would undertake at his own peril to carry them safe to Trist. This though it went much against the grain, yet at last he so far prevail­led by fair Words, that they were contented to go on with their Seal-killing, till they had filled all their Cask. But their greatest work was yet to do, viz. how they should get over to the Main, and then coast down before the Wind to Trist. Their Boat was not big enough to transport them, so they conclu­ded to cut down the Barks Masts and rip up her Deck to make a Float for that purpose.

This being agreed on, the next Morning betimes, pursuant to their Resolution, they were going to break up their Vessel; but it happned that very Night, that two New-England Ketches going down to Trist, ran on the backside of the Riff, where they struck on the Rocks, and were bulged; and Cap­tain Long and his Crew seeing them in distress, pre­sently took their Boat, and went off to help them unlade their Goods, and bring them ashore; and [Page 28] year 1675 in requital they furnished the Captain with such tackle and other necessaries as he wanted, and assisted him in the launching his Vessel, and lading his Oyl, and so they went merrily away for Trist. This lucky accident was much talked of amongst the Captain's Crew; and so exasperated the New-Eng­land Men, when they heard the whole story, that they were thinking, if the Commanders would have suffered them, to have thrown him into the Sea, to prevent his doing more mischief. For they were sure that he by his Art had caused them to run aground. The whole of this Relation I had from Captain Long himself.

From the main to these Islands, the Sea deep­ens gradually till you come to about 30 Fa­thom Water, and when you are 25 or 26 Leagues off shore to the Eastward of them, if you steer away West, keeping in that Depth, you can­not miss them: The same Rule is to be obser­ved to find any other Island; as the Triangles, the Isles Des Arenas, &c. for the Bank runs all along the shore, on which are Soundings of equal Depth, and the Sea appears of a muddy palish Colour, but when past the Bank on the North side of it, it resumes its natural greenness, and is too deep for any Sounding till you are within 30 Leagues of the North side of the Bay of Mexico, where by re­lation there is such another Bank, (abounding with Oysters) running all along the shore: But to re­turn to our Voyage.

Having spent 2 or 3 Days among the Alcranes Islands we set sail again, and steering in Southerly for the Main, having the Wind at E. N. E. we fell in with it a little to Leeward of Cape Catoch, plying under the shore till we reach'd the Cape; from thence we continued our Course Northerly, the Wind at E. by S. The next Land we designed for was Cape Antonio, which is the Westermost Point [Page 29] year 1675 of the Island Cuba, and distant from Cape Catoch about 40 Leagues.

Some when they sail out of the Bay, keep along by the Land of Jucatan, till they come as far as the Island Cozumel, and from thence stretch over towards Cuba; and if the Wind favours them any thing they will get as high as Cape Corientes before they fall in with Cuba; for in their Passage from thence they are not in so much danger of being hur­ried away to the North by the Current between the two Capes, or to the North of them, as we were: For taking our Course Northward till the Latitude of 22 d. 30 m. we tack'd again and the Wind at E. steered away S. S. E. 24 hours, and having taken an Observation of the Sun, as we did the Day before, found our selves in 23 d. being driven backwards in 24 hours 30 Miles. We had then the Channel open between the two Capes, but to the North of either: Yet at last we got over to the Cuba shore, and fell in with the North of the Island, about 7 or 8 Leagues from Cape Antonio. Now we both saw and ran thro' some of the Colorado Sholes, but found a very good Channel among a great many Rocks that appear'd above Water. Being thus got within the Sholes, between them and Cuba, we found a pretty wide clear Channel and good Anchoring; and advancing further, within a League of the Cape, we Anchored and went ashore to get Water, but found none. In the Evening when the Land-wind sprung up, we weighed again, and doubling the Cape, coasted along on the South-side of the Island, taking the Advantages both of Sea and Land-winds: For though we had now been about two Months from Trist, and this the time of the Year, for Norths, yet to our great trouble they had hitherto failed us, and besides, as I said before, our Ketch was such a Leewardly Vessel, that we did not yet ex­pect we could possibly reach Jamaica meerly by turn­ing, [Page 28] [...] [Page 29] [...] [Page 30] year 1675 though sometimes assisted by Sea and Land-Winds. In about a Week after this, we got up with, and coasted along the Isle of Pines, for 7 or 8 Leagues, and then stood off to Sea, and the third Morning fell in with the West end of Grand Caymanes.

This Island is about 40 leagues South from Pines, and about 15 to the West of little Caymanes. We anchored at the West end, about half a mile from the shore. We found no Water nor any Provision, but saw many Crocodiles on the Bay, some of which would scarce stir out of the way for us. We kill'd none of them (vvhich vve might easily have done) though Food began to be short vvith us; indeed had it been in the Months of June or July vve might pro­bably have gotten Turtle, for they frequent this Island some Years as much as they do little Cay­manes. We stayed here but 3 or 4 Hours, and steered back for Pines, intending there to hunt for Beef or Hog, of both vvhich there is in great plen­ty. The second day in the morning vve fell in vvith the West-end of Pines, and running about 4 or 5 miles Northvvard, vve anchored in 4 fathom Water clean Sand, about 2 mile from the shore, and right against a small Creek through the Mangroves into a vvide Lagune.

The Isles of Pines lies on the South-side, tovvards the West-end of Cuba, and is distant from it 3 or 4 Leagues. Cape Corientes on Cuba is five or six Leagues to the Westward of the Isle of Pines. Be­tween Pines and Cuba are many small woody Islands scattered here and there, with Channels for Ships to pass between; and by report there is good ancho­ring near any of them. Jamaica Sloops do some­times pass through between Cuba and Pines, when they are bound to Windward, because there the Sea is always smooth: They are also certain to meet good Land-winds; besides they can anchor [Page 31] year 1675 when they please, and thereby take the benefit of the Tides; and when they are got past the East-end of Pines, they may either stand out to Sea again, or if they are acquainted among the small Islands to the East of it, (which are called the South Keys of Cuba) they may range among&;st them to the Eastward, still taking the greater benefit of the Land­winds and Anchoring; besides, if Provision is scarce they will meet Jamaica Turtlers, or else may get Turtle themselves, at which many of them are ex­pert. There is also plenty of Fish of many sorts, but if they are not provided with Hooks, Lines, or Harpoons, or any other Fishing-Craft, nor meet with any Turtlers, Cuba will afford them Sustenance of Hog or Beef. The great inconvenience of going in the inside of Pines between it and Cuba, proceeds from a Spanish Garrison of about 40 Soldiers at Cape Corientes, who have a large Periago, well fit­ted with Oars and Sails, and are ready to launch out, and seize any small Vessel, and seldom spare the Lives as well as the Goods of those that fall into their Hands, for fear of telling Tales. Such Vil­lanies are frequently practised not only here, but also in several other places of the West-Indies, and that too with such as come to Trade with their Country-men. The Merchants and Gentry indeed are no way guilty of such Actions, only the Soldiers and Rascality of the People; and these do com­monly consist of Mulatoes or some other sort of Copper-colour'd Indians, who are accounted very Barbarous and Cruel.

The Isle of Pines is about 11 or 12 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. The West end of it is low Mangrovy-Land; and within, which is a Lagune of about 3 or 4 Miles wide running to the Eastward, but how far I know not, with a small Creek of 2 or 3 Foot Water, reaching to the Sea. The Lagune it self is so shallow, especially near the Island, that [Page 32] year 1675 you cannot bring a Canoa within 20 or 30 Paces of the shore. The South side of the Island is low, flat, and rocky; the Rocks are perpendicularly steep towards the Sea, so that there is no Anchoring on that side; but the West-end very good in sandy Ground. The Body of the Island is high Land, with many little Hills incompassing a high Pike or Mountain standing in the middle. The Trees that grow here are of divers sorts, most of them un­known to me. Red Mangroves grow in the low swampy Land against the Sea, but on the firm hilly part Pine-Trees are most plentiful. Of these here are great Groves of a good height and bigness, streight and large enough to make Top-masts, or standing Masts for small Vessels; at the West end there is a pretty big River of fresh Water, but no coming at it near the Sea for red Mangroves, which grow so thick on both sides of it, that there is no getting in among them.

The Land-Animals are Bullocks, Hogs, Deer, &c. Here are small Savannahs for the Bullocks and Deer to feed in, as well as Fruit in the Woods for the Hogs: Here are also a sort of Racoons or Indian Conies, and in some places plenty of Land-Turtle, and Land-Crabs of two sorts, white and black: Both of them make holes in the Ground like Conies, where they shelter themselves all day, and in the Night come out to feed; they will eat Grass, Herbs, or such Fruit as they find under the Trees: The Manchaniel Fruit, which neither Bird nor Beast will taste, is greedily devoured by them, without doing them any harm. Yet these very Crabs that feed on Manchaniel, are venemous both to Man and Beast that feeds on them, though the others are very good Meat; the white Crabs are the largest sort; some of them are as big as a Mans two Fists joyned together; they are shaped like Sea-Crabs, having one large Claw, wherewith they will pinch very [Page 33] year 1675 hard, neither will they let go their hold, though you bruise them in pieces, unless you break the Claw too; but if they chance to catch your Fingers, the way is to lay your Hand, Crab and all, flat on the Ground, and he will immediately loose his hold and scamper away. These white-ones built in wet swampy dirty Ground near the Sea, so that the Tide washes in their Holes; but the black Crab is more cleanly, delighting to live in dry Places, and makes its House in sandy Earth: black Crabs are commonly fat and full of Eggs; they are also accounted the better Meat, tho' both sorts are very good.

Here are also a great many Alligators and Croco­diles that haunt about this Island, and are said to be the most daring in all the West-Indies. I have heard of many of their Tricks; as that they have followed a Canoa, and put their Noses in over the Gunnal, with their Jaws wide open, as if ready to de­vour the Men in it: and that when they have been ashore in the Night near the Sea, the Croco­diles have boldly come in among them, and made them run from their Fire, and taken avvay their Meat from them. Therefore when Privateers are hunting on this Island, they always keep Sentinels out to vvatch for these ravenous Creatures, as duly as they do in other Places for fear of Enemies, especially in the Night, for fear of being devoured in their sleep.

The Spaniards of Cuba have here some Craules, i. e. Herds of Hogs, with a few Indians or Mula­toes to look after them: Here are also Hunters that gain a livelihood by killing wild Hog and Beef.

This Island is reported to be very wet. I have heard many say, that it rains here more or less every day in the Year; but this I suppose is a mistake, for there fell no rain about us, so long as we stayed [Page 32] [...] [Page 33] [...] [Page 34] year 1675 here, neither did I see any appearance of it in other Places of the Island.

We were no sooner at an Anchor, but five of us went ashore, leaving only the Cook and Cabbin-Boy aboard: We had but two bad fowling Pieces in the Ship; those we took with us, with a design to kill Beef and Hog. We went into the Lagune, where we found Water enough for our Canoa, and in some Places not much to spare; when we were got almost over it, we saw 8 or 10 Bulls and Cows feed­ing on the shore close by the Sea. This gave us great Hopes of good success. We therefore rowed away aside of the Cattle, and landed on a sandy Bay, about half a mile from them: there we saw much footing of Men and Boys; the Impressions seemed to be about 8 or 10 days old, we supposed them to be the Track of Spanish Hunters. This troub­led us a little, but it being now their Christmas, we concluded that they were gone over to Cuba to keep it there, so we went after our Game; the Boatswain and our Passenger Will. Wooders having one Gun, and persuming on their skill in shooting, were permitted to try their fortune with the Cattle that we saw before we landed, while the Captain and my selfwith our own Gun struck up directly into the Woods. The fifth Man, whose genius led him rather to fish than hunt, stayed in the Canoa: and had he been furnished with a Harpoon, he might have got­ten more Fish than we did Flesh, for the Cattle smel­ling our two Men before they came nigh them, ran away; after that our Men rambled up into the Country to seek for some other Game.

The Captain and I had not gone half a Mile before we came among a Drove of near 40 great and small wild Hogs. The Captain firing, wounded one of them, but they all ran away; and though we fol­lowed the Blood a good way, yet did not come up with him, nor with any other to get a second shot; [Page 35] year 1675 however because there was such a great track of Hogs in the Woods, we kept beating about, being still in hopes to meet with more Game before Night, but to no purpose, for we saw not one more that Day. In the Evening we returned to our Boat weary and vext at our ill success. The Boatswain and his Consort were not yet returned, therefore we stayed till 'twas dark, and then went aboard without them: the next Morning betimes we went ashore again, as well to try our fortune at Hunting, as to recover our two Men which we thought might now be returned to the place where they landed; but not seeing them, the Captain and I went again out to Hunt, but came back at Night with no better success than before; neither did we see one Beef or Hog, though much track all the day. This day he that look'd to the Boat kill'd a young Sword-fish with the Boat-hook; there were a great many of them, as also Nurses and Dog-fish, playing in shole Water; he had also discover'd a stream of Fresh Water, but so inclosed with thick red Mangroves, that 'twas impossible to fill any in Cask; we could scarce get a little to drink. Our two Men that went out the day before, were not yet returned; therefore when 'twas dark we went aboard again, being much perplex'd for fear of their falling into the hands of the Spanish Hunters; if we had been certain of it, we would have sail'd presently, for we could not expect to redeem them again, but might have been taken our selves, either by them, or by the Cape Soldiers before mentioned. Indeed these thoughts about their danger and our own, kept me waking all Night. However the next Morning betimes we went ashore again, and before we got into the Lagune we heard a Gun fired, by which we knew that our Men were arrived; so we fired another in answer and rowed away as fast as we could to fetch them, designing to fail as soon as we came aboard; for by the flattering South and S. W. [Page 36] year 1675 Winds together with the Clearness of the Sky, we sup­posed we should have a North: the Land intercepted our prospect near the Horizon in the N. W. therefore we did not see the black Cloud there, which is a sure Prognostick of a North; when we came ashore we found our two Men. They kill'd a Hog the first day, but losing their way, were forced to march like Tigres all the next Day to get to us, and threw away most of their Meat to lighten themselves, yet 'twas Night before they got to the side of the Lagune; and then being 3 or 4 Miles, still from us, they made a fire and roasted their Meat, and having fill'd their Bellies; lay down to sleep, yet had still a small Pittance left for us. We presently returned aboard, and feasted on the remains of the Roastmeat, and being now pretty full, got up our Anchor and stood away to the South, coasting along by the Island: and doubling the S. W. Point, we steered away E. S. E. We had the Wind, when we weighed at West a moderate Gale, but veering about to the North, got at N. W. By that time we got to the South West Point of Pines, and it now blew a fierce Gale, and held thus two Days, and then came to the N. N. W. blowing hard still, and from thence to the North: then we edged away S. E. for it blew hard, and we could not bring her nearer the Wind. From the N. it came about to the N. N. E. then we knew than the heart of it was broke, however it blew hard still: then it came about to the N. E. and blew about 4 hours, and so by degrees dyed away and edged more Easterly, till it came to the E. by N. and there it stood. We were in good hopes while the North continued, to have gotten to Ja­maica before it ceased, and were sorry to find our selves thus disappointed; for we could not see the Island, though we judged we could not be far from it; at Noon we had a good observation, and found ourselves in the Latiude of the Island.

We now had not one bit of any kind of Food [Page 37] year 1675 aboard; therefore the Captain desired to know out opinions what to do, and which way we might soonest get to some shore, either to beat for Jamaica, or to bear away before the Wind, for the South Keys. All the Seamen but my self, were for going to the South Keys, alledging that our Ship being such a dull Sailer would never get to Wind-ward without the help of Sea and Land Breezes, which we could not expect at such a distance as we were, being out of the sight of any Land: and that it was probable that in three or four days time we might be among the South Keys, if we would put for it; and there we should find Provision enough, either Fish or Flesh. I told them that the Craft was in Catching it, and it was as probable that we might get as little Food in the Souths Keys, as we did at Pines, where, though there was plenty of Beefs and Hogs, yet we could not tell how to get any: besides we might be six or seven days in getting to the Keys; all which time we must of necessity fast, which if 'twere but two or three days, would bring us so low, that we should be in a weak condition to Hunt. On the contrary, if they would agree to beat a day or two longer for the Island Jamaica, we might in all probability see, and come so near it, that we might send in our Boat and get Pro­vision from thence, though we could not get in to Anchor: for by all likelihood we were not so far from the Island, but that we might have seen it, had it been clear; and that the hanging of the Clouds seemed to indicate to us, that the Land was obscured by them. Some of them did acquiesce with me in my Opinion; how­ever, 'twas agreed to put away for the South Keys, and accordingly we veered out our Sheets, trimm'd our Sails, and steered away N. N. W. I was so much dissatisfied, that I turned into my Cabbin, and told them we should be all starved.

[Page 38] year 1675 I could not sleep, tho' I lay down; for I was very much troubled to think of fasting 3 or 4 Days, or a Week; having fared very hard already. In­deed 'twas by meer accident that our Food lasted so long; for we carried two Barrels of Beef out with us to sell, but 'twas so bad that none would buy it; which proved well for us: for after our own Stock was spent, this supplied us. We boiled every day two pieces of it; and because our Pease were all eaten, and our Flour almost spent, we cut our Beef in small bits after 'twas boiled, and boiled it again in Water, thicken'd with a little Flour, and so eat it altogether with Spoons. The little Pieces of Beef were like Plums in our Hodg-podg. Indeed 'twas not fit to be eaten any other way; for tho' it did not stink, yet it was very unsavory and black, without the least sign of Fat in it: Bread and Flour being scarce with us, we could not make Dough-boys to eat with it. But to proceed, I had not lain in my Cabbin above three Glasses, before one on the Deck cryed out, Land! Land! I was very glad at the News, and we all immediately discerned it very plain. The first that we saw was High-land, which we knew to be Blewfields-Hill, by a bending or Saddle on the Top, with two small Heads on each side. It bore N. E. by E. and we had the Wind at E. therefore we presently clapp'd on a Wind, and steered in N. N. E. and soon after we saw all the Coast, being not above 5 or 6 Leagues from it. We kept jogging on all the Afternoon, not striving to get into any particular place; but where we could fetch, there we were resolved to Anchor: The next day being pretty near the shore, between Blemfields Point, and Point-Nigrill, and having the Wind large enough to fetch the latter, we steered away directly thither; and seeing a small Vessel about two Leagues N. W. of us, making signs to speak with us by hoysing and lowring her Topsails, [Page 93] year 1675 we were afraid of her, and edged in nearer the shore; and about three a Clock in the Afternoon, to our great joy, we anchored at Nigrill, having been 13 Weeks on our Passage. I think never any Vessel before nor since, made such Traverses in coming out of the Bay as we did, having first blunder'd over the Alcrany Riff, and then visited those Islands; from thence fell in among the Colorado Shoals, after­ward made a trip to Grand Caymanes; and lastly, visited Pines, tho' to no purpose. In all these Ram­bles we got as much experience as if we had been sent out on a design.

As soon as we came to Anchor, we sent our Boat ashore to buy Provisions to regale our selves, after our long fatigue and fasting, and were very busie going to drink a Bowl of Punch: When unexpectedly Capt. Rawlins, Commander of a small New-England Vessel, that we left at Trist; and one Mr. John Hooker, who had been in the Bay a Twelve-month cutting Logwood, and was now coming up to Jamaica to sell it, came aboard, and were invited into the Cab­bin to drink with us; the Bowl had not yet been touch'd, (I think there might be six Quarts in it) but Mr. Hooker being drunk to by Captain Rawlins, who pledg'd Capt. Hudswel, and having the Bowl in his hand, said, That he was under an Oath to drink but 3 Draughts of strong Liquor a Day, and putting the Bowl to his Head, turn'd it off at one Draught, and so making himself drunk, disappoin­ted us of our Expectations, till we made another Bowl. The next day having a brisk N. W. Wind, which was a kind of Chocolatto North, we arrived at Port-Royal; and so ended this troublesome Voyage.

CHAP. II.

IT was not long after our arrival at Port-Royal, before we were payed off, and discharged. Now Captain Johnson of New-England, being bound again into the Bay of Campeachy, I took the oppor­tunity of going a Passenger with him, being re­solved to spend some time at the Logwood Trade; and accordingly provided such necessaries as were required about it (viz.) Hatchets, Axes, Macheats, (i. e. Long Knives) Saws, Wedges, &c. a Pavillion to sleep in, a Gun with Powder and Shot, &c. and leaving a Letter of Attorney with Mr. Fleming, a Merchant of Port-Royal, as well to dispose of any thing that I should send up to him, as to remit to me what I should order, I took leave of my Friends and Imbarked.

About the middle of Feb. 75, ---6. We sailed from Jamaica, and with a fair Wind and Weather, soon got as far as Cape Catoch; and there met a pretty strong North, which lasted two days. After that the Trade settled again at E. N. E. which speedily car­ried us to Trist Island. In a little time I setled my self in the West Creek of the West Lagune with some old Logwood-Cutters, to follow the Employ­ment with them. But I shall proceed no farther with the Relation of my own Affairs, till I have [Page 42] year 1675 given a description of the Country, and its Product, with some particulars of the Logwood-Cutters; their hunting for Beef, and making Hides, &c.

I have in my former Voyage described the Coast from Cape Catoch to Cape Condecedo. Therefore I shall now begin where I then left off, and following the same method, proceed to give some Account of the Sea-coast of the Bay of Campeachy; being com­petently qualified for it by many little Excursions that I made from Trist during my Abode in these Parts.

The Bay of Campeachy is a deep bending of the Land, contained between Cape Condecedo on the East, and a Point shooting forth from the High-Land of St. Martins on the West. The distance between these two place is about 120 Leagues, in which are many large and navigable Rivers, wide Lagunes, &c. Of all which I shall treat in their order, as also of the Land on the Coast; its Soil, Product, &c. To­gether with some Observations concerning the Trees, Plants, Vegetables, Animals, and Natives of the Country.

From Cape Condecedo to the Salinas is 14 or 15 Leagues; the Coast runs in South: It is all a Sandy Bay between, and the Land also within is dry and sandy, producing only some scrubbed Trees. Half­way between these two Places you may dig in the Sand above High-water Mark, and find very good fresh Water.

The Salina is a fine small Harbour for Banks; but there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water; and close by the Sea, a little within the Land, there is a large Salt Pond, belonging to Campeachy Town, which yields abundance of Salt. At the time when the Salt Kerns, which is in May or June, the Indians of the Country are ordered by the Spaniards, to give their attendance, to rake it ashore, and gather it into a great Pyramidal Heap, broad below and sharp at the top, [Page 43] year 1675 like the Ridge of a House; then covering it all over with dry Grass and Reeds, they set Fire to it; and this burns the out-side Salt to a hard black Crust: The hard Crust is afterwards a defence against the Rains that are now settled in, and preserves the Heap dry even in the wettest Season. The Indians, whose business I have told you, is to gather the Salt thus into Heaps, wait here by turns all the Kerning Season, not less than 40 or 50 Families at a time; yet here are no Houses for them to lie in, neither do they at all regard it; for they are relieved by a fresh supply of Indians every Week; and they all sleep in the open Air, some on the Ground, but most in very poor Hammocks fastned to Trees or Posts, stuck into the Ground for that purpose. There Fare is no better than their Lodging; for they have no other Food, while they are here, but Tartilloes and Posole. Tartilloes are small Cakes made of the Flour of Indian Corn; and Posole is also Indian Corn boiled, of which they make their Drink. But of this more hereafter, when I treat of the Natives and their manner of Living. When the Kerning Season is over, the Indians march home to their settled Habitations, taking no more care of the Salt. But the Spaniards of Campeachy, who are owners of the Ponds, do frequently send their Barks hither for Salt, to load Ships that lye in Campeachy Road; and afterwards transport it to all the Ports in the Bay of Mexico, especially to Aluarado and Tompeck, two great Fishing Towns: and I think that all the Inland Towns thereabouts, are supplied with it; for I know of no other Salt Ponds on all the Coast, besides this and those before mentioned. This Salina Harbour was often visited by the English Logwood-Cutters in their way from Jamaica to Trist. And if they found any Barks here, either light or laden, they made bold to take and sell both the Ships and the Indian Sailors that belonged to them. This they [Page 44] year 1675 would tell you was by way of reprizal, for some former injuries received of the Spaniards; though indeed 'twas but a pretence: for the Governours of Jamaica knew nothing of it, neither durst the Spa­niards complain; for at that time they used to take all the English Ships they met with in these Parts, not sparing even such as came laden with Sugar from Ja­maica, and were bound for England; especially if they had Logwood aboard. This was done openly, for the Ships were carried into the Havanna, there sold, and the Men imprisoned without any Redress.

From the Salinas to Campeachy Town, is about 20 Leagues; the Coast runs S. by W. The first 4 Leagues of it, along the Coast, is drowned Mangrove-Land, yet about two Mile South of the Salina, about 200 Yards from the Sea, there is a fresh Spring, which is visited by all the Indians that pass this way either in Bark or Canoa; there being no Water besides near it; and there is a small dirty Path leads to it thro' the Mangroves; after you are past these Mangroves, the Coast riseth higher with many sandy Bays, where Boats may conveniently land, but no fresh Water till you come to a River near Campeachy Town. The Land further along the Coast is partly Mangrovy but most of it dry Ground, and not very fruitful; producing only a few scrubbed Bushes: and there is no Logwood growing on all this Coast, even from Cape Catoch to Campeachy Town.

About six Leagues before you come to Campeachy, there is a small Hill called Hina, where Privateers do commonly Anchor and keep Sentinels on the Hill, to look out for Ships bound to the Town: There is plenty of good Fire-wood, but no Water; and in the Surf of the Sea, close by the shore, you find abundance of Shell-fish, called by the English, Horse­hoofs, because the under part or Belly of the Fish is flat, and somewhat resembling that Figure in shape and Magnitude; but the Back is round like a Tur­tles; [Page 45] year 1675 the Shell is thin and brittle, like a Lobsters; with many small Claws: and by report they are very good Meat; but I never tasted any of them my self.

There are three small low sandy Islands, about 25 or 26 Leagues from Hina, bearing North from it, and 30 Leagues from Campeachy. On the South side of these Islands there is good Anchorage; but neither Wood nor Water: and as for Animals, we saw none, but only great numbers of large Rats and Plenty of Boobies, and Men-of-War-Birds. These Islands are call'd the Triangles, from the Figure they make in their Position. There are no other at any distance from the shore, but these and the Alcranies, men­tioned in the former Chapter, in all this Coast that I have seen.

From Hina to Campeachy, as I have said before, is about 6 Leagues. Campeachy is a fair Town, standing on the shore in a small bending of the Land; and is the only Town on all this Coast, even from Cape Catoch to La vera Cruz, that stands open to the Sea. It makes a fine shew, being built all with good stone. The Houses are not high, but the Walls very strong; the Roofs flattish, after the Spanish Fashion, and covered with Pantile. There is a strong Cittadel or Fort at one end, planted with many Guns, where the Governour resides with a small Garrison to de­fend it. Though this Fort commands the Town and Harbour, yet it has been twice taken. First by Sir Christopher Mims; who about the Year 1659. having summoned the Governour, and afterwards stayed 3 days for an Answer before he landed his Men, yet then took it by Storm, and that only with small Arms. I have been told that when he was advised by the Jamaica Privateers, to take it by Stra­tagem in the Night, he replyed, that he scorned to steal a Victory; therefore when he went against it, he gave them warning of his Approach, by his [Page 46] year 1675 Drums and Trumpets; yet he took the Fort at the first Onset, and immediately became Master of the Place.

It was taken a second time by English and French Privateers, about the Year 1678, by surprize. They landed in the Night about two Leagues from the Town, and marching into the Country, lighted on a Path that brought them thither. The next Morning near Sun-rising, they entred the Town, when many of the Inhabitants were now stirring in their Houses, who hearing a noise in the Street, looked out to know the Occasion; and seeing armed Men marching to­wards the Fort, supposed them to be some Soldiers of their own Garrison, that were returned out of the Country for about a Fortnight or 3 Weeks before, they had sent out a Party to suppress some Indians, then in Rebellion; a thing very common in this Country. Under favour of this Supposition, the Privateers marched through the Streets, even to the Fort, without the least Opposition. Nay, the Towns-People bad them Good Morrow; and Congratulated their safe return; not discovering them to be Ene­mies, till they fired at the Sentinels on the Fort-wall, and pesently after began a furious Attack; and turning two small Guns, which they found in the Parade, against the Gates of the Fort, they soon made themselves Masters of it. The Town is not very rich, though as I said before, the only Sea-port or all this Coast. The chiefest Manufacture of the Country is Cotton-Cloth; this serves for cloathing the Indians, and even the poorer sort of Spaniard wear nothing else. It is used also for making Sails for Ships, and remitted to other parts for the same purpose.

Besides Cotton-Cloth, and Salt fetched from the Salinas, I know of no other vendible Commodity exported hence. Indeed formerly this place was the Scale of the whole Logwood-Trade; which is there [Page 47] year 1675 fore still called Palo (i. e. Wood) de Campeachy; tho' it did not grow nearer than at 12 or 14 Leagues distance from the Town.

The place where the Spaniards did then cut it, was at a River called Champeton, about 10 or 12 Leagues to Leeward of Campeachy Town; the Coast from thence South, the Land pretty high and rocky. The Native Indians that lived hereabouts, were hired to cut it for a Ryal a Day, it being then worth 90, 100 or 110l. per Tim.

After the English had taken Jamaica, and began to cruise in this Bay, they found many Barks laden with it, but not knowing its value then, they either set them adrift or burned them, saving only the Nails and Iron work; a thing now usual among the Privateers; taking no notice at all of the Cargo; till Capt. James, having taken a great Ship laden with it and brought her home to England, to fit her for a Privateer; beyond his Expectation, sold his Wood at a great rate; tho' before he valu'd it so little that he burned of it all his Passage home. After his re­turn to Jamaica, the English visiting this Bay, found out the Place where it grew, and if they met no Prize at Sea, they would go to Champeton River, where they were certain to find large Piles cut to their Hand, and brought to the Sea side ready to be shipp'd off. This was their Common Practice; till at the last the Spaniards sent Soldiers thither to pre­vent their Depredations.

But by this time the English knew the Trees, as growing; and understanding their value, began to rummage other Coasts of the Main, in search of it, till, according to their desire, they found large Groves of it, first at Cape Catoch; (which, as I have said before, was the first Place where they settled to Logwood-cutting) and loaded many Vessels from thence to Jamaica, and other Places. But it growing scarce there, they found out the Lagune of Trist in the [Page 48] year 1675 Bay of Campeachy; where they followed the same Trade, and have ever since continued it, even to the time of my being here: But to proceed.

From the River Champeton to Port-Royal, is about 18 Leagues; the Coast S. S. W. or S. W. by S. Low-land with a sandy Bay, against the Sea, and some Trees by the shore, with small Savannahs, mixt with small shrubby Woods within Land all the way. There is only one River between Champeton and Port-Royal, called Port Escondedo.

Port-Royal is a broad entrance into a Salt Lagune, of 9 or 10 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 wide, with 2 Mouths, one at each end. This Mouth of Port-Royal hath a Barr, whereon there is 9 or 10 Foot Water. Within the Barr it is deep enough, and there is good Anchoring on either side. The en­trance is about a Mile over, and two Miles in length; it hath fair sandy Bays on each side, with smooth Landing.

Ships commonly anchor on the Weather or East side next Champeton, both for the convenience of some Wells they dug on the Bays by the Priva­teers and Log-wood-Cutters, as also to ride more out of the Tide, which here runs very strong. This Place is remarkable enough, because from hence the Land trends away West, and runs so for about 65 or 70 Leagues farther.

On the West side of this Harbour is a low Island, call'd by Us Port-Royal-Island; which makes one side of the Mouth, as the Main does the other: It is about 2 Miles wide and 3 Leagues long, running East and West. The East end of this Island is sandy and pretty clear of Woods, with some Grass, bear­ing a small prickly Bur, no bigger than a Grey Pea, which renders it very troublesome to those that walk bare-foot, as the Bay-Men often do. There are some Bushes of Burton-wood: and a little further to the West grow large Sapadillo-Trees, whose Fruit is [Page 49] year 1676 long and very pleasant. The rest of the Island is more woody, especially the North side, which is full of white Mangrove close to the shore.

On the West side of this Island, is another small low Island, called Trist, separated from the former by a small Salt Creek, scarce broad enough for a Canoa to paddle through.

The Island Trist is in some Places three Miles wide, and about 4 Leagues in length; running E. and W. The East end is swampy and full of white Mangroves; and the South side much the same: The West part is dry and sandy, bearing a sort of long Grass, growing in Tufts very thin. This is a sort of Savannah, with some large Palmeto-Trees grow­ing in it. The North side of the West end is full of Coco-Plum Bushes, and some Grapes.

The Coco-Plum Bush is about 8 or 9 Foot high, spreading out into many Branches. Its Rind black and smooth, the Leaves oval and pretty large, and of a dark Green. The Fruit is about the bigness of a Horse-Plum, but round; some are black, some white, others reddish: The Skin of the Plum is very thin and smooth; the inside white, soft and woolly, rather fit to suck than bite, inclosing in the Middle a large soft Stone. This Fruit grows commonly in the Sand near the Sea; and I have tasted some that have been saltish; but they are commonly sweet and pleasant enough, and accounted very wholsom.

The Body of the Grape-Tree is about two or three Foot in Circumference, growing 7 or 8 Foot high, then sends forth many Branches, whose Twigs are thick and gross; the Leaves are shaped much like an Ivy Leaf, but broader and more hard; the Fruit is as big as an ordinary Grape, growing in Bunches or Clusters among the Twigs all over the Tree; it is black when ripe, and the inside reddish, with a large hard Stone in the middle. This Fruit is very pleasant and wholsom, but of little substance, the Stones [Page 50] year 1676 being so large: The Body and Limbs of the Tree are good Fewel, making a clear strong Fire, there­fore often used by the Privateers to harden the Steels of their Guns when faulty.

The Animals of this Island are, Lizards, Guanoes, Snakes and Deer: Beside the common small Lizard, there is another sort of a large kind, call'd a Lyon-Lizard: This Creature is shap'd much like the other, but almost as big as a Man's Arm, and it has a large Comb on its Head; when it is assaulted it sets its Comb up an end; but otherways it lies down flat: Here are two or three sorts of Snakes: some very large, as I have been told.

At the West end of the Island close by the Sea, you may dig in the Sand 5 or 6 foot deep, and find good fresh Water: There are commonly Wells ready made by Seamen to water their Ships; but they soon fill up, if not cleared; and if you dig too deep, your Water will be Salt. This Island was seldom clear of Inhabitants when the English visited the Bay for Logwood; for the biggest Ships did always ride here in 6 or 7 fathom Water close by the shore; but smaller Vessels ran up 3 Leagues farther to One-Bush-Key, of which in my former Chapter.

The second Mouth or Entrance into this Lagune is between Trist, and Beef-Island, and is about 3 mile wide. It is shoal without, and only two Channels to come in: The deepest Channel on the Spring Tide, has 12 Foot Water. It lyes near the middle of the Mouth; hard Sand on the Bar; the West Channel is about 10 Foot Water; and lyes pretty near Beef-Island: you run in with the Sea-Breez, and sound all the way; taking your sounding from Beef-Island shore. The bottom is soft Oaz, and its shoals gra­dually. Being shot in within Beef-Island Point, you will have three Fathom; then you may stand over towards Trist, till you come near the shore, and [Page 51] year 1676 there anchor as you please; There is good Anchor­ing any where within the Bar between Trist and Beef-Island, but the Tide is much stronger than at Port-Royal. This is the other Mouth or opening to the Salt Lagune before mentioned. This Lagune is call'd by the Spaniards, Laguna Termina, or the La­gune of Tides, because they run very strong here. Small Vessels, as Barks, Periagoes or Canoas may sail thro' this Lagune, from one Mouth to the other, or into such Creeks, Rivers, or smaller Lagunes, as empty themselves into this, of which here are many: The first of note on the East part of this Lagune, as you come in at Port-Royal, is the River Summa­senta.

This River, though but small, yet is big enough for Periagoes to enter. It disembogues on the South side near the middle of the Lagune. There was formerly an Indian Village named Summasenta, near the Mouth of the River; and another large Indian Town, called Chucquebul, 7 or 8 Leagues up in the Country. This latter was once taken by the Pri­vateers; by whom I have been informed, that there were about two thousand Families of Indians in it, and two or three Churches, and as many Spa­nish Friers, though no white Men beside. The Land near this River yields plenty of Logwood.

From Summasenta River to One-Bush-Key is 4 or 5 Leagues, the shore running West. I have described One-Bush-Key, and the Creek against it, which, as I said, is very narrow, and not above a mile long before it opens into another wide Lake, lying near­est N. and S. called the [...] Lagune. It is about a League and a half wide, and 3 Leagues long, encom­passed with Mangrove-Trees. At the S. E. cor­ner of it there is another Creek about a mile wide at the Mouth, running 6 or 7 Miles into the Country; on both sides of it grows plenty of Logwood; there­fore it was inhabited by Englishmen who lived in [Page 52] year 1676 small Companies, from three to ten in a Company; and setled themselves at their best convenience for Cutting. At the Head of the Creek they made a path, leading into a large Savannah full of black Cattle, Horses and Deer; which was often visited by them upon occasion.

At the North end, and about the middle of the East Lagune, there is another small Creek like that which comes out against One-Bush-Key, but less and shallower, which dischargeth it self into Laguna Termina, against a small sandy Key, called by the English Serles's Key, from one Captain Serles, who first Careen'd his Vessel here, and was afterwards kil­led in the Western Lagune, by one of his Company as they were cutting Logwood together. This Cap­tain Serles was one of Sir Henry Morgans Command­ers, at the Sacking of Panama; who being sent out to cruise in a small Vessel in the South Seas, happened to surprize at Taboca, the Boatswain and most of the Crew belonging to the Trinity, a Spanish Ship, on Board which were the Friers and Nuns, with all the old Gentlemen and Matrons of the Town, to the number of 1500 Souls, besides an immense Treasure in Silver and Gold, as I was informed by Captain Peralta, who then Commanded her, as he did afterwards, when she was taken by Captain Sharp; all which he might have taken in the Ship had he pursued her.

On the West side of the East Lagune, there is a small Skirt of Mangroves, that separates it from another running parallel with it, called the East-Lagune, which is abou [...] [...] bigness of the former.

Towards the North [...] of this Lagune runs a small Creek, coming out of the East Lagune, deep enough for small Barks to pass through.

At the South end of this Lagune, there is a Creek about a mile wide at its Mouth; and half a mile from thence it divides into two Branches; one called [Page 53] year 1676 the East, the other the West Branch, both deep enough for small Barks 7 or 8 Miles up. The Water is fresh 10 Months; but in the midst of the dry Season 'tis brackish. Four Miles from the Mouth, the Land on both sides these two Branches is wet and swampy, affording only Mangroves by the Creeks sides; only at the Heads of them, there are many large Oaks, besides which I did never see any grow­ing within the Tropicks: but 20 Paces within that grows plenty of Logwood, therefore the Cutters settled themselves here also.

On the West side of the West Branch lyes a large Pasture for Cattle about 3 Miles from the Creek; to which the Logwood-Cutters had made paths from their Huts to hunt Cattle, which are always there in great numbers; and commonly fatter than those in the Neighbouring Savannahs; and therefore was called the fat Savannah; and this West Creek was always most inhabited by Logwood-Cutters.

The Logwood-Trade was grown very common before I came hither, here being as I said before, about 260 or 270 Men living in all the Lagune and at Beef-Island, of which Isle I shall speak hereafter: This Trade had its Rise from the decay of Priva­teering; for after Jamaica was well settled by the English, and a Peace established with Spain, the Privateers who had hitherto lived upon plundering the Spaniards, were put to their shifts; for they had prodigally spent whatever they got, and now wanting subsistance, were forced either to go to Petit Guavas, where the Privateer-Trade still continued, or into the Bay for Logwood.—The more Industrous [...]ort of them came hither, yet even these, though they could work well enough if they pleased; y [...] thought it a dry business to toil at Cutting Wood. They were good Marks-Men, and so took more delight in Hunting; but neither of those Employments affected them so [Page 54] year 1676 much as Privateering; therefore they often made Sallies out in small Parties among the nearest Indian Towns; where they plundred and brought away the Indian Women to serve them at their Huts, and sent their Husbands to be sold at Jamaica; besides they had not forgot their old Drinking-bouts, and would still spend 30 or 40l. at a sitting aboard the Ships that came hither from Jamaica; carousing and firing of Guns 3 or 4 days together. And tho' afterwards many sober Men came into the Bay to cut Wood, yet by degrees the old Standards so debauched them that they could never settle themselves under any Civil Government, but continued in their Wickedness, till the Spaniards, encouraged by their careless Rio­ting, fell upon them, and took most of them singly at their own Huts; and carried them away Prisoners to Campeachy or La Vera Cruz; from whence they were sent to Mexico, and sold to several Tradesmen in that City; and from thence, after two or three Years, when they could speak Spanish, many of them made their Escapes, and marched in by-Paths back to La Vera Cruz, and by the Flota conveyed to Spain, and so to England. I have spoke with many of them since, who told me that none of them were sent to the Silver Mines to work, but kept in or near the City, and never suffered to go with their Caravans to New Mexico, or that way. I relate this, because it is generally suggested that the Spaniards commonly send their Prisoners thither, and use them very barbarously; but I could never learn that any European has been thus served; whether for fear of discovering their Weak­ness, or for any other Reason, I know not. But to proceed. It is most certain that the Logwood-Cutters, that were in the Bay when I was there, were all routed or taken; a thing I ever feared, and that was the reason that moved me at last to come away, [Page 55] year 1676 although a Place where a Man mi [...] have gotten an Estate.

Having thus given an Account of the first setling of this Place by my Country-men, I shall next say something concerning the Seasons of the Year, some particulars of the Country, its Animals, of the Logvvood-Trade, and their manner of Hun­ting, and several remarkable Passages that happened during my stay there.

This part of the Bay of Campeachy lyes in about [...]d. of North Lat. The Sea-Breezes here in fair weather, are at N. N. E. or N. The Landwinds are at [...]. S. E. and S. but in bad Weather at E. S. E. a hard gale for two or three days together. The dry Season begins in September, and holds till April or May; then comes in the wet Season, which begins with Tornadoes; first one in a day, and by degrees increasing till June; and then you have set Rains till the latter end of August. This svvells the Rivers so that they over­flow, and the Savannahs begin to be covered with Water; and although there may be some intermissi­ons of dry Weather, yet there are still plentiful showers of Rain: so that as the water does not in­crease; neither does it decrease, but continues thus till the North Winds are set in strong, and then all the Savannahs for many Miles, seem to be but part of the Sea, The Norths do commonly set in about the beginning of October, and continue by intervals till March. But of these I shall speak more in my Chapter of Winds. These Winds blowing right in on the Land, drive in the Sea, and keep the Tides from their constant Course as long as they last, which is sometimes two or three Days; by this means the Freshes are pent up, and overflow much more th [...]n before, tho' there be less Rain. They blow most [...] in December and January; but afterwards th [...] de­crease in strength; and are neither so frequent nor lasting, and then the Freshes begin to drain from off [Page 56] year 1676 the low Ground. By the middle of Feb. The Land is all dry; and in the next Month perhaps you will scarce get Water to drink, even in those Savannahs that but 6 Weeks before were like a Sea. By the be­ginning of April, the Ponds also in the Savannahs are all dryed up, and one that knows not how to get Wa­ter otherways may perish for thirst; but those that are acquainted here, in their Necessity make to the Woods, and refresh themselves with Water that they f [...]d in wild Pines.

Ths wild Pine is a Plant so called, because it somewhat resembles the Bush that bears the Pine: they are commonly supported, or grow from some Bunch, Knot or Excrescence of the Tree, where they take root, and grow upright. The Root is short and thick, from whence the Leaves rise up in folds one within another, spreading off at the top: They are of a good thick Substance, and about 10 or 12 Inches long. The out-side Leaves are so compact as to con­tain the Rain-water as it falls. They will hold a Pint and a half, or a Quart; and this Water refreshes the Leaves and nourishes the Root. When we find these Pines, we stick our Knives into the Leaves just above the Root, and that lets out the Water, which we catch in our Hats, as I have done many times to my great relief.

The Land near the Sea or the Lagunes is Mangrovy, and always wet, but at a little distance from it, it is fast and firm, and never overflow'd but in the w [...] Season. The Soil is a strong yellowish Clay; But yet the upper Coat or surface is a black mould, tho' not deep. Here grow divers sorts of Trees of no great bulk or height. Among these the Logwood-Trees thrive best, and are very plentiful; this being the most proper Soil for them: for they do not thrive in day Ground; neither shall you see any growing in rich black mould. They are much like our White-Thorns in England; but generally a great deal bigger: [Page 57] year 1676 the Rind of the young growing Branches is white and smooth; with some prickles shooting forth here and there: So that an English-man not knowing the difference, would take them for White-Thorns; but the Body and old Branches are blackish; the Rind rougher, with few or no prickles. The leaves are small and shaped like the Common White-Thorn-Leaf, of a palish Green. We always chuse to cut the old black-rinded Trees; for these have less sap, and require but little pains to chip or cut it. The sap is white, and the heart red: The heart is used much for dying; therefore we chip off all the white sap, till we come to the heart; and then it is fit to be transported to Europe. After it has been chip'd a little while, it turns black; and if it lyes in the Water it dyes it like Ink; and sometimes it has been used to write with. Some Trees are 5 or 6 Foot in Circumference: and these we can scarce cut into Logs small enough for a Man's Burthen, without great Labour; and therefore are forced to blow them up. It is a very ponderous sort of wood, and burns very well, making a clear strong fire, and very lasting. We always harden the Steels of our Fire-Arms, when they are faulty, in a Logwood­fire, if we we can get it, but otherways, as I said before, with Burton wood or the Grape-tree. The true Log­wood I think grows only in the Country of Jucatan; and even there but only in some Places near the Sea. The chiefest places for it are either here or at Cape Catoch, and on the South side of Jucatan in the Bay of Honduras. There are other sorts of Wood much like it in colour, and used for dying also; some more esteemed, others of lesser value. Of these sorts Bloodwood and Stock-fish-wood are of the natural growth of America.

The Gulph of Nicaragua, which opens against the Isle of Providence, is the only Place that I know in the North Seas, that produces the Blood­wood. [Page 58] year 1676 And the Land on the other side of the Country against it in the South Seas, produceth the same sorts.

This Wood is of a brighter red than the Log­wood. It vvas sold for 30l. per Tun, vvhen Log­wood vvas but at 14 or 15; and at the same time Stock-Fish-Wood vvent at 7 or 8. This last sort grows in the Country near Rio la Hacha, to the East of St. Martha, by the sides of Rivers in the Lovv-Land. It is a smaller sort of Wood than the former. I have seen a Tree much like the Logwood, in the River of Conception in the Sambaloes; and I knovv it will dye; but whether it be either of these tvvo sorts, I know not: Besides here and in the places before-mentioned, I have not met with any such Wood in America.

At Cherburg near Sierra-Leone in Africa, there is Camvvood, which is much like Blood-vvood, if not the same. And at Tunqueen, in the East-Indies, there is also such another sort: I have not heard of any more in any part of the World. But to proceed.

The Land as you go farther from the Sea riseth still somewhat higher; and becomes of a more plan­table Mould: There the Trees are generally of ano­ther sort; growing higher and taller than the Log­vvood-trees or any near them: Beyond this, you still enter in large Savannahs of long Grass, two or three Miles wide; in some Places much more.

The Mould of the Savannahs is generally black and deep, producing a course sort of sedgy Grass: In the latter end of the dry time, vve set fire to it, which runs like Wild-fire, and keeps burning as long as there is any Fewel; unless some good shovver of Rain put it out: Then presently springs up a new green Crop, vvhich thrives beyond all belief. The Savannahs are bounded on each side vvith Ridges of higher Land, of a light-brown Colour; deep and very fruitful: producing extraordinary great high [Page 59] year 1676 Trees. The Land for 10 or 20 Miles from the Sea, is generally compos'd of many Ridges of delicate Wood-land, and large Furrows of pleasant grassy Savannahs, alternately intermix'd with each other.

The Animals of this Country are, Horses, Bullocks, Deer, Warree, Precary, Squashes, Possums, Mon­kies, Ant Bears, Sloths, Armadilloes, Porcupines, Land-turtle, Guanoes, and Lizards of all kinds.

The Squash is a four-footed Beast, bigger than a Cat: Its Head is much like a Foxes; with short Ears and a long Nose. It has pretty short Legs, and sharp Claws, by which it will run up Trees like a Cat. The Skin is covered with short fine yellowish Hair. The flesh of it is good, sweet, wholesom Meat. We commonly skin and roast it; and then we call it Pig; and I think it eats as well. It feeds on nothing but good Fruit; therefore we find them most among the Sapadillo-Trees; This Creature never rambles very far: and being taken young, will become as tame as a Dog; and be as roguish as a Monkey.

The Monkies that are in these Parts are the ugliest I ever saw. They are much bigger than a Hare, and have great Tails about two foot and a half long. The under side of their Tails is all bare, with a black hard skin; but the upper side, and all the Body is covered with course, long, black, staring Hair. These Creatures keep together 20 or 30 in a Company, and ramble over the Woods; leaping from Tree to Tree. If they meet with a single Person they will threaten to devour him. When I have been alone I have been afraid to shoot them, especially the first time I met them. They were a great Company dancing from Tree to Tree, over my Head; chatter­ing and making a terrible Noise; and a great many grim Faces, and shewing Antick Gestures. Some broke down dry Sticks and threw at me; others scattered [Page 60] year 1676 their Urine and Dung about my Ears; at last one bigger than the rest, came to a small Limb justover my Head; and leaping directly at me, made me start back; but the Monkey caught hold of the Bough with the tip of his Tail; and there conti­nued svvinging to and fro, and making Mouths at me.—At last I past on, they still keeping me Company, with the like menacing Po­stures, till I came to our Huts. The Tails of these Monkies ars as good to them as one of their Hands; and they will hold as fast by them. If two or more of us were together they would hasten from us. The Females with their young ones are much troubled to leap after the Males; for they have commonly two: one she carries under one of her Arms; the other sits on her back, and clasps her tvvo fore Paws about her Neck. These Monkies are the most sul­len I ever met with; for all the Art we could use, would never tame them. It is a hard matter to shoot one of them, so as to take it; for if it gets hold with its Clavvs or Tail, it will not fall as long as one breath of Life remains. After I have shot at one and broke a Leg or an Arm, I have pitied the poor Creature to see it look and handle the vvounded Limb; and turn it about from side to side. These Monkies are very rarely, or (as some say) never on the Ground.

The Ant-Bear is a four-footed Beast, as big as a pretty large Dog; with rough black-brown Hair: It has short Legs; a long Nose and little Eyes; a very little Mouth, and a slender Tongue like an Earth­worm about 5 or 6 Inches long. This Creature feeds on Ants; therefore you alvvays find them near an Ants Nest or Path. It takes its Food thus. It lays its Nose down flat on the Ground, close by the Path that the Ants travel in, (whereof here are many in this Country) and then puts out his Tongue athwart the Path: the Ants passing forwards and [Page 61] year 1676 backwards continually, when they come to the Tongue make a stop, and in two or three Minutes time it will be covered all over with Ants; which she preceiving draws in her Tongue, and then eats them; and after puts it out again to trapan more. They smell very strong of Ants, and taste much stronger; for Ihave eaten of them. I have met with these Creatures in several places of America, as well as here; (i. e. in the Sambaloes) and in the South-Seas on the Mexican Continent.

The Sloth is a four-footed, hairy, sad coloured Ani­mal; somewhat less than the Ant-bear, & not so rough: Its Head is round, its Eyes small; it has a short Nose, and very sharp Teeth; short Legs, but extra or­dinary long sharp Claws. This Creature feeds on Leaves, whether indifferently of all sorts, or only on some particular kinds, I know not. They are very mischievous to the Trees where they come, and are so slow in motion, that when they have eaten all the Leaves on one Tree, before they can get down from that and climb another, and settle themselves to their fresh Banquet (which takes them up 5 or 6 days, tho' the Trees stand near: They are no­thing but skin and bones, altho' they came down plump and fat from the last Tree. They never de­scend till they have stript every Limb and Bough, and made them as bare as Winter. It takes them up 8 or 9 Minutes to move one of their Feet 3 Inches forward; and they move all their four Feet one after another, at the same slow rate; neither will stripes make them mend their pace; which I have tryed to do, by whipping them; but they seem insensible, and can neither be frighted, or provoked to move faster.

The Armad [...]o (so called from its Suit of Armour) is as big as a small sucking Pig: the body of it pretty long. This Creature is inclosed in a thick Shell, [Page 62] year 1676 which guards all its back, and comes down on both sides, and meets under the belly, leaving room for the four Legs; the Head is small, with a Nose like a Pig, a pretty long Neck, and can put out its Head before its Body when it walks; but on any danger she puts it in under the shell; and drawing in her Feet, she lies stock still like a Land-Turtle: And though you toss her about she will not move her self. The Shell is joynted in the middle of the back; so that she can turn the fore-part of her body about which way she pleases. The Feet are like those of a Land-Turtle, and it has strong Claws wherewith it digs holes in the Ground like a Cony. The flesh is very sweet and tastes much like a Land-Turtle.

The Porcupine being a Creature well known, I'll pass it in silence.

The Beasts of prey that are bred in this Country are Tigre-Cats, and (as is reported by our Men) Lions. The Tigre-Cat is about the bigness of a Bull-Dug, with short Legs, and a truss Body, shaped much like a Mastiff, but in all things else, (viz.) its Head, the colour of its Hair, and the manner of its Preying, much resembling the Tigre, only some­what less. Here are great numbers of them: They prey on young Calves or other Game; whereof here is plenty. And because they do not want Food, they are the less to be feared. But I have wisht them farther off, when I have met them in the Woods; because their aspect appears so very stately and fierce. I never did see any Lion in this Coun­try; but I have been informed by two or three per­sons that they did see Lions here: But I am assured, that they are not numerous.

Here are a great many poisonous Creatures in this Country; more particularly Snakes of divers sorts, some yellow, some green, and others of a dun Colour, with black and yellowish spots. The yellow [Page 63] year 1676 Snake is commonly as big as the small of a Man's Leg; and 6 or 7 Foot long. These are a lazy sort of Creatures; for they lye still and prey on Lizards, Guanoes, or other small Animals that come in their way.

It is reported that sometimes they lirk in Trees: and that they are so mighty in strength, as to hold a Bullock fast by one of his Horns, when they hap­pen to come so near that she can twist her self about the Limb of the Tree and the Horn at once. These are accounted very good Meat by some, and are eaten frequently: I my self have tryed it for cu­riosity, but cannot commend it. I have heard some Bay-men report, that they have seen some of this kind here as big as an ordinary Man's Waste; but I never saw any such.

The green Snakes are no bigger about than a Man's Thumb, yet 4 or 5 Foot long: The Backs are of a very lively green colour, but their Bellies in­clining to yellow. These are commonly in Bushes among the green Leaves, and prey upon small Birds. This I have often seen, and was once in danger to be bit by one before I saw it: For I was going to take hold of a Bird that fluttered and cryed out just by me, yet did not fly away, neither could I ima­gine the reason till reaching out my hand, I per­ceived the head of a Snake close by it; and looking more narrowly, I saw the upper part of the Snake, about two or three Inches from his Head, twisted about the poor Bird.

What they feed on besides Birds I know not, but they are said to be very venemous.

The dun coloured Snake is a little bigger than the green Snake, but not above a Foot and a half, or two Foot long; these we should often see in and about our Huts; but did not kill them, because they de­stroyed the Mice, and are very nimble in chacing those Creatures. Besides Snakes, here are Scorpions [Page 64] year 1676 and Centapees in abundance. Here are also Gally­wasps. These are Creatures somewhat resembling Lizards, but larger; their Bodies about the thickness of a Man's Arm, having four short Legs, and small short Tails; their colour a dark brown. These Creatures live in old hollow Trunks of Trees, and are commonly found in wet swampy Ground, and are said to be very poisonous.

Here are also a sort of Spiders of a prodigious size, some near as big as a Man's fist, with long small Legs like the Spiders in England, they have two Teeth, or rather Horns an Inch and a half, or two Inches long, and of a proportionable bigness, which are black as Jett, smooth as Glass, and their small end sharp as a Thorn; they are not strait but bend­ing. These Teeth we often preserve. Some wear them in their Tobacco pouches to pick their Pipes. Others preserve them for Tooth-Pickers, especially such as were troubled with the Toothach; for by report they will expel that pain, tho' I cannot ju­stifie it of my own Knowledge. The backs of these Spiders are covered with a dark yellowish Down, as soft as Velvet. Some say these Spiders are vene­mous; others not; whether is true I cannot deter­mine.

Tho' this Country be so often over-flown with Water; yet it swarms with Ants, of several sorts; viz. great, small, black, yellow, &c. The great black Ant stings or bites almost as bad as a Scorpion; and next to this the small yellow Ants bite is most painful; for their sting is like a spark of fire; and they are so thick among the boughs in some places, that one shall be covered with them before he is aware. These Creatures have Nests on great Trees, placed on the Body be­tween the Limbs: some of their Nests are as big as a Hogshead; this is their Winter Habitation; for in the wet Season they all repair to these their Cities: [Page 65] year 1676 Here they preserve their Eggs. Ants-Eggs are as much esteemed by the Planters in the West-Indies for feeding their Chickens, as Great Oat-meal with us in England. In the dry Season when they leave their Nests, they swarm over all the Woodland; for they never trouble the Savannahs: You may then see great Paths made by them in the Woods of three or four Inches broad beaten as plain as the Roads in England. They go out light, but bring home heavy Loads on their backs, all of the same sub­stance, and equal in bigness: I never observed any thing besides pieces of green Leaves, so big that I could scarce see the Insect for his Burthen; yet they would march stoutly, and so many still pressing after, that it was a very pretty sight, for the Path lookt prefectly green with them. There was one sort of Ants of a black Colour, pretty large, with long Legs; these would march in Troops, as if they were busie in seeking somewhat; they were always in hast, and followed their Leaders exactly, let them go whither they would; these had no beaten Paths to walk in, but rambled about like Hunters: Sometimes a Band of these Ants would happen to march through our Huts, over our Beds, or into our Pavilions, nay, sometimes into our Chests; and there ransack every part; and where-ever the foremost went, the rest all came after: We never disturbed them, but gave them free liberty to search where they pleased; and they would all march off before night. These Companies were so great, that they would be two or three hours in passing by, though they went very fast.

The Fowls of this Country are Humming Birds, Black Birds, Turtle Doves, Pigeons, Parrots, Para­kites, Quames, Corresoes, Turkies, Carrion Crows, Subtle Jacks, Bill Birds, Cockrecoes, &c. The Hum­ming Bird is a pretty little feather'd Creature, no bigger than a great over-grown Wasp, with a black Bill no bigger than a small Needle, and his Legs and [Page 66] year 1676 Feet in proportion to his body. This Creature does not wave his Wings like other Birds when it flies, but keeps them in a continued quick motion like Bees or other Infects, and like them makes a con­tinual humming Noise as it flies. It is very quick in motion, and haunts about Flowers and Fruit, like a Bee gathering Hony, making many near addresses to its delightful Objects, by visiting them on all sides, and yet still keeps in motion, sometimes on one side, sometime on the other; as often rebounding a foot or two back on a sudden, and as quickly re­turns again, keeping thus about one Flower five or six minutes, or more. There are two or three sorts of them, some bigger than others, but all very small, neither are they coloured alike; the largest are of a blackish colour.

The Black Bird is somewhat bigger than ours in England; it has a longer Tail, but like them in Co­lour: They are sometimes called Chattering Crows, because they chatter like a Magpy.

There are three sorts of Turtle Doves (viz.) white brested Doves, dun coloured Doves, and ground Doves. The white breasts are the biggest; they are of a blewish gray Colour with white Breasts; these are fine, round and plump, and almost as big as a Pigeon. The next sort are all over of a dun, lesser than the former, and not so round. The ground Dove much bigger than a Sky-Lark, of a dull grey, very round and plump, and commonly runs in pairs on the ground, and probably thence have their name. The other two sorts flie in pairs, and feed on Berries, which they commonly gather themselves from the Trees where they grow; and all threes sorts are very good Meat.

Pigeons are not very common here; they are less than our Wood Quests, and as good food.

The Quam is as big as an ordinary Hen Turkey, of a blackish dun Colour; its Bill like a Turkeys; [Page 67] year 1676 it flies about among the Woods; feeds on Berries, and is very good meat.

The Correso is a larger Fowl that the Quam: The Cock is black, the Hen is of a dark brown. The Cock has a Crown of black Feathers on his Head, and appears very stately. These live also on Berries, and are very good to eat; but their Bones are said to be poisonous; therefore we do either burn or bury them, or throw them into the Water for fear our Dogs should eat them.

Carrion Crows are blackish Fowls about the big­ness of Ravens; they have bald Heads, and redish bald Necks like Turkeys; and therefore by Strangers that come newly from Europe, are often mistaken for such. These live wholly on flesh, (and are there­fore called Carrion Crows:) There are great num­bers of them; They are heavy, dull Creatures, and by their perching long at one place they seem to be very lazy: yet they are quick enough to find out their Prey; for when we hunt in the Woods or Sa­vannahs, as soon as we have killed a Beast, they will immediately flock about us from all parts, and in less than an hours time there will be two or three hundred, though at first there was not one to be seen. I have sometimes admired from whence so many came so suddenly; for we never see above two or three at a place, before they come to feast on a Car­kass.

Some of the Carrion Crows are all over white, but their Feathers look as if they were sullied: They have bald Heads and Necks like the rest; they are of the same bigness and make; without any diffe­rence but in Colour; and we never see above one or two of these white ones at a time; and 'tis seldom [...]lso that we see a great number of the black ones, but we see one white one amongst them.

1. The Logwood-Cutters call the white ones King Carrion Crows, and say, that they are much bigger [Page 68] year 1676 than the others; and that when a great number are assembled about a Carcass, if a King Carrion Crow be among them, he falls on first, and none of the others will taste the least Morsel, till he has filled his Belly and is withdrawn; nay, that they will sit perching on the Trees about him, without approach­ing the Carcass, till he flies away; and then in an instant they fall on all together. I have seen of the King Carrion Crows, but could not perceive them to be bigger than the rest; neither were the black ones, their Companions, so unmannerly as to let them eat without Company; they are very vo­racious, and will dispatch a Carcass in a Trice: For that reason the Spaniards never kill them, but fine any one that shall: And I think there is also an Act in Jamaica that prohibits their destruction; and the Logwood-Cutters, tho' under no such obligation, yet are so zealously superstitious, that none will hurt them for fear of receiving some damage after­wards.

Subtle Jacks are Birds as big as Pidgeons; they are mostly blackish; the tips of their Wing Feathers are yellowish, as are also their Bills. They have a pe­culiar and wonderful cunning way of building dif­ferent from any others: Their Nests hang down from the boughs of lofty Trees, whose Bodies are clean without limbs for a considerable height: The branches to which they fasten them, are those that spread farthest out from the body; and the very ex­tremities of those boughs are only used by them. O [...] Trees that grow single by themselves at some di­stance from others, they build clear round; but i [...] they joyn to others, they make choice of such on­ly as are bordering upon a Savannah, Pond or Creek, and hang down those Nests from those limbs that spread over their Savannahs, &c. neglecting such as are near other Trees: Their Nests hang down two or three foot from the twigs to which they are [Page 69] year 1676 fastned, and look just like Cabbage-Nets stuft with Hay. The Thread that fastens the Nest to the twig is made of long Grass (as is also the Nest it self) very ingeniously twisted together: It is but small at the twig; but near the Nest grows thicker. The Nest has a hole in the side for the Bird to enter at, and 'tis very pretty to see twenty or thirty of them hanging round a Tree. They are all called by the English Subtle Jacks, because of this uncommon way of building.

There are two or three sorts of Bill-Birds, so called by the English, because their Bills are almost as big as themselves. The largest I ever saw are about the size of English Wood-peckers, and much like them: There are others of a smaller sort; but they are not often met with, and I never saw many of them.

Cockrecoes are short winged Birds, coloured like Partridge, but somewhat lesser; neither are they so plump and round. They have long Legs, delight­ing to run on the Ground among Woods in swam­py Places or near Creeks. They make a loud Noise Mornings and Evenings, and Answer one ano­ther very prettily; and they are extraordinary sweet Meat.

The Water-Fowls are Duck and Mallard; Cur­lews, Herons, Crabcatchers, Pelicans, Cormorants, Fishing-Hawks, Men-of-War-Birds, Boobies, &c.

There are three sorts of Ducks, viz. The Mus­covy, the Whistling and the common Duck. Mus­covy Ducks are less than ours, but otherwise exactly alike. They perch on old dry Trees, or such as have no leaves on them, and seldom light on the Ground but to feed. Whistling Ducks are some­what less than our Common Duck, but not differ­ing from them in shape or Colour: In flying, their Wings make a pretty sort of loud whistling Noise. These also perch on Trees as the former. The [Page 70] year 1676 other sort are like our Common Ducks, both in bigness and colour, and I have never observed them to pitch upon Trees. All three sorts are very good Meat

Here are two sorts of Curlews different in bigness and colour; the greater are as big as Turkeys, with long Legs and long crooked Bills, like a Snipes, in length and bigness proportionable to the Bulk of their Bodies: They are of a dark colour; their Wings black and white; their Flesh black, but very sweet and wholesom: They are call'd by the English double Curlews, because they are twice as big as the other sort.

The small Curlews are of a dusky brown, with long Legs and Bills like the former: their Flesh is most esteemed as being the sweetest.

Herons are like ours in England in bigness, shape and colour.

Crabcatchers are shaped and coloured like Herons, but they are smaller: They feed on small Crabs no bigger than ones Tumb, of which there is great plenty.

Pelicans are large flat-footed Fowls, almost as big as Geese, and their Feathers in colour like them: they have short Legs, long Necks, and their Bills are about two Inches broad and 17 or 18 long; the fore part of their Necks or Breasts is bare, and covered with a soft, smooth, yet loose Skin, like that about the Necks of Turkies: This Skin is of the colour of their Feathers, mixt with a dark and light grey, so axactly interwoven that it appears very beautiful. They are a very heavy Bird, and seldom fly far, or very high from the Water: They com­monly sit on Rocks at some distance from the shore, where they may look about them. They seem to be very melancholy Fowls, by their perching all alone: they sit as if they were sleeping, holding their Heads upright, and resting the ends of their [Page 71] year 1676 Bills on their Breast; they are better Meat than Boobies or Men-of-War-Birds.

Cormorants are just like young Ducks in shape, having such Feet and Bills: They are black with white Breasts, and live on small Fish which they take near the shore, or on Worms which they get out of the Mud at low Water. They taste very fishy, yet are indifferent good Meat, they being ve­ry fat.

Fishing Hawks are like our smallest sort of Hawks in colour and shape, with such Bills and Talons; They perch upon stumps of Trees or dry Limbs that hang over the Water about Creeks, Rivers or against the Sea: and upon sight of any small Fish near them, they Skim along just over them, and snatching up the Prey with their Talons, presently rise again without touching the Water with their Wings. They don't swallow the Fish whole as all other Fishing Fowls, that ever I saw do, but tear it with their Bills and eat it Piece-Meal.

The Lagunes, Creeks and Rivers are plentifully stored with great variety of Fish (viz.) Mullets, Snooks, Tenpounders, Tarpoms, Cavallies, Parri­cootas, Gar-fish, Stingrays, Spanish Mackril, with many others.

Tenpounders are shaped like Mullets, but are so full of very small stiff Bones, intermixt with the Flesh, that you can hardly eat them.

Parricootas are long Fish, with round Bodies like Mackril: They have very long Mouths and sharp Teeth; they are about 8 or 10 Inches round, and three Foot and half long. They commonly haunt in Lagunes among Islands, or in the Sea near the shore. They are a floating Fish, and greedily take the Hook, and will snap at Men too in the Water. We commonly take them when we are under sail, with a Hook towing after our Stern. They are firm well-tasted Fish; but 'tis dangerous [Page 72] year 1676 eating them, for some Men have been poisoned with them.

Divers Persons are of Opinion that these Crea­tures are poysonous in some Places only, and that but at some times of the Year. I know that in ma­ny Parts of the West-Indies, some have been injured by eating them, and that at different Seasons of the Year; therefore Seamen commonly taste the Li­ver before they venture any further; and if that has a biting taste like Pepper, they esteem the fish un­wholsom, but if not, they eat it: and yet I have found even this Rule fail too. I judge the Head and the Parts near it, to be chiefly venomous.

Gar-fish are round, but neither so big nor long as the former; but what is more peculiar, they have long bony Snouts, like the Sword-fish, only as the Sword-fishes Snout is flat, and indented like a Saw on each side; so on the contrary these have their Snouts like a Spear, round, smooth and sharp at the end, and about a foot long. These area sort of floaty or Flying Fish: for they skip along a Foot or two above the Water, for the length of twenty or thirty Yards: then they just touch the edge of the Water, and spring forward so much farther, and them touch the Water, and spring forward again, a great many times before they cease. They dart them­selves with such a force that they strike their Snout through the sides of a Cotton-Tree Canoa; and we often fear that they will strike quite through our very Bodies.—They are extraordinary sweet Fish.

Spanish Mackril are in shape and colour like our Mackril, but larger: They are three Foot or three and half long, and nine or ten Inches about, and they also are generally esteemed very excellent Fish.

[Page 73] year 1676 The Ray is a flat Fish, like Skate, and I have seen three sorts of them; viz. the Stingray, the Raspray and the Whipray. The Stingray and Rasp­ray are much a like in shape; but the former has three or four strong sharp Prickles, near two Inches long, at the Root of its Tail, which are said to be very venomous, but the rest of his Skin is smooth. The Raspray has a rough knotty Skin wherewith Rasps are made: the Skins of the largest are so rough, that the Spaniards in some Places grate their Cassavy with them, which is a Root very common all over the West-Indies; and of which the Spaniards and English frequently make their Bread; but the fairest Skins are used to cover Surgeons Instrument Cases, and other such fine Things; but of late they are counterfeited. I have been told that in Turkey Asses Skins are stamped with small hard Seeds, which gives them Impressions like Raspray.

The Whipray differs from the other two sorts, having a small, but longer Tail, and ending with a Knob, shaped like a Harpoon. All these three sorts are much about a Foot and half broad. There is yet another sort of these flat Fish of the Whipray kind, but of a prodigious bigness; viz. three or four Yards square, and their Tails as long: these we call Sea-Devils; they are very strong Fish, and are sometimes Gamesom; but they make an odd Figure when they leap out of the Water, tumbling over and over.

Neither are Turtle and Manatee wanting in this Lagune. Here are some Hawks-bill-Turtle, but the green Turtle is most plentiful. They are of a middle size; yet here was once a very large one taken, as I have mentioned in my Voyages round the World.

Here are abundance of Manatee, which are both large and sweet.

[Page 74] year 1676 Alligators are also in great numbers in all the Creeks, Rivers and Lagunes in the Bay of Campeachy; and I think that no part of the Universe is better stock'd with them.

The Alligator is a Creature so well known every where, that I should not describe it, were it not to give an Account of the difference between it and the Crocodile; for they resemble each other so nearly in their shape and bulk, as also in their Natures, that they are generally mistaken for the same Species; only the one supposed to be the Male, the other the Female: Whether they are so or not, the World may judge by the following Observations. As to their Bulk and length, I never saw any so large as some I have heard and read of; but accor­ding to my best Judgment, though I have seen Thousands, I never met with any above sixteen or seventeen Foot long, and as thick as a large Colt. He his shaped like a Lizard, of a dark brown colour, with a large head and very long Jaws, with great strong Teeth, especially two of a Remarkable Length, that grow out of, and at the very end of the under Jaw in the smallest part, on each side one; there are two holes in the upper Jaw to receive these, otherways he could not shut his Mouth. It has 4 short Legs and Broad Claws, with a long Tail. The Head, Back and Tail is fenced with pretty hard Scales, joyned together with a very thick tough Skin: Over its Eyes there are two hard scally Knobs, as big as a Mans Fist, and from the Head to the Tail, along the Ridge of his Back 'tis full of such knotty hard Scales, not like Fish-Scales, which are loose, but so united to the Skin, that it is all one with it, and can't be taken asunder, but with a sharp Knife. From the Ridge of the Back down on the Ribs towards the Belly, (which is of a dusky yellow colour like a Frog) there are many of these Scales, but not so substantial nor so thick placed as the other. [Page 75] year 1676 These Scales are no hindrance to him in turning; for he will turn very quick, considering his length. When he goes on Land his Tail drags on the Ground.

The Flesh smells very strong of Musk; especially four Kernels or Cods that are always found about them, two of which grow in the Groin, near each Thigh; the other two at the Breast, one under each Fore-leg, and about the bigness of a Pullets Egg; therefore when we kill an Alligator, we take out these, and having dried them wear them in our Hats for a perfume. The Flesh is seldom eaten but in case of Necessity, because of it strong scent.

Now the Crocodile hath none of these Kernels, neither doth his Flesh taste at all Musky, therefore esteemed better Food. He is of a yellow colour, neither hath he such long Teeth in his under Jaw. The Crocodile's Legs also are longer, and when it runs on Land, it bears its Tail above the Ground, and turns up the tip of it in a round bow, and the Knots on the back are much thicker, higher and firmer than those of the Alligator; and differ also as to the Places where they are found. For in some Parts, as here in the Bay of Campeachy, are abundance of Alligators, where yet I never saw nor heard of any Crocodiles. At the Isle Grand Caymanes, there are Crocodiles, but no Alligators. At Pines by Cuba, there are abundance of Crocodiles, but I cannot say there are no Alligators, tho' I never saw any there. Both Kinds are called Caymanes, by the Spaniards; therefore probably they may reckon them for the same. And I know of no other difference, for they both lay Eggs alike, which are not distinguishable to the Eye: They are as big as a Goose-Egg, but much longer, and good Meat; yet the Alligators Eggs taste very musky: They prey both alike in either Element, [Page 76] year 1676 for they love Flesh as well as Fish, and will live in either fresh or salt Water. Beside these Creatures, I know none that can live any where, or upon any sort of Food, like them. 'Tis reported, that they love Dogs Flesh better than any other Flesh what­soever. This I have seen with my own Eyes, that our Dogs were so much afraid of them, that they would not very willingly drink at any great River or Creek where those Creatures might lurk and hide themselves, unless they were (through Necessity) constrained to it; and then they would stand five or six Foot from the brink of the Creek or River, and bark a considerable time before they would Adventure nearer; and then even at the sight of their own Shadows in the Water, they would again retire to the Place from whence they came, and bark vehemently a long time; so that in the dry Season, when there was no fresh Water but in Ponds and Creeks, we used to fetch it our selves and give it our Dogs; and many times in our Hunting, when we came to a large Creek that we were to pass through, our Dogs would not follow us; so that we often took them in our Arms, and carried them over.

Besides the fore-mentioned difference between the Alligator and Crocodile; the latter is accounted more fierce and daring then the Alligator: There­fore when we go to the Isles of Pines or Grand Caymanes to hunt, we are often molested by them, especially in the Night. But in the Bay of Cam­peachy, where there are only Alligators, I did never know any Mischief done by them, except by accident Men run themselves into their Jaws. I remember one Instance of this Nature, which is as follows.

[Page 77] year 1676 In the very height of the dry time seven or eight Men (English and Irish) went to a place called Pies Pond, on Beef-Island, to hunt. This Pond was never dry, so that the Cattle drew hither in swarms, but after two or three days hunting they were shy, and would not come to the Pond till Night, and then if an Army of Men had lain to oppose them, they would not have been debarr'd of Water. The Hunters knowing their Custom, lay still all Day, and in the Night visited this Pond, and killed as many Beefs as they could. This Trade they had driven a Week, and made great profit. At length an Irish-man going to the Pond in the Night, stumbled over an Alligator that lay in the Path: The Alligator seized him by the Knee; at which the Man cries out, Help! help! His Consorts not know­ing what the matter was, ran all away from their Huts, supposing that he was fallen into the Clutches of some Spaniards, of whom they were afraid every dry Season. But poor Daniel not finding any assistance, waited till the Beast opened his Jaw to take better hold; because it is usual for the Alligator to do so; and then snatch'd away his Knee, and slipt the But-end of his Gun in the room of it, which the Alligator griped so hard, that he pull'd it out of his Hand and so went away. The Man being near a small Tree climb'd up out of his reach; and then cried out to his Consorts to come and assist him; who being still within Call, and watching to hear the Issue of the Ala­rum, made haste to him with Fire-brands in their Hands, and brought him away in their Arms to his Hut; for he was in a deplora­ble condition, and not able to stand on his Feet, his Knee was so torn with the Alligators Teeth.

His Gun was found the next day ten or twelve Paces from the place where he was seized, with [Page 78] year 1676 two large Holes made in the But-end of it, one on each side, near an Inch deep; for I saw the Gun afterwards. This spoiled their sport for a time, they being forc'd to carry the Man to the Island Trist, where their Ships were, which was six or seven Leagues distant.

This Irish-man went afterwards to New-England, to be cured, in a Ship belonging to Boston, and nine or ten Months after returned to the Bay again, being recovered of his Wound, but went limping ever after.

This was all the mischief that ever I heard was done in the Bay of Campeachy, by the Creatures call'd Alligators.

CHAP. II.

THE Logwood-Cutters (as I said before) inhabit the Creeks of the East and West Lagunes, in small Campanies, building their Huts close by the Creeks sides for the benefit of the Sea-Breezes, as near the Logwood Groves as they can, removing often to be near their Business: yet when they are settled in a good open Place, they chuse rather to go half a Mile in their Canoas to work, than lose that convenience. Tho' they build their Huts but slightly, yet they take care to thatch them very well with Palm or Palmeto Leaves, to prevent the Rains, which are there very violent, from soaking in.

[Page 80] year 1676 For their Bedding they raise a Barbecue, or wooden Frame 3 Foot and a half above Ground on one side of the House; and stick up four Stakes, at each corner one, to fasten their Pavilions; out of which here is no sleeping for Moskitoes.

Another Frame they raise covered with Earth for a Hearth to dress their Victuals: and a third to sit at when they eat it.

During the wet Season, the Land where the Logwood grows is so overflow'd, that they step from their Beds into the Water perhaps two Foot deep, and continue standing in the wet all Day, till they go to. Bed again; but nevertheless account it the best Season in the Year for doing a good days La­bour in.

Some fell the Trees, others saw and cut them into convenient Logs, and one chips off the Sap, and he is commonly a principal Man; and when a Tree is so thick, that after it has lodg'd, it remains still too great a Burthen for one Man, we blow it up with Gun-powder.

The Logwood-Cutters are generally sturdy strong Fellows, and will carry Burthens of three or four hundred Weight; but every Man is left to his choice to carry what he pleaseth, and commonly they agree very well about it: For they are contented to la­bour very hard.

But when Ships come from Jamaica with Rum and Sugar, they are too apt to mis-pend both their Time and Money. If the Commanders of these Ships are Free, and treat all that come the first Day with Punch, they will be much respected, and every Man will pay honestly for what he drinks afterwards; but if he be niggardly, they will pay him with their worst Wood, and commonly they have a stock of such lay'd by for that purpose; nay, they will cheat them with hollow Wood fill'd with dirt in the middle and both ends plugg'd up [Page 81] year 1676 with a piece of the same drove in hard, and then sawed off so neatly, that it's hard to find out the deceit; but if any Man come to purchase with Bills payable at Jamaica, they will be sure to give him the best Wood.

In some places, especially in the West Creek of the West Lagune, they go a hunting every Saturday to provide themselves with Beef for the Week fol­lowing.

The Cattle in this Country are large and fat in February, March, and April: At other times of the Year they are sleshy, but not fat, yet sweet enough. When they have kill'd a Beef, they cut it into four Quarters, and taking out all the Bones, each Man makes a hole in the middle of his Quarter, just big enough for his Head to go through, then puts it on like a Frock, and trudgeth home; and if he chances to tire, he cuts off some of it, and flings it away.

It is a diversion pleasant enough, though not without some danger, to hunt in a Canoa; for then the Cattle having no other feeding Places than the sides of the Savannahs, which are somewhat higher Ground than the middle, they are forced sometimes to swim; so that we easily come to shoot them, when they are thus in the Water.

The Beast, when she is so hard pursued that she cannot escape, turns about and comes full tilt at the Canoa, and striking her Head against the Prow, drives her back 20 or 30 Paces; then she scampers away again: But if she has received a wound, she commonly pursues us till she is knock'd down. Our chiefest care is to keep the head of the Canoa to­wards her; for if she should strike against the broad side, it would indanger over-setting it, and consequently wetting our Arms and Ammunition. Besides, the Savannahs at this time swarm with Alligators, and therefore are the more dangerous on that account.

[Page 82] year 1676 These Creatures in the wet Season forsake the Rivers, and inhabit the Drownd-Savannahs to meet with Purchase, and no Flesh comes amiss to them, whether alive or dead. Their chief Subsistence then is on young Cattle, or such Carkasses as we leave behind us, which in the Dry Season feed the Carrion-Crows; but now are a Prey to the Alligators. They remain here till the Water drains off from the Land; and then confine themselves to the Stagnant Ponds; and when they are dry, they ramble away to some Creek or River.

The Alligators in this Bay are not so fierce as they are reported to be in other Places; for I never knew them pursue any Man, although we do frequently meet them; nay, they will flee from us: and I have drank out of a Pond in the dry time, that hath been full of them, and the Water not deep enough to cover their backs, and the compass of the Pond so small that I could get no Water, but by coming within two Yards of the Alligators Nose; they lying with their Heads towards mine as I was drink­ing, and looking on me all the while. Neither did I ever hear of any bit in the Water by them, tho' probably should a Man happen in their way, they would seize upon him.

Having thus given some Description of the Coun­try, I shall next give an Account of my Living with the Logwood-Men, and of several Occurrences that happened during my stay here.

Tho' I was a Stranger to their Employment and manner of Living, as being known but to those few only of whom we bought our Wood, in my for­mer Voyage hither; yet that little Acquaintance I then got, incouraged me to visit them after my se­cond arrival here; being in hopes to strike in to work with them. There were six in Company, who had a Hundred Tuns ready cut, log'd and chip'd, but not brought to the Creeks side, and they [Page 83] year 1676 expected a Ship from New-England in a Month or two, to fetch it away.

When I came hither, they were beginning to bring it to the Creek: And because the Carriage is the hardest Work, they hired me to help them at the rate of a Tun of Wood per Month; promising me that after his Carriage was over, I should strike in to work with them, for they were all obliged in Bonds to procure this 100 Tuns jointly together, but for no more.

This Wood lay all in the Circumference of 5 or 600 Yards, and about 300 from the Creek-side in the middle of a very thick Wood, unpassable with Burthens. The first thing we did was to bring it all to one Place in the middle, and from thence we cut a very large Path to carry it to the Creeks side. We laboured hard at this Work 5 Days in the Week; and on Saturdays went into the Savannahs and kil­led Beeves.

When we killed a Beef, if there were more than four of us, the Overplus went to seek fresh Game, whilst the rest dress'd it.

I went out the first Sunday and complyed very well with my Master's Orders, which was only to help drive the Cattle out of the Savannahs into the Woods, where two or three Men lay to shoot them: And having kill'd our Game, we marched Home with our Burthens. The next Saturdy after, I went with a design to kill a Beef my self, thinking it more honour to try my own Skill in Shooting, than only to drive the Game for others to shoot at. We w [...]t now to a Place called the Upper Savannah, go­ing four Miles in our Canoas, and then landing, walk'd one Mile thro' the Woods, before we came into the Savannah, and marched about two Miles in it, before we came up with any Game. Here I gave my Com­panions the slip, and wandred so far into the Woods that I lost my self; neither could I find the [Page 84] year 1676 way into the open Savannah, but instead of that ran directly from it, through small spots of Sa­vannahs and Skirts of Woods. This was sometime in May, and it was between ten a Clock and one when I began to find that I was (as we called it, I suppose from the Spaniards) Morooned, or Lost, and quite out of the Hearing of my Comrades Guns. I was somewhat surpriz'd at this; but however, I knew I should find my way out, as soon as the Sun was a little lower. So I sat down to rest my self; resolving however to run no farther out of my way; for the Sun being so near the Zenith, I could not distinguish how to direct my Course. Being weary and almost faint for want of Water, I was forced to have recourse to the Wild-Pines, and was by them supplied, or else I must have perished with Thirst. About three a Clock I went due North, as near as I could judge, for the Savannah lay East and West, and I was on the South side of it.

At Sun-set I got into the clear open Savannah, being about two Leagues wide in most Places, but how long I know not. It is well stored with Bul­locks, but by frequent hunting they grow shy, and remove farther up into the Country. Here I found my self four or five Mile to the West of the Place where I stragled from my Companions. I made homewards with all the speed I could, but being overtaken by the Night, I lay down on the Grass a good distance from the Woods, for the be­nefit of the Wind, to keep the Muskitoes from me; but in vain: for in less than an Hours time I was so persecuted, that though I endeavoured to keep them off by Fanning my self with Boughs and shifting my Quarters 3 or 4 times; yet still they haunted me so that I could get no sleep. At Day-break I got up and directed my Course to the Creek where we landed, from which I was then about two Leagues. I did not see one Beast of any [Page 85] year 1676 sort whatever in all the way; though the day before I saw several Young Calves that could not follow their Dams, but even these were now gone away, to my great Vexation and Disappointment, for I was very hungry. But about a Mile farther, I spied ten or twelve Quams perching on the Boughs of a Cotton-Tree. These were not shy, therefore I got well enough under them; and having a single Bullet (but no shot) about me, fired at one of them, but miss'd it, though I had before often kill'd them so. Then I came up with, and fired at 5 or 6 Turkies, but with no better success. So that I was forced to march forward still in the Savannah, toward the Creek; and when I came to the Path that led to it through the Woods, I found (to my great Joy) a Hat stuck upon a Pole: and when I came to the Creek I found another. These were set up by my Consorts, who were gone home in the Evening, as Signals that they would come and fetch me. There­fore I sat down and waited for them; for although I had not then above three Leagues home by Water, yet it would have been very difficult, if not impos­sible for me to have got thither over Land, by rea­son of those vast unpassable Thickets abounding every where along the Creeks side; wherein I have known some puzzled for two or three days, and have not advanced half a Mile, though they la­boured extreamly every day. Neither was I disap­pointed of my hopes; for within half an Hour after my arrival at the Creek, my Consorts came, bring­ing every Man his Bottle of Water, and his Gun, both to hunt for Game and to give me notice by Firing, that I might here them; for I have known several Men lost in the like manner, and never heard of afterwards.

Such an Accident befel one Captain Hall of New-England, who came hither in a Boston Ship, to take in Logwood, and was fraighted by two Scotch­men, [Page 86] year 1676 and one Mr. W. Cane, an Irish-man who design­ing to go with Goods from Jamaica to New-England; for that reason when his Logwood was aboard, tar­ried at Trist with the Ship, and hunted once in 2 or three Days for Beef to lengthen out his Salt Provi­sion. One Morning the Captain designing to hunt, took five of his Men, with his Mate, as also his Merchant Mr. Cane along with him. They Land­ed at the East end of the Island, which is low Man­grove-land; the Savannah is a considerable distance from the Sea, and therefore troublesom to get to it. However, unless they would row four or five Leagues farther, they could not find a more con­venient place; beside, they doubted not of Mr. Canes skill to conduct them. After they had followed him a Mile or two into the Woods, the Captain seeing him to make a Halt (as being in some doubt) to consider of the way, told him in derision, that he was but a sorry Woodsman, and that he would swing him but twice round, and he should not guess the way out again; and saying no more to him went forwards, and bid his Seamen follow him, which they did accordingly. Mr. Cane, after he had recollected himself, struck off another way, and desired them to go with him: But instead of that, they were all for following the Captain. In a short time Mr. Cane got out of the Woods into the Sa­vannah, and there kill'd a good fat Cow, and quar­tering it, made it fit for Carriage, supposing the Captain and Crew would soon be with him. But after waiting 3 or 4 hours, and firing his Gun seve­ral times, without hearing any Answer, took up his Burden and returned towards the Sea-side; and upon giving a Signal a Boat came and brought him aboard. In the Mean time the Captain and his Men after 4 or 5 Hours ranging the Woods, began to grow tired, and then his Mate happily trusting more to his own Judgment, left him and the four Seamen, and about [Page 87] year 1676 four or five a Clock being almost spent with Thirst, got out of the Woods to the Sea shore, and as weak as he was, fired his Gun for the Boat to fetch him, which was immediately done.

When he came Aboard he gave an Account where­about, and in what a condition he left the Captain and his Men; but it being then too late to seek him, the next Morning very early Mr. Cane and two Sea­men taking Directions from the Mate (who was so fatigued that he could not stir) where he had left the Captain, went ashore, and at length came with­in call of him, and at last found him laid down in a Thicket, having just sense to call out sometimes, but not strength enough to stand; so they were forced to carry him to the Sea-side. When they had a little refreshed him with Brandy and Water, he told them how his Company had fainted for Thirst, and drop'd down one after another, though he still incouraged them to be chearful and rest themselves a while, till he got some supplies of Water for them; that they were very patient, and that two of his Men held out till five a Clock in the Afternoon, and then they fainted also; but he him­self proceeded in quest of his way till night; and then fell down in the place where they then found him.

The two Seamen carried the Captain Aboard, while Mr. Cane scarched about for the rest, but to no purpose; for he returned without them, and could never hear of them afterwards.

This was a warning to me never to straggle from my Consorts in our Hunting. But to proceed.

When my Months Service was up, in which time we brought down all the Wood to the Creek side, I was presently pay'd my Tun of Logwood; with which, and some more that I borrow'd, I bought a little Provision, and was afterwards entertained as a [Page 88] year 1676 Companion at work with some of my former Masters; for they presently broke up Consort-ships, letting the Wood lye till either Mr. West came to fetch it, according to his Contract, or else till they should otherwise dispose of it. Some of them immediately went to Beef-Island to kill Bullocks for their Hides, which they preserve by pegging them out very tite on the Ground. First they turn the fleshy side, and after the hair upwards, letting them lye so till they are very dry. 32 strong Pegs as big as a Man's Arm, are required to stretch the Hide as it ought to be. When they are dry they fold them in the middle from Head to Tail, with the Hair outward; and then hang them cross a strong pole so high that the ends may not touch the Ground, 40 or 50, one upon another, and once in 3 Weeks or a Month they beat them with great Sticks, to strike off the Worms that breed in the Hair, and eat it off, which spoils the Hide. When they are to be ship'd off, they soak them in salt Water to kill the remaining Worms; and while they are yet wet they fold them in 4 folds, and afterwards spread them abroad again to dry. When they are fully dry, they fold them up again, and so send them Aboard. I was yet a Stranger to this Work, therefore remained with 3 of the old Crew to cut more Logwood. My Consorts were all three Scotch-men; one of them named Price Morrice had lived there some Years, and was Master of a pretty large Periago; for without some sort of Boat, here is no stirring from one place to another. The other two were young Men that had been bred Merchants, viz. Mr. Duncam Campbell; and Mr. George—These two not liking either the Place or Employ­ment, waited an opportunity of going away by the first Ship that came hither to take in Logwood. Ac­cordingly not long after the above-mentioned. Capt. Hall of Boston, came hither on that design, and was [Page 89] year 1676 fraighted by them with 40 Tun. It was agreed that George should stay behind to cut Logwood; but Campbell should go to New-England to sell this Car­go, and bring back Flower, and such other Commo­dities that were proper to purchase Hides and Log­wood in the Bay. This retarded our business; for I did not find Price Morrice very intent at Work: for 'tis like he thought he had Logwood enough. And I have particularly observed there, and in other Places, that such as had been well-bred, were gene­rally most careful to improve their Time, and would be very industrious and frugal, when there was any probability of considerable Gain. But on the con­trary, such as had been inur'd to hard Labour, and got their Living by the sweat of their Brows, when they came to a plenty, would extravagantly squander away their Time and Money in Drinking and mak­ing a Bluster.

To be short, I kept to my Work by my self, till I was hindred by a hard, red and angry Swelling like a Boyl, in my right Leg; so painful that I was scarce able to stand on it: but I was directed to roast and apply the Roots of White Lillies (of which here is great plenty, growing by the Creek sides) to draw it to a head. This I did three or four Days, without any benefit. At last I perceived two White Specks in the middle of the Boil; and squeezing it, two small white Worms spurted out: I took them both up in my Hand, and perceived each of them to be invested with three Rows of black, short, stiff Hair, running clear round them; one Row near each end; the other in the middle; each Row distinct from other; and all very regular and uniform. The Worms were about the bigness of a Hens Quill, and about three fourths of an Inch long.

I never saw Worms of this sort breed in any Man's Flesh. Indeed Guinea Worms are very frequent in some Places of the West-Indies, especially at Cura­sao; [Page 90] year 1676 They breed as well in Whites as Negroes: And because that Island was formerly a Magazin of Ne­groes, while the Dutch drove that Trade with the Spaniards, and the Negroes were most subject to them; 'twas therefore believed that other People took them by Infection from them. I rather judge that they are generated by drinking bad Water; and 'tis as likely that the Water of the other Island of Aruba and Bonariry may produce the same Effects; for many of those that went with me from thence to Virginia (mentioned in my former Volume) were troubled with them after our arrival there: parti­cularly I my self had one broke out in my Ancle, after I had been there five or six Months.

These Worms are no bigger than a large brown Thread, but (as I have heard) five or six Yards long; and if it breaks in drawing out, that part which re­mains in the Flesh will putrifie, and be very painful, and indanger the Patients Life; or at least the use of that Limb: and I have known some that have been scarified and cut strangely, to take out the Worm. I was in great torment before it came out: my Leg and Ancle swell'd and look'd very red and angry; and I kept a Plaister, to it, to bring it to a Head. At last drawing off my Plaister out came about three Inches of the Worm; and my pain abated presently. Till then I was Ignorant of my Malady; and the Gentlewoman, at whose House I was, took it for a Nerve; but I knew enough what it was, and pre­sently roll'd it up on a small Stick. After that I opened it every Morning and Evening, and strained it out gently, about 2 Inches at a time, not with­out some pain, till at length I had got out about two Foot.

Riding with one Mr. Richardson, who was going to a Negro to have his Horse cured of a gall'd Back, I asked the Negro if he could undertake my Leg: and which he did readily; and in the mean [Page 91] year 1676 time I observed his Method in curing the Horse; which was this. First he strok'd the sore Place, then applying to it a little rough Powder, which looked like Tobacco Leaves dryed and crumbled small, and mumbling some Words to himself, he blew upon the part three times, and waving his Hands as often over it, said, it would be well speedily. His Fee for the Cure was a White Cock.

Then coming to me, and looking on the Worm in my Ancle, he promised to cure it in three Days, de­manding also a White Cock for his pains, and using exactly the same Method with me, as he did with the Horse. He bad me not open it in three Days; but I did not stay so long; for the next Morning the Cloath being rubb'd off, I unbound it, and found the Worm broken off, and the Hole quite healed up. I was afraid the remaining part would have given some trouble, but have not felt any pain there from that day to this.

To return. I told you how I was interrupted in following my Work, by the Worms breeding in my Leg. And to compleat my misfortune, presently after we had the most violent Storm, for above 24 Hours, that ever was known in these Parts. An Ac­count of which I shall give more particularly in my Discourse of Winds and shall now only mention some Passages.

I have already said, we were four of us in Com­pany at this Place cutting Logwood: and by this Storm were reduced to great Inconveniencies; for while that lasted we could dress no Victuals, no [...] even now it was over, unless we had done it in the Canoa; for the highest Land near us was almost 3 Foot under Water: besides our Provision too was most of it spoiled, except the Beef and Pork, which was but little the worse.

We had a good Canoa large enough to carry us all; and seeing it in vain to stay here any longer, we [Page 92] year 1676 all embarked and rowed away to One-Bush-Key, about 4 Leagues from our Huts. There were 4 Ships riding here, when the Storm began: but at our arrival we found only one, and hoped to have got some Refresh­ment from it, but found very cold entertainment: For we could neither get Bread nor Punch, nor so much as a Dram of Rum, though we offered them Money for it. The Reason was, they were already over-charged with such as being distressed by the Storm, had been forced to take Sanctuary with them: Seeing we could not be supplied here, we asked which way the other three Ships were driven? they told us that Capt. Prout of New-England was driven towards Trist, and 'twas probable he was carried out to Sea, unless he struck on a Sand, called the Middle Ground; that Capt. Skinner of New-England was driven towards Beef-Island; and Captain Chand­ler of London, drove away towards Man-of-War Lagune.

Beef-Island lies North from One-Bush-Key; but the other two Places lie a little on each side: One to the East; the other to the West. So away we went for Beef-Island: and coming within a League of it, we saw a Flag in the Woods, made fast to a Pole, and placed on the Top of a high Tree. And coming still nearer, we at last saw a Ship in the Woods, about 200 Yards from the Sea. We rowed directly towards her; and when we came to the Woods side, found a pretty clear Pas­sage made by the Ship, through the Woods, the Trees being all broke down; and about three Foot Water Home to the Ship. We rowed in with our Canoa, and went aboard, and were kindly Enter­tained by the Seamen: but the Captain was gone Aboard Captain Prout, who stuck fast on the middle Ground before-mentioned. Captain Prout's Ship was afterwards got off again; but the Stumps of the Trees ran clear through the bottom of Captain [Page 93] year 1676 Skinner's, therefore there was no hope of saving her. Here we got Victuals and Punch, and stayed about two Hours, in which time the Captain came aboard and invited us to stay all Night. But hearing some Guns fired in Man-of-War Lagune, we concluded that Captain Chandler was there, and wanted as­sistance. Therefore we presently rowed away thi­ther, for we could do no Service here: and before Night found him also stuck fast on a Point of Sand. The Head of his Ketch was dry, and at the Stern, there was above 4 foot Water. Our coming was very seasonable to Captain Chandler, with whom we stayed two Days: in which time we got out all his Goods, carried off his Anchor, &c. and so not being able as yet to do him more Service, we left him for the present, and went away to hunt at Beef-Island.

At Trist were four Vessels riding before this Storm; one of them was driven off to Sea, and never heard of afterwards. Another was cast dry upon the shore, where she lay and was never got off again: But the third rode it out. Another was riding without the Bar of Trist, and she put to Sea, and got to New-England; but much shattered. About [...] days before this Storm began, a small Vessel, Commanded by Captain Vally, went hence, bound to Jamaica. This Vessel was given for lost by all the Logwood-Cutters: but about 4 Months after she returned thither again; and the Captain said he felt nothing of the Storm, but when he was about 30 Leagues to Windward of Trist, he had a fresh Summasenta Wind that carried him as high as Cape Condecedo; but all the time he saw very black Clouds to the Westward.

Beef-Island is about 7 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad. It lies in length East and West. The East end looks toward the Island Trist; and is low drowned Land: and near the Sea produceth nothing but [Page 94] year 1676 white and black Mangrove-Trees. The North side lies open to the Main Sea, running straight from East to West. The Eastermost part for about three Leagues from Trist is Low and Mangrovy; at the end of which there is a small salt Creek, deep enough at high Water for Boats to pass.

From this Creek to the West end, is 4 Leagues all sandy Bay, closed on the backside with a low Sand­bank, abounding with thick prickly Bushes, like a White-thorn; bearing a whitish hard shell-Fruit, as big as a Sloe, much like a Calla-bash. The West end is washed with the River St. Peter St. Paul. This end is over-grown with red Mangroves. About 3 Leagues up from the Mouth of this River shoots forth a small Branch, running to the Eastward, and dividing Beef-Island from the Main on the South, and afterwards makes a great Lake of fresh Water, cal­led Fresh Water Lagune. This afterward falls into a Salt Lake, called Man-of-War Lagune; which empties it self into Laguna Termina, about 2 Leagues from the South East Point of the Island.

The inside or middle of this Island is a Savannah, bordered all round with Trees, most Mangrovy; either black, white or red, with some Logwood.

The South side, between the Savannahs and the Mangroves is very rich. Some of this Land lyes in Ridges higher than the Savannahs.

The Savannahs produce plenty of long Glass, and the Ridges curious high flourishing Trees of divers sorts.

The Fruits of this Island are Penguins, both red and yellow, Guavers, Sapadilloes, Limes, Oranges, &c. These last but lately planted here by a Colony of Indians; who revolted from the Spaniards and settled here.

It is no new thing for the Indians in these Woody Parts of America, to fly away whole Towns at once, and settle themselves in the unfrequented [Page 95] year 1676 Woods to enjoy their Freedom; and if they are accidentally discovered, they will remove again; which they can easily do; their Houshold-Goods being little else but their Cotton Hammacks, and their Callabashes. They build every Man his own House, and tye up their Hammacks between two Trees; wherein they sleep till their Houses are made. The Woods afford them some Subsistance, as Pecary and Warree; but they that are thus stroling (or moroon­ing, as the Spaniards call it) have Plantain-Walks that no Man knows, but themselves; and from thence they have their Food, till they have raised Plantation Provision near their New-built Town. They clear no more Ground than what they actually employ for their Subsistance. They make no Paths: but when they go far from Home; they break now and then a Bough; letting it hang down; which serves as a Mark to guide them in their return. If they happen to be discovered by other Indians, inha­biting still among the Spaniards, or do but mistrust it, they immediately shift their Quarters to another Place. This large Country affording them good fat Land enough, and very Woody, and therefore a proper Sanctuary for them.

It was some of these fugitive Indians that came to live at Beef-Island; where, besides gaining their Free­dom from the Spaniards, they might see their Friends and Accquaintances, that had been taken some time before by the Privateers, and sold to the Logwood-Cutters, with whom some of the Women lived still though others of them had been conducted by them, to their own Habitations.—It was these Women after their return made known the Kind Entertainment that they met with from the English; and perswaded their Friends to leave their Dwellings near the Spaniards, and settle on this Island; and they had been here almost a Year before they were discovered by the English: and even then were ac­cidentally [Page 96] year 1676 found out by the Hunters, as they follow­ed their Game. They were not very shy all the time I lived there; but I know that upon the least disgust they would have been gone.

The Animals of this Island are, Squashes in abun­dance, Porcupines, Guanoes, Possomes, Pecary, Deer, Horses; and Horn Cattle.

This Island does properly belong to John d' Acosta a Spaniard of Campeachy Town, who possess'd it when the English first came hither to cut Logwood. His Habitation was then at the Town of Campeachy; but in the dry Season he used to come hither in a Bark, with six or seven Servants, and spend two or three Months in hocksing and killing Cattle, only for their Hides and Tallow.

The English Logwood-Cutters happened once to come hither, whilst John d' Acosta was there; and he hearing their Guns, made towards them, and de­sired them to forbear firing; because it would make the Cattle wild; but told them that any time when they wanted Beef, if they sent to him he would hor as many as they pleased, and bring the Meat to their Canoas. The English thankfully accepted his Offer; and did never after shoot his Cattle; but sent to him, when they wanted; and he (according to his Promise) supplied them. This created him so much Friendship, that they intended when they returned to Jamaica, to bring him a present, and Goods al­so to Trade with him; which would have been very Advantagious to both Parties: but some of his Servants acquainted the Townsmen of it, at his return to Campeachy. And they being Jealous of the English, and envying him, complained to the Governour; who presently cast him into Prison, where he remained many Years: This happened about the Year 71 or 72. Thus the Project of Trading with the English miscarried here, and John d' Acosta was forced to relinquish his Right of this [Page 97] year 1676 s [...]nt and profitable Island, leaving it wholly to the English; for neither he nor any other Spaniard ever came hither afterward to hocks Cattle.

This way of Hocksing Bullocks seems peculiar to the Spaniards; especially to those that live here­abouts, who are very dextrous at it. For this Reason some of of them are constantly employed in it all the Year; and so become very expert. The Hockser is mounted on a good Horse, bred up to the Sport; who knovv so well vvhen to advance or retreat upon occasion, that the Rider has no trouble to manage him. His Arms is a Hocksing Iron, which is made in the shape of a Half Moon, and from one corner to the other is about 6 or 7 Inches; vvith a very sharp Edge.

This Iron is fastned by a Socket to a Pole about 14 or 15 Foot long. When the Hockser is mounted, he lays the Pole over the Head of his Horse, with the Iron forward, and then rides after his Game; and having overtaken it, strikes his Iron just above the Hock, and Hamstrings it. The Horse presently wheels off to the left; for the wounded Beast makes at him presently with all his force; but he scampers away a good distance before he comes about again. If the Hamstring is not quite cut asunder with the stroke, yet the Bullock by continual springing out his Leg, certainly breaks it: and then can go but on three Legs, yet still limps forward to be revenged on his Enemy. Then the Hockser rides up softly to him and strikes his Iron into the Knee of one of his fore-Legs; and then he immediately tumbles down. He gets off his Horse, and taking a sharp-pointed strong Knife, strikes it into his Pole, a little behind the Horns, so dextrously that at one blow he cuts the string of his Neck; and down falls his Head. This they call Poling. Then the Hockser immediately Mounts, and Rides after more Game, leaving the other to the [Page 98] year 1676 Skinners, who are at hand, and ready to take off his Hide.

The right Ear of the Hocksing-Horse by the weight of the Pole lay'd constantly over it when on Duty, hangs down always, by which you may know it from other Horses.

The Spaniards pick and chufe only the Bulls and old Cows, and leave the young Cattle to breed; by which means they always preserve their Stock entire. On the contrary, the English and French kill without distinction; yea, the young rather than the old; without regard of keeping up their Stock. Jamaica is a remarkable Instance of this our Folly, in this Particular. For when it was first taken by the Eng­lish, the Savannahs were well stockt with Cattle; but were soon all destroy'd by our Souldiers, who suffered great Hardships afterwards for it: and it was never stock'd again till Sir Thomas Linch was Governour. He sent to Cuba for a supply of Cattle, which are now grown very plentiful, because every Man knows his own proper Goods. Whereas before, when there was no Property, each Man destroyed as fast as he could. The French (I think) are greater De­stroyers than the English.

Had it not been for the great care of the Spaniards, in Stocking the West Indies with Hogs and Bullocks, the Privateers must have starved. But now the Main, as well as the Island, is plentiful provided; parti­cularly the Bay of Campeachy, the Islands of Cuba, Pines, Hispaniola, Portarica, &c. Where, besides wild Hogs, there are abundance of Crawls or Hog­farms; in some of which, I have heard, there are no less than 1500. This was the main Subsistence of the Privateers.

But to return again to Beef-Island. Our English Hunters have much lessened the numbers of the Cat­tle there. And those that are left, by constant shoot­ing are now grown so wild and desperate, that it [Page 99] year 1676 is dangerous for a single Man to fire at them, or to venture through the Savannahs. For the old Bulls that have been formerly shot, will make at him: and they will all draw up in Battalia to defend them­selves upon our approach; the old Bulls in the Front; behind them the Cows, in the same manner; and behind them the young Cattle. And if we strive to wheel about to get in the Reer, the Bulls will certainly face about that way, and still present a Front to us. Therefore we seldom strive to shoot any out of a great Herd; but walk about in the Woods, close by the Savannah; and there we light of our Game. The Beast makes directly at the Hunter, if it be desperately wounded (as I have ex­perienced my self) but if but slightly, they com­comly run away. The old Hunters tell us, that a Cow is more dangerous of the two; because they say, she runs at her Enemy with her Eyes open; but the Bull shuts his, so that you may easily avoid him. But this I cannot affirm upon my own know­ledge, and rather doubt the truth of it; for I knew one shrewdly gor'd by a Bull. He was a Consort with Mr. Baker, in the West Lagune; where having tir'd themselves with cutting of Logwood, they took an occasion to go in their Canoa to Beef-Island, to re­fresh themselves there a fortnight or three Weeks; because here were several sorts of Fruits, and plenty of Cabbage to eat with their fresh Beef, which they could not fail to meet with. They came to a Place call'd the Salt-Greek; and there built them a Hut. About 4 a clock while Mr. Baker lay down to sleep, his Consort march'd out into the Savannah, about a Mile from their Huts; and there coming within shot of a Bull, wounded him desperate­ly; but yet the Bull had still so much strength left as to pursue and overtake his Adversary, trampling on him; and goring his Thigh, so that he was not able [Page 100] year 1676 to rise. The Bull by this time was spent, and fell down dead by him: And there the Man had also perished, if Mr. Barker had not come the next Mor­ning to seek him; who finding him by the dead Beast, took him on his Back, and lug'd him home to their Hut. The next day he put him in his Canoa, and delivered him aboard a Ship, into the hands of a Surgeon, who cured him in a little time.

I told you we left Capt. Chandler, with a design of going to Beef-Island, to spend some time in Hun­ting at Pies Pond, before mentioned. But before we came thither we went a shore to kill a Beef for Sup­per; where I was surprized with an odd accident. Passing throught a small Savannah, about 2 or 3 Foot deep, we smelt a strong scent of an Alligator; and presently after I stumbled over one, and fell down immediarely. I cry'd out for help; but my Con­sorts, instead of assisting me, ran away towards the Wood. I had no sooner got up to follow them, but I stumbled on him a second time; and a third time also; expecting still when I fell down to be de­voured. Yet at last I got our safe; but so frighted that I never cared for going through the Water again as long as I was in the Bay.

CHAP. IV.

THE River St. Peter St. Paul springs from the high Mountains of Chiapo, about 20 Leagues within the Country, which are so called from a City not far distant. Its first Course is Easterly for a considerable length, till it meets with Moun­tains on that side: then it turns short about North­ward, till within 12 Leagues of the Sea. And lastly, it divides its self into two Branches. The Western Branch falls into the River Tobasco; the other keeps its Course till within 4 Leagues of the Sea; then divides it self again. The Eastermost of these Branches separates Beef-Island from the Main; and falls into Man-of-War Lagune, as is before related. The other keeps its Course and Name till it falls into the Sea, between Beef-Island and To­basco Island; where it is no broader than the Thames at Gravesend. There is a Bar at its Entrance, but of what depth I know not; over which small Ves­sels may pass well enough by the Benefit of the Tide. It is both deeper and broader after you are in; for there it is 15 or 16 Foot Water, and very good Riding. By Report of the Privateers who have been up this River, it is very broad before it [Page 102] year 1676 parts; and beyond that farther in the Country, has di­vers large Indians Towns built on its Banks: the chief of which is called Summasenta; and many large Cacao and Plantains walks: the Soil on each side being very fruitful. The unmanur'd Land is overgrown with lofty Trees of many sorts, especially the Cot­ten or Cabbage; of the latter there are whole Groves; and in some Places (especially a little way from the Rivers side) great Savannahs full of Bul­locks, Horses, and other Animals; amongst which the Mountain Cow (called by the Spaniards Ante) is most remarkable.

This Beast is as big as a Bullock of two Years old. It is shaped like a Cow in Body; but her Head much bigger. Her Nose is short, and the Head more compact and round. She has no Horns. Her Eyes are round, full, and of a prodigious size. She has great Lips, but not so thick as the Cows Lips. Her Ears are in proportion to the Head, rather broader than those of the Common Cow. Her Neck is thick and short. Her Legs also shorter than ordinary. She has a pretty long Tail; thin of Hairs, and no Bob at the end. She has course thin Hair all over her Body. Her Hide is near two Inches thick. Her flesh is red; the grain of it very fine. The Fat is white, and all together it is sweet wholsom Meat. One of them will weigh 5 or 600 Weight.

This Creature is always found in the Woods near some large River; and feeds on a sort of long thin Grass, or Moss, which grows plentifully on the Banks of Rivers; but never feeds in Savannahs, or Pastures of good Grass, as all other Bullocks do. When her Belly is full, she lies down to sleep by the brink of the River; and at the least Noise slips into the Water: where sinking down to the bottom, tho' very deep, she walks as on dry Ground. She can­not run fast, therefore never rambles far from the River; for there she always takes Sanctuary, in case [Page 103] year 1676 of danger. There is no shooting of her, but when she is asleep.

They are found, beside this Place, in the Rivers in the Bay of Honduras; and on all the Main from thence as high as the River of Darien. Several of my Consorts have kill'd them there, and knew their Track, which I my self saw in the Isthmus of Darien; but should not have known it, but as I was told by them. For I never did see one, nor the Track of any but once. The Impression in the Sand, seemed much like the Track of a Cow, but I was well assured that none of our common Cows could live in that Place: neither are there any near it by many Miles.

My Consorts than gave me this Relation, and since I have had the same from other English-men as well as Spaniards.

Having shew'd the fore-going Description to a Person of Honour, he was pleased to send it to a Learned Frend in Holland; from whom he received this Answer.

I readily acknowledge, there is some resemblance between this Monntain-Cow of America, and the African Hippopotamus; but yet am of Opinion that they must needs be of a different Species; for the Mountain-Cow is never known to swim out to Sea, nor to be found near it; and is not above half so big, and has no long Teeth. But for further satisfaction, I have here infected two Accounts of the African Hippopotamus, as they were sent; the one of the Honourable Person before-mentioned, from Captain Covent of Porbury, near Bristol, a Gentleman of great Ability and Experience, as well as known In­tegrity, who used to Trade to Angola: The other to my self, from my worthy Friend Captain Rogers, as he has seen them in the River Natal, in the La­titude of 30, on the East side of the Cape of Good Hope.

The Sea Horse's Head, Ears and Nostrils are like our Horses; with a short Tail and Legs. And his Foot­steps in the Sand like a Horses; but the Body above [Page 105] year 1676 twice as big. He grases on the shore, and dungs like a Horse. Is of a dark-brown, but glittering in the Water. His pace is but slow on the shore; in the Water more swift. He there feeds on small Fish and what he can get; and will go down to the bot­tom in 3 Fathom Water. For I have watch'd him; and he hath staid above half an hour before he arose. He is very mischievous to white Men. I have known him open his Mouth and set one Tooth on the Gunnel of a Boat, and another on the second Strake from the Keel (which was more than four foot distant) and there bit a hole through the Plank, and sunk the Boat; and after he had done, he went away shaking his Ears. His strength is incredibly great; for I have seen him in the Wash of the shore, when the Sea has tossed in a Dutch-man's Boat, with 14 Hogsheads of Water in her, upon the said Beast; and left it dry on his Back; and another Sea came and fetch'd the Boat off, and the Beast was not hurt, as far as I could perceive. How his Teeth grow in his Mouth I could not see; only that they were round like a Bow, and about 16 Inches long; and in the biggest part more than 6 Inches about. We made several shot at him; but to no purpose, for they would glance from him as from a Wall. The Natives call him a Kittimpungo, and say he is Fe­tisso, which is a kind of a God; for nothing, they say can kill him: And if they should do to him, as the White Men do, he would soon destroy their Ca­noas and Fishing-Nets. Their Custom is when he comes near their Canoas, to throw him Fish; and then he passeth away, and will not meddle with their Fishing Craft. He doth most mischief when he can stand on the Ground; but when a-float, hath only power to bite. As our Boat once lay near the shore, I saw him go under her, and with his Back lift her out of the Water; and overset her with 6 Men aboard: but, as it happened, did them no harm. [Page 106] year 1676 Whilst we lay in the Road we had three of them, which did trouble this Bay every Full and Change, and two or three Days after; the Natives say, they go together, two Males and one Female. Their Noise is much like the bellowing of a large Calf.

This past Remark was made of a Sea-Horse at Lo­ango, in the Year 1695.

The West branch of the River St. Peter St. Paul, after it has run 8 or 9 Leagues N. W. loseth it self in Tobasco River about 4 Leagues from the Sea, and so makes the Island Tobasco, which is 12 Leagues long, and 4 broad at the North end: for from the River St. Peter St. Paul, to the mouth of Tobasco River, is accounted 4 Leagues; and the Shore lies East and West.

The first League on the East is Mangrove Land, with some Sandy Bay, where Turtle come ashore to lay their Eggs.

The West part of it is Sandy Bay quite to the Ri­ver Tobasco. But because here is constantly a great Sea, you have no good Landing till within the River. The N. W. part of it is full of Guaver Trees, of the greatest variety, and their Fruit the largest and best tasted I have met with; and 'tis really a very deli­cious Place. There are also some Coco-Plums and Grapes, but not many. The Savannahs here are na­turally fenced with Groves of Guavers, and produce [Page 108] year 1676 good Grass for Pasture, and are pretty well stock'd with fat Bullocks: and I do believe it is from their eating the Guaver Fruit that these Trees are so thick. For this fruit is full of small seeds; which being swal­lowed whole by the Cattle, are voided whole by them again; and then taking root in their Dung, spring up abundantly.

Here are also Deer in great numbers; these we­constantly find feeding in the Savannahs Mornings and Evenings. And I remember an unlucky Accident whilst I was there. Two or three Men went out one Evening purposely to hunt; when they were in the spots of Savannahs, they separated to find their Game, and at last it so happened, that one of them fired at a Deer and killed it, and while he was skin­ning it, he was shot stark dead by one of his Con­sorts, who fired at him, mistaking him for a Deer. The poor Man was very sorry for so sad a mischance; and for fear of the dead Man's Friends, durst never go back again to Jamaica.

The River of Tobasco is the most noted in all the Bay of Campeachy, and springs also from the high Mountains of Chiapo; but much more to the West­ward than that of St. Peter St. Paul. From thence it runs N. E. till within 4 Leagues of the Sea, where it receives the fore-mentioned Branch of St. Peter St. Paul, and then runs North till it falls into the Sea. Its Mouth is about two Miles wide, and there is a Bar of Sand lying off it, with not above 11 or 12 foot Water; but a Mile or two within the Mouth, at a nook or bending of the River on the East-side there is three Fathom, and good Riding, without any danger from the strength of the Cur­rent. The Tide flows up about four Leagues in the dry Season, but in the Rains not so far; for then the Freshes make the Ebb run very strong.

During the Norths it over-flows all the low Land [Page 109] year 1676 for 14 or 15 Leagues up the River, and you may then take up fresh Water without the Bar.

This River, near its Mouth, abounds with Cat­fish, with some Snooks, and Manatee in great plen­ty; there being good feeding for them in many of its Creeks, especially in one place on the Starbord side about 2 Leagues from the Sea, which runs in­to the Land 2 or 300 paces, and then opens very wide, and is so shoal that you may see their backs above Water as they feed; a thing so rare, that I have heard our Musketo-Men say, they never saw it any where else; on the least noise they will all scamper out into the River: yet the Musketo-men seldom miss of striking them. There are a sort of Fresh-water Manatee, not altogether so big as the Sea kind, but otherwise exactly alike in shape and tast, and I think rather fatter. The Land by the Rivers, especially on the Starbord side, is swampy, and overgrown with Trees.

(Here are also abundance of Trees, the larg­est that I ever saw, till I came to the Gallapagos Islands in the S. Seas) viz. Mangroves, Macaws, and other sorts that I know not. In some places near the River side, further up the Country, are Ridges of dry Land, full of lofty Cabbage and Cotton Trees, which make a very pleasant Landskip. There is no Settlement within 8 Leagues of the River's Mouth, and then you come to a small Breast-work, where there is commonly a Spaniard with 8 or 9 Indians posted on each side the River, to watch for Boats coming that way: And because there are divers Creeks running in from the Savannahs, some of these Sentinesl are so placed in the Woods, that they may look into the Savannahs, for fear being surprized on the back side: Yet for all their caution, these Sentinels were snap'd by Captain Nevil, Commander of a small Brigantine, in a second Expedition that he made to take the Town called Villa de Mose. His [Page 110] year 1676 first attempt miscarried by his being discovered. But the second time he got into a Creek, a League below these Sentinels, and there dragging his Canoas over some Trees that were laid cross it, purposely to hin­der his passage, he came in the night upon their backs in their several Post; so that the Town, ha­ving notice of his coming by their firing as they should have done, was taking without any ressistance.

Villa de Mose is a small Town standing on the Starboard side of the River, 4 Leagues beyond this Breast-work. 'Tis inhabited chiefly by Indians, with some Spaniards, there is a Church in the middle, and a Fort at the West end, which commands the River. Thus far Ships come to bring goods, espe­cially European Commodities; viz. Broad-cloth, Serges, Perpetuana's, Kersies, Thred-Stockings, Hats, Osnabrugs white and blew, Kentins, Platilloes, Bri­tannias, Hollandilloes, Iron-work, &c. They arrive here in November or December, and stay till June or July, selling their Commodities, and then load chiefly with Cacao, and some Sylvester. All the Merchants and petty Traders of the Country Towns come hither about Christmas to Traffick, which makes this Town the chiefest in all these parts, Cam­peachy excepted; yet there are but few Rich Men that live here. Sometimes Ships that come hither load Hides and Tallow, if they cannot fraight with Cacao. But the chiefest place for Hides is a Town lying on a Branch of this River, that comes out a League below the Breast-work, where Spanish Barks usually lade once a Year; but I can give no further account of it. Four Leagues beyond Villa de Mose further up the River lies Estapo, inhabited partly with Spaniards, but most Indians, as generally the Towns in this Country are: It's said to be pretty rich; stands close by the River, on the South side, and is so built between two Creeks, that there is but one Avenue leading to it; and so well guarded [Page 111] year 1676 with a Breast-work, that Captain Hewet a Privateer, who had under him near 200 Men, was there re­pulsed, losing many of them, and himself wounded in the Leg. In his way thither he took Villa de Mose, and left a Party there to secure his Retreat. If he had taken Estapo, he designed to pass on to Halpo, a Rich Town, three Leagues farther up the River, and from thence to visit Tacatalpo, lying 3 or 4 Leagues beyond, which is accounted the wealthiest of the three: the Spaniards call it Tacatalpo de Si­erra: whether to distinguish it from another Town of that name, or to denote its nearness to the Moun­tains, I know not. 'Tis the best Town on this River, having three Chnrches, and several Rich Merchants; and between it and Villa de Mose are many large Cacao Walks on each side the River.

I have seen a sort of white Cacao brought from hence, which I never met with any where else. It is of the same bigness and colour on the outside, and with such a thin husky Coat as the other; but the inner substance is white, like fine Flower; and when the outward Coat is broken, it crumbles as a lump of Flower doth. Those that frequent the Bay call it Spama, and affirm that it is much used by the Spa­niards of those parts, to make their Chocolate froth, who therefore set a great value on it. But I never yet met with any in England that knew it, except the Right Honourable the Earl of Carbery, who was pleased to tell me he had seen of it.

The Land on the South side of the River is low Savannahs or Pasture: The side where the Town of Villa de Mose stands, is a sort of grey sandy Earth; and the whole Country, the Up-land I mean, seems to be much the same: But the Low-land is of a black deep Mould, and in some places very strong Clay; and there is not a Stone to be found in all the Coun­try. The healthy dry Land is very Woody, except where inhabited or planted. It is pretty thick settled [Page 112] year 1676 with Indian Towns, who have all a Padre or two among them, and a Cacique or Governour to keep the Peace. The Cacao Tree thrives here very well; but the Nuts are smaller than the Caraccus Nuts; yet Oyly and Fat whilst new. They are not plant­ed near the Sea, as they are on the Coast of Caraccus, but at least 8 or 10 Miles up in the Country. The Cacao-walks belong chiefly to the Spaniards; and are only planted and dress'd by Indians, hired for that purpose; yet the Indians have of their own, Plantain-walks, Plantations of Maiz, and some small Cacao-walks; about which they spent the chiefest of their time. Some employ themselves to search in the Woods for Bees that build in hol­low Trees: and get a good livelihood by the Honey and Wax. These are of two sorts: One pretty large; the other no bigger, but longer, than an or­dinary black Fly: in other respects, just like our common Bees; only of a darker colour. Their Stings are not strong enough to enter a Man's Skin; but if disturbed, they will fly at one as furiously as the Great Bees; and will tickle, but cannot hurt you. Their Honey is white and clear; and they make a great deal of it. The Indians keep of them tame, and cut hollow Trunks for them to make their Combs in. They place one end of the Log (which is saw'd very even) on a Board, leaving a hole for the Bees to creep in at: and the upper end is covered with a Board, put close over it. The young and lusty Indians (such as want Em­ployment) hire themselves to the Spaniards. They Work cheap, and are commonly paid in such Goods as the Spaniards do not value. And I have been told that they are obliged to Work for their Ma­sters, one day in a Week, gratis: But whether this Priviledge belongs only to the Padres, or to the Laity also, I know not. The Indians inhabiting these Villages, live like Gentlemen in Comparison [Page 113] year 1676 of those that are near any great Town, such as Campeachy or Merida: for there even the Poorer and Rascally sort of People, that are not able to hire one of these poor Creatures, will by violence drag them to do their Drudgery for nothing, after they have work'd all day for their Masters: nay, they often take them out of the Market from their Business; or at least enjoyn them to come to their Houses when their Market is ended: and they dare not refuse to do it.

This Country is very fruitful; yelding plentiful Crops of Maiz; which is there chiefest Subsist­ence. After it is boiled they bruise it on such a Rub­bing-Stone as Chocolate is ground on. Some of it they make into small thin Cakes, called Tartilloes. The rest they are put into a Jar till it grows sowr; and when they are thirsty, mix a handful of it in a Cal­labash of Water, which gives it a sharp pleasant taste, then straining it through a large Callabash prick'd full of small Holes to keep out the Husks, they drink it off. If they treat a Friend with this Drink, they mix a little Honey with it; for their Ability reaches no higher: And this is as acceptable to them as a Glass of Wine to us. If they travel for two or three Days from Home, they carry some of this ground Maiz in a Plantain Leaf, and Cal­labash at their Girdles to make their drink, and take no farther care for Victuals, till they come home again. This is called Posole: And by the English Poorsoul. It is so much esteemed by the Indians, that they are never without some of it in their Houses.

Another way of Preparing their Drink, is to parch the Maiz, and then grind it to Powder on the Rubbing-stone, putting a little Anatta to it; which grows in their Plantations, and is used by them for no other purpose. They mix it all [Page 114] year 1676 with Water, and presently drink it off without straining.

In long Journeys they prefer this Drink before Posole.

They feed abundance of Turkies, Ducks and Dung­hill Fowls, of which the Padre has an exact Ac­count; and is very strict in gathering his Tithe: and they dare not kill any except they have his Leave for it.

They plant Cotton also for their Cloathing. The Men wear only a short Jacket and Breeches. These with a Palmeto-Leaf Hat is their Sundays Dress; for they have neither Stockings nor Shoes; neither do they wear these Jackets on Week Days. The Women have a Cotton-Petticoat, and a large Frock down to their Knees; the Sleeves to their Wrists, but not gathered. The Bosom is open to the Breast, and Imbroidered with black or red Silk, or Grogram Yarn, two Inches broad on each side the Breast, and clear round the Neck. In this Garb, with their Hair ty'd up in a Knot behind, they think themselves extream fine.

The Men are obliged by the Padres (as I have been inform'd) to Marry when they are Fourteen Years old, and the Women when Twelve: And if that Age they are not provided, the Priest will chuse a Virgin for the Man (or a Man for the Vir­gin) of Equal Birth and Fortune; and joyn them to­gether.

The Spaniards give several Reasons for this Im­position, viz. That it preserves them from De­baucher, and makes them Industrious.—That it brings them to pay Taxes, both to the King and Church; for as soon as they are Married they pay to both.—And that it keeps them from ram­bling out of their own Parish, and settling in another, which would by so much lessen the Pa­dres [Page 115] year 1676 Profit. They love each other very well; and live comfortably by the sweat of their Brows: They build good large Houses, and inhabit altoge­ther in Towns. The side Walls are Mud or Watling, plaister'd on the inside; and thatch'd with Palm or Palmeto Leaves.

The Churches are large, built much higher than the Common Houses, and covered with Pantile: and within adorned with Coarse Pictures and Ima­ges of Saints; which are all painted tauny like the Indians themselves. Besides these Ornaments, there are kept in the Curches Pipes, Hautboys, Drums, Vizars and Perruques for their Recreation at solemn Times; for they have little or no Sport or Pastime but in Common, and that only upon Saints Days, and the Nights ensuing.

The Padres that serve here, must learn the Indi­an Language before they can have a Benefice. As for their Tithes and other Incoms, Mr. Gage, (an English Man) hath given a large Account of them in his Survey of the West-Indies. But however, this I will add of my own knowledge, that they are very dutiful to their Priests; observing punctual­ly their Orders: and behave themselves very circum­spectly and reverently in their Presence.

They are generally well shaped, of a middle size; streight and clean Limbed. The Men more spare, the Women plump and fat, their Faces are round and flat, their Foreheads low, their Eyes little, their Noses of a middle size, somewhat flattish: full Lips; pretty full but little Mouths: white Teeth, and their Colour of a dark tauny, like other Indians. They sleep in Hammacks made with small Cords like a Net, fastned at each end to a Post. Their Furniture is but mean, viz. Earthen Pots to boil their Maiz in, and abundance of Callabashes. They are a very harmless sort of People; kind to [Page 116] year 1676 any strangers; and even to the Spaniards, by whom they are so much kept under, that they are worse than Slaves: nay, the very Negroes will domineer over them; and are countenanced to do so by the Spaniards. This makes them very melancholy and thoughtful: however they are very quite, and seem contented with their Condition, if they can tolerably subsist: But sometimes when they are imposed on beyond their Ability, they will march off whole Towns, Men, Women and Children together, as is before related.

CHAP. VI.

HAving given the Reader an Account of the Indians inhabiting about the River of Tobasco; I come next to describe the Western Coast of this Bay, with its Rivers and other most re­markable Particulars. From Tobasco River to the [Page 118] year 1766 River Checapeque is 7 Leagues. The Coast lies East and West; all Woody low Ground, sandy Bay, and good Anchoring; but there falls in a pretty high Sea on the shore, therefore but bad Landing; yet Canoas may with care run in, if the Men are ready to leap out, as soon as she touches the Ground; and then she must immediately be drag'd up out of the Surf. And the same caution and dex­terity is to be used when they go off again. There is no fresh Water between Tobasco River and Che­capeque. This latter is rather a salt Creek than a River; for the Mouth of it is not above 20 Paces wide, and about 8 or 9 Foot Water on the Bar; but within there is 12 or 13 Foot at low Water, and good riding for Barks, half a Mile within the Mouth.

This Creek runs in E. S. E. about two Miles, and then strikes away South up into the Country. At its Mouth between it and the Sea is a bare sandy Point of Land: Where, on the side next the River, close by the Brink of it (and no where else) you may scrape up the Sand (which is course and brown) with your Hands, and get fresh Water; but if you dig lower the Water will be salt. Half a Mile within the Mouth, when you are past the sandy Point, the Land is wet and swampy, bearing only Mangroves on each side for 4 or 5 Leagues up; and after that firm Land: where you will find a Run of fresh Wa­ter, it being all salt till you come thither. A League beyond this is a Beef Estantion or Farm of Cattle, belonging to an Indian Village. In the Woods on each side this River there are plenty of Guanoes, Land Turtle, and abundance of Quams and Corresos, with some Parrots; and there is no Settlement nearer than the Beef Estantion: nor any thing else remark­able in this River that I know.

A League West from Checapeque there is another small River called Dos Boccas, 'tis only fit for Ca­noas [Page 119] year 1676 to enter: It has a Bar at its Mouth, and there­fore is somewhat dangerous. Yet the Privateers make light of it; for they will govern a Canoa very ingeniously. However Captain Rives and Cap­tain Hewet, two Privateers, lost several Men here in coming out; for there had been a North, which had raised the Bar, and in going out most of their Canoas were overset, and some Men drowned.

This River will not float a Canoa above a League within its Mouth, and so far is salt: but there you meet with a fine clear Stream of fresh Water, about a League up in the Country: and beyond this are fair Savannahs of long Grass, fenced in with Ridges of as rich Land as any in the World. The Mold such as is formerly described; all plain and level, even to the Hills of Chiapo.

There are no Indian Towns within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Sea; but further off they are pretty thick; lying within a League, 2 or 3 one after another: Halpo is the chiefest.

The Indians make use of no more Land than serves to maintain their Families in Maiz; and to pay their Taxes: And therefore between the Towns it lies uncultivated.

In all this Country they rear abundance of Poul­try, Viz. Turkies, Ducks and Dunghil Fowls: but some of them have Cacao-Walks. The Cacao of these Parts is most of it sent to Villa de Mose, and ship'd off there. Some of it is sold to Carriers that travail with Mules, coming hither commonly in Nov. or Dec. and staying till Febr. or March. They lye a Fortnight at a time in a Village to dispose of their Goods; which are commonly Hatchets, Ma­cheats, Axes, Hoes, Knives, Cizars, Needles, Thread, Silk for sowing, Womens Frocks; small Looking­glasses, Beads, Silver or Copper Rings wash'd with Gold, set with Glass instead of Stones, small Pi­ctures of Saints, and such like Toys for the Indians. [Page 120] year 1676 And for the Spaniards, Linnen and Woollen Cloaths, Silk Stockings, and old Hats new dress'd, which are here very valuable, and worn by those of the best Quallity; so that an old English Beaver thus ordered, would be worth 20 Dollars; so much is Trade wanted here in this Country. When he has sold off his Goods, he is generally paid in Cacao, which he carries to La Vera Cruz.

From Dos Boccas to the River Palmas is 4 Leagues, low Land and sandy Bay between.

From Palmas to the Halover is 2 Leagues.

The Halover is a small Neck of Land, parting the Sea from a large Lagune. It is so call'd by the Privateers, because they use to drag their Ca­noas in and out there.

From the Halover to St. Anns is 6 Leagues.

St. Anns is a Mouth that opens the Lagune be­fore mention'd: there is not above 6 or 7 Foot Water, yet Barks often go in there to Careen.

From St. Anns to Tondelo is 5 Leagues. The Coast still West; the Land low, and sandy Bay against the Sea: a little within which are pretty high Sand-Banks, cloathed with prickly Bushes, such as I have already described at Beef-Island.

Against the Sea near the West end, within the Sand Bank, the Land is lower again; the Woods not very high, and some spots of Savannahs, with plenty of fat Bullocks; In hunting of which a Frenchman unhappily lost his Life. For his Com­pany being stragled from him to find Game, he unluckily met a Drove of Cattle flying from them in the Woods, which were so thick that there was no passing but in these very narrow Paths that the Cattle themselves had made; so that not being able to get out of their way, the foremost of the Drove thrust his Horns into his Back and carried him 100 Paces into the Savannah, where he fell down with his Guts trailing on the Ground.

[Page 121] year 1676 The River Tondelo is but narrow, yet capable to receive Barks of 50 or 60 Tuns: there is a Bar at the Entrance, and the Channnel crooked. On the West side of the Bar there is a spit of Sand shoots out; therefore to avoid it at your coming in, you must keep the East side aboard; but when once en­tred, you may run up for two or three Leagues; on the East side a quarter of a Mile within the Mouth, you may lie secure: but all this Coast, and espe­cially this River, intolerably swarms with Musketoes, that there is no sleeping for them.

About 4 or 5 Leagues from the Mouth this River is fordable, and there the Road crosses it; where two French Canoas that lay in this River intercepted the Caravan of Mules laden with Cacao, that was returning to La Vera Cruz, taking away as much as they could carry with them.

From Tondelo River, to the River of Guasickwalp, is 8 Leagues more, the Coast still West; all along sandy Bay and Sand-hills, as between St. Anns and Tondelo; only towards the West part the Bank is lower, and the Trees higher. This is one of the Principal Rivers of this Coast; 'tis not half the breadth of the Tobasco River, but deeper. Its Bar is less dangerous than any on this Coast, having 14 foot Water on it, and but little Sea. Within the Bar there is much more, and soft Oasie Ground. The Banks on both sides are low. The East side is woody, and the West side Savannah. Here are some Cat­tle; but since it has been frequented by Privateers, the Spaniards have driven most of their Bullocks from hence farther into the Country. This River hath its rise near the South Sea, and is Navigable a great way into Land; especially with Boats or small Barks.

The River T [...]guantepeque, that falls into the South Seas, has its Origine near the Head of Guasickwalp; and it is reported that the first Naval Stores for the [Page 122] year 1676 Manila Ships were sent through the Country from the North to the South Seas, by the conveniency of these two Rivers, whose heads are not above 10 or 12 Leagues asunder, I heard this discoursed by the Privateers long before I visited the South Seas; and they seemed sometimes minded to try their Fortunes this way: supposing (as many do still) that the South Sea shore is nothing but Gold and Silver. But how grosly they are mistaken, I have satisfied the World already. And for this part of the Country, though it is rich in Land, yet it has not the least appearance of any Mine, neither is it thick inhabited with Spaniards: And if I am not deceived, the very Indians in the heart of the Country, are scarce their Friends.

The Town of note on the S. Sea, is Teguantapeque; and on the N. Seas Keyhooca is the chiefest near this River. Besides these two, the Country is only in­habited by Indians; therefore it is wholly unfre­quented by Shipping.

Keyhooca is a large rich Town of good Trade, about 4 Leagues from the River Guasickwalp, on the West fide. It is inhabited with some few Spa­niards and abundance of Mulatoes. These keep many Mules, they being most Carriers, and fre­quently visit the Cacao Coast for Nuts; and travel the Country between Villa de Mose and La Vera Cruz.

This Country is pleasant enough in the dry Season; but when the furious North Winds rage on the Coast, and violently drive in the Sea, it suffers ex­treamly, being so much overflown, that there is no travelling. It was in the wet Season when Capt. Rives and Capt. Hewet made an Expedition in Ca­noas from the Island Trist to the River Guasickwalp, and there landed their Men, designing to attack Keyhooca; but the Country was so wet that there was no marching; neither was the Water high [Page 123] year 1676 enough for a Canoa. Here are great plenty of Vi­nelles.

From the River Guasickwalp the Land runs West 2 or 3 Leagues, all low Land with sandy Bay to the Sea, and very woody in the Country. About three Leagues to the West of it the Land trends away to the North for about 16 Leagues; rising higher also even from the very Shore, as you go up within Land, making a very high Promontory called St. Martins Land; but ending in a pretty bluff point; which is the West Bounds of the Bay of Campeachy.

From this bluff Point to Alvarado is about 20 Leagues; the first four of it a high rocky shore, with steep Cliffs to the Sea; and the Land some­what woody. Afterwards you pass by very high Sand-Hills by the Sea; and an extraordinary great Sea falls in on the shore, which hinders any Boats from Landing. Within the Sand-hills again the Land is lower, pretty plain and fruitful enough in large Trees.

The River of Alvarado is above a Mile over at the Mouth, yet the entrance is but shole, there be­ing Sands for near two Mile off the shore, clear from side to side, nevertheless there are two Chan­nels through these Sands. The best, which is in the middle, has 12 or 14 Foot Water. The Land on each side of the Mouth is high Sand-banks, above 200 Foot high.

This River comes out of the Country in three Branches, meeting altogether just within the Mouth, where it is very wide and deep. One of these Branches comes from the Eastward: Another from the Westward: And the third, which is the true River of Alvarado and the biggest, comes directly out of the Country, opposite to the Sand-hills, about a Mile West of the Rivers Mouth. This last springs a great way from the Sea, passing through a very fertile Country, thick setled with Towns of Spa­niards [Page 124] year 1676 and Indians. On the West side, and just against the Mouth of the River, the Spainiarde have a small Fort of 6 Guns, on the declivity of the Sand-bank, a great height above the River; which commands a small Spanish Town on the back of it, built in a Plain close by the River. It is a great Fishery, chiefly for Snooks, which they catch in the Lake; and when they are salted and dryed, drive a great Trade in Exchanging them for Salt and other Com­modities. Besides salt Fish, they export from hence abundance of dry Cod-Pepper, and some pickled and put in Jars. This Pepper is known by the Name of Guinea Pepper. Yet for all this Trade, 'tis but a poor Place, and has been often taken by the Privateers, chiefly to secure their Ships while they should go up in their Canoas to the rich Towns within Land, which notwithstanding they never yet attempted, by reason that La Vera Cruz bor­dering so near, they were still afraid of being at­tacqued both by Sea and Land from thence, and so never durst prosecute their designs on the Country Towns.

Six Leagues West from Alvarado there is another large Opening out into the Sea; and it is reported to have a Communication by a small Creek with this River of Alvarado; and that Canoas may pass through it from one River to the other. And at this Opening is a small Fishing Village. The Land by the Sea is a continued high Sand-bank, and so vio­lent a Sea, that it is impossible to land with Boat or Canoa.

From this River to La Vera Cruz is six Leagues more, the Coast still West. There is a Riff of Rocks runs along the shore from Alvarado to Vera Cruz, yet a good Channel for small Vessels to pass be­tween it and the Shore. And about two Leagues to the East of Vera Cruz are two Islands called Sa­crifice Islands. I have set down the distance between [Page 125] year 1676 Alvarado and La Vera Cruz, according to the Com­mon Account of 12 Leagues, which I take to be truer, but our Draughts make it 24. The Land by the Sea is much the same.

La Vera Cruz is a fair Town seated in the very bottom of the Bay of Mexico, at the S. W. Point or Corner of the Bay; for so far the Land runs West; and there it turns about to the North. There is a good Harbour before it, made by a small Island, or Rock rather, just in its Mouth; which makes it very Commodious. Here the Spaniards have built a strong Fort, which commands the Harbour; and there are great Iron Rings fix'd in the Fort-Wall against the Harbour for Ships to fasten their Ca­bles. For the North Winds blow so violently here in their Seasons that Ships are not safe at An­chors.

This Fort is called St. John d' Ulloa; and the Spa­niards do frequently call the Town of Vera Cruz by this Name.

The Town is a Place of great Trade; being the Sea-Port to the City of Mexico, and most of the great Towns and Cities in this Kingdom. So that all the European Commodities, spent in these Parts, are Landed here, and their Goods brought hither and exported from hence. Add to this, that all the Treasure brought from Manila, in the East-Indies comes hither through the Country from Ac­capulca.

The Flota comes hither every three Years from Old Spain; and besides Goods of the Product of the Country, and what is brought from the East-Indies and ship'd aboard them: The King's Plate that is gathered in this Kingdom; together with what belongs to the Merchants, amounts to a vast Summ. Here also comes every Year the Barra­lavanta Fleet in October or November, and stays till March. This is a small Squadron, consisting of 6 [Page 126] year 1676 or 7 Sail of stout Ships, from 20 to 50 Guns. Thes [...] are ordered to visit all the Spanish Sea-Port Town [...] once every Year; chiefly to hinder Foreigners from Trading; and to suppress Privateers. From this Por [...] they go to the Havana on the North side of Cuba to sell their Commodities.—From hence they pass through the Gulph of Florida; standing so far to the North as to be out of the Trade-Winds, which are commonly between 30d. and 40d. of Lat. and being in a variable Winds-way they stretch away to the Eastwards till they may fetch Portarica, if they have Business there; if not, they keep still to the Eastward till they come to Trinidado, an Island near the Main, inhabited by the Spaniards, and the most Eastern part of any Consequence in the North Seas. The Barralaventa Fleet touches there first, and from thence sails to the Margarita, a considerable Spanish Island near the Main. From thence they Coast down to Comana and La Guiary, and passing by the Coast of Carraccus, they sail towards the Gulph of Mericaia, from thence they double Cape La Vell, and so down to Rio la Hacha, St. Martha and Carthagena. If they meet with any English or Dutch Trading Sloops, they chase and take them, if they are not too nimble for them: The Privateers keep out of their way, having always Intelligence where they are.

From Carthagena they sail to Portobelo; and from thence to Campeachy: and lastly, to La Vera Cruz: And this is their Annual Navigation about the West-Indian Coast.

La Vera Cruz was taken by the Privateers, about the Year 85. under the conduct of one John Russel an old Logwood Cutter that had formerly been taken by the Spaniards and sent to Mexico; where learning Spanish, he by that means escaped to La Vera Cruz; and being released from thence, he af­terwards managed this Expedition.

[Page 127] year 1676 From hence to Old Vera Cruz is 5 Leagues. This was the first Town of that Name; but wanting a good Harbour there, it was removed to the place where it now stands.

From Old Vera Cruz to Tispo is about 15 Leagues; the Coast lies N. and S. Tispo is a pretty handsom small Town, built close by the Sea, and watered with a little Rivulet; but wanting a Harbour, 'tis destitute of any Maritime-Trade.

From Tispo to the River Panuk is about 20 Leagues; The Coast lies N. and S. nearest, 'tis a large River descending out of the very Bowels of the Country, and running East, falls into the Gulph of Mexico, in Lat. about 21-50 m. It has 10 or 11 Foot Water on the Bar, and is often visited with Barks that sail up it, as far as the City Panuk; lying distant from the Sea about 20 Leagues; and is the principal of this Country, being a Bishops See. There are two Churches, one Convent and a Chapel; and about 500 Families of Spaniards, Mulatoes and Indians, The Houses are large and strong; with Stone Walls; and they are thatched with Palmeto Leaves.

One Branch of this River comes out of the La­gune of Tompeque, and mixes with this, three Leagues before it falls into the Sea. Therefore 'tis sometimes called the River of Tompeque. The La­gune of Tompeque lies on the South side of the Ri­ver; and breeds abundance of Fish, especially Shrimps. There is a Town of the same Name, built on its Banks, whose inhabitants are most Fi­shermen. Beyond this Lagune there is another large one, wherein is an Island and Town, named Haniago; its Inhabitants most Fishermen, whose chief employment is to take Shrimps. These they boil with Water and Salt, in great Coppers for the purpose; and having dryed them after­wards in the Sun, they are made up in Packs and [Page 128] year 1676 sent to all the chief Towns in the Country, especi­ally to Mexico, where, tho' but a hungry sort of Food, they are mightily esteemed.

The Account I have given of the Campeachy Rivers, &c. was the result of the particular Obser­vations I made in cruising about that Coast, in which I spent 11 or 12 Months. For when the vio­lent Storm, before-mentioned took us, I was but just settling to Work, and not having a stock of Wood to purchase such Provision as was sent from Jamaica, as the old Standards had; I, with many more in my circumstances, was forced to range about to seek a subsistance in Company of some Privateers then in the Bay. In which rambles we visi­ted all the Rivers, from Trist to Alvarado; and made many Descents into the County among the Villages there, where we got Indian-Corn to eat with the Beef, and other Flesh that we got by the way, or Manatee and Turtle, which was also a great support to us.

Alvarado was the Westermost place I was at Thither we went in two Barks with 30 Men in each and had 10 or 11 kill'd and desperately wound­ed in taken the Fort; being four or five Hours en­gag'd in that Service, in which time the Inhabitants having plenty of Boats and Canoas, carried all their Riches and best Moveables away. It was after Sun-set before the Fort yielded; and growing dark, we could not pursue them, but rested quietly that Night; the next day we kill'd, salted and sent aboard 20 or 30 Beefs, and a good quanity of Salt-fish, and Indian Corn, as much as we could stow away. Here were but few Hogs, and those eat very fishy, therefore we did not much esteem them: but of Cocks, Hens and Ducks were sent aboard in abun­dance. The tame Parrots we found here were the largest and fairest Birds of their kind that I ever saw in the West-Indies. Their colour was yellow [Page 129] and red, very coursly mixt; and they would prate very prettily; and there was scarce a Man but what sent aboard one or two of them. So that with Pro­vision, Chests, Hen-Coops and Parrot-Cages, our Ships were full of Lumber, with which we intended to sail: But the second Day after we took the Fort, having had a Westerly Wind all the Morning, with Rain, 7 Armadilloes that were sent from La Verd Cruz appeared in sight, within a Mile of the Bars, coming in with full sail; but they could scarce stem the Current of the River; which was very well for us; for we were not a little surprized. Yet we got under sail, in order to meet them; and clearing our Decks by heaving all the Lumber over-board, we drove out over the Bar, before they reach­ed it: But they being to Wind-ward, forced us to exchange a few shot with them. Their Admi­ral was called the Toro. She had 10 Guns and 100 Men; another had 4 Guns and 80 Men: The rest having no great Guns, had only 60 or 70 Men a­piece, armed with Muskets, and the Vessels barrica­doed round with Bull-hides Breast high. We had not above 50 Men in both Ships, 6 Guns in one and two in the other. Assoon as we were over the Bar, we got our Larboard-Tacks aboard and stood to the East­ward, as nigh the Wind as we could lye. The Spaniards came away quartering on us; and our Ship being the Head-most, the Toro came directly towards us, designing to board us. We kept firing at her, in hopes to have lamed either Mast or Yard; but failing, just as she was shearing aboard, we gave her a good Volley, and presently clapp'd the Helm a Weather, wore our Ship, and got our Star­board Tacks aboard, and stood to the Westward; and so left the Toro, but were saluted by all the small Craft as we past by them, who stood to the Eastward after the Toro, that was now in pursuit and close by our Consort. We stood to the Westward [Page 130] till we were against the River's Mouth; then we tackt, and by the help of the Current that came out of the River, we were near a Mile to Wind-ward of them all. Then we made sail to assist our Consort, who was hard put to it; but on our approach the Toro edged away towards the Shore, as did all the rest, and stood away for Alvarado: And we, glad of the Deliverance, went away to the Eastward, and visited all the Rivers in our return again to Trist; and searched the Bays for Munjack to carry with us for the Ship's use, as we had done before for the use both of Ships and Canoa's.

Munjack is a sort of Pitch or Bitumen, which we find in Lumps, from three or four pounds to thirty pounds in a lump; washed up by the Sea, and left dry on all the Sandy-Bays on all this Coast: It is in Substance like Pitch, but blacker; it melts by the Heat of the Sun, and runs abroad as Pitch would do if exposed, as this is, on the Bays: The smell of it is not so pleasant as Pitch, neither does it stick so firmly as Pitch, but it is apt to peel off from the Seams of Ships Bottoms; however we find it very useful here where we want Pitch; and because it is commonly mixed with Sand by lying on the Bays, we melt it and refine it very well before we use it; and commonly temper it with Oyl or Tallow to correct it; for though it melts by the heat of the Sun, yet it is of a harsher Nature than Pitch. I did never find the like in any other Part of the World, neither can I tell from whence it comes.

And now the Effects of the late Storm being almost forgot, the Lagune Men settled again to their Im­ployments; and I among the rest fell to Work in the East Lagune, where I remained till my departure for Jamaica.

[Page 131] I will only add as to this Logwood-Trade in ge­neral, that I take it to be one of the most profitable to England, and it nearest resembles that of New­foundland; since what arises from both, is the pro­duct of bare Labour; and that the Persons imploy­ed herein are supported by the Produce of their Na­tive Country.

It is not my Business to determine how far we might have a right of cutting Wood there, but this I can say, that the Spaniards never receive less Da­mage from the Persons who generally follow that Trade, than when they are employed upon that Work.

While I was here the last time, Capt. Gibbs arriv'd in a Ship of about 100 Tuns, and brought with him 20 stout New-England Indians that were taken in the Wars there, designing to have sold them at Jamaica, but not finding a good Market, brought them hither to cut Logwood, and hired one Mr. Richard Dawkins to be their Overseer, who carried them to work at Summasenta: But it so happened that about a Week after, the Captain came thither in his Boat from One-Bush-Key where his Ship lay, and the Overseer having some Business, desired leave to be absent for two or three Days: But as soon as he and the Seamen were gone, the Indians taking their Opportunity killed the Captain and marched off, designing to return to their own Country by Land: They were seen about a Month afterward, and one of them was taken near the River Tondelo.

After I had spent about ten or twelve Months at the Logwood Trade, and was grown pretty well acquainted with the way of Traffick here, I left the Imployment, yet with a design to return hither af­ter I had been in England; and accordingly went from hence with Captain Chambers of London, bound to Jamaica. We sailed from Trist the be­ginning [Page 132] ginning of April, 1678. and arrived at Jamaica in May, where I remained a small time, and then re­turned for England with Captain Leader of London. I arriv'd there the beginning of August the same Year: and at the beginning of the following Year, I set out again for Jamaica, in order to have gone thence to Campeachy; but it proved to be a Voyage round the World, of which the Publick has already had an Account, in my former Volume, and the First Part of This.

CHAP. I. Of the General Trade-Wind.

CHAP. II. Of the constant coasting Trade-Winds.

THE Trade-winds which blow on any Coast, are either Constant or Shift­ing.

The Coasts that are subject to Constant Trade-winds, are, the South Coast of Africa and Peru, and part of the Coast of Mexico, and part of Gui­nea.

The South part of Africa and Peru, are in one Lat. both Coasts trending North and South; both on the West side of their Continents; both in South Lat. and tho' they do not lye exactly parallel, by Reason of some Capes or Bendings in the Land, yet are the Winds much alike on both Coasts, all the Year long.

On the Coast of Angola the Winds are between the S. VV. and S. And on the Coast of Peru, we rec­kon them between the S. S. VV. and S. S. E. But this the Reader must take notice of, That the Trade-winds that blow on any Coast, except the North Coast of Africa, whether they are constant, and [Page 13] blow all the Year, or whether they are shifting VVinds, do never blow right in on the Shoar, nor right along Shoar; but go slanting, making an accute Angle of about 22 degrees. Therefore as the Land trends more Easterly or VVesterly from the North or South on these Coasts, so the VVinds do alter accordingly; as for example, where the Land lies N. and S. the VVind would be at S. S. VV. but where the Land lies S. S. W. the Trade would be at S. VV. But if the Land lies S. S. E. then the Wind would be at South. This is supposed of Coasts lying on the VVest side of any Continent, and on the South side of the Equator, as the two Coasts of Africa and Peru are; but the North part of Africa has the Trade blowing off from the shoar, two or three Points.

These Southerly VVinds do blow constantly all the Year long, on both the Coasts of Peru and A­frica; they are brisk, and blow farther off from the Coasts than any shifting Winds.

On the Coast of Peru, these VVinds blow 140 or 150 Leagues off Shore, before you can perceive them to alter; But then as you run farther off, so the Wind will come about more Easterly, and at about 200 Leagues distance it settles at E. S. E. which is the true Trade.

Between Angola and Brazil the Winds are much as they are in the South Seas, on the West side of the Peruvian Coast; only near the Line, within 4 degrees of it, in South Lat. the Wind holds in the S. S. W. or S. W. for 28 or 30 d. of Longitude, and so it may in the same Lat. in the South Seas, for ought I know; for it was at South, as far as any of us were, which was 200 Leagues.

As the Coasts of Peru and Angola have their con­stant Trade-winds, so has the Coast of Mexico and Guinea. And as the Coast of Peru lies North and South, so those lye nearer East and West. [Page 14] According to the Course of the general Trade the Winds should be Easterly on these Coasts; but here we meet with the quite contrary; for from the Lat. of 10 d. North to 20 d. North on the Coast of Mexico, the Winds are constantly near the West on all the Coast, except check'd sometimes with Tornadoes, which do commonly rise against the Wind, the same is observed on the Coast of Ango­la; where there are Tornadoes also: But the Coast of Peru is not subject to any, yet on that Coast there are sometimes Calms two or three days together off of the Bay of Arica, between the Lat. of 16 and 23. In the Lat. of 19 you shall have Calms 30 or 40 Leagues off Shore, but not so far on either side the Bay, neither are such Calms usual on the Coasts of Angola and Mexico only after a Tornado, as is common in other Places.

As the Coasts of Angola and Peru, do in most things run parallel each with other; so do the Coasts of Mexico and Guinea: And if I am not mi­staken, the VVinds on both these Coasts are much alike; Both these Coasts do begin at the Bite or Bending of the Land, where the other two Parallel Lands do end; for as the Mexican Continent be­gins at or near Panama, which is 8 or 9 degrees North of the Equator; so that part of Guinea, which I speak of, begins about Old Callabar, in about 4 or 5 degrees of North Lat.

The Land trends away VVesterly from both these Places some hundreds of Leagues; and tho' not on one Point of the Compass, because of the small Points, Bays and Bending in the Land, yet the VVinds that on more regular Shores, keep their constant Course, and blow in upon the Shore, about two Points from the Sea, do also here on the Guinea Coast, blow on the Shore from the VVest Quarter, and as the Land lies pointing in on the Shore, even from Cape Mount to Old Callabar, which is above [Page 15] 400 Leagues; and that with such constancy that the East part of that Coast is called the Leeward Coast; and the West part the Windward Coast; And yet this is so contrary to the general Opinion of Seamen, concerning the Course of the Winds, that nothing but their own Experience will con­vince them of the Truth of it; for thus they gene­rally reason; Barbadoes is the Easter-most of the Carribbe-Islands, therefore the rest are said be to Leeward of it, and so of any other Island; as in­deed it usually holds true, because the Winds there are commonly at East; but this Counter Wind on the Coast of Guinea astonishes most Seamen that have seen nothing like what they meet with here. There are other Coasts where the Winds shift ve­ry little, as on the Coast of Carraccos, and the South side of the Bay of Mexico, i. e. in the Bay of Campechy, and all the Carribbe Islands. Indeed there may be sometimes some small flurts of a We­sterly VVind on these Coasts, but neither constant, certain or lasting.

And indeed this was the great stumbling Block that we met with in running from the Gallapagos Islands for the Island Cocos, mentioned in my for­mer Book, Chap. 5. Pag. 111.

But that part of Africa, which lies between Cape Verd in 14d. North, and Cape Bayedore in 27. has commonly Northerly Winds; or between the N. and N. E. very fresh gales; therefore our Guinea Ships, bound to Guinea strive to keep near that Shore, and oft times make the Capes: And being to the Southward of Cape Blanco, which lyes in Lat. about 21. they are sometimes so troubled with the Sand, which the Wind brings off Shore, that they are scarce able to see one another: Their Decks are also strewed with it, and their Sails all red, as if they were tanned with the Sand that sticks to them, it being of a reddish colour.

[Page 16] From Cape Verd to Cape St. Anns, which is about 6 degrees North, the Trade is between the E. and S. E. from Cape St. Anns, to Cape Palmas, in about 4 d. North, the Trade is at S. W. from Cape Pal­mas to the Bite of Guinea, which is at the bending of the Coast, the Wind is at W. S. W. from this bending the Land begins to turn about to the South; and from thence to Cape Logos, which is to the South of the Line, the Trade is at S. W. as it is on all that Coast, even to 30 degrees South.

This last Account I had from Mr. Canby, who has made many Voyages to Guinea.

CHAP. III. Of the Coasting Trade-Winds that shift.

THE Coasts where the VVinds do usually shift, are some in the West-Indies, as that part of the Coast between Cape Gratia de Dios, and Cape La Vera chiefly: The Coast of Brazil; the Bay of Panama in the South Seas, and all the Coast of the East-Indies, even from the River Natal, which is in the Lat. of 30d. South, on the East side of Africa, beyond the Cape of good Hope, to the North-East Parts of China, compre­hending all the Bays between. The Islands also have their Annual changes; Of all these I shall treat in their order, beginning first with that Coast which lyes between Cape Gratia de Dios and Cape La Ve­la: And I the rather begin with this part first, be­cause this part of the West-Indies is all that is subject to change; neither is the change altogether [Page 18] so orderly, or certain as the Monsoons in the East-Indies, or the shifting Winds on the Coast of Bra­zil.

The Common Trade-Wind on this Coast is be­tweea the N. E. and the East; This Trade blows constantly from March till November, but is often check'd with Tornadoes in the Months of May, June, July, and August, especially between the Ri­ver of Darien and Costarica; but to Wind-ward there is a more serene Air, and a brisker Wind: From October till March there are Westerly Winds, not constant, nor violent, but blowing moderately sometimes 2 or 3 Days or a Week; and then the Breez may blow again as long. These VVinds are most in December and January; before and after these two Months the Trade-VVind is only check'd a Day or two near the full or change of the Moon; and when the VVesterly VVinds blow longest and strongest on the Coast, the Easterly Trade-wind blows off at Sea, as at other times. Near Cape La Vela, the true Trade blows within 8 or 10 Leagues off the Shore, when the Westerly Winds blow on the Coast, except in a strong North, which turns the Trade-Wind back, and on the Costorica, and between it and the River Darien, the Westerly Winds, as they are more frequent and lasting, than toward Cape La Vela, so also they blow farther of [...] at Sea, as sometimes as far as to 20 or 30 Leagues from the Shore.

Therefore Ships bound to Windward, if they have far to go, either take the opportunity of the Westerly Wind-Season, or else go through the Gulph of Florida, and stretch away to the North, till they get into a variable Winds way, and then run to the Eastward as far as they think conveni­ent before they stretch to the Southward again. All that are bound from the West-Indies to Guinea must take this course, if they sail from Jamaica (because [Page 19] they must pass thro' the Gulph of Florida) but from other Islands they may stretch away directly to the North, and use the same method.

But if Ships have only a small way to Sail to Wind-ward, they make use of the Sea and Land Breezes, making no account of the time of the Year.

The Winds on the Coast of Brazil, are from September till March at E. N. E. and from March till September again they are at South.

The Winds in the Bay of Panama are from September till March Easterly, and from March till September again they are at S. and S. S. W.

From the Cape of good Hope Eastwards, as far as the River Natal, which lies in 30 d. South Latitude, and Cape Corientes in Lat. of 24 degrees South, the Winds from May to October are constantly from the West to the North West within 30 Leagues of the Shore: They blow hardest at North West. When the Wind comes to North West, it is common­ly stormy and tempestuous Weather, attended with much Rain, and then the Weather is cold and chil­ly. From October till March the Winds are Ea­sterly from the E. N. E. to the E. S. E. you have then very fair Weather: The E. N. E. Winds are pretty fresh, but the Winds at E. S. E. are small and faint, sometimes affording some drops of Rain.

From Cape Corientes to the Red-Sea, from October till the middle of January the Winds are variable, but most times Northerly, and oft shifting round the Compass: The strongest Winds are at North; these are often very violent and stormy, and ac­companied with much Rain, and thus it blows about the Island of Madagascar and the adjacent Islands.

These storms are commonly preceded by a great Sea out of the North. From January till May the Winds are at N. E. or N. N. E. sine fresh gales and [Page 20] fair VVeather. From May till October the VVind [...] are Southerly, in July, August and September then are great Calms in the Bay of Pate and Melende, and a strong Current setting into the Bay: There­fore Ships that have occasion to pass this way in those three Months, ought to keep at least 100 Leagues from the Coast to avoid being driven by the Cur­rent into the Bay; for these Calms do sometimes last 6 Weeks, yet off at Sea, at the distance of 100 Leagues the Winds are fresh a [...] South. At the entrance into the Red-Sea near Cape Guardefuer there are commonly very hard gales and turbulent Weather, even when the Calms are so great in the Bay of Melende, and not above 10 or 12 Leagues at Sea from the said Cape, there is also very fair Weather, and pretty fresh Gales.

In the Red-Sea from May till October, the Winds are strong at S. VV. and the Current setting out strong, so that there is no entring into that Sea in those Months, except you keep close to the South Shore, there you have Land-VVinds, and an eddy Current. In the Months of September or October, the VVind shuffles about to the North, and at last settles at N. E. then comes fair VVeather on this Coast; and so continues till the Monsoon shifts, which is in April or May; then it first takes one flurry at North, and from thence veers to the East, and so about to the South, and there it settles.

The Account of this Coast from the Cape of good Hope hither, I had from Capt. Rogers.

And as this hither-most part of the East-Indies, even from the Cape of good Hope to the Red-Sea, which Coast lies nearest N. E. and S. VV. hath its shifting Seasons, so the other Parts of India, from the Gulph of Persia to Cape Comorin, has its con­stant Annual change, and from Comorin, clear round the Bay of Bengal, the change is no less; and even from thence, through the Streights of Ma­lacca, [Page 21] and Eastwards as far as Japan, the shifting Trade-Winds do alternately succeed each other as duly as the Year comes about.

It cannot be supposed that the Trade-Wind in all these Places, should be exactly on one Point of the Compass: For I have already shown, that these Trade-Winds on any Coast do commonly blow slanting in on the Shore about 2 or 3 Points; therefore in Bays where the Land lies on several Rombs, the Winds must alter accordingly. Tho' that Rule does not hold altogether true in Bays that are deep, but is chiefly meant for a pretty streight Coast, which lies near alike; allowing for Points of Land and small Coves, which make no alteration: But on the sides and in the bottom of large Bays, such as the Bay of Bengall, the Bay of Siam, &c. the VVind differs much on one side of the Bay from what it does on the other; and both sides differ from the constant Trade on the open Coast; yet all shift in the shifting Seasons, which are April and Sep­tember, at one and the same time, to their opposite Points: I mean on the open Coast, for in some Bays there is a little alteration from that general Rule.

These shifting VVinds in the East Indies, are cal­led Monsoons; one is called the East Monsoon, the other the VVest Monsoon. The East Monsoon sets in about September and blows till April; then ceaseth, and the VVest Monsoon takes place and blows till September again.

And both the East and VVest Monsoons blow in their Seasons slanting in on the Coast, as is before described: The East Monsoon brings fair VVeather; the VVest brings Tornadoes and Rain. For, (as I said before in the first Chap. of the General Trade-VVind at Sea) when the Sun comes to the North of the Linethen all Places North of the Equator, with­in the Tropicks, are troubled with Clouds and Rain, but when the Sun is in Southern Signs then the Sky is [Page 22] clear. And as most of the Trading Countries in the East-Indies, especially those on the Main Conti­nent, do lye between the Line and the Tropick of Cancer: So these Countries are all subject to the Chan­ges and Seasons already described. But the Islands lying under the Line, and to the South between the Line and the Tropick of Capricorn, have contrary Sea­sons to these. Yet do they change at the self-same time.

The difference between the Monsoons on the North of the Line, and the Monsoons on the South of the Line is that in April, when the West Mon­soon sets in to the North of the Line, the S. S. W. VVinds sets in to the South of the Lat. and is called the S. S. VV. Monsoon. And in September when the East Monsoon sets in to the North of the Line, the N. N. E. VVind blows in South Lat. and is called the N. N. E. Monsoon. And whereas the West Monsoon is accompanied with Tornadoes and Rain in North Lat. the S. S. W. Monsoon, which blows at the same time in South Lat. is accompanied with fair Wea­ther. And as the East Monsoon is attended with fair Weather in North Lat. the N. N. E. Monsoon, which blows at the same time in South Lat is attended with Tornadoes and very bad Weather. And tho' these Winds do not shift exactly at one time in all Years; yet Sept. and Apr. are always accounted the turning Months, and do commonly participate of both sorts of Winds. For these Monsoons do as constantly shift by turns, as the Year comes about. And by means of this change of Wind, Ships have the be­nefit to sail from one part of India, with one Wind, and return with the contrary: So that most of the Navigation in India depends on the Monsoons. And Ships do constantly wait for these Changes; and the Merchants fit out to any Place according as the Sea­son of the Year draws on: And wheresoever they go they certainly dispatch their business so as to re­turn [Page 23] back again with the next or contrary Monsoon: For here is no sailing to and from any Place, but with the Monsoon; One carries them out, the other brings them back. Neither do I know how it were possible for Merchants in these Parts to Trade by Sea from one Country to another, were it not for these shifting Monsoons. For, as I have said before, most of the Trading Kingdoms in India do lye be­tween the Line, and the Tropick of Cancer. And the Land lies so to the North, that Ships cannot go to the North of the Tropick, and by that means get into variable Winds way; as they may and do in the West-Indies, when they are bound far to the East­ward. Neither could it be any advantage to stand off to Sea, as they may in the South Sea; for that would be of little moment, because they would then come so near the Line, that they would be al­ways lyable to Tornadoes and Calms; and should they cross the Line and run to the Southward of it, thinking that way to gain their Passage, it is likely they might succeed no better there: For that part of the Sea which lies to the Southward of the Line is open and free to the true Trade, which seldom fails: But indeed that Wind would carry them to the Southward quite beyond the Trade into a variable VVinds-way. But the Sea is not open there, for Ships to pass so far to the Eastward as to gain their Ports.

For our East-India Ships that are bound to Siam, Tunqueen, China, &c. cannot get thither but in the Season of the West Monsoon, tho' they go direct­ly from England; and though, after they are past the Cape, they have the convenience to stretch to the Eastward, as far as the Land will permit, yet they cannot go so far as is convenient before they will be obliged to steer down within the Course of the Trade-Winds, which would obstruct their Passage, if they were as constant here as in other Places. And therefore if these Anniver­sary [Page 24] Monsoons did not constantly succeed each other, Ships could not pass but one way; they might sail to the Westward, but there they must lye up, or be 3 or 4 Years in their return from a place which may be failed in 6 Weeks, yet I say that to Places near each other, Ships may and do very often sail against the Monsoon, and that with success: For here are Sea and Land-Breezes under the shore, and in many Places good Anchoring, by which means Ships may stop when they find the Current against them: But Voyages of a great distance cannot be made only with Land and Sea-Winds without some other helps.

In the West-Indies we have these helps of Land-Winds and Sea-Breezes by which we sail from one place to another, provided they are no great di­stance asunder, and perform our Voyages well e­nough; but when we are to sail a great way to the Eastward against the Trade-Wind, then we are for­ced, as is said before, either to pass thro' the Gulph of Florida, if we are far to Leeward, or else to pass between the Islands, and so stretch away to the Northward, till we are clear out of the Trade, and so get our Longitude that way. So in the South Seas also, and on the Coasts of Guinea, the Coast of Bra­zil, and the Coast of Africa, between the Cape of good Hope and the Red-Sea, there are Sea and Land Breezes, which may be made use of to sail against the Trade, if the Voyages be short: But when we are to sail a great way against the Trade-Wind, we must not wholly depend on the Sea and Land Bree­zes; for then we should be a long time in accomplish­ing such Voyages. In such Cases we have recourse to other helps, such as Providence has supplied these Seas with, which seems to be wanting in the East-Indies: as for example, in the South Seas & on the Coast of Peru where the Sontherly Winds blow constantly all the Year, there Ships that are bound to the Southward stretch off to the Westward till they are out of the [Page 25] Coasting Trade-Wind, and there meet with the true Trade at E. S. E. with which they sail as far as they please to the Southward, and then steer in for their Port. So on the Coast of Mexico, where the Coasting Trade is westerly, there they run off to Sea, till they meet the true E. N. E. Trade; and then stretch away to the Northward, as far as their Port; and Ships that come from the Philipines, bound for the Coast of Mexico, stretch away to the North, as far as 40 degrees, to get a Wind to bring them on the Coast.

Thus also all Ships bound to the East-Indies, af­ter they have past the Line in the Atlantick Ocean, stretch away to the Southward beyond the Trade, and then stand over to the Eastward, towards the Cape; so in returning home, after they have crost the Line to the Northward, they steer away North, with the Wind at E. N. E. till they are to the Northward of the Trade-Wind, and then direct their Course Easterly. All Guinea Ships and West-India Ships do the same in their returns: And this is the Benefit of an open Sea. But to return.

The Monsoons among the East-India Islands that lye to the Southward of the Line, as I said before, are either at N. N. E. or S. S. W. These also keep time, and shift, as the Monsoons do, to the North of the Line, in the Months of April and September, but near the Line, as a degree or two on each side, the Winds are not so constant. Indeed there they are so very uncertain, that I cannot be particular so as to give any true Account of them: Only this I know, that Calms are very frequent there, as also Tornadoes and sudden Gusts; in which the Winds fly in a moment quite round the Compass.

CHAP. IV. Of Sea and Land-Breezes.

SEA-Breezes, generally speaking, are no other than the Common Trade-Wind of the Coasts on which they blow, with this differ­ence, that whereas all Trade-Winds, whether they are those that I call the general Trade-Winds at Sea, or coasting Trade-Winds, either constant or shifting, do blow as well by Night as by Day, with an equal briskness, except when Tornadoes happen; So contrarily Sea-Winds are only in the Day, and cease in the Night; and as all Trade-Winds blow constantly near to one Point of the Compass, both where the constant Trade-Winds are, or where they shift; on the contrary these Sea-Winds do dif­fer from them in this, that in the Morning when they first spring up, they blow commonly as the Trade-Winds on the Coast do, at or near the [Page 27] same Point of Compass; but about Mid-Day they fly off 2, 3 or 4 Points further from the Land, and so blow almost right in on the Coast, especially in fair Weather; for then the Sea-Breezes are truest; as for instance, on the Coast of Argola the Land lies almost North and South, there the Trade-Wind is from the S. S. W. to the S. W. the true Sea-Breezes near the shore are at W. by S. or W. S. W. and so of any other Coast.

These Sea-Breezes do commonly rise in the Mor­ning about Nine a Clock, sometimes sooner, some­times later: they first approach the shore, so gent­ly, as if they were afraid to come near it, and of [...] ­times they make some faint breathings, and as if not willing to offend, they make a halt, and seem ready to retire. I have waited many a time both ashore to receive the pleasure, and at Sea to take the benefit of it.

It comes in a fine, small, black Curle upon the Water, when as all the Sea between it and the shore not yet reach'd by it, is as smooth and even as Glass in Comparison; in half an Hour's time after it has reached the shore it fans pretty briskly, and so increaseth gradually till 12 a Clock, then it is commonly strongest, and lasts so till 2 or 3 a very brisk gale; about 12 at Noon it also veers off to Sea 2 or 3 Points, or more in very fair Weather. After 3 a Clock it begins to dye away again, and gradually withdraws its force till all is spent, and about 5 a Clock, sooner or later, according as the Weather is, it is lull'd asleep, and comes no more till the next Morning.

These Winds are as constantly expected as the day in their proper Latitudes, and seldom fail but in the wet Season. On all Coasts of the Main, whethre in the East or West-Indies, or Guinea, they rise in the Morning, and withdraw towards the Evening, yet [Page 28] Capes and Head-Lands have the greatest benefit of them, where they are highest, rise earlier, and blow later.

Bays contrarily have the disadvantage, for there they blow but faintly at best, and their continuance is but short. Islands that lye nearest East and West, have the benefit of these Winds on both sides equal­ly; for if the Wind is at S. W. or S. W. and by S. on the South side of any Island, then on the North side it would be at N. W. or N. W. by N. i. e. in fair Weather; but if turbulent Weather it would be E. S. E. on the Southside, and E. N. E. on the other: But this true Sea Breez does not veer so far out, except only near the shore, as about 3 or 4 Leagues distant; for farther than that, you will find only the right Coasting Trade-Wind. This I have experienced in several Parts of the World, particularly at Jamaica; about which I have made many Voyages, both on the North and the South side, where I have experienced the Sea-Breezes ve­ry much to differ; for on the South side I have found the true Sea-Wind after 12 a Clock, and in very fair Weather at S. or S. S. E. though it sprung up in the Morning at E. S. E. or S. E. And on the North side I have found the Sea-Breeze at N. or N. N. E. though it rose in the Morning at E. N. E. but whether there may be the like difference about smaller Islands, as at Barbadoes, &c. I cannot deter­mine, tho' I am apt to believe there is not. So much far the Sea-Winds, next of the Land-Breezes.

Land Breezes are as remarkable as any Winds that I have yet treated of; they are quite contrary to the Sea-Breezes; for those blow right from the shore, but the Sea-Breez right in upon the shore; and as the Sea-Breezes do blow in the Day and rest in the Night; so on the contrary, these do blow in the Night and rest in the Day, and so they do alter­nately [Page 29] succeed each other. For when the Sea-Breezes have performed their Offices of the Day, by brea­thing on their respective Coasts, they in the Evening do either withdraw from the Coast, or lye down to rest: Then the Land-VVinds, whose Office is to be breath in the Night, moved by the same order of Divine Impulse, do rouze out of their private re­cesses and gently fan the Air till the next Morning; and then their task ends and they leave the Stage.

There can be no proper time set when they do begin in the Evening, or when they retire in the Morning, for they do not keep to an hour; but they commonly spring up between 6 and 12 in the Evening, and last till 6, 8, or 10 in the Morning. They both come and go away again earlier or la­ter, according to the VVeather, the Season of the Year, or some accidental Cause from the Land: For on some Coasts they do rise earlier, blow fre­sher, and remain later than on other Coasts, as I shall shew hereafter.

They are called Land-VVinds, because they blow off shore contrary to the Sea-Breez, which way so­ever the Coast lies: Yet I would not so be under­stood, as if these VVinds are only found to breathe near the shores of any Land, and not in the Inland Parts of such Countries remote from the Sea; for in my Travels I have found them in the very heart of the Countries that I have passed through; as particularly on the Isthmus of Darien, and the Island of Jamaica: Both which places I have tra­velled over from Sea to Sea; yet because these are but small Tracts of Land in comparison with the two main Bodies of Land of Mexico and Peru, and those vast Regions in Asia and Africa lying within the Tro­picks, I cannot determine whether the Land-VVinds are there, as I have fonnd them in my small Travels: therefore I shall only confine this particular Dis­course [Page 30] to these and other Places within my ow [...] Observations. I shall begin first with the Isthmu [...] of Darien; there I have found the Land-Winds it the middle of the Country blowing all Night, and till 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, before I could perceive the Sea-Breeze to arise, and that not dis­cernable many times, but by the flying of the Clouds, especially if I was in a Valley; and it was in Vallies that I did chiefly perceive the Land-Winds, which blew in some places one way, in others contrary, or side-ways to that according as the Vallies lay pend up between the Mountains; and that without any respect to either the North or the South Seas, but indeed near either side of the Land, they always bent their course towards the nearest Sea, unless there was any Hill between them and the Sea, and then they took their Course along in the Vallies; but from both shores, as well from the North as the South they blow right forth into the Sea.

In the Island of Jamaica these Land-Winds are in the middle of the Country, also I have found them so, as I travelled from one side of the Island to the other, having lain 2 Nights by the way, as I had before observed them, when I liv'd at 16 Miles Walk, where I continued about 6 Months; but there and in other Islands the Land-Winds do blow towards the nearest shores, and so from thence off to Sea, whether the shore's lye East, West, North or South.

These Winds blow off to Sea, a greater or less distance according as the Coast lies more or less ex­posed to the Sea-Winds: For in some Places we find them brisk 3 or 4 Leagues off shore; in other Places not so many Miles, and in some Places they scarce peep without the Rocks, or if they do some­times in very fair Weather make a sally out a Mile or 2, they are not lasting, but suddenly vanish away, [Page 31] though yet there are every Night as fresh Land-Winds ashore at those Places as in any other part of the World.

Places most remarkable for the fewest or faintest Land-Winds, are those that lye most open to the Common Trade-Winds, as the East ends of any Islands where the Trade-Winds do blow in upon the Shore, or the Head-Lands on Islands or Con­tinents that are open to the Sea-breez, especially where the Trade-Wind blows down side-ways, by the Coast; for there such Head-Lands as stretch farthest out to Sea are most exposed to Winds from the Sea; and have the less benefit of the Land-Breezes.

I shall give a few Instances of either. And first of all begin with the N. E. and S. E. Points of the Island of Jamaica: These Points are at the East end of the Island, one is at the very Extreme of the North side towards the East, the other on the South Extreme towards the same Point; at these two Places we seldom light of a Land-Wind; nor very often at the End of the Island between them, except near the shore. For that Reason the Sloop­men of Jamaica that Trade round the Island are commonly put to their Trumps, when they come there in their Voyages: For if they meet no Land-Wind they are obliged to beat about by turning to Wind-ward against the Sea-breez in the Day time; they then curse these Points of Land, and are fool­ishly apt to believe that some Daemon haunts there.

And if they are 2 or 3 days in beating about (as sometimes they are) when they return to Port-Roy­al, they will talk as much of their Fatigues, as if they had been beating a Month to double the Cape of Good Hope, though indeed the Men are brisk e­nough, and manage their Sloops very well; which also are generally very good Boats to sail on a Wind. I think they are the best small Trading-Boats in the King's Dominions.

[Page 32] Point Pedro on the South-side of the Island, is another very bad Point to double, if a Ship come from the West-end of the Island; This Point runs out far into the Sea, and is not only destitute of the Common Land-VVinds. But if there is any Current setting to Leeward, here the Sloop-men meet it. Therefore they are many times longer beating about it, then about the two former Points of the South-East and the North-East, and not with­out bestowing some Curses upon it. Nay some Captains of Privateers, when they have been beat­ing about it, have stood close into the Point, and fired their Guns to kill the old Daemon that they say inhabits there to disturb poor Seamen. I have re­lated these odd Passages to shew how ignorant Men are that cannot see the Reason of it. And because I am not willing to leave my Reader in the dark, I shall give a few Instances more on this subject. The North side of Jucatan, at the entrance into the Bay of Campeachy, gives us another Instance of bad Land-VVinds; and commonly where the Land-VVinds are scanty, the Sea-Breezes are but indiffer­ent neither. This will partly appear by what I have observed of them on this Coast between Cape Cato­ach; and Cape Condecedo at the entrance of the Bay of Campeachy, which two places are about Eighty Leagues distant; for there the Land trends East and West. It is a streight Coast and lies all of it equally exposed to the Trade-VVind, which is commonly there at E. N. E. To the VV. of these Places the Sea and Land-VVinds do as duly succeed each other, as on any other Coast, but here they are each of them of a Bastard kind; for the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by E. which is no better than a Coast Trade-VVind, and the Land-VVind is at E. S. E. or S. E. by E. whereas if the Winds were as true there as on other Coasts, the Sea-Breez would be at N. N. E [Page 33] sometimes at N. and the Land-Winds would be at S. S. E. and S. as they are indeed close under the shore; which if they do at any time come off from, they are very faint. The Land on this Coast is low and even, and the Land-Winds ashore are pret­ty brisk.

The Capes on the Peruvian Coast in the South Seas, will more fully make it appear, that Head-Lands do seldom afford any Land-Winds. I shall only Instance in Cape Passao, in Lat. 8 Minutes South, Cape St. Laurence, in Lat. 1 d.—South, and Cape Blanco, in 3 d.—South. I have pass'd by them all several times and at differ­ent Seasons; yet did never find any Land-winds there, though between these Places there are very good Land-winds. Therefore Ships that sail to the Southward against the Breeze, must beat it about by hard Labour, especially about Cape Blanco, for that lyes more exposed than the other 2: and if there is any Current, as commonly, the Spaniards are a long time getting about, sometimes a Fortnight or 3 Weeks; and when they have split their Sails, which are seldom very good, they run back to Guiaquill to mend them again. We found it hard getting about, tho' our Sails were good; and I think we could work our Ships better than the Spaniards are ever able to do in those Seas.

I have already given several Instances of such Places, as have no Land-winds, or at least but very ordinary ones; I shall next proceed in order to shew where the strongest or best Land-Winds are met with; and then I shall speak of those Places where there blows a moderate and indifferent Gale between both Extreams: That so any one may judge by the Lying of the Land, whether it may afford a good Land-wind or know.

[Page 34] The briskest Land-winds are commonly in deep Bays, in great Lakes within Land, and among great Ranges of Islands or small Keys that lye near the shore: I shall give Instances of all these. And as for Bays, I shall first pitch on the Bay of Campeachy, which lies between Cape Condecedo and the High-Land of St. Martin; between both these Places the Land-winds are as brisk 2 or 3 Leagues off at Sea, as in any Place that I know. In the Cod or Middle of the Bay, the Land trends from East to West, there the Sea-Breezes are at North, and the Land-winds at South; they commonly begin to blow at 7 or 8 a Clock in the Evening, and continue till 8 or 9 the next Morning, in the dry Season especially. In that Bay there is an Island, call'd by the English Beef-Island from the multitude of Bulls and Cows that inhabit it. The smell of these wild Cattle is driven off to Sea, by the Land-winds so fresh, that by it Masters of Ships sailing in the Night on this Coast have known where they were, and have pre­sently anchored that Night, and come into the Island of Trist the next Day; whereas they would otherwise have past farther to the Westward quite out of their way, if they had not smell'd the strong scent of these Cattle.

So all the bottom of the Bay of Mexico, even from the High-Land of St. Martin down to Lavera Cruz, and from thence Northerly towards the River Meschasipi affords good Land-winds and Sea­breezes. The Bay of Honduras also, and almost all the Coast between it and Cape La Vela, affords the like, allowing for the Capes and Points of Land, which lye between; where it fails more or less, as the Points do lye more or less exposed to the Sea-Breezes.

So in the South Seas, the Bays of Panama, Gui­ [...]quil, Paita, &c. have their fresh Land-winds and Sea­breezes. But in some Places, as particularly at Paita, the Land-winds do not spring up till 12 a Clock in [Page 35] the Night, but then are always very fresh, and last till 7 or 8 the next Morning; and they are constant all the Year long: Whereas in the Bay of Panama, and also in all the Bays and Coasts of the other, or North side of America already described, they are not so constant in the wet Season as they are in the dry.

The Bay of Campeachy will also afford us Instan­ces of the Land-winds that blow in Logunes: As for Instance, the Lagune of Trist, which is about 9 or 10 Leagues long and 3 broad, is barricadoed from the Sea by the Island of Trist. There the Land-winds blow in the dry Season from 5 or 6 a Clock in the Evening, till 9 or 10 in the Morning. There are two other Lagunes lying within that, and parted from it by low Mangrove-Land: there the Land-winds are fresher and the Sea-Breeze duller, and of a less continuance, than in the Lagune of Trist. Nay, sometimes the Land-wind blows all Day; so in the Lagune of Maracabo to Wind-ward of Cape Alta Vola, the Land-winds are very fresh and lasting. The like may be said of the Lagune of Venizuella or Comana.

Sometimes in the fore-mentioned Lagunes, the Land-winds do blow for 3 or 4 Days and Nights together, scarce suffering the Sea-Breez to breath there; though at the same time the Sea-Breez may blow fresh out at Sea: and if the Sea-Breez at such times should make a bold Sally into these Lagunes, it would be but of a short continuance. On the other Hand at Capes and Head-Lands more exposed to Sea-Breezes, the Land-winds are shier of coming there, than the Sea-winds are into Lagunes. Neither may we forget the Harbour of Jamaica, for there are very good Land-winds. It is compassed in on one side with a long Neck of Sand, and many small Islands at the mouth of it, and within there is a [Page 36] pretty deep Lake, in which are constant Sea and Land-winds, by which the Wherry-men run with full sail, both to Legamy or Passage Fort, from the Town and back again. They go away with the Sea-Breeze, and return with the Land-wind. There­fore Passengers that have occasion to go either way, wait for the coming of these Winds, except their Business requires hast: for then they are rowed against the Breez; and tho' the Land-winds do sometimes fail or come very late, yet the Wherries seldom stay beyond their constant Hours of 7 or 8 a Clock, and sometimes the Land-winds do come by 3 or 4, but when they come so early it is com­monly after a Tornado from the Land. This may suffice as to the Land-winds in Lakes or Bays.

As to what may be spoken concerning the Land-winds among Islands, I shall only mention 2 Places, both of them in the West-Indies; the first are the Keys of Cuba, which are abundance of small Islands bordering on the South side of Cuba, reaching in length from East to West, or near those Points as the Island lies, about 70 Leagues; and in some Places reaching near 20 Leagues from the said Island. Among these Islands, even from the outer­most of them, quite home to Cuba, there are very brisk Land-winds. They spring up early in the Evening, and blow late in the Morning. The Ja­maica Turtlers visit these Keys with good success for Turtle all the Year long, and from thence bring most of their Turtle wherewith the Market of Port-Royal is served. The other Islands I shall men­tion are the Sambaloe Islands betwixt Cape Samblass and Golden Island, tho' they are not so large a Range as the Keys of Cuba, yet do they afford very good Land-winds; near as good as the Keys of Cuba do. And thus much for the Places where the best as well as where the scantiest or faintest Land-winds are [Page 37] found. I shall next give some Instances of the Medium between both Extreams.

I have already shewn that Capes and such Head-Lands as lye out farthest from the rest of the shore, are thereby most exposed to the Sea-winds, and consequently the Land-winds are there much fain­ter than in other Places, especially in deep Bays or Lagunes within Land, or among Islands and small Keys near the Land; All which is no more than my own experience has taught me. I shall now shew how the Land-winds blow on Coasts that do lye more level. As all Coasts have their Points and bendings, so accordingly the Land-winds are fre­sher or fainter, as you come either towards these bendings or towards intermitting Points or Head-Lands.

I shall give an Instance of this by shewing how the Winds are on the Coast of Coraccos. It is as streight a Shore as I can pitch on, yet full of small Bays, di­vided from each other by a like number of Ridges of High-Land, that shoot forth their Heads a little way without the Bays on each side. There in the Night or Morning, while the Land-wind blows, we find fresh Gales out of the Bays: but when we come abreast of the Head-Lands, we find it Calm; yet see the Breeze curling on the Water on both sides of us, and sometimes get a spurt of it to help us forward: and having recovered the Wind out of the next Bay, we pass by the Mouth of it presently, till we come to the next Head; and there we lye becalmed as before.

These Bays are not above half a Mile or a Mile wide; neither are the Heads much wider; but these Heads of the Ridges lying in between the Bays, have steep Cliffs against the Sea; and where­ever I have met the like steep Cliffs against the Sea, I have seldom found any Land-Winds. But in all other Places where the Bays strike deeper in­to the Land, there we find the Land-winds more [Page 38] lasting and strong; and where the Points are farther out, there are still the less Land-winds, and the brisker Sea-Breezes. For the Capes and smaller Points on all shores seem to be so many Barricadoes to break off the violence of the Sea-Breezes; for this we always find when we are turning to Wind­ward being to Leeward of a Cape, that the Breez is moderate, especially if we keep very near the shore; but when once we come within a Mile, more or less of the Cape and stand off to Sea, as soon as we get without it, we find such a hussing Breez, that sometimes we are not able to ply against it, but in the Night we find a fresh Land-wind to Leeward; tho' when we come to the Cape we find it Calm; or perhaps sometimes meet with a Sea-wind. The Land-Breezes on the Coast of Guinea between Cape St. Anns and Cape Palmas, (mentioned in the second Chapter of this Discourse,) are at E. blowing brisk 4 Leagues off shore: the Sea-winds there are at S. W. The Land-winds on the Coast of Angola are at E. N. E. the Sea-winds at W. S. W. these are very true Winds of both kinds.

The Land-winds on the Coast of Peru and Mex­ico in the South Seas, are in most Places right off from the shore, else the Fisher-men could never go out to Sea, as they do, on Bark-Loggs. And as the Land-winds are true there, so are the Sea-Breezes also; for with the Land-wind they go out to Fish, and return in again with the Sea-winds. In some Places they use Seals-Skins instead of Bark-Loggs; they are made so tight that no Bladder is tighter. To these they have long Necks like the Neck of a Bladder, into which they put a Pipe and blow them up, as we do Bladders; two of these being fastned together, a Man sets a-stride them, having one be­fore and the other behind him; and so sits firmer than in a Troopers Saddle. His Paddle is like a [Page 39] Quarter-staff, with a broad Blade at each end; with this he strikes the Sea back, first on one side, and then on the other, with each end of his Pad­dle, and so gives himself fresh way through the Water.

In the East-Indies also there are true Sea-Breezes, as well on the Islands, as on the Main. On Islands, as at Bantam in the Island Java, and at Achin in the Island Sumatra, and in many Places on the Island Mindanao: And on the Main also, as parti­cularly at Fort St George on the Coast Coromandel. There the Land-winds blow right off from the shore, and the Sea-winds right in; but sometimes they come slanting in; and about Christmas they blow from the N. E. or N. N. E. I found them so when I came on the Coast, and being advised of it by Mr. Coventry, in whose Sloop I then was, I fell in with the Land 10 or 12 Leagues to the North­ward of the Fort, and had a brisk Northerly Sea-wind to bring me into the Road.

I think these Instances are enough to shew how these Land-winds do usually blow in most parts of the World; should I be very particular, 'tis not a larger Treatise then I intend this to be, would hold a quarter-part of it. But I have been more particu­lar in the West-Indies and South Seas, because these Land-winds are of more use there than in the East-Indies: For though sometimes Men in the East-In­dies do turn against the Monsoons, yet they do ge­nerally tarry for them before they budge.

Indeed these Winds are an extraordinary blessing to those that use the Sea in any part of the World, within the Tropicks; for as the constant Trade-winds do blow, there could be no sailing in these Seas: But by the help of the Sea and Land-Breezes, Ships will sail 2 or 3 hundred Leagues; as particularly from Jamaica, to the Lagune of Trist, in [Page 40] the Bay of Campeachy; and then back again, all against the Trade-wind; And I think this is one of the longest Voyages that is used of this kind. If any of our Jamaica Sloops do go to Trist, and de­sign to carry their Wood to Curasao, then they put through the Gulph of Florida.

The Spaniards also that come from any part of the Bay of Mexico, and are bound to any Place to Windward of the Island Cuba, are wont to put through the Gulph, and so stretch away to the Northward, till they come clear of the Trade, and then stand away as far as they please to the Eastward; This is also the usual way from Ja­maica to Barbadoes, though sometimes they turn up by the Carribbee Islands, only taking the Benefit of these Sea and Land-winds. So also Ships may and do pass from Portobello to Car­thagena, or to St. Martha, or to any other Place, by the help of these Breezes, if the di­stance is not too far. So by taking the Advan­tage of these Winds, Sloops in the West-Indies sail clear round the Islands, or to any part of them, in a short time.

In the South Seas also the Spaniards in their Voy­ages from Panama to Lima, by taking the Advan­tage of these Winds, do sail as high as Cape Blan [...]o; but in all their Voyages to the Southward of that Cape, they stand quite off to Sea into the Trade. Thus you see the use and advantage of them.

The Seamen that sail in Sloops or other small Vessels in the West-Indies, do know very well when they shall meet a brisk Land-Wind, by the Foggs that hang over the Land before Night; for it is a certain sign of of a good Land-Wind, to see a thick Fogg lye still and quiet, like Smoak over the Land, not stirring any way; and we look out for such Signs when we [Page 41] are plying to Windward. For if we see no Fog over the Land, the Land-wind will be but faint and short that Night. These signs are to be observed chiefly in fair Weather: for in the wet Season Foggs do hang over the Land all the Day, and it may be neither Land-wind nor Sea-Breeze stirring. If in the Afternoon also in fair Weather, we see a Tornado over the Land, it commonly sends us forth a fresh Land-Wind.

These Land-winds are very cold, and though the Sea-Breezes are always much stronger, yet these are colder by far. The Sea-Breezes indeed are very comfortable and refreshing; for the hot­test time in all the Day is about 9, 10 or 11 a Clock in the Morning, in the interval between both Breezes: For then it is commonly Calm, and then People pant for breath, especially if it is late before the Sea-Breez comes, but afterwards the Breez allays the heat. However, in the Evening again after the Sea-Breez is spent, it is very hot till the Land-wind springs up, which is sometimes not till 12 a Clock or after.

For this reason Men when they go to Bed uncloath themselves and lye without any thing over them: Nay, the ordinary sort of People spread mats at their Doors, or else in their Yards, in Jamaica, and lye down to sleep in the open Air.

In the East Indies at Fort St. George, also Men take their Cotts or little Field-Beds, and put them into the Yards, and go to sleep in the Air: And Seamen aboard Ships in these hot Countries lye on the Deck, till the Land-wind comes.

The Inhabitants of Jamaica or Fort St. George, have somewhat to cover themselves when the Land-wind comes, beside a Pillow on their [Page 42] Breast, or between their Arms. But Seamen who have wrought hard all Day, lye naked and ex­posed to the Air, it may be all Night long, before they awake, without any covering, es­pecially if they have had their dose of Punch. But next Morning they are scarce able to budge, being stiff with cold, that brings them to Fluxes, and that to their Graves; and this is the fate of many stout and brave Seamen: and it is a great pity that Masters of Ships have so little regard for their Men, as not by some good Orders, to prohibit this dangerous Custom of lying abroad and naked in the Nights.

CHAP. V. Of Land-winds and Sea-Breezes, peculiar to some Coasts at some particular seasons of the Year; as also of some Winds that produce strange Effects.

I Shall begin with the Summasenta-Winds, as they are called, which blow in the Bay of Cam­peachy. These are Winds that come in the Months of Feb. March and April, and they blow on­ly in that Bay between the High-Land of St. Mar­tin and Cape Condecedo; which Places are about 120 Leagues asunder. They are, properly speaking, nei­ther Sea-Breezes nor true Land-winds, yet in respect of their blowing in some measure from the shore, they are in that somewhat of kin to the Land-winds. These Winds are commonly at E. S. E. in the Cod or Middle of the Bay where the Land lies E. and W. and the true Land-winds there are at S. S. E. but from thence towards Cape Condecedo, the Land trends away N. E. and N. N. E. and N. So that they be­come Land-winds there respecting the Land from [Page 44] whence they blow; but then they differ both from Sea and Land-Breezes in respect to their duration: For these Summasenta-Winds blow 3 or 4 Days, sometimes a Week, both Night and Day before they cease. They are commonly dry Winds and blow very fresh, and Ships that go from Trist with Log­wood at the time when these Winds blow, will be at Cape Condecedo in 3 or 4 Days; whereas if they go at any other time, it will take up 8 or 10 Days, tho' seldom more than that: For here are good Land-winds and Sea-Breezes at other times.

These Winds are commonly colder than the Sea-winds, though not so cold as the Land-winds, yet stronger than either. I never could perceive that these Winds did make any alteration on our Bodies different from other Winds. But the Tides when these Winds blow on that Coast, are very small, es­pecially in the Lagunes of Trist; so that the Leg­wood-Ba [...]s that bring the Wood aboard of the Ships, are then forced to lye still for want of Water to float them over some flats in the Lagunes.

On the Coast of Ca [...]thagena there are a peculiar sort of Winds that blow in the Months of April, May and June so very fierce, that Ships are not able to ply to Windward on that Coast while these Winds last. These Winds blow about 40 or 50 Leagues to Windward of Carthagena Town, and about 10 to Leeward of it. They are very fierce from the middle of the Channel between it and Hi­spaniola, and so continue almost to the Coast of Car­thagena. Tho' they are sometimes a little fainter within 2 or 3 Leagues of the shore, especially Morn­ings and Evenings. They commonly rise in the Morning before day, sometimes at 3 or 4 a Clock, and so continue till 9, 10 or 11 at Night, and thus they will blow 10 or 11 Days together very fiercely. At this time the Land-winds besides their short conti­nuance are very faint and blow but a little way off shore: So that from 10 or 11 at Night till [...] in the [Page 45] Morning 'tis quite Calm and not one breath of Wind from a League distant off the shore; tho' 3 or 4 further off you'll find the Breez, and nearer a small Land-Wind. These Winds are at E. N. E. as the Common Trade is; whereas the Sea-Breezes are at N. E. by N. or N. N. E.

While these fierce Winds stay, the Sky is com­monly clear without any Cloud to be seen; tho' doubtless 'tis imperceptibly hazy, for then the Sun does not give a true black shade on the Ground, but very faint and dusky. The Horizon too looks very dusky, thick and hazy, and while the Sun is near the Horizon, either in the Morning or Evening, it looks very red. Sometimes, tho' but seldom, when these Winds blow the Sky is over-cast with small Clouds, which afford some drizling small Rain. But tho' these Winds are so fierce on the Coast of Carthage­na, yet both to Windward and to Leeward at the distances before-mentioned, the Breezes blow mo­derate as at other times. For the Sea and Land­winds do there keep their constant and regular Courses. Neither are the Coasts of Hispaniola or Jamaica troubled with these fierce Winds, any nearer than half Channel over as was said before.

It has not been my fortune to have been on this Coast when these Winds have blown, yet I have had the Relation of it so often, and from so many Persons that I am very well satisfi'd of the truth of it: Nay, it is so generally known among the Jamaica Seamen and Privateers that they call a Talkative Person in de­rision, a Carthagene-Breeze. I remember 2 or 3 Men that went by that Name, and I knew them by no other, tho' I was in the same Ship with them seve­ral Months.

Some of our English Frigots that have been sent to Jamaica have experienced these Breezes when the Governour has sent them upon business to that Coast: For plying between Portobello and Carthagena, when they have been within 10 Leagues of Carthagena, they [Page 46] have met with the Sea Breez so strong that they have been forced to riff their Topsail, which even then they could not maintain, but have been oblig­ed to furle it quite up; and so with only their lower Sails, which sometimes they have been forced to riff too, have been beating 8 or 10 Days, to get only so many Leagues; which tho' at last they have done, yet has it been with much trouble, and not without damage to their Sails and Rigging. Neither can I forget a Squadron of French Frigots, Com­manded by the Count de Estrees, that came to Ja­maica, and demanded leave of the Governour to Wood and Water there; which because it seemed strange that they should want in coming only from Petit Guavas; it was demanded of them why they came from thence so ill provided? They said they went from Petit Guavas over to the Coast of Car­thagena, with a design to have plyed to Wind-ward under that shore, but met the Breezes so hard on the Coast, that they were not able to hold up their sides against it, and for that Reason stood back again to­wards Petit Guavas; but not being able to fetch it, therefore they came to Wood and Water at Jamai­ca, designing to go from thence thro' the Gulph: And tho' the Pilots of Jamaica did all conclude that the Breeze-time was past by more than a Month, yet the Governour gave them leave to Wood and Water at Blew-fields Bay, and sent one Mr. Stone to be their Pilot thither. This was in 1679 and in one of our Sum­mer Months, but I can't tell which, tho' I was there.

In the South Seas on the Mexican Coast, between Cape Blanco in the Lat. of 9 D. 56 M. North and Realeja, in Lat. 11 North, which two Places are about 80 Leagues distance, there are Winds which blow only in the Months of May, June, and July, call'd by the Spaniards Popogaios. They blow Night and Day without intermission, sometimes 3 or 4 Days or a Week together. They are very brisk Winds, but not violent: I have been in one of them when w [Page 47] went from Caldera Bay, bound to Realeja mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. 5. Pag. 118. which blew at North.

In the East-Indies on the Coast of Coromandel, there are Winds call'd by the Portuguese Terrenos, because they blow from the Land. These are not those Land-Winds that I have already treated of; for these blow only in June, July and Aug. and are in several respects quite contrary to them. For where­as the true Land-Winds blow only in the Night, in­cluding Evenings and Mornings; on the contrary, these blow 3 or 4 Days without intermission; nay sometimes a Week or 10 Days together: and as the true Nocturnal Land-Winds are very cold, on the contrary these are the hottest of all Winds I ever heard of: They come with hot Blooms, such as I have mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. 20. Pag. 530. These Winds are at West, and they blow only in the Months of June, July and August, which is the West Monsoon-Season, tho' the proper Monsoon then on this Coast is S. W. When these hot Winds come, the better sort of People at Fort St. George keep close: They also shut up their Win­dows and Doors to keep them out; and I have heard Gentlemen that lived there say, that when they have been thus shut up within Doors, they have been sensible when the Wind shifted by the Change they have felt in their Bodies. And notwithstanding that these Winds are so hot, yet the Inhabitants don't sweat while they last, for their Skins are hard and rough, as if they had been parched by the Fire, especially their Faces and Hands, yet does it not make them sick. The Sands which are raised by these Winds are a great annoyance to those whose business lyes abroad, and who can't keep their Houses. For many times they wheel about and raise the Sands so thick, that it flies like [...]moak in Peoples Eyes; and the Ships also [Page 48] that lye in the road at that time have their Decks covered with this Sand.

On the Coast of Malabar they have of these sons of Winds also, but not at the same time of the Year. For as these on the Coast of Coromandel blow in the Months of June, July and August, when the West Monsoon Reigns; on the contrary on the Malabar Coast they blow in the Months of December, January and February, when the East or North East Monsoon blows: for then the Easterly Wind, which is then the true Monsoon, comes from over the Land of this Coast; This being the West-side, as the Coast of Coro­mandel is the East-side of this long East-Indian Promontory.

The Person Gulph is as remarkable for these hot Winds as either of the former; they come there in the Months of June, July and August in the West-Monsoon time; and the heat there by all Accounts does by far exceed that on the other two Coasts.

The European Merchants that are imployed in the Ports within the King of Persia his Domini­ons, do leave their Coast, Habitations and Business there, during these hot Months, and spend their time at Ispahan till the Air is more agreeable to their Bodies; but their Servants must indure it. And if any Ships are there, then the Seamen also must do as well as they can. 'Tis reported the Commanders do keep Bathing-Troughs full of Water to lye and wallow in, and hide their Bodies from the noisom hot Blooms. I was never in any of these hot Winds, for I went from Fort St. George before they came on the Coast.

[Page 49] On the Coast of Guinea there are a particular sort of Land-winds, which are very remarkable; not for their Heat, as those last-mentioned, but for their exceeding Cold and Searching Nature. They are called Harmatans. I have had an Ac­count of them from several who have Traded to Guinea; but more especially from a very Sensible and Experienced Gentleman, Mr Greenhill, Com­missioner of His Majesties Navy at Portsmouth; who upon my Request, was pleased to send me the following Account: which the Reader cannot have better than in his own Words. Where, to­gether with the Harmatans, he gives an Account also of all the Winds on that Coast.

Upon the Receipt of this from the Gentleman aforesaid, I wrote to him again, to have his Opini­on about what I have said concerning the particular Longitude, in which 'tis best to cross the Line, in going from Guinea to the West-Indies: And so much of his Answer as concerns this Matter was in these Words.

And here I judge it will not be unacceptable to the Reader to insert two other Letters from an Ex­perienced Captain of a Ship, because they have a general Relation to the Subject I am now upon, as well as to the Coast of Guinea in particular.

Part of two Letters from Captain John Covant of Portbury, to a Gentleman in London.

Part of a second Letter from Captain Covant; dated from Bristol, Decemb. 10. 1697.

CHAP. VI. Of Storms.

STorms within the Tropicks are generally known to us by some Name or other, to di­stinguish them from other common Winds: and tho' Storms are not so frequent there, as they are in Latitudes nearer the Poles; yet are they ne­vertheless expected yearly in their proper Months; and when they do come, they blow exceeding fierce, [Page 60] though indeed some years they do not come at all or at least do not blow with that fierceness as at other times. And as these Winds are commonly very fierce, so are they but of a short continuance, in comparison with Storms that we meet with in higher Latitudes.

In the West-Indies there are three sorts, viz. Norths, Souths and Hurricanes: In the East-Indies there are only two sorts, viz. Monsoones and Tuf­foones.

All these sorts of violent Storms, except the Norths, are expected near one time of the year: and this is taken notice of by those that have been in any of them; that they give certain Presages of their being at hand, several hours before they come. Norths are violent Winds, that frequently blow in the Bay of Mexico from October till March: They are chiefly expected near the full or change of the Moon, all that time of the year, but they are most violent in December and January. These Winds are not confined to the Bay of Mexico only, but there they are most frequent, and rage with the greatest Violence. They blow on the North side of Cuba very fierce too, and in the Gulph of Florida; as also about Hispaniola, Jamaica, &c. and in the Channel between Jamaica and Portabel; and in all the West Indian Sea between the Islands and the Main as high as the Island Trinidado. But from Ja­maica Eastward, except on the North side of the Island Hispaniola, they blow no harder than a pret­ty brisk Sea Wind. They are here at W. N. W. or N. W. though in the Bay of Mexico they blow strongest at N. N. W. and this is the Season of Westerly Winds in these East parts of the West-Indies, as I have before noted in the third Chapter of this Discourse. I shall be most particular of them that blow in the Bay of Mexico, and what Signs they give us before hand.

[Page 61] Commonly before a North the Weather is very serene and fair, the Sky clear, and but little Wind; and that too veering from its proper Point, or the common Trade-Wind of the Coast; and breathing gently at S. at S. W. and West a Day or two before the North comes. The Sea also gives notice of a Storm, by an extraordinary and long Ebb. For a Day or two before a North, there will be hardly any discernable Flood, but a constant ebbing of the Sea. And the Sea-Fowls also before a Storm, do commonly hover over the Land, which they do not at other times use to do, in such great flights and numbers. All these Signs concurring, may give any Man notice of an approaching Storm, but the great­est and most remarkable Sign of a North, is a very black Cloud in the N. W. rising above the Horizon to about 10 or 12 degrees: the upper edge of the Cloud appears very even and smooth, and when once the upper part of the Cloud is 6, 8, 10 or 12 degrees high, there it remains in that even form parallel to the Horizon without any motion; and this some­times 2 or 3 Days before the Storm comes: At other times not above 12 or 14 hours, but never less.

This Cloud lying so near the Horizon, is not seen but in the Mornings or Evenings, at least it does not appear so black as then; this is called by Eng­lish Seamen a North Bank, and when ever we see such a Cloud in that part of the World, and in the Months before mentioned, we certainly provide for a Storm; and tho' sometimes it may happen that such a Cloud may appear several Mornings and E­venings, and we may not feel the effects of it, or but very little; yet we always provide against it; for a North never comes without such a foreboding Cloud. But if the Winds also whiffle about to the South, with fair flattering Weather, it never sails. While the Wind remains at S. S. W. or any thing to the South of the West, it blows very faint; but [Page 26] when once it comes to the North of the West, it begins to be brisk and veers about presently to the North West, where it blows hard; yet does it not stay there long before it veers to the N. N. W. and there it blows strongest and longest. Sometimes it continues 24 or even 48 hours, and sometimes lon­ger. When the Wind first comes to the N. W. if the black Cloud rises and comes away, it may chance to give but one flurry, like that of a Tornado; and then the Sky grows clear again; and either the Wind continues at N. W. blowing only a brisk Gale, which the Jamaica Seamen call a Chocolatt North, or else it veers about again to the East, and settles there. But if when the Wind comes to the N. W. the Cloud still remains settled, the Wind then con­tinues blowing very fierce even so long as the black Bank continues near the Horizon. It is commonly pretty dry and clear, but sometimes much Rain falls with a North: and tho' the Clouds which bring Rain, come from the N. W. and N. N. W. yet the black Bank near the Horizon seems not to move till the Heart of the Storm is broke. When the Wind starts from the N. N. W. to the N. 'tis a sign that the Violence of the Storm is past, especially if it veers to the East of the North; for then it soon flies about to the East, and there settles at its usual Point and brings fair Weather: But if it goes back from the N. to the N. W. it will last a day or two longer, as fierce as before; and not without a great deal of Rain.

When our Jamaica Logwood-ships are coming loaden out of the Bay of Campeachy in the North Season, they are glad to have a North. For a good North will bring them almost to Jamaica; neither have any of our Vessels miscarried in one of these Storms that I did ever hear of, though sometimes much shattered; but the Spaniards do commonly suffer by them, and there is seldom a Year but one [Page 63] or more of them are cast away in the Bay of Cam­peachy in this Season: for they don't work their ships as we do ours. They always bring their ships too under a Foresail and Mizan, but never under a Mainsail and Mizan, nor yet under the Mizan alone; but we generally bring too under Mainsail and Mizan; and if the Wind grows too fierce we bring her under a Mizan only; and if we cannot maintain that, then we balast our Mizan: which is by riffing and taking up great part of the Sail. If after all this, the Winds and Seas are two high for us, then we put before it, but not before we have tryed our utmost, especially if we are near a Leeshore. On the contrary, the Spaniards in the West-Indies, (as I said before) lye under a Foresail and Mizan: But this must needs be an extraordinary strain to a Ship, especially if she be long. Indeed there is this convenience in it, when they are minded to put away before it, 'tis but halling up the Mizan, and the Foresail veers the Ship presently: and I judge it is for that Reason they do it. For when the Wind comes on so fierce that they can no longer keep on a Wind, they put right afore it, and so continue till the Storm ceaseth, or the Land takes them up (i. e. till they are run a-shore.) I knew two Spaniards did so, while I was in the Bay. One was a Kings ship, called the Piscadore. She run ashore on a Sandy Bay, a Mile to the Westward of the River Tobasco. The other was come within 4 or 5 Leagues of the shore, and the Storm ceasing, she escaped shipwreck, but was taken by Captain Hewet, Commander of a Privateer, who was then in the Bay. Her Mainmast and Mizan were cut down in the storm. Both these Ships came from La Vera Cruz, and were in the North side of the Bay when first the storms took them. And tho' we don't nse this method, yet we find means to wear our ships as well as they; for if after the Mizan is hall'd up [Page 64] and furled, if then the ship will not wear, we must do it with some Headsail, which yet sometimes puts us to our shifts. As I was once in a very violent storm, sailing from Virginia, mentioned in my Voy­age round the World, we scudded before the Wind and Sea some time, with only our bare Poles; and the ship by the mistake of him that con'd, broched too, and lay in the Trough of the Sea; which then went so high that every Wave threatned to overwhelm us. And indeed if any one of them had broke in up­on our Deck, it might have foundred us. The Master, whose fault this was, rav'd like a mad Man, and called for an Axe to cut the Mizan Shrouds, and turn the Mizan Mast over Board: which indeed might have been an Expedient to bring her to her course again. Cap. Davis was then Quarter-master, and a more ex­perienced Seamen than the Master. He did him hold his hand a little, in hopes to bring her some other way to her course: The Captain also was of his Mind. Now our Main-yard and Fore-yard were lowered down a Port last, as we call it, that is down pretty nigh the Deck, and the Wind blew so fierce that we did not dare to loose any Head-sail, for they must have blown away if we had, neither could all the Men in the ship have furled them again; there­fore we had no hopes of doing it that way. I was at this time on the Deck with some others of our Men; and among the rest one Mr. John Small [...]on, who was the main Instrument at that time of saving us all. Come said he to me, let us g [...] a little way up the Fore-shrouds, it may be that may make the Ship wear; for I have been doing it before now. He never tarried for an Answer, but run for­ward presently, and I followed him. We went up the Shrouds Half-mast up, and there we spread abroad the Flaps of our Coats, and presently the Ship wore. I think we did not stay there above [...] Minutes before we gain'd our. Point and came dow [...] [Page 65] again, but in this time the Wind was got into our Mainsail, and had blown it loose; and tho' the Main-yard was down a Port-last and our Men were got on the Yard as many as could lye one by ano­ther, besides the Deck full of Men, and all striving to furl that Sail, yet could we not do it, but were forced to cut it all along by the Head-rope, and so let it fall down on the Deck.

Having largely treated of Norths, I shall next give some account of Souths.

South Winds are also very violent Winds. I have not heard any thing of these sorts of Storms, but at Jamaica or by Jamaica Sailers. The time when they blow at Jamaica is about June, July or August, Months that Norths never blow in. The greatest stress of Wind in these storms is at South, from whence its probable they are named Souths. In what they differ from the Hurricanes that rage among the Carribee Islands, I know not, unless in this, that they are more Constant to one Point of the Compass, or that they come sooner in the Year than Hurricanes do, but those Storms call'd Hurri­canes, had never been known at Jamaica when I was there. Yet since I have heard that they have felt the fury of them several times. But I was at Jamaica when there happened a violent South. It made great havock in the Woods; and blew down many great Trees; but there was no great damage done by it. Port Royal was in great danger then of being washed away, for the Sea made a breach clear through the Town; and if the violence of Wea­ther had continued but a few hours longer, many of the Houses had been washed away: For the Point of Land on which that Town stands, is Sand; which began to wash away apace: but the Storm cealing, there was no further damage. This was in July or August in the Year 1674.

[Page 66] I was afterwards in the Bay of Campeachy, when we had a much more violent Storm than this, called also by the Logwood-Cutters a South. It happened some time in June 1676.

I was then cutting Logwood in the Western Creek of the West Lagune. Two days before this storm began, the Wind whiffled about to the South, and back again to the East, and blew very faintly. The Weather also was very fair, and the Men-of War-Birds came hovering over the Land in great numbers; which is very unusal for them to do. This made some of our Logwood-Cutters say, that we should have some Ships come hither in a short time; for they believed it was a certain token of the arrival of Ships, when these Birds came thus ho­vering over the Land. And some of them said they had lived at Barbadoes, where it was generally taken notice of: and that as many of these Birds as they saw hovering over the Town, so many Ships there were coming thither. And according to that Rule they foolishly guest that here were a great many Ships coming hither at that time: Tho' 'tis im­possible that they could imagine there could be the hundredth part of the Ships arrive, that they saw Birds fly over their Heads. But that which I did most admire was, to see the Water keep ebbing for two Days together, without any flood, till the Creek, where we lived, was almost dry. There was commonly at low Water 7 or 8 foot Water; but now not above 3, even in the middle of the Creek.

About 4 a Clock the 2d day after this unusual Ebb, the Sky looked very black, and the Wind sprung up fresh at S. E. and increasing. In less than two hours time it blew down all our Huts, but one; and that with much labour we propt up with Posts, and with Ropes cast over the Ridge, and fastning both ends to stupms of Trees, we secured the Roof from flying away. In it we huddled altogether till the storm ceased. It [Page 67] rained very hard the greatest part of the storm, and about two hours after the Wind first sprang up, the Waters flowed very fast in. The next Morning it was as high as the Banks of the Creek: which was higher than I had ever seen it before.

The Flood still increased, and run faster up the Creek than ever I saw it do in the greatest Spring-Tide; which was somewhat strange, because the Wind was at South, which is right off the shore on this Coast. Neither did the Rain any thing a bate, and by 10 a Clock in the Morning the Banks of the Creek were all overflown. About 12 at Noon we brought our Canoa to the side of our Hut, and fastned it to the stump of a Tree that stood by it; that being the only refuge that we could now ex­pect; for the Land a little way within the Banks of the Creek is much lower than where we were: So that there was no walking through the Woods because of the Water. Besides, the Trees were torn up by the Roots, and tumbled down so strange­ly a-cross each other, that it was almost impossible to pass through them.

The storm continued all this Day and the Night, following till 10 a Clock: then it began to abate, and by two in the Morning it was quite calm.

This storm made very strange work in the Woods by tearing up the Trees by the Roots: The Ships also riding at Trisl and at One-Bush-Key, felt the fury of it to their sorrow; for of four that were riding at One-Bush-Key, three were driven away from their Anchors, one of which was blown into the Woods of Beef-Island. And of the four Ships that were at Trist, three also were driven from their Anchors, one of which was cast up about 20 Paces beyond high Water Mark on the Island of Trist. The other two were driven off to Sea; and one of them was never heard of since.

[Page 68] The poor Fish also suffered extreamly by thi storm, for we saw multitudes of them either cas on the shore, or floating dead on the Lagunes. Ye this storm did not reach 30 Leagues to Wind-war [...] of Trist, for Captain Vally of Jamaica, went henc [...] but 3 days before the storm began, and was no [...] past 30 Leagues off when we had it so fierce, ye [...] he felt none of it: But only saw very black dismal Clouds to the Westward, as he reported at his re­turn from Jamaica to Trist 4 Months after.

I shall speak next of Hurricanes.

These are violent storms, raging chiefly among the Carribee Islands; though, by Relation, Jamaica has of late been much annoyed by them; but it has been since the time of my being there. They are expected in July, August or September.

These storms also as well as the Norths or Souths, give some signs of their approach before they come on. I have not been in any one of them my self, but have made enquiry of many Men that have, and they all agree that either they are pre­ceded by flattering unusual small Winds and very fair Weather, or by a great glut of Rain, or else by both Rains and Calms together.

I shall give an Instance of one that gave such war­ning. It happened at Antego in August 1681. I had the Relation of it from Mr. John Smallbone, before mentioned, who was Gunner of a Ship of 120 Tuns and 10 Guns, Commanded by Capt. Gadbury.

Before this storm it rained two days excessively, then it held up two or three days more: but the Sky was clouded and appear'd to be much troubled, yet but little Wind. The Planters by this, were certain of a Hurricane, and warned the Ship-Commanders to provide for it, especially Capt. Gadbury; who had careen'd his Ship in Muskito Cove in St. John's Harbour, but a little before, and by this warning given him by the Planters, had gotten his Goods on [Page 69] Board again, which though all he had, yet was but about half his lading of Sugar, Molosses and Rum. He also moored his Ship as secure as he could, with all his Cablesand Anchors, besides some Cables which he had made fast ashore to great Trees. And about 7 a Clock that evening that the storm came, he drea­ding it, went ashore with all his Men, and retired in­to a poor Planters House about half a Mile from the shore. By that time he and his Men were arrived at the House, which was before 8 a Clock; the Wind came on very fierce at N. E. and veering about to the N. and N. W. settled there, bringing with it very violent Rains. Thus it continued about four hours, and then fell flat calm, and the Rain ceased.

In this Calm he sent 3 or 4 of his Men down to the Cove to see what condition the Ship was in, and they found her driven ashore dry on the Sand, lying on one side, with the Head of her Mast sticking into the Sand; after they had walked round her and view'd her a while, they return'd again to the Capt. to give him an Account of the Disaster, and made as much haste as they could, because the Wind began to blow hard at S. W. and it blew so violently before they recover'd the House, that the Boughs of the Trees whipt them sufficiently before they got thither; and it rained as hard as before. The little House could scarce shelter them from the wet; for there was little beside the Walls standing: For the 1st Norther­ly Gust blew away great part of the Ridg and most of the Thatch. Yet there they stayed till the next Morning, and then coming to the Ship found her almost upright; but all the Goods that were in the Hold were wash'd out, and the Sugar was wash'd out of the Cask. Some of the Rum they found; a Cask in one place and a Cask in another: some on the shore, and some half a Mile in the Woods; and some stav'd against the Trees and leek'd out; for it seems there had been a violent Motion in the Sea, as well [Page 70] as in the Air. For in the beginning of the Night when the N. E. Gust raged, the Sea ebb'd so prodi­giously, or else was driven off the shore by the vio­lence of the Wind so far, that some Ships riding in the Harbour in 3 or 4 fathom Water, were a ground; and lay so till the S. W. Gust came, and then the Sea came rowling in again with such prodigious fury, that it not only set them a-float, but dash'd many of them on the shore. One of them was carried up a great way into the Woods: another was strangely hurl'd on two Rocks that stood close by one another; with her Head resting on one Rock, and her Stern on the other: And thus she lay like a Bridge between the two Rocks, about 10 or 11 Foot above the Sea, even in the highest Tides; for the Tides do usually rise here but lit­tle, not above 2 or 3 Foot, but in these Hurricanes it always ebbs and flows again prodigiously.

It was not the Ships only that felt the fury of this Storm, but the whole Island suffered by it; for the Houses were blown down, the Trees tore up by the Roots, or had their Heads and Limbs sadly shat­tered, neither was there any Leaves, Herbs or green Thing left on the Island, but all look'd like Winter. Insomuch that a Ship coming thither a little after, that used that Trade, could scarce believe it to be the same Island. Neither did the fury of this Storm light only here, for Nevis and St. Christophers had their shares also; but Mountsurat felt little of it, tho' not above a Fortnight after there happened a­nother Storm, as violent as this, and raged extream­ly there, but did little damage at Nevis and St. Chri­stophers. Antego had a great share of this too. Capt. Gadbury's Ship, that lay a-ground before it came, was by it hurled over to the opposite part of the Harbour, and there thrown dry on the Sand.

The day after the storm, the shore was strew'd with Fish of divers sorts, as well great as small; [Page 71] such as Porpoises, Sharks, &c. and abundance of Sea Fowls also were destroyed by it.

I would not have any Man think that these Hur­ricanes, or any other Storms, do always give warn­ing of their coming exactly alike: For there may be some difference in those signs, tho' all of them be plain enough if well observed. Besides some­times they are duplicated, sometimes only single signs, and sometimes the signs may be more visible and plain than at other times: when by some acci­dental cause those signs may be less visible by Reason of some high Hill or Mountain that may be inter­pos'd between you and the Horizon, especially if any Hill lies N. E. from you, which is the Quarter that Hurricanes do commonly rise in.

The Clouds that precede a Hurricane are differ­ent from the North Banks, in this, that whereas the Clouds preceding Norths are uniform and regular; of an exact blackness even from the Horizon to the upper edg of it, and that as streight and even as a Line stretched out. On the contrary, the Hurricane-Clouds tower up their Heads, pressing forwards as if they all strove for precedency; yet so linked one within another, that all move alike. Besides, the edges of these Clouds are guilded with various and afrighting Colours, the very edg of all seems to be of a pale fire colour, next that of a dull yellow, and nearer the Body of the Cloud of a Copper Colour, and the Body of the Cloud which is very thick ap­pears extraordinary Black: and altogether it looks very terrible and amazing even beyond expression. Tho' I have never been in any Hurricane in the West Indies, yet I have seen the very Image of them in the East Indies, and the effects have been the very same; and for my part I know no difference between a Hurricane among the Carribee Islands in the West Indies, and a Tuffoon on the Coast of China in the [Page 72] East Indies, but only the Name▪ And I am apt to believe that both Words have one signification, which is a violent Storm.

I have given a large Account of one of these in my Voyage round the World: Chapter XV. Page 414. That gave warning by flattering Wea­ther before hand, and a very dismal Cloud, set out with such colours as I have before described, rising in the N. E. from whence the violence of the first Gust came, which was wonderful fierce and accom­panied with extraordinary hard Rain; then it af­terwards fell calm about an hour, and then the Wind came about at S. W. and blew as fierce as it did before at N. E. which is much like the Hurri­cane before-mentioned at Antego, but of a longer continuance than that: Besides, in both places they blow at one time of the Year, which is in July, August or September; and commonly near the Full or Change of the Moon.

Another thing that we must also take notice of is, that both Places are North of the Equator, though not exactly in one Latitude.

But of these Tuffoons I shall say no more now, having described them particularly in my Voyage to Tonquin, Chap. II. Pag. 36.

The Monsoons in the East Indies are the next to be treated of; by which I do not mean the Coast­ing Trade-wind, so called, which I have already described in Page 21. of this Discourse; for tho' [Monsoon] is a general word for the Wind there, distinguished by East or West, according to the Points from whence they blow; yet it sometimes also signifies a Storm, as I now take it. And it is easie to be understood, when it is used in reference to the Trade-wind, or when spoken of a Storm; for if applied to a Storm, 'tis express'd by some [...]pethite going before: As Violent, Terrible, [Page 73] &c. without any distinction of East or West, which is commonly used in speaking of the Trade-Wind.

These Monsoons or Storms on the Coast of Co­romandel are expected either about April or Sep­tember, which are accounted the two shifting Months. For in these two Months the Winds be­gin to shift and turn from that Point, on which they have blown several Months before, to the con­trary Points of the Compass; as from East to West, or the contrary: but commonly this shift is attend­ed with a turbulent Sky, which ends in a violent storm of Wind, or excessive Rains, or both: And this is called also the breaking up of the Monsoon. It was in one of these that I past from Nicobar Island to Sumatra, mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. XVIII. Page 496. This was the April Monsoon.

The Septemb Monsoons are generally more vio­lent than these last: yet by the Account I have late­ly had from Fort St. George, they have suffered ve­ry much by one of the April Monsoons (if it may be so called) for it came before its usual time, even before it could be expected.

As for the September Monsoons, tho' the time of the Year is so well known, and the warnings of their approach almost certain; yet our East India Merchants have had very considerable losses there; for the stress of the Winds blows right in upon the shore, and often hurries the Ships from their An­chors, and tosses them in a moment on the sandy Bay.

Indeed the want of a secure Place to Ride in, is the greatest Inconvenience of that Factory, a Place doubtless designed by the English from its Original to be the Center of the Trade of these Parts. For all our Factories, and the Trade in general, East from Cape Comorin, are now subordinate to this.

[Page 74] The Dutch had once a place of Consequence, called Pallacat, on this Coast, about 20 Leagues to the North of it; but they withdrew most of their Families and Effects from thence in the Year 1691. mentioned in my Voyage round the World, Chap. XX. Page 522. And it is very probable that these rag­ing Winds might be one cause of this their desert­ing it, whatever was the Motive of settling here; for they have secure Harbours, and Roads enough in India, which we to our great disadvantage very much want.

But to return to the Monsoons.

These (as I have told you) blow fiercest in Sep­tember, and, as I have been informed, blow on se­veral Points of the Compass.

The stormy Monsoons on the Mallabar Coast differ from these on the Coast of Coromandel, in that they are more common, and last even from April to September, which is as long as the common West Monsoon lasts, though not so frequent and lasting in the beginning of the Monsoon, as to­wards the latter end.

The Months of July and August afford very bad Weather, for then there is hardly any intermission; but a continued troubled Sky full of black Clouds which pour down excessive Rains, and often very fierce Winds. But towards the breaking up of the Monsoon, they have one very terrible Storm called by the Portuguese the Eliphanta, which con­cludes the bad Weather. For after that they put to Sea without fear of any more Storms that Season.

These violent Winds blow directly in upon the shore; and they dam up the Harbours on this Coast, especially that of Goa, so that no Ships can go in or come out then; but after the violent Winds are past, the Channel opens again, and so continues till the next Season.

[Page 75] This Relation I had from a very ingenious Gentleman who was at Goa during the bad Weather.

I shall only take notice that these Storms are also at the same time of the Year, when the Hur­ricanes and Souths are in the West Indies, and the Tuffoons on the Coasts of China, Tunqueen, Co­chinchina and Cambodia in the Eastern Parts of the East Indies, and that all these Places are to the North of the Equator.

CHAP. VII. Of the Seasons of the Year.

AS Summer and Winter are the two most different Seasons in our Climate; so the Dry and the Wet are within the torrid Zone; and are always opposite to each other. They are often called by Europeans Winter and Summer, but more generally, Dry and Wet.

The Seasons on each side of the Equator, are as different as the Seasons of Summer and Winter are in temperate Climates, or near each Pole. For as 'tis Sum­mer near the North Pole, when 'tis Winter near the South Pole, and the contrary: so when 'tis fair and [Page 77] dry Weather North of the Equator, 'tis blustering and rainy Weather South of it, and the contrary; except within a few degrees of the Line, and that in some places only.

There is also this difference between the Torrid and Temperate Zones, either North or South of the Equator; that when it is fair and dry Weather in the one, it is Winter in the other: and when it is wet in the one, it is Summer in the other. I speak now of Places lying on the same side of the Equator: For as the Sun when it passes the Equinox, and draws towards either of the Tropicks, begins to warm their respective Poles, and by how much the nearer he approaches, by so much is the Air without the Tro­picks clear, dry and hot. On the contrary, within the Torrid Zone (though on the same side of the Line) the farther the Sun is off, the drier is the Weather. And as the Sun comes nearer, the sky grows more cloudy and the Weather more moist: for the Rains follow the Sun, and begin on either side of the Equator, within a little while after the Sun has crost the Equinox, and so continue till after his return back again.

The wet Season on the North side of the Equator in the torrid Zone, begins in April or May, and so continues till September or October.

The dry Weather comes in November or De­cember, and continues till April or May.

In South Latitudes the Weather changes at the same times, but with this difference, that the dry Months in South Latitude, are wet Months in North Latitude, and the contrary, as I have said before. Yet neither do the wet or dry Seasons set in or go out exactly at one time, in all Years; neither are all places subject to wet or dry Weather alike. For in some places it rains less than in others; and conse­quently there is more dry Weather. But generally [Page 78] Places that lye under the Line, or near it, have their greatest Rains in March and September.

Head-Lands or Coasts that lye most exposed to the Trade-winds have commonly the best share of dry Weather. On the contrary, deep Bays or bendings of the Land, especially such as lye near the Line, are most subject to Rains. Yet even a­mong Bays or Bendings, there is a great deal of difference in the Weather as to dry or wet; for the Weather, as well as the Winds seem to be much influenced by accidental Causes; and those Causes themselves, whatever they are, seem to be subject to great variation.

But to proceed with Matter of Fact; I shall be­gin with the driest Coasts; and first with that of Peru, from 3 d. South 30 d. South. There it never Rains, neither at Sea for a good distance off shore, as for 250 or 300 Leagues; no nor on the shore for a considerable way within Land; though exactly how far I know not; yet there are small Mists, sometimes in a Morning for two or three Hours; but seldom continuing after 10 a Clock; and there are Dews also in the Night.

This Coast lies N. and S. it has the Sea open to the West, and a chain of very high Mountains running a long shore on the East, and the Winds constantly Southerly, as I said before in the second Chapter of Winds.

In which Head I have made a Comparison as well of the Winds on the Coast of Africa in the same Latitude, as of the lying of the Coasts. Only there is this difference, that the coasting Trade-winds on the American side do blow further from the Land than those on the African side. Which difference may probably arise from the disporportion of the Mountains that are in the two Continents; for 'tis known that the Andes in America are some of the highest Mountains in the World, but whether there [Page 79] are any on the Continent of Africa in those Lati­tudes so high, I know not. I have not heard of any, at least none such are visible to Seamen.

I come now to speak of the Weather on the A­frican Coast, which though 'tis not so dry as the Coast of Peru, yet is it the next to it. The Wea­ther there is very dry from March till October, which is the dry Season.

The rainy Season, which is from October till March, is moderate, without that excess that is in most other Places in those Latitudes; so that the wettest Season can only be called so from some gen­tle showers of Rain.

There are some Tornadoes, but not so many as are in any other Places, both of the East or West In­dies, the Peruvian Coast excepted. And if the height of the Andes are the cause that the true East Breez does not take place in the Pacifick Sea, with­in 200 Leagues distance from the shore, when yet the Trade blows within 40 Leagues of the African Coast; that Coast may perhaps be supposed to want such high Mountains. And if those American Mountains do stop the Winds from their Career, why may they not as well break the Clouds before they reach near the shore, and be the cause of the dry Weather there? And seeing both Coasts do lye alike, and the Wind is alike; why should not the Weather be the same; were it not for the dispro­portion between the Mountains of these Coasts? For the East side of those Mountains are supplied with Rain enough, as may be known by the great Rivers that disembogue from thence into the Atlantick Sea; whereas the Rivers on the South Sea Coast are but very few and small; some of which do wholly dry away for a good part of the Year; but yet they con­stantly break out again in their Seasons, when the Rains in the Country do come, which always fall on [Page 80] the West side of those Mountains, and this is a­bout February.

As I have spoken before of dry Coasts, so now I shall speak of rainy ones. I shall begin with the Coast of Guinea, from Cape Lopos, which lies one degree South, taking in the Bite or Bending of the Land, and all the Coast West from thence, as far as Cape Palmas.

This is a very wet Coast, subject to violent Tornadoes and excessive Rains, especially in July and August: In those Months there is scarce any fair Day. This Coast lies all of it very near the Equator, and no where above 6 or 7 degrees di­stance; so that from its nearness to the Equator only, we might probably conjecture that it is a rainy Coast; for most places lying near the Line are very subject to Rains: yet some more than others; and Guinea may be reckoned among the wettest Places in the World. There may be Places where the Rains continue longer, but none are more violent while they last.

And as its nearness to the Line may be a great cause of its moisture; so by its situation also one would guess that it should be subject to a great deal of Rain; because there is a great Bite or Bending in of the Land, a little to the North of the Line; and from thence the Land stretcheth West parallel with the Line. And the [...]e Circumstances singly taken, according to my observations do seldom fail, but more especially where they both meet. Yet there may be other causes that may hinder those Effects, or at least serve to allay the violence of them, as they do on some other Coasts. I shall only instance in the opposite Coast of America between the North Cape, which lies North of the Equator, and Cape Blanco on Brazil, in South Latitude. Now this Land lies much after the Form of the Coast of Gui­nea, with this difference, that one Coast lies in [Page 81] South Lat. the other lies North of the Equator, both of these Promontories lay parallel with the Equator, and there's not much difference in their distance from it; but that which makes the diffe­rence is, that one juts out Westward, the other East­ward; and so one is the very Westermost Land of the Continent of Africa, the other is the Easter­most Land of the Continent of America: The one has only an eddy Wind, which seems to me to be the Effect of two contrary Winds: The other Coast lies open to the Trade, and never wants a Breez. And the former is troubled with Tornadoes and violent Rains during the wet Season, which is May, June, July, August and September: But the extreamest wet Months are July and August; when it Rains in a manner continually. April and October also sometimes are wet Months.

The other Coast on the American Continent, which lies open to the E. and N. E. or S. E. and which enjoys the freer Trade-Wind, is less subject to Rain; only as it lies near the Line, it has its part, but not to excess, nor in any comparison with Guinea. And as the Line is to the N. of it, so its wet Months are from October till April, and the dry Season from April to October. And these Sea­sons reach even to 6 or 7 degrees North of the Line: Which I do not know to be so in any other part of the World again. Indeed Cape Lopes in Guinea, is in one degree South, yet participates of the same Weather that the rest of Guinea has, which lies to the North of the Line.

Now the reason why Europeans do account the dry Season Summer, and the wet Season Winter, is because the dry Season is their Harvest time, espe­cially in our Plantations, where we chiefly make Sugar; for then the Canes are as yellow as Gold. They have then indeed less juice, but that little there is, is very sweet. Whereas in the wet Season, tho' [Page 82] the Canes are ripe, and come to their Maturity; yet do they not yield such quantities of Sugar, nei­ther is it so good, tho' the pains in boiling it be also greater. Therefore in Northern Climates, as all our Plantations are in, they commonly begin to work about making of Sugar at Christmas, after the dry Season has brought the Canes to a good per­fection. But in South Climates, as on the Coast of Brazil, they begin to work in July. Some Pla­ces there are in the North Latitudes also near the Line, where the Weather bears time with the Sea­sons in South Lat. as at Suranam, which tho' it is in North Lat. yet are the Seasons there the same as in South Latitudes; but I know not such another in­stance any where. And tho' the dry Season is the time to gather in the Canes, and the wet Season to plant, yet are they not so limited as to make use only of these Seasons for either, but do it chiefly for their best convenience; for they may plant at any time of the Year, and that with good success, especially after a moderate shower of Rain, which often happens even in the dry Seasons.

But I must proceed.

I have said before, that Bays have greater quan­tities of Rain than Head-Lands.

The Bay of Campeachy is a good Instance of this, for the Rains are very great there, especially in the Months of July and August. On the contrary, the Coast from Cape Catoch, to Cape Cond [...]cedo, which lies more exposed to the Trade, has not near the Rains as the Bay of Campeachy hath.

The Bay of Honduras also is very wet, and all that bending Coast from Cape Gratia de Dios, even to Carthagena. But on the Coast of Caraccos, and about Cape La Vela, where the Breezes are more brisk, the Weather is more moderate. Whereas in those little Bays between, there is still a difference: For in the Bay of Mericaya, which lies a little to [Page 83] the East of Cape La Vela, there is much more Rain than at or near the Cape.

The Bay of Panama also will furnish us with a proof of this, by its Immoderate Rains; especially the South side of it, even from the Gulph of St. Michael, to Cape St. Francis; the Rains there are from April till November; but in June, July and August, they are most violent.

There are many small Bays also West from the Bay of Panama, which have their shares of these wet Seasons, as the Gulph of Dulce, Caldera Bay, Amapala, &c. but to the West of that, where the Coast runs more plain and even, there are not such wet Sea­sons; yet many times very violent Tornadoes.

The East-Indies also has many Bays that are sub­ject to very violent Rains, as the Bay of Tonqueen, that of Siam, the bottom and the East side of the Bay of Bengall. But on the Coast of Coromandel, which is the West-side of that Bay, the Weather is more moderate; that being an even, plain, low Coast. But on the Coast of Mallabar, which is on the West side of that Promontory, the Land is high and moun­tainous, and there are violent Rains. Indeed the West sides of any Continents are wetter than the East sides, the Coast of Peru and Africa only excepted; in the former of which the driness may be occasioned (as is said before) by the height of the Andes. And 'tis probable that the violence of the Rains near those Mountains falls chiefly on the East-sides of them, and seldom reaches to their Tops: which yet if the Rains do, they may there be broke in pieces, and reach no further. For, among other Observations, I have taken notice, that Mountains are supplied with more Rains than low Lands; I mean the low Land bordering on the Sea. As for instance, the South side of Jamaica beginning at Leganea, and from thence away to the Westward, as far as Black River, including all the plain Land and Savannahs [Page 84] about St. Jago de la Vego, Old Harbour and Withy­wood Savannahs. This is a plain level Country for many Miles lying near East and West, having the Sea on the South, and bounded with Moun­tains on the North.

Those Mountains are commonly supplied with Rain before the low Lands. I have known the Rains to have begun there three Weeks before any has fallen in the plain Country, bordering on the Sea; yet every Day I have observed very black Clouds over the Mountains, and have heard it Thun­der there. And those very Clouds have seemed by their Motion to draw towards the Sea, but have been check'd in their Course, and have either returned towards the Mountains again, or else have spent themselves before they came from thence, and so have vanished away again, to the great Grief of the Planters, whose Plantations and Cattle have suffered for want of a little Moisture. Nay, these Tornadoes have been so nigh, that the Sea Breeze has dyed away, and we have had the Wind fresh out of the Clouds, yet they have vanished, and yielded no Rain to the low parch'd Lands.

And I think that the want of seasonable Showers is one of the greatest Inconveniencies that this part of the Country suffers; for I have known in some very dry Years, that the Grass in the Savannahs has been burned and wither'd for want of Rain, and the Cattle have perished thereby for want of Food. The Plantations also have suffered very much by it; but such dry Seasons have not been known on the North-side of the Island, where the Moun­tains are bordering on the Sea, or at least but a lit­tle distance off it. For there they are supplied with seasonable Showers almost all the Year, and even in the dry time it self, near the Full and Change of the Moon. But in the wet Season, the Rains are more violent, which is their Inconveni­ence.

[Page 85] As for the Valleys in the Country, they are not subject to such Droughts as the plain Land by the Sea, at least I have not observed it my self, nor have I heard it mentioned by others.

The Isle of Pines near Cuba, is so noted a Place for Rain, that the Spaniards inhabiting near it on Cuba, say, that it Rains more or less every Day in the Year, at one Place or another. It is generally spoken also and believ'd by Privateers, for it has been oft visited by them. I have been there my self, but cannot confirm that Report. However, it is well known to be a very wet and rainy Place.

It is but a small Island of about 9 or 10 Leagues long, and 3 or 4 broad; and in the midst is a high picked Mountain, which is commonly clouded; and the Privateers say that this Hill draws all the Clouds to it; for if there is not another Cloud to be seen any where else, yet this Hill is seldom or never clear.

Gorgonia in the South Seas also has the same Report. It is much smaller than Pines. I have mentioned it in my Voyage round the World. Chap. VII. Page 172.

This Isle lies about 4 Leagues from the Main: but the Isle of Pines not above 2, and is a great deal bigger than it. The Main against Gorgonia is very low Land; but Cuba near Pines is pretty high, and the Mountain of Pines is much bigger and higher than the Hill of Gorgonia, which yet is of a good height, so that it may be seen 16 or 18 Leagues off; and tho' I cannot say that it Rains every Day there, yet I know that it Rains very much and extraordinary hard.

I have been at this Isle three times; and always [...]ound it very rainy, and the Rains very violent. I remember when we touch'd there in our return from Capt. Sharp, we boiled a Kettle of Chocolate before we clean'd our Bark; and having every Man [Page 86] his Callabash full, we began to sup it off, standing all the time in the Rain; but I am confident not a Man among us all did clear his Dish, for it rained so fast, and such great drops into our Callabashes, that after we had sup'd off as much Chocolate and Rain-water together as sufficed us, our Callabashes were still above half full; and I heard some of the Menswear that they could not sup it up so fast as it rained in: At last I grew tir'd with what I had left, and threw it away; and most of the rest did so likewise.

As Clouds do usually hover over Hills and Moun­tains, so do they also keep near the Land. I have mentioned something of this in my Voyage round the World, Chap. X. Page 283. where I have said, that in making Land we commonly find it Cloudy over the Land, tho' 'tis clear every where beside: And this may still confirm what I have said in the foregoing Discourse, that Hills are commonly cloud­ed; for high Land is the first discerned by us, and that, as I said before, is commonly clouded. But now I shall speak how we find the Clouds, when we are but a little way from Land, either coasting along the shore, or at an Anchor by it. I hope the Reader will not imagine that I am going to prove that it never Rains at Sea, or but very little there; for the contrary is known to every Body, and I have already said in this Discourse of Winds in my first Chapter, That there are very frequent Tornadoes in several Seas, especially near the Equator, and more particu­larly in the Atlantick Sea. Other Seas are not so much troubled with them; neither is the Atlantick so to the North or South of the Line; especially at any considerable distance from the shore, but yet 'tis very probable however, that the Sea has not so great a portion of Tornadoes as the Land hath. For when we are near the shore within the Torrid Zone, we often sec it Rain on the Land, and perceive it to be [Page 87] very cloudy there, when it is fair at Sea, and scarce a Cloud to be seen that way. And tho' we have the Wind from the Shore, and the Clouds seeming to be drawing off, yet they often wheel about again to the Land, as if they were Magnetically drawn that way: Sometimes indeed they do come off a little; but then they usually either return again or else insensibly vanish; and that's the Reason that Seamen when they are sailing near the Shore and see a Tornado coming off, they don't much mind it, but cry, The Land will devour it: But however, sometimes they fly off to Sea; and 'tis very rare that Tornadoes arise from thence; for they gene­rally rise first over the Land, and that in a very strange manner; for even from a very small Cloud arising over the top of a Hill, I have often seen it increase to such a bulk, that I have known it Rain for 2 or 3 Days successively. This I have observed both in the East and West-Indies, and in the South and North Seas. And 'tis impossible for me to for­get how oft I have been disturbed by such small Clouds that appeared in the Night. 'Tis usual with Seamen in those parts to sleep on the Deck, especi­ally for Privateers; among whom I made these Ob­servations. In Privateers, especially when we are at an Anchor, the Deck is spread with Mats to lie on each Night. Every Man has one, some two; and this with a Pillow for the Head, and a Rug for a Covering, is all the Bedding that is necessary for Men of that Employ.

I have many times spread my Lodging, when the Evening has promised well, yet have been forced to withdraw before Day; and yet it was not a little Rain that would afright me then; neither at its first coming could I have thought that such a small Cloud could afford so much Rain: And oftentimes both my self and others have been so deceived by the appearance of so small a Cloud, that thinking the [Page 88] Rain would soon be over, we have lain till we were dropping wet, and then have been forced to move at last. But to proceed.

I have constantly observed, that in the wet Sea­son we have had more Rain in the Night than in the Day; for tho' it was fair in the Day, yet we seldom escaped having a Tornado or two in the Night. If we had one in the Day, it rose and came away presently, and it may be we had an Hour's Rain, more or less; but when it came in the Night, tho' there was little appearance of Rain, yet we should have it 3 or 4 hours toge­ther; but this has commonly been nigh the Shore; and we have seen thick Clouds over the Land, and much Thunder and Lightning; and to our appearance, there was more Rain there than we had; and probably out farther off at Sea, there might be still less, for it was commonly pretty clear that way.

CHAP. VIII. Of Tides and Currents.

HAving treated of the Winds and Seasons of the Year in the Torrid Zone, I now come to speak of the Tides and Currents there.

And by the way Note. That,

By Tides I mean Flowings and Ebbings of the Sea, on or off from any Coast. Which property of the Sea seems to be Universal, though not re­gularly alike on all Coasts, neither as to Time nor the height of the Water.

By Currents I mean another Motion of the Sea, which is different from Tides in several Respects, both as to its Duration, and also as to its Course.

Tides may be compar'd to the Sea and Land-Breezes, in respect to their keeping near the shoar; tho' indeed they alternately flow and ebb twice in 24 hours. Contrarily the Sea Breezes blow on the shoar by Day, and the Land Winds off from it in the Night, yet they keep this Course as duly in a manner as the Tides do. Neither are the Tides, nor those Breezes, far from the Land.

Currents may be compar'd to the Coasting Trade-Winds, as keeping at some farther distance from the shoar, as the Trade-winds do; and 'tis pro­bable they are much influenced by them.

'Tis a general belief, especially among Seamen, That the Tides are governed by the Moon: That their Increase and Decrease, as well as their Diur­nal Motions, are influenced by that Planet; tho' sometimes accidental Causes in the Winds may hinder the true regularity thereof.

[Page 91] We are taught, as the first Rudiments of Navi­gation, to shift our Tides; i. e. to know the Time of full Sea in any Place; which indeed is very ne­cessary to be known by all English Sailors, because the Tides are more regular in our Channel, than in other parts of the World.

But my subject being to speak of the Tides with­in, or near the Tropick, I leave those in places nearer England to be discoursed on by Coasters, who are the only knowing Men in this Mystery: They ha­ving by Experience gained more knowledge in it than others; and that is always the best Master.

I have not been on any Coast in the World, but where the Tides have ebb'd and flow'd, either more or less; and this I have commonly observ'd, that the greatest Indraughts of Rivers or Lagunes, have commonly the strongest Tides. Contrarily such Coasts as are least supplied with Rivers or Lakes have the weakest Tides; at least they are not so per­ceptible. Where there are great Indraughts either of Rivers or Lagunes, and those Rivers or Lagunes are wide, tho' the Tide runs very strong into the Mouths of such Rivers or Lagunes, yet it does not flow so high as in such Places where the Rivers or Lakes are bounded in a narrow Room, tho' the Tides do run of an equal strength at the Mouths o [...] Entrances of either. Neither do the Tides flow so much on or about Islands remote from the main Land, as they do on the Coasts of it.

I shall first give some Instances of these general Observations, and then proceed to Particulars.

The Places that I shall mention shall be such as I have been in my self, and where I have made the Observations before mentioned; I shall begin with the Lagune of Triest, in the Bay of Campeachy.

This Place is very remarkable, in that it has two Mouths of a considerable bigness; the one is about a Mile and half wide, and about two Mile thro', [Page 92] before you come to a Lagune, which is seven o [...] eight Leagues long, and three wide. The othe [...] Mouth is 7 Leagues from it, and is about 2 Mile and half, or 3 Miles wide, and about 2 Miles long before it opens into the Lagune. Besides, farthe [...] within Land there are 3 or 4 more Lagunes les [...] than the former.

The Tides that flow or ebb in all the Lagunes pass in or out at the two Mouths before-mention­ed, which makes them run very swift, insomuch, that the Spaniards have named that Great Lagune Laguna Termina, or, the Lake of Tides; because the Tides are so very strong in those two Mouths. Yet, tho' the Tides do run so swift at the Mouth of the Lagune, they do not rise in height proportion­able to that swiftness; for the greatest Tides here do not rise or fall above 6 or 7 Foot, except forced by extraordinary Causes, as Storms, or the like: Of which I have spoken before.

I could also instance in the Channel; between the 2 Capes of Virginia, where the Tides do run very swift; yet the Floods and Ebbs are not proportion­able to the swiftness of the Tides between the Capes. There are not indeed such Lagunes, as at Triest in the Bay of Campeachy; but there are many wide Ri­vers, and abundance of smaller Creeks. Besides, in some places there is low Land, which is over­flown by the Tides; so that all the Water that runs in with such swiftness within the Capes is insensibly swallowed up there.

These are instances of strong Tides, occasioned by great Indraughts; yet where there is but little Ri­sing and Falling of the Water in comparison with the strength of the Tides at the Mouths of those In­draughts [...] shall next give some Instances of the great Indraughts, where the Tides flow and ebb much more than in the former Places; tho' the Tide at the Mouths of those Indraughts does not run swi [...]e [...] than in those Places before-mentioned.

[Page 93] I shall only mention two Rivers in the South Sea, that I have taken Notice of in my Voyage round the World, (viz.) the Gulph of St. Michael; and the River of Guiaquill.

In the Gulph of St. Michael there are many large Rivers, which all disembogue into a Lagune of 2 or 3 Leagues wide. This Lagune is barrica­doed from the Sea with some small low Man­grovy Islands, and between them are Creeks and Channels, through which the Tides make their daily passes into the Lagune; and from thence in­to the Rivers, and so back again; many times over-flowing the said Islands, and leaving the tops of the lower Trees above Water.

The Rivers that run into this Lagune are pretty narrow and bounded on each side with steep Banks, as high as the Floods use to rise, and but very little higher. For at High-water, and on a Spring-tide, the Water is almost, or altogether even with the Land.

The Lagune at the Mouth of the Rivers is but small, neither is there any other way for the Wa­ter to force it self into, beside the Lagune and Rivers; and therefore the Tides do rise and fall here 18 or 20 Foot.

The River of Guiaquil, in this respect, is much the same with the Gulph of St. Michael; but the Lagunes near it are larger. Here the Tides rises and fall 16 Foot perpendicular.

I don't know of any other such Places in all the South Seas; yet there are other large Rivers on the Coast, between these Places; but none so remarkable for high Tides. The great Tides in the Gulph of St. Michael have doubtless been the occasion of that O­pinion, which some hold, that there's a subterranean Communication between the North and the South Seas; and that the Isthmus of Darien is like an Arched Bridge, under which the Tides make their constant Courses, as duly as they do under London-Bridge. [Page 94] And more to confirm this Opinion some have said, that there are continual and strange Noises made by those Subterranean Fluxes and Refluxes; and that they are heard by the Inhabitants of the Isthmus; and also that Ships sailing in the Bay of Panama are toss'd to and fro at a prodigious rate: Sometimes (say they) they are by the boiling of the Water, dash'd against Islands; and in a moment left dry there, or staved in pieces; at other times they are drawn or suck'd up, as 'twere, in a Whirl-pool, and ready to be carried under Ground into the North Seas, with all Sails standing. They have said also, that when the Tide flows, especially on a Spring, the Islands in the Bay are all over-flown; nay, and even the Country for a great way together: and then nothing is to be seen but the tops of Trees. But if this were so, 'tis much that I, and those that I was with, should not have heard or seen something of it: For I pass'd the Isthmus twice, and was 23 Days in the last Trip that I made over it; but yet did I never hear of any Noises under Ground there. I sailed also in the South Seas (taking in both times that I was there) near 3 Years: and several Months of it I was in the Bay of Panama. And after I went away, those of our Crew, that remained there, spent a great deal more time in that Bay. Yet did they never meet with such strange Whirl-Pools, but found as pleasant sailing there, as any where in the World. Neither did I ever hear any of the Spaniards or Indians make mention of any such thing in all my Converse with them; which certainly they would have done, if they had ever experienced it, had it been only to terrifie us, and scare us away from their Coasts.

I remember indeed our Country-man Mr. Gage, gives some hints of these strange Currents in this Bay, in his Book, called, A New Survey of the West-Indies, from p. 538 to 440. but I am afraid he took [Page 95] most of it upon trust from others; or else he was Sea-sick all that little Voyage: for he gives a very imperfect and lame Account of that Business, as if he understood not what he wrote. I should dislike his whole Book for that one stories sake, if I did not know that he has writ candidly upon other Matters; but I think I have said enough of this. To proceed then.

As to the great Tides, which are reported to be in these Seas, I have given instances of them, but they are not so great as is reported; neither do they ebb and flow so much any where as in the Gulph of St. Michael only: where indeed they flow over those small low Mangrove Islands, at the Mouth of the Lagune, and leave only the tops of the low Trees above Water, for those Islands are very low, neither do they afford any high Trees. But however, the Islands at the Mouth of the Gulph, before you come to these low ones, are near over­flown; yet are they very small and low, in com­parison with other Islands in the Bay of Panama. And indeed, should the Islands in that Bay be over­flown, the City of Panama would soon be many Yards under Water. But so far is this from being true, that the Pearl Islands, which are very flat and low, are yet never overflown. For there the Tide riseth and falls not above 10 or 11 Foot on a Spring, at the Southermost end of them, which is almost opposite to the Gulph of St. Michael, and not above 12 or 14 Leagues distant from it. And yet there it flows more than it does at or near Pa­nama, or any other Place in the Bay (except just at the Mouths of Rivers) by 2 or 3 Foot. There­fore all that report is wholly groundless.

But to go on.

I have also observed, that Islands lying afar off at Sea, have seldom such high Tides as those that are near the Main, or as any Places on the Main it self; [Page 96] as for example, at the Gallapagos Islands, which lie about 100 Leagues from the Main; the Tides don't rise and fall above a Foot and half, or two Foot, which is less than they do on the Coast of the Main. For on most places of the Main it rises and falls 2 or 3 Foot, more or less, according as the Coast is more or less exposed to Indraughts or Rivers.

Guam, one of the Ladrone Islands, is also another instance of this. There the Tide riseth not above 2 or 3 Foot at most. In the Bay of Panama the Tides do keep a more constant and regular Course than on other places on the Coasts of Peru and Mexico; it was for that reason I called them Currents in some places (mentioned in my Voyage round the World, as particularly near Guatuloa, on the Mexi­can Continent, in Chap. IX. Page 238.) but it was truly a Tide (which there I called a Current) and it sets to the Eastward as the Ebb doth to the West. The Tides there do rise and fall about 5 Foot, as they do on most parts of that Coast.

At Ria Leja they rise and fall about 8 or 9 Foot.

At Amapala they also rise and fall about 8 or 9 Foot, and the Flood there runs to the East, and the Ebb to the West.

In the Gulph of Dulce and Neicoya River, they rise to 10 or 11 Foot; but on the Coast of Peru they don't rise so high, especially on all the Coast between Cape St. Francis and the River Guiaquil; there the Flood runs to the South, and the Ebb to the North.

At the Island Plata the Tide rises and falls 3 or 4 Foot; but from Cape Blanco, in about 3 d. South, to 30 d. South, the Tides are smaller; there they rise and fall not above a Foot and a half, or 2 Foot. The Flood on this Coast sets to the South, and the Ebb to the North.

[Page 97] In all my Cruisings among the Privateers, I took notice of the risings of the Tides; because by knowing it, I always knew where we might best hall ashore and clean our ships: which is also great­ly observed by all Privateers.

In most Places of the West-Indies, the Tide flows but little over what it does in our Channel.

In the East-Indies also the Tides are but small on most Coasts, neither are they so regular as with us.

The most irregular Tides that I did ever meet with, are at Tonqueen in about 20d. North Lati­tude, and on the Coast of New Holland, in about 17d. South. In both these places, the neap Tides are scarce discernable. Those of Tonqueen are described at large by Mr. Davenport, who was imp [...]oyed by Mr. James when he was chief of the English Factors there, to observe them: And the whole Discourse is published in The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society: whither I refer you.

At New Holland I had two Months time to ob­serve the Tides. There the Flood runs E. by N. and the Ebb W. by S. And they rise and fall about five Fathom.

In all the Springs that we lay here, the highest were 3 Days after the Full or Change, and that without any perceptible Cause in the Winds or Wea­ther. I must confess we were startled at it; and though some of us had observed it in the Springs, that happened while we lay on the Sand to clean our Ship, (as I have mentioned in my former Volume, [...]ntituled, A New Voyage round the VVorld. Ch. XVI. [Page 96] [...] [Page 97] [...] [Page 98] Page 471.) yet in that Spring that we designed to hall off, in order to be gone from thence, we did all take more particular notice of it than in the preceding Springs; for many had not taken notice of it before: And therefore the Major part of the Company, supposing that it was a mistake in us who made those former Observations, expected to hall off the Ship the third Tide after the Change; but our Ship did not float then, nor the next Tide neither, which put them all into an amazement, and a great Consternation too: For many thought we should never have got her off at all, but by dig­ging away the Sand; and so clearing a Passage for her into the Sea. But the sixth Tide cleared all those doubts; for the Tide then rose so high, as to float her quite up; when being all of us ready to work we hall'd her off; and yet the next Tide was higher than that, by which we were now all throughly satisfied, that the Tides here do not keep the same time as they do in England.

This I must also observe, That here was no River, nor Lagune, nor any other Indraught on the Land near us, that might occasion these great Tides; tho' 'tis very probable that the great Bending be­tween New Holland and New Guinea, may have both Rivers and Lagunes, which may cause these great Tides; or else there may be a Passage of the Sea between both Places; as it is laid down in some Draughts: Or if neither of these, there may be at least a large and deep Sound.

This is the more probable, because of the extraor­dinary Flood that sets to the East-ward in all that Sea, between New Holland, and the Islands lying North of it, which we most sensibly perceived, when we were near New Holland: And such a Tide as this must of necessity have a greater Indraught than barely a River or Lagune; and 'tis the more [Page 99] likely still, that this Tide should have a Passage through between New Holland and New Guinea, or at least a deep Sound there; because it keeps along by the Main, and doth not run in among the Islands to the North of it. And besides, the Northermost Promontory of New Holland shoots down almost to the Line, which seems to be a Barrier to it on that side; therefore it may in reason be supposed to have its Passage some other way; but of this guess, I have said enough.

In the Streights of Malacca the Flood sets to the East, and the Ebb to the West.

I have found the Tides at Malacca Town, to rise and fall about six Foot on a Spring. I had the Expe­rience of two Spring-Tides, when I was Captain Minchins Mate, as is before-mentioned in my Voy­age from Achin to Malacca.

On the East side of the African Coast, between the Cape of good Hope and the Red-Sea; the Tide keeps its constant Course. The Flood runs to the Southward; the Ebb to the North-ward. And at a Spring-tide in the Rivers on that Coast, the Tide rises and falls six Foot, especially in the River of Natal, in Lat. 30 d. South.

I have this Relation from Capt. Rogers, who is a very Ingenious Person, and well experienced on that Coast; and is now gone Commander of a small Vessel thither to Trade.

Having already largely treated of Tides, I come now to speak somewhat of Currents.

[Page 100] CUrrents and Tides differ many ways; for Tides run forward, and back again, twice every 24 Hours: on the contrary Currents run a Day, a VVeek, nay, sometimes more, one way: and then, it may be, run another way.

In some particular Places they run six Months one way, and six Months another.

In other Places they constantly run one way on­ly a day or two, about full Moon, and then they run strong against the former Course; and after that, return the same way again:

In some Places they run constantly one way, and never shift at all.

The force of Tides is generally felt near the shore; whereas Currents are at a remote distance; neither are the Effects of them sensibly discerned by the rising or falling away of the VVater as those of the Tides are; for these commonly set along shore.

'Tis generally observed by Seamen, that in all Places where Trade-winds blow, the Current is in­fluenced by them, and moves the same way with the VVinds; but 'tis not with a like swiftness in all Places; neither is it always so discernable by us in the wide Ocean, as it is near to some Coast; and yet it is not so discernable neither, very near any Coast, except at Capes and Promontories, that shoot far forth out into the Sea; and about Islands also the Effects of them are felt more or less, as they lye in the way of the Trade-Winds.

I shall Instance Barbadoes for one, and all the Carribbes may as well be included.

[Page 101] The greater Islands as Hispaniola, Jamaica and Cuba have only some particular Capes or Head-Lands, exposed to Currents, as Cape Tiberoon on Hispaniola, Point Pedro, and the N. E. Point of Ja­maica, Cape de Cruz, Cape Corientes, and Cape Anto­nios on Cuba: But of all the Islands in the West-In­dies there are none more sensible of Currents than Corrisao and Aruba, nor any Capes on the Conti­nent so remarkable for Currents as Cape Roman, which shoots out against the Sea, between those two Places, as also Cape Coquibaco and Cape La Vela to Leeward, all three on the same Head-Land, which shoots forth far, without any other Land on the Coast.

There is no such Head-Land till you come to Cape Gratia de Dios, which is about 260 Leagues to Leeward. Indeed to the Eastward there is Land that trends out almost so far, within 150 Leagues of it: (Viz.) The Island Trinidado and the Land against it; and there also are great Currents. But I shall first speak of the Currents between Cape La Vela and Cape Gratia de Dios.

The Currents at Cape La Vela do seldom shift, therefore Ships that ply to Wind-ward to get about it, do not ply near the shore, but stand off to Sea, till they come in sight of Hispaniola, and then back again, till within about 6 or 8 Leagues of the Cape, but not nearer. But in the Westerly Wind-Season, which is from October till March, Ships of­ten meet Westerly Winds that last two or three Days with which they may run to the Eastward, without any trouble.

Between Cape La Vela and Cape Gratia de Dios, the Currents are much different from what they are against the Cape: and this seems to proceed from the make of the Land; for the shore between the [Page 102] two Capes, runs into the Southward, making [...] great Bay: And this Bay affords more varieties [...] Winds and Currents, than any one part of the VVest-Indies besides.

Here, in the Westerly Wind-Season, the Cur­rent sets to the Westward constantly; but some­times stronger than at other times. At about four Leagues off shore, you find it, and so it continues till you are 20,—25,—or 30 Leagues off. Beyond that you meet with an Easterly Wind; and if there is any Current it runs also to the West­ward: therefore Ships that are bound to the West­ward, must run off to Sea Thirty or Forty Leagues to get a Wind, or else if they have but a little way to go, they must ply close under the shore, that so they may Anchor when they please: O­therwise they will be carried away to the East­ward, Fourteen or Sixteen Leagues in a Nights time; and that too, tho' they have a faint Easterly Wind, as frequently they meet with, tho' 'tis the Westerly Wind-Season.

To the East of Cape Roman, as high as the Island Trinidado, you meet only a soaking faint Current, setting to the Westward, except only near such places as shoot out farthest into the Sea, as about the Testegos, which are small Islands lying to Wind-ward of the Island Margarita. Between those Islands and the Main, you meet with a pret­ty strong Current: therefore it is hard getting to the East-ward there; but on all the Coast, between Cape Roman and the Head-Land, shooting out to­wards the Testegos, you may ply up with the Land and Sea-Breezes.

From thence, till you come as high as the East-end of Trinidado Isle, you meet with an extraordi­nary strong Current.

[Page 103] From the East-end of Trinidado, till you come to Surinam, though you meet an Easterly Current, yet 'tis possible to beat it up with the Land and Sea-Breezes.

From Surinam also to Cape Blanco, you may turn it up, though to be sure you'll meet with Cur­rents setting to the West; except near the Full of the Moon; and then on all the Coasts before men­tioned, we commonly meet with Currents, setting to the Eastward; at least then it slackens and stands still, if it doth not run to the East-ward. But when you are come as far to the East as Cape Blanco, on the North of Brazil, you meet with a Current always against you; and so from thence Southerly, as far as Cape St. Augustine.

There is no dealing with this Promontory; for it shoots out so far into the Sea, and thereby lies so exposed to the Sea-Breezes and the Currents, that soak down between Africa and Brazil, that it is quite contrary to reason to think there should not always be a strong Current setting to the N. W

I have before hinted, That in all Places where the Trade blows, we find a Current setting with the Wind, which is not so perceptible in the wide Sea as nearer the Shores; yet even there the force of the Winds constantly blowing one way, may, and probably does, move the surface of the Water along with it.

From hence it may be inferred, that the Souther­ly Winds on the Coast of Africa, and the true Trade between it and Brazil, gently move the surface of the Sea with it, and the Trade being mostly at S. E. drives the Sea to the Northward, slanting in on the Coast of Brazil; which being there stopp'd [Page 104] by the Land, bends its Course Northerly toward Cape St. Augustine: And after it has doubled that great Promontory, it falls away more gently to­wards the Coast of Surinam; and from thence to­wards the VVest-Indies. For after it has doubled that Promontory, it has more room to spread it self, and thereby becomes weaker in motion, being agitated by the Trade-winds, which to the North of the Line, we find commonly blowing at E. N. E and this still bears the Sea slanting down along the Coast to the Westward. And probably 'tis for this reason, that we find the Current setting stron­gest near those Head-Lands before-mentioned. Whereas at Barbadoes, and other of the Caribbee Islands, we find only a soaking Current, such as seems to arise only from the constancy of the Trade-winds blowing there, and not from an original Current, from the South part of the Atlantick: which, as I said before, doubles about Cape St. Augu­stine, and so Coasts along pretty nigh the shore.

The Currents about the Island Trinidado, and at Currisao and Aruba, as also between them and Cape Roman seem to indicate as much. The Cur­rents also between Cape Roman, and Cape La Vela indicate the same.

From Cape La Vela the Currents set still to the Westward, towards Cape Gratia de Dios; but in a direct Line, and not borrowing or slanting in to­wards the shore. For, as I said before, it is a large Bay, and Currents commonly set from one Head-Land to another; so that Bays have seldom any; or if they have, they are only Counter Currents. And these Counter Currents too do set from one Point to another, without interfering with the little Bays between. And 'tis also very probable that these Counter Currents, suchas we meet with in this Bay, [Page 105] in their Seasons, after they have surrounded the Bay, and are got as far to the East as Cape La Vela, wheel off there, and turn about again with the Stream to the Westward, like an Eddy in a River.

From Cape Gratia de Dios the Current sets away N. W. towards Cape Catoch, and so passes away to the Northward, between Cape Catoch on Jucatan, and Cape Antonio on Cuba.

In the Channel between those two Capes, we commonly find a strong Current setting to the Northward: And here I have found them extra­ordinary strong.

On the North side of Jucatan, as you pass into the Bay of Campeachy, you meet with a small soak­ing Current to the Westward, even down to the bot­tom of the Bay of Mexico; but on the North side of the Bay of Mexico the Current sets to the East­ward: And 'tis probable that is the reason, that the Spaniards, coming from La Vera Cruz, keep that shore aboard. And 'tis as probable that the Cur­rent, which sets to Leeward, on all the Coast from Cape St. Augustine to Cape Catoch, never enters the Bay of Mexico; but bends still to the Northward, till 'tis check'd by the Florida shore; and then wheels about to the East, till it comes nearer the Gulphs Mouth, and there joyning with the soaking Current that draws down on the North sides of Hispaniola and Cuba, passes altogether with great strength through the Gulph of Florida, which is the most remarkable Gulph in the World for its Currents; because it always sets very strong to the North. Yet near the shores on each side this Gulph, there are Tides, especially on the Florida shore; and Ships may pass which way they please, if they are acquainted.

It has formerly been accounted very dangerous to meet with a North in this Gulph; and for that [...] our Jamaica Ships to avoid them, have rather [Page 106] chosen to go to the Eastward, and pass through th [...] Cacuses in the Season that the Norths do blow. Th [...] Cacuses are Sands that lye off the N. W. end of His­paniola. Those that went from Port Royal in Jamaica had good Reason for this; for if a North took them at their going out, it would help them forward in their way, which, should they have been going to­wards the Gulph, it would obstruct them. Then besides, if a North take a Ship in the Gulph, the Wind blowing against the Current makes an extra­ordinary Sea, and so thick come the Waves one after another that a ship can't possibly live in it; yet of late they go through at all times of the Year, and if a North takes them in the Gulph, they put a way right before the Wind and Sea, with a small Head-Sail; yet the Current is then as strong or stronger then at other times; and forces them back, stern foremost against both Wind and Sea: For tho' the surface of the Sea is raised in Waves and driven violently with the Winds to the Southward, yet the Current under­neath runs still to the Northward; neither is it any strange thing to see two different Currents at one place and time, the superficial Water running one way, and that underneath running a quite contrary: For sometimes at an Anchor, I have seen the Cable carryed thus by two different Streams, the under part having been doubled one way, and the upper part the contrary. But 'tis certain, in all other parts of the World, the Current shifts at certain times of [...]he Year; As in the East-Indies they run from East to West one part of the Year, and from West to East the other part: Or as in the West Indies and Guinea, where they shift only near a Full Moon. This is meant of parts of the Sea near any Coast; yet there are strong Currents in the wide Ocean also, setting contrary to the Rules before-going: I mean against the Trade; but 'tis not common.

On the Coast of Guinea the Current sets East, [Page 107] except at or near a Full Moon; but to the South of the Line from Loango, to 25 or 30 d. the Current [...]ets with the Wind from S. to N. except near the Full.

To the Eastward of the Cape of good Hope, from 20 d. South, to 24 d. South, the Currents from May [...]ill Oct. set E. N. E. and the Winds then are at W. S. W. or S. W. but from Oct. till May, when the Winds are between the E. N. E. and E. S. E. the Currents run to the West. These Currents are thus found from 5 or 6 Leagues off the shore to about 50. Within 5 Leagues off the shore you have the Tide, and not a Current; and being past 50 Leagues off shore, the Current either ceaseth quite, or is imperceptible.

On the Coast of India, North of the Line, the Current sets with the Monsoon, but does not shift altogether so soon, sometimes not by 3 Weeks or more, and then never shifts again till after the Mon­soon is settled in the contrary way. As for Example, the West Monsoon sets in the middle of April, but the Current does not shift till the beginning of May: So when the East Monsoon sets in about the middle of September, the Current does not shift till October.

In the South Seas on the Coast of Peru, the Cur­rent sets from South to North, even from 30 d. to the Line, and to 3 or 4 d. North of it.

At the Gallapagos Islands we found a soaking Cur­rent, not very strong, but so strong that a ship could get very little by turning; and 'tis probable that nearer the Main, they are stronger because of the constant Southerly Winds.

The most remarkable Places for Currents in the South Seas; are, Cape St. Francis, Cape Passao, Cape St. Laurence and Cape Blanco. This last has com­monly very strong Currents setting to the N. W. which hinders ships mightily; and the more because [...]t is a very windy place; so that many times ships are not able to carry their Top-sails; and then it is but [...]ad plying to Wind-ward against a Current. I [Page 108] had not so much Experience of the Mexican Coast, because we commonly kept within the Verge of the Tides. But on the Coast of Guatamala, in the Lat. of 12 d. 50 m. and 13 d. we had a Current setting S. VV. and it is probable that there also the Current sets with the VVinds. For, as it is before noted, the Currents on all Coasts sets as the coasting Trade does.

And thus have I finished what my own Experi­ence, or Relations from my Friends, have furnished me with on this useful Subject of Winds, Tides, Cur­rents, &c. which I humbly offer, not as a compleat and perfect account, but as a rude and imperfect Beginning or Specimen of what may better be done by abler Hands hereafter. And I hope this may be useful so far as to give a few hints to direct the more accurate Observations of others.