A farther argument against ennobling foreigners, in answer to the two parts of the State anatomy: with a short account of the anatomizer 44 600dpi bitonal TIFF page images and SGML/XML encoded text University of Michigan Library Ann Arbor, Michigan 2007 October 004843142 T69669 CW105653951 K059379.000 CW3305653951 ECSS 0956800800

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A farther argument against ennobling foreigners, in answer to the two parts of the State anatomy: with a short account of the anatomizer Defoe, Daniel, attributed name. 1661?-1731, [4],43,[1]p. ; 8⁰. printed for E. Moore, London : 1717. Sometimes attributed to Daniel Defoe (Boyer, Trent, Hutchins, Moore, Novak). Attribution disputed by Furbank and Owens, Defoe de-attributions. An answer to 'The state anatomy of Great Britain' by John Toland, and a sequel to 'An argument proving that the design of employing and enobling foreigners, is a treasonable conspiracy .. '. With a half-title. The bookseller's name in the imprint is fictitious. Signatures: [A]² B-F⁴ G². Reproduction of original from the British Library. Moore, 369 English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT69669. Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).

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eng

A Farther ARGUMENT AGAINST Ennobling Foreigners, IN ANSWER To the Two Parts of the State Anatomy: With a Short Account of the Anatomizer.

T—l—nd Blaſphemes the Holy-Ghoſt, The Bribed of Bribes Accuſes; Of Foreign Rogues the Traytor Boaſts, The King, who was Your Lord of Hoſts, That Ra—l How Abuſes. A Letter to a Member of Parliament.

LONDON: Printed for E. Moore near St. Paul's, 1717. Price 6 d. Where may be had the firſt Part, Price 1 s.

A Farther Argument, &c.
INTRODUCTION.

SUCH is the Pride and invincible Obſtinacy of Mankind, that nothing is more againſt Nature than to acknowledge their miſtakes: Not the power of their Reaſon, not the ſence of Modeſty, no not the influence of ſecret Convictions can prevail with them ever to own themſelves in the wrong: No, altho' they know it, and diſcover to every own they converſe with that they do ſo. Hence the innumerable Writings of Men obſtinate in error, have in a great meaſure proceeded, and the World has been fill'd with the labours of Hereticks, who have in all Ages broach'd falſe Doctrines, and infamous Opinions, even ſo groſs, as Satan himſelf never had the front to ſuggeſt; and yet rather than be thought to recant what they had once advanc'd, they have thought fit to maintain thoſe falſe Doctrines and infamous Opinions, at the expence of Religion, Conſcience, and all manner of Reputation.

This I take to be the Caſe, in due proportion to Circumſtances, of the Author of the late Libel, entituled, the State Anatomy; ſuch I muſt call it, becauſe it Libels and Slanders Perſons, Governments, and Nations. And as this has long been his practiſe in other things, for which a certain Author of Note ſaid of him, That he had made the World believe him a worſe Heretick than he is: So I ſee a great deal of ground to think he has gone upon the ſame foundation in bringing forth now a ſecond part of his Libel in vindication of the firſt; notwithſtanding it is manifeſt that he was ſo convinc'd of the Error of the firſt, that the very nature of the thing now, extorts a Confeſſion, That he had been juſtly reprov'd. An example of this (to make things clear as I go) is in nothing more evident than in the great buſtle he makes in his ſecond Libel, to clear himſelf of his having moſt ſcandalouſly foreſpoken the Houſe of Lords, telling us poſitively, before their Lordſhips had ſo much as debated it, that they really would receive more Foreigners into their Body, and pointing out to them who ſhould be the Men. This he will not have call'd leading or dictating to the Houſe, tho' there are innumerable precedents when the Houſe have thought otherwiſe, and reſented it accordingly, as well from greater as ſmaller Perſons than this Author.

This hard task however he undertakes, tho' moſt People think he will as ill come off, as he did from endeavouring to prove himſelf no Heretick, when yet he owns himſelf to be of ſome Opinions contrary to Orthodox Chriſtians.

It is nevertheleſs to be acknowledged to him (for I ſhall do him juſtice, tho' he does no juſtice to others) I ſay, it is to be acknowledg'd to him, that he grants leading and dictating to ſo illuſtrious a Body as the Houſe of Lords, is an unjuſtifyable practiſe; but when he comes to waſh his hands of the Fact, Hoc opus, Hic labor eſt: I ſhall examine it by it ſelf preſently; but before I enter upon that part, it is meet to attack his detach'd Parties, which he has prepar'd to Satyrize thoſe he intends to fight with; for it is to be obſerv'd, that he takes a new method with Mankind, ſcarce ever practis'd by any Man before; and this is, to find out an Author who he thinks fit for his encounter, and call him the Writer of the Book which he contends with, (it matters not with him whether he is the Man or no) and thus having dreſt up this Man of Straw, he begins the fight. This he has done in the Caſe before me, where finding it greatly for his purpoſe, that De Foe, Author of the True born Engliſhman, ſhould paſs for the Author of the Argument againſt enabling Foreigners, &c. he has ſingled him out, and fallen upon him in a moſt mercileſs manner; for he has recommended him to the Revenge of his Foreigners, (what mercy he will find there may be gueſsd at.) He has alſo, as far as his good Wiſhes may have effect, recommended him to the Reſentment of the Government. He has expos'd, ridicul'd, banter'd, and in a word, as far as in him lies, murther'd the Man; and yet all this while, this Man, as I find, was no more Author of this Book than the Man in the Moon: Nay, as I hear, for I have no Knowledge of the Man, he has been ſick in his Bed all the while. In carrying on this Tragi comedy, he takes care to ſummon for Evidence, all that this D. F. has ſaid upon the ſame ſubject in his Pamphlets and Poems formerly written; and to confront this with what I have ſaid now; whereas if it were true that the ſaid D. F. had been Author of all thoſe things, and thoſe too, it had amounted to no more than this; either that he had been wrong before, and was now better inform'd; or ſecond, that he had contradicted himſelf, and wrote one time one thing, and one time another, a fault which Modeſty ſhould have taught Toland to have paſs'd over in ſilence, that it might not be retorted upon himſelf; and after all, neither of theſe things would prove at all that what Mr. Toland had ſaid was right, or would have made his Libel one jot better than it was before, beſides the Scandal of having taken a wrong aim, and charging a Man falſly with writing this Book, who really has no manner of concern in it or about it. In the next place, I obſerve Mr. Toland is of Opinion that I ſhould not have publiſh'd his Name when I anſwer'd his Libel: The Truth is, he ſhould have taken care to have had the Secret better kept, knowing how ill his Name recommends any Cauſe he embarks in the defenſe of, and how much diſadvantage it is to thoſe he ſerves, to have him known to be their Advocate; upon theſe Conſiderations I ſhould have forborn his Name, had it not been made publick before by his Eccho, Mr. Boyer, who in his Monthly Fables, call'd falſly the Political State, harang'd for him, thinking (by miſtake) to make his Book ſell. This Man openly told his Name, for which, I hear, the Bookſeller ow'd him no thanks. Since then his own Friend did him that injury, for I hear it gave a great check to the ſale of his Book; why ſhould he blame the Author of the Anſwer, who only nam'd him at ſecond Hand, after it was no more a Secret, and who, even then, did it with caution too, knowing how ſcandalous a ſorger of Names to Books that ſame Boyer was, and how little was to be built for truth upon what he had publiſh'd, who is the eaſieſt Man to be impos'd upon, the moſt unconcern'd at doing any innocent Man an Injury, and the backwardeſt to do Juſtice when he was convinc'd of it, of any Man alive; which I ſhall prove in a part by it ſelf.

CHAP. I.

A farther Confirmation of the viſible Deſign there has been for ſome time carry'd on among a Party to propoſe the Introducing FOREIGNERS among the Nobility; and a little of the Liberty Mr. TOLAND takes with Truth.

MR. Toland begins this Subject for me with two notable Falſities; firſt he ſays boldly, Page 30. (theſe are his words) I never knew or heard of any ſuch Deſign, as he affirms there was to introduce theſe two Noblemen or any other Foreigners into the Houſe of Peers. Stop there, and go back to Page 26. ſee his words again, My propoſal, ſays he, contains nothing new or ſtrange, with reſpect either to the Diſpenſation or the Perſons. How can this be if ſuch a Deſign was never heard of before, Oportet Mendacem. The next Falſity is as evident as the former, and is taken from his own words alſo, Page 25. (viz.) As to the two foreign Noblemen, in conſideration of whoſe ſervice, I propos'd a legal Diſpenſation with the fifth limitation of the Act of Succeſſion, an out-cry was immediately rais'd, as if all the Foreigners in Chriſtendom were to be prefer'd here; whereas I expreſly confin'd my Propoſal to thoſe two Perſons: Here again Mr. Toland lets us ſee that great Wits have ſhort Memories; for either he did not write the Memorial call'd the Anatomy, or elſe he had forgot himſelf ſtrangely; for look into his ſaid Anatomy, Page 57, he expreſly recommends Monſieur Robethon by Name thus, (viz.) nor can it enter into my Thoughts, but that a way will be found out to recompence the Merit of the no leſs able and indefatigable Mr. Robethon; there's one more plainly propos'd by Name: And to let us ſee that even this is not all that is deſired, he modeſtly adds, Page 58, I am far from extending this to many others, pray obſerve, not to many others; this, I think, ſtrongly acknowledges he is for extending it to ſome few others: And yet this Man has the Front to ſay in his Second Part, Page 25. that he expreſly confin'd his Propoſals to two Perſons. Is this the Man that charges D. F. with falſhood, and gives him the Lie in publick Print! was ever any thing more notorious! and is this the Man that diſowns their being a Deſign laid to propoſe the bringing in Foreigners! and more Foreigners than he names into the Peerage! whereas he here acknowledges there is a Deſign to bring in ſome, but not many: Thus he confeſſes in one Book, and denies in the other; talks honeſtly per accident, and knaviſhly per incident: But this is not the firſt time Mr. Toland has diſcover'd himſelf to be Ambo dexter in his Arguments, as well as in other things; and tho' I will have nothing to do with the quarrel between D. F. and him, (for by his treating D. F. there muſt be ſome Malice among them) yet when I am obſerving the Liberty Mr. Toland takes with Truth, I cannot paſs by one of the Courſeſt Shuffles that I have ordinarily met with in the World. It is in his fighting with his Man of Straw aforeſaid. After he has plaid the Buffoon with him a great while, as if he was bringing him inſtantly to the Old Bayly or Weſtminſter to be Arraign'd, and that he was to be the Informer againſt him, he then falls to down right giving him the Lie, as a Man who there was no meaſures to be us'd with, and he proves D. F. a Lyar in this quaint method.

He complains that D. F. had ſaid in ſome of his writings, that he had ſeen the original Letter which he (Toland) had ſent to the Diſſenters; this is a Lie ſays Toland, for it was only written by an Amanuenſis, I kept the original by me.

Now would one not think that Toland might have learnt, ever ſince he was expell'd the Univerſity, a little more juſtice in Diſpute than this? Let his Enemy be who he will, real, or imaginary, I ſhall only ask him in a few Words, whether, let it be written by a Servant or not by a Servant, was not the Letter which he actually ſent to the Diſſenting Miniſters, properly the Original? I'll give him a particular Caſe, (viz.) as in drawing Writings. The rough Draught of a Leaſe or Indenture is drawn by the Attorney or Scrivener, and it is afterwards written over fair or engroſs'd by a Clerk or Amanuenſis, yet that Ingroſsment being executed, is call'd the Original Deed, and it would be look'd upon a moſt egregious Shuffle, for any Man who had ſeen the ſaid Writing, to ſay, if he was legally ask'd, that he had not ſeen the Original becauſe he had not ſeen the Draught. If Mr. Toland drew a Draught of a Letter to the Diſſenters, and then cauſed his Servant or Amanuenſis to draw it out fair, The firſt perhaps having alterations, interpolations, &c. in it, and on viewing the fair Copy, cauſed his Name to be ſet to it, which is Executing it, and then ſent away; I deſire to know which is the Original, That which is firſt finiſhed and executed, or that which is Drawn out rough, to be redrawn out for ſuch finiſhing?

But this is by the by: I Note it as a Specimen of his ſincere way of Arguing, and his bold giving the LYE on ſuch Grounds as theſe: And I have remarked this, that the World may ſee what Advocates ſuch a Cauſe as this has ſingled out among Mankind to defend it.

Non tali auxilio, nec defenſoribus iſtis. Tempus eget—

However I ſhall ſay the leſs of this here, becauſe I may yet give a Compleater Hiſtory of the Character of this Mr. Toland, to undeceive the World about him, and alſo of his fellow Labourer in this Drudgery; That French Papiſt in diſguiſe, who flattering every Side in his turn, Writes now for a Tory Miniſtry, now for a Whig, and under the pretence of ſerving the Whigs, has always been the firſt to Publiſh the Manifeſtos of Rebels, Declarations of the Pretender, and ſuch like ſtuff, of whom I ſay, together with an Account of Mr. Toland, the Publick, not the Secret History, is as ready for the Preſs as needful for the Publick; and to which I ſhall refer for the moſt Execrable Practiſes that any have been ſuffer'd to be guilty of unpuniſh'd in a Chriſtian Government.

CHAP. II.

Of Leading, Dictating or Preſcribing to the Houſe of Lords, by the Pamphlet call'd The State Anatomy.

FOR the Reaſons already Given, I leave for a while talking any more of the Perſon of this Author, and come back to his Diſcourſe; I find him very much concern'd to waſh off what ſticks to him in this Article of Dictating to the Houſe of Lords, it will ſoon appear whether he does this to purpoſe, or not to purpoſe: I need ſpend no time to prove that Leading and Dictating to the Houſe of Lords, is a Scandalous, Inſolent and Offenſive Practice, and what the Houſe has always thought fit to reſent; Toland has given me up that Point in his Second Libel, which therefore according to my Title I muſt Anatomiſe here. Pag. 5. his Words aae theſe: They muſt be mad themſelves, who can think any Man elſe mad enough to preſcribe to any Publick Aſſembly, much leſs to the Legiſlative Body of the Nation? Thus the Point is Granted, and there needs no more diſpute about that: It lies then before us to enquire whether what Mr. Toland in his Lybel has offer'd to the Houſe of Lords, can be call'd Dictating to them, and Leading them, or no.

I will abate him all he ſays, to recommend the Gentlemen; This I will call only Propoſing to the Lords, which he ſays any Man may do. But when he comes to ſay, there is no need to fear but that the Lords will do it, p. 57. and again, that it would ſavour of Ingratitude and Partiallity not to do it, p. ibid. What ſhall we ſay to that modeſt Part! Is this Preſcribing to and Leading the Houſe of Peers, or is it not?

Let me be allow'd to make a ſhort Comment upon this worthy Text, The Houſe of Lords will Conſent to make Baron Bothmar and Count Bernſdorf Peers, they cannot Honourably refuſe it, and they would be ungrateful and unjuſt, for to be Partial is to be Ʋnjuſt, if they ſhould not. Theſe are Words well deſerving to be Remark'd: I would be very glad to hear when ever ſuch Words were ſpoken of the Houſe of Lords and not reſented; and yet this Man is not ſo mad as to Dedicate to the Parliament as if telling them they muſt do a Certain thing, or be Ʋngrateful and Partial, was not Dictating: For the farther aſſcertaining then what is, or is not Dictating to the Houſe, I appeal to that Illuſtrious and moſt Honourable Aſſembly, whoſe Journals are full of Eminent Precedents, as well in Caſes where Men have Offended in the Point of Dictating, &c. as alſo of the conſtant reſentment of the Houſe in ſuch Caſes.

Has this moſt Venerable Body been ſo Jealous of their Privileges, and ſo Nice, as to forbid any Lybeller or Author, ſo much as to Print the Name of a Peer, and to make the Offender Lyable to an Action of Scandalum Magnatum, tho' he ſaid nothing offenſive; nay, tho' he ſpoke in the praiſe of the Perſon named: And ſhall it not be an Offence againſt the Privileges of the Houſe, to reproach them in Print with Ingratitude and Partiality, if they do not do this or that which the Libeller ſays is fit to be done!

Shall the Houſe be ſo Jealous of their Privileges, as to make a Fence round their Actions (like the Rails in ancient Times to keep off the People from approaching Mount Sinai) ſo that Authors are forbid to Print and Write any thing that is ſaid or done within their Walls at their Peril; and ſhall it be no Subject of Reſentment to pretend, in Print, that they will certainly do this or that, before they have ſo much as Debated it or ſpoken a Word about it? Is not Mr. Redpath and Mr. Walker, and others, now in Cuſtody of the Black Rod, for but an unwary Treſpaſs of this kind; and ſhall Toland publickly ſay they ſhall or will do this or that, and cannot omit to do it without Ingratitude and Partiallity? and yet wipe his Mouth and ſay, He has given their Lordſhips no Offence.

I will not ſay the Houſe cannot omit taking him up without Partiallity; but I may ſay, that if it were any body but Mr. Toland I ſhould wonder at his Impudence, and ſhould ſay that if he eſcaped he would have very good Luck.

CHAP. III.

Of the great Succceſs of the PROPOSAL; The great Service done by the ANATOMIZER to the Intereſt which he pretends to aſſiſt; And an Enquiry into the real Advance of their Cauſe by it.

WERE the People who they Write for, and thoſe who both of them think they pleaſe, made but once ſenſible of the juſt Characters of the Perſons who have, whether Mercenarily or Officiouſly undertaken their Cauſe: Were they made ſenſible how they Perform, and how they Expoſe, rather than Aſſiſt the Cauſe they undertake, they wou'd be aſham'd of them, and ſay to them, as was lately ſaid by a Noble Lord to a certain Author who claim'd ſome Reward for his great Services in vindicating his Lordſhip, You will extremely oblige me, Sir, if you will be pleas'd to ſay no more about me. Let a Judgment be made only by the Succeſs of the preſent Undertaking; and let Mr. Toland ask himſelf ſedately, Whether he thinks that the Cauſe he has eſpouſed has gain'd or loſt by him? Let him go to the Baron Bothmar and Count Bernſdorff, and ask of thoſe Noble Perſons, Whether they think he has ſerv'd them or not; and whether they think themſelves nearer or farther off from a Peerage by his Argument?

It cannot be true that he himſelf believes he has better'd their Cauſe; it appears that he thinks otherwiſe, by his ſhifting off from them the Scandal of Employing him; taking the Blame of it all upon himſelf; declaring they know nothing of it, and that they are ſo far from deſiring him to do it, that they do not ſo much as Court or Deſire the Honour of being Peers, or to that purpoſe. Now if he found, upon his ſtarting the Propoſal, that the Nation came generally and readily into it, he would never ſtrive with ſo much Earneſtneſs to conceal the Deſign; endeavour to bring in the Propoſal as a Brat of his own private Conjectures, hatch'd for not bodies particular Intereſt, directed by no body, and only offered by a fortuitous Efflux of Thought, without the Aſſiſtance, or ſo much as the Approbation, of the Perſons named or pointed at.

If this were the Truth of the Story, he muſt acknowledge himſelf mighty Officious, and that he has Run before he was Sent. I doubt he will find as few People to believe this Part, as he has found to approve the Propoſal it ſelf: But be that as it will, if his projected Scheme of Enobling theſe two Foreigners, with his Suggeſtion of one afterwards, which he names, and his not many others, which he ſlily inſinuates are to follow; I ſay, if the Method he has taken to introduce theſe, has effected the Thing; if the Generality of the Nation approve the Propoſal, and he ſees the Game ſure before them; Why ſhould they oblige him to acknowledge thus, that they diſown him and his Schemes? Why is he not rather publickly Careſs'd, and his Book acknowledg'd? But on the contrary, the Heads are pull'd back, no body cares to own him, and he himſelf applies diligently to clear thoſe Noble Perſons of having any hand in the Conſpiracy with him, as indeed I believe he has reaſon to do.

No body cares to own a Plot when it has miſcarried; and if Toland deſigned to do his Principals a Service by the Propoſal, if it had ſucceeded; he is the Honeſter, and cannot be blam'd to do them a Service by keeping them out of it now it proves Abortive.

Perhaps he will ſay I triumph without a Victory, very like ſo; but let him ſpeak for himſelf, whether it be a Victory or no; if he has the Victory, if he is as ſure of the Succeſs as he thought himſelf at firſt, why is he ſo concern'd, and why does he keep ſuch a Buſtle to waſh the Dirt off of any; and why ſo apprehenſive leaſt the World ſhould think they were in the Conſpiracy? Why ſo forward to take all upon himſelf? I think I may, without any boaſting, ſay, he has not ſo good an Opinion of his Cauſe as he had when he began it; let him deny it if he can.

Nor will the fulſome Encomiums of a Vain French Scribbler aſſiſt him in this Point at all, I think I may venture to ſay, That all Mr. Toland has ſaid in this Caſe, has but ſerved to make it more difficult than he found it; and the Gentlemen who he has named, if it is, as he ſays, without their Conſent, no queſtion if they know what a Champion they have that has eſpous'd, in meer Knight Errantry, their Cauſe, would civilly deſire him to ſay no more about them.

Now having brought it to the Queſtion of his Succeſs, he joins Iſſue with him on his own Merit alſo; and then the remaining Queſtion in Debate is, Whether has the Deſign miſcarried by the ſcandalous Nature of the Propoſal, or by the ſcandalous Name of the Propoſer? Would ever Men of any Forecaſt have ſingled out a Man ſcandalous among Chriſtians, to have ſtarted their Friends Cauſe into the World! He ſays he is not a Socinian, and perhaps he may not be to now; but let him tell them what he was Expelled the Univerſity of — for, and how he comes to obtain the general Title of a Heretick in Principles, if he had given no occaſion for it? Not that Reproach always argues Guilt, but let him tell the World himſelf the occaſion if he thinks fit; I forbear it, becauſe it is not the preſent Buſineſs; I ſhall find another Time for it.

As to the preſent Caſe, I cannot but obſerve how I have heard many People who were not much concern'd to enquire about it before, ſtart at the Propoſal now, becauſe it is handed into the World by ſuch an Agent; and I leave it to univerſal Judgment, whether the Manner, the arrogant Manner of propoſing it, has not juſtly ſhock'd the Nobility and Gentry of England, as to the Propoſal it ſelf; to have them told they will do it before they were ever ſo much as asked! To have them told it will ſavour of Ingratitude and Partiallity not to do it, before ever they ſo much as denied! Is not this Bullying the Peers into it? Is it not a Buſſoonry upon the Nation? If this has made the Caſe better than it was, or has not rather juſtly filled many Minds with Reſentment, who were neither prepoſſeſſed one way or other, let any reaſonable Perſon determine.

In the mean time I can aſſure him, it is a very great Satisfaction to many good and impartial Men, that this Deſign of propoſing the breaking down the Pale of our Nobility, is thus Detected and Expoſed: But I muſt confeſs, that when ſome Gentlemen came to me the other Day, and gave me thanks for the Service I had done, in ſetting it out in ſo clear a Light as is done in the Argument, &c. I told them frankly the Thanks were all due to Mr. Toland, who by ſo inſolent an Attempt, had juſtly alarm'd and open'd the Eyes of almoſt as many as had read his Libel; and had even in denying, proved effectually that this Propoſal of his was no new Thing

No indeed, it has been no new Thing either, that ſome Perſons aimed at being ſo Enobled, or that a Party aimed at complying, and getting thoſe who alone could do it, to comply with their Deſire; and this is a ſufficient Reaſon to be given for what I own'd in the Argument, namely, That it had been Digeſted for ſome time, viz. as long as I had underſtood from good Hands that there was ſuch a thing intended, and which I thought it my indiſpenſible Duty to Oppoſe and Expoſe.

CHAP. IV.

Of the Nature of Malice, and of the unjuſt Suggeſtions of Mr. TOLAND in his Second ANATOMY, in order to Expoſe the Author of the Argument to the Reſentment of the Government.

I Deſpiſe all the ſly and knaviſh inſinuations of this Malicious, Envenom'd Lybeller, in order, if he could, to expoſe me as a Jacobite; I wiſh all that are blindly and ignorantly Jacobites, may in Heavens due time be better inform'd; and all that are Maliciouſly ſo, and from principles of Hatred to the Proteſtant Succeſſion, and the Perſon of King George, were as Toland is, viz. Contemn'd, and Expos'd: I wiſh them, like him, Expell'd from the Society of the beſt of Men, and made to know their Crime by their Puniſhment. There is not one Sentence or Syllable in the Book entiuled An Argument, &c. which is intended as a Reflection or Diſreſpect to the Perſon, or Government, or Conduct of King George; and of that Sentence which he maliciouſly wreſts, P. 28. viz. Till at length Poſterity may be offer'd two Turks, I ſay to him Honi ſoit qui Mal y Penſe, I know no Venom in it, nor can he without infinite Sarcaſm, and Lybelling the moſt Innocent Actions of the King, ſay, or ſuggeſt that there is any room for a Satyr in them.

All his boaſted Advantage, and the Tryumph he makes upon Quotations out of De Foes Pamphlet, Require no other Anſwer than has been given already, viz. That De Foe has no Concern one way or other in that Book; and if Mr. Baker the Publiſher were not juſt at the point of Death while this is at the Preſs, a particular Account of that Part would be given: But it is none of my buſineſs to vindicate De Foe however injuriouſly he may be treated; all I have to ſay is, That if Mr. Toland is diſpoſed to make Honourable Amends for the inſolent Language which he gives ME, under the Cover of Charging the Work upon a Fellow that neither He nor I know any thing of, he ſhall at any time have the Occaſion to know who is not Concern'd in this Work, by knowing Face to Face who is Concern'd in it: And I ſay the ſame to that Cowardly Frenchman Boyer alſo.

I repeat again what I have ſaid, That there is not the leaſt Deſign or Intention of Diſreſpect to the Perſon or Government of King George in all my Anſwer to Toland's Lybel, but a ſingle and diſintereſted Zeal for the Liberties of my Country: I Honour with the profoundeſt Duty, not the King only as on the Throne, but all his Royal Poſterity, and Raee, as Capable of, and Deſign'd by Heaven to Reign in their Courſes of time; and yet it is no impeachment of this Duty and Zeal, to ſay, that from the beſt of Kings have proceeded the worſt of Tyrants: Our Laws are made as Fences and Securities, not againſt good, but bad Kings. Were the Divine Genius to be Immortal, as I ſaid in the Argument, were all the Kings who ſhall proceed from the Loyns of His preſent Majeſty, to Inherit King George's Principles, his Juſtice, Moderation, Love to his People, and Knowledge as well as Deſire of their Wellfare and Proſperity; I would be as Eaſie to give up all our Conſtitution to him, and to be Governed by his meer Will and Diſcretion, as I would be to any Man that ever wore a Crown.

But as Vertue, Honour, Probity, Wiſdom, Judgment, do not deſcend by Inheritance, and are no Entail with the Crown, but Kings may hereafter ariſe that knew not Joſeph; it is a Duty to our Poſterity, that we endeavour to preſerve the Fences of our Liberties unbroken, and hand forward thoſe invaluable Rights to our Children, Entire as we Receive them.

But this Mercenary, this bringer of a Railing Accuſation, he is for breaking down this Fence, and diſpenſing with this Law, making a precedent to ſerve a preſent Turn, and Party, which may hereafter be an Argument to bring in all the Inſtruments of Tyranny, which an Arbitrary unguided Prince may ſtand in need of, for the Deſtruction of the Kingdom; and this, tho', as I ſaid before, without the leaſt deſign'd Reflection, they were of any Nation or Religion, even Turks, and Mahometans; whether thoſe who are for thus breaking in upon our Conſtitution to gratify Foreigners, or they who are for preſerving our Conſtitution whole and unbroken, are the beſt Patriots, let impartial Poſterity inquire.

Nor am I in this, offering in the leaſt to derogate from the juſt Eſteem due to the Honourable Perſons who he mentions; but I ask him this Queſtion, Is there no Reward can be ſuitable to the Character and Merit of thoſe Gentlemen, but that of being made Lords? Can the King be at a loſs, and is the Kingdom of Great-Britain empty of means to Reward theſe Perſons however great their Merit? Is there no way to make them amends but this one Method? Will nothing elſe ſatisfy them, or be ſuitable to their Deſervings, that this Libeller ſhould ſay, not to do it, would be to be Ʋngrateful and Partial? I remember when the Glorious King William intending to Reward the late E. of Portland with a vaſt Grant, no leſs than the Revenue of the Principality of Wales; and the Houſe of Commons applied to His Majeſty not to do it, the King readily acquieſc'd, and expreſſing his Royal Gratitude to the E. of Portland for his many ſignal Services, His Majeſty ſaid, He would think of Rewarding thoſe Services ſome other way. I ſhall make no Compariſons, but believe the Libeller himſelf will not pretend, that any Man can have deſerv'd better of his Preſent Majeſty, than the late E. of Portland had deſerv'd of King William; yet when he found the way he had deſign'd to Reward him gave any uneaſineſs to his People, His Majeſty Reſolv'd to Reward thoſe Eminent Services ſome other way; and I dare ſay, the Poſterity of that Noble Perſon do not Complain of the King's being unkind to them.

I am ready to grant that the Services of theſe Noble Perſons now Propos'd, are as great as my Oppoſer pleaſes to ſuppoſe them; yet I ſay, without leſſening thoſe Suppoſitions, That Great-Britain is able to Reward them fully, tho' they are not receiv'd into our Peerage, and yet not merit to be Libell'd by Toland as partial and ungrateful.

But be that as it will, Let His Majeſty propoſe to his Parliament what he thinks fit, the Parliament will always act as becomes them; the Houſe of Peers will never act undutifully to the King, no, not in thoſe things which they cannot Grant; nor will they act unfaithfully to their Country, no, not in thoſe things which they cannot Refuſe: But this is not to the Caſe in hand; for it does not appear that the King has any deſire to have this thing done; nay, Mr. Toland does not pretend to it: But let us ſee here how the vain Man expoſes himſelf; for while he acknowleges no body to be privy to the Propoſal but himſelf, he Contradicts and Confounds himſelf moſt pitiouſly; He proteſts, pa. 30. That he never knew or heard of any Deſign to introduce thoſe two Noble Men, or any other Foreigners into the Houſe of Peers, Exore tuo: Call Mr. Toland to detect Mr. Toland, pa. 26. My Propoſal Contain'd nothing NEW with Reſpect either to the Thing, or to the Perſons; theſe are the Words quoted before, but are abſolutely neceſſary to be brought in again here, becauſe this Man can have the Aſſurance to pretend after this, to be believ'd upon his Word, That no body ever heard of this before.

But ſuppoſe we ſhould believe him for once, and imagine that neither the King intended to Enoble theſe Perſons, that theſe two Perſons did not deſire to be Enobled, or that the Houſe of Peers ever intended to Repeal or Diſpence with the Act for this End; How then can he have the Front to tell the Houſe of Peers to their Faces, that if they do not do it, it ſavours of Ingratitude and Partiality? He may be defy'd to ſhow an Impudence like this, ſince the Liberty of the Preſs, which we now groan under, has Plagu'd us: I am ſorry to uſe ſuch Words in Print, but when we are talking to ſuch Men, ſuch Language is forc'd out of our Mouths as only proper to People of ſuch Flagrant Merit.

Again, If neither the King, the Houſe of Lords, or the two foreign Noblemen themſelves, have ſo much as had any Thoughts of this matter, how will this falſe Accuſer make good his Charge, that the oppoſing it, is pointed at the Government, or the Miniſtry? The Charge is pointed at thoſe Conſpirators who are in the Deſign, and as he declares, neither the King, the Miniſtry, or the Parliament are acquainted with it, then they are not pointed at: But we know who are in it perhaps better than he pretends to know, and as they are not too big to be charg'd, ſo I muſt ell him it is not his Raillery, and pretending it Points at the Government, who are not concern'd in it, that will wipe it off.

The Caſe is in ſhort this, the Deſign is blown, the Plot is diſcover'd, and thereby defeated; he thought it was Ripe before it was ſo, and brought it out too ſoon: He knows it well enough, for his own Friends blame him for it, and now he has no Remedy, but to cry out Jacobitiſm and Treaſon in his oppoſers, as if all the Men who are not for recommending Foreigners to the Nobility muſt be Jacobites; or that all thoſe who were not for a Standing-Army in time of Peace were for the Pretender; and yet he confeſſes that I declar'd I was for an Army when there was any Danger of the Pretender, and while either a foreign Enemy or private Diſturbance threatned the Country.

But the Man is enrag'd becauſe he is fruſtrated: He had ſaid the Houſe of Lords will open the Door to Foreigners, and now he is aſſur'd they wont; nay, he knows he may with much more title to modeſty ſay they will not, than he could before ſay they will; and this makes him raving at every body that comes in his way.

But let him Rave, the Nation is awake. Britains may be ſurpriz'd into ſuch things as may be dangerous in their Examples like this, but in vain is the Net ſpread in the ſight of any Bird; while they are awake, and there Eyes are open, they are in no Danger.

I obſerve that this Toland makes himſelf merry with De Foe's Verſes from The True born Engliſhman: I have only this to ſay in that Caſe, that if that Satyr was Juſt upon our Country and Nobility, it certainly infers, that as we are now arriv'd to an Excellence which we believe is not out-done by other Nations, either in Science or Religion, and moral Virtue, we ſhould keep were we are, and mix no farther if we can help it, unleſs we are ſure to improve; but to let that go for a jeſt, as it was intended, our buſineſs is not now ſo much about mixing of Blood, tho' that is not inſignificant, but about mixing our Politicks: The Argument which I brought from the Treatment we gave to the Scots, Nobility at the late Treaty of Ʋnion, is good Sence, and to the preſent purpoſe, and the Scots Nobility are not now inſenſible of the weight of it, tho' this unfair Cavilling Libeller Buſtoons it, and pretends that I alledge they were kept out as Foreigners. Had he been in Temper to underſtand common Senſe, he would have ſeen the contrary. He abſurdly ſuggeſts, that I hint they were kept out as Foreigners; No, no, he cannot but allow that I and every one elſe knows, that after the Ʋnion they were no more Foreigners but united; but the Argument is juſt, nevertheleſs, a fortiori, if theſe, though our own Brethren, were not allow'd to ſit in the Houſe of Lords, but with ſuch nicety reſtrain'd to a Repreſentative, and this in eſpecial manner, becauſe of our Judicature being repoſited with the Peers; how much more then ſhould we be backward to bring Strangers and real Foreigners to partake of that ſupreme Authority which the Scotiſh Nobility were deny'd.

Let any Man but obſerve the wretched Temper of this ſlanderous Libeller: The Author of Mercurius Politicus, has called this a new Argument. This Book, he ſays, De Foe has the chief hand in alſo, which upon good enquiry, and good evidence, I am aſſur'd is falſe too; but let the Author be who he will, I ſay he has call'd this a new Argument, which forſooth Toland will not only not allow, but ſays 'tis nonſence. Let us ſee the nonſence of it, and if it be not a new Argument, let him tell us when it was made uſe of before. Be it new or old, the force of it is full againſt him.

The Scots Nobility, antient beyond Hiſtory, and illuſtrious beyond Objection, yet was deny'd upon the late Coalition of natural Priviledges, were deny'd, I ſay, to be admitted into the Engliſh Peerage other than by a Repreſentative; becauſe it was not thought that the ſupream Judicature of England could be communicated with juſtice, to thoſe who had not an equal concern in the Intereſt of the People of the Nation.

Now to add a Word or two to that Part: Would it not appear Partial againſt our Brethren of Scotland, eſpecially now, after they are our Brethren, that while they are excluded, Foreigners ſhall be admitted? Let him give a juſt Reaſon for this if he can.

But to carry this a little farther, becauſe his Ignorance ſuffers him to pretend, that the Reaſons for admitting the Scots Nobility only by a Repreſentative number was, to Aſſert the proportion only to the value of Eſtates. He ſhews by this, that he has Folly and groſs Ignorance equal to his Diſhoneſty; for though it is true, that the proportioning the value, &c. was regarded in the aſſerting the Number of the Scots Repreſentitives in the Houſe of Commons, yet this was the leaſt Conſideration, if any at all, in fixing the Number of the Peers, for the limiting of which there were Reaſons not proper to recite here; and had he not been perfectly void of any Notion of what was then doing, he would have known ſomething of thoſe Reaſons.

But not to reſume the Debates of thoſe Days, ſeeing he puts me to it, I ſhall ſtart another Caſe as new as the former, and yet as pungent as can be deſired to the preſent point of admitting Foreigners: At the time of the Treaty of Ʋnion, notwithſtanding the whole Scots Nation was to be incorporated into one body with the Engliſh, and that the Subjects of both were to enjoy equal Priviledges, yet ſo reſolutely did our Engliſh Nobility inſiſt upon not encorporating the Peerage of Scotland with themſelves, ſo jealous were they of pulling down the Fence about their own incommunicable Judicature, that the Union is ſaid, not to allow even the Crown it ſelf to create a Scots Peer, already a Peer, a Lord by an Engliſh Title, ſo as to make him an Hereditary Lord of Parliament. This is eminent in the Caſe of the late Duke Hamilton, as Duke of Brandon; and albeit the Scots do diſpute this Point, we do not find the Houſe of Lords take yet any notice of that Diſpute.

And ſhall this Libeller tell us, the Houſe of Peers will be Partial and Ʋngrateful if they admit not Germans and Strangers into their Body; while at the ſame time they have barr'd the Door againſt their own encorporated Brethren of Scotland? Let Toland or any of the Conſpirators tell us what was the Reaſon of this nicety, if it was not that the Engliſh Nobility had ſeen Reaſon to think they ought to be exceeding cautious of ever making more mixtures, by Creation at leaſt, with the Blood of their Nobility: Rather let him prove that it would not be Partial and Ʋngrateful to the Scots Nobility, if Foreigners ſhould be receiv'd, while the Scots are excluded; and where is the general kindneſs which was promis'd, and exhorted to from the Throne to be preſerv'd and cultivated between the two united Kingdoms; I ſay, where is this mutual kindneſs, if ſuch Partiality ſhould be practis'd on our Side?

If indeed an encorporate Ʋnion ſhall come to be treated between his Majeſty's Foreign Dominions and the Iſland of Great Britain, then the Caſe will be alter'd, and we ſhould be all willing and ready, no doubt, to receive a Repreſentative of the Hanover Nobility into the Body of ours, ſuch as to the King and Parliament ſhall ſeem convenient: But as to the Ennobling Foreigners, it is firmly Provided againſt by the Conſtitution, and our Libel-maker Proſeſſes that neither does he know that his Majeſty intends it, or theſe Foreign Noble Perſons, who he has preſum'd to Name, deſire it; I am ſure the Houſe of Peers have not Debated it. What Aſſurance then muſt He, and the Party who Dictate to him, who for that Reaſon I juſtly call Conſpirators, I ſay, what aſſurance muſt they have, to be Officious in a thing of this Conſequence to their Country!

It has been ſuggeſted, and I have Reaſon to believe it is ſo far true, that the thing is in its Embrio, that the Scheme is young, and that the People concern'd were willing to let the Propoſal take wind, this way, to ſee how it would Reliſh with the Britiſh Gentry, and it was no imprudent ſtep I acknowledge to do ſo; for had they made the attempt at once, before they had made a judgment of things, they would have run the hazard of a Miſcarriage much more to their Diſadvantage.

Be it as it will, they have now made the Experiment, and I dare ſay they will not find, upon telling Noſes, that they have made one Convert by Mr. Toland's Anatomy; on the contrary, there are ſome teſtimony of many Eyes being opened, by the Detecting and juſtly Expoſing the Traiterous Contrivance; and I leave them to the Tryal, when they will find the Perſons Concern'd in another Condition to Repel them than perhaps they expected.

It might be worth while to note here, how Quaintly he would make it Criminal in me, to ſpeak of SOME Honeſt and Loyal Patriots REMAINING in the Adminiſtration, as if I thereby inſinuated that ſome there were otherwiſe, and that there were miſunderſtandings amongſt the Miniſtry; That I would have it thought they were not all of a Piece, and he would have this be thought Malicious. Now, by what has ſince hapned in the Miniſtry, it may be asked without any Reflection, whether, if I had look'd that way, tho' that is not granted, I were in the Right or not? But it has been this Man's Talent many Years, to be an Accuſer of the Brethren, and if it be true, that he was Expell'd a Univerſity for Faction and Error, if it be true as I have heard, that he once impiouſly attempted to draw up a new Goſpel, no wonder he would now frame a new Conſtitution; but this I ſhall have a farther occaſion to talk with him about.

All the reſidue of his Book, viz. His Anſwer to the Clergy-man, his Letters to the Arch-biſhop, and to the Diſſenters, and his wrangling and unſeemly Language upon De Foe, are worth no Notice at all, either by me, or any one elſe: Perhaps ſuch Language may be ſuitable to the Foreign Noble Lord without a Name, who he pretends to write to, and who, if he be any body, it's like is one of the not many more, who he pretends to ſollicit for after theſe are got in, and who are all to be Britiſh Peers, ad Graecos Calendas.

FINIS.