I.

VERSE 5. ONE might fancy at the first reading of this Passage, that Homer here turn'd aside from the main View of his Poem in a vain Ostentation of Learning, to amuse himself with a foreign and unnecessary De­scription of the Manners and Customs of these Nations. But we shall find, upon better Consideration, that Jupiter's turning aside his Eyes was necessary to the Conduct of the Work, as it gives Opportunity to Neptune to assist the Greeks, and thereby causes all the Adventures of this Book. Madam Dacier is too refining on this occasion; when she would have it, that Jupiter's averting his Eyes signifies his abandon­ing the Trojans; in the same manner, as the Scripture repre­sents the Almighty turning his Face from those whom he de­serts. But at this rate Jupiter turning his Eyes from the Battel, must desert both the Trojans and the Greeks; and it is evident from the Context, that Jupiter intended nothing less than to let the Trojans suffer.

II.

‘VERSE 9. And where the far-fam'd Hippemolgian strays.]’ There is much dispute among the Criticks, which are the proper Names, and which the Epithets, in these Verses: Some making [...] the Epithet to [...], others [...] the Epithet to [...]; and [...], which by the common Interpreters is thought only an Epithet, is by Strabo and Ammianus Marcellinus made the proper Name of a People. In this Diversity of Opinions, I have chosen that which I thought would make the best Figure in Poetry. It is a beau­tiful and moral Imagination, to suppose that the long Life of the Hippemolgians was an Effect of their simple Diet, and a Reward of their Justice: And that the supreme Being, dis­pleas'd at the continued Scenes of human Violence and Dis­sension, as it were recreated his Eyes in contemplating the Simplicity of these People.

It is observable that the same Custom of living on Milk is preserv'd to this Day by the Tartars, who inhabit the same Country.

III.

Mons. de la Motte has play'd the Critick upon this Passage a little unadvisedly. ‘"Neptune, says he, is impatient to assist the Greeks. Homer tells us that this God goes first to seek his Chariot in a certain Place; next he arrives at another Place nearer the Camp; there he takes off his Horses, and then he locks them fast to secure them at his Return. The Detail of so many little Particularities no way suits the Majesty of a God, or the Impatience in which he is described."’ Another French Writer makes an­swer, that however impatient Neptune is represented to be, none of the Gods ever go to the War without their Arms; and the Arms, Chariot and Horses of Neptune were at Aegae. He makes but four Steps to get thither; so that what M. de [Page 57] la Motte calls being slow, is Swiftness itself. The God puts on his Arms, mounts his Chariot, and departs: nothing is more rapid than his Course; he flies over the Waters: the Verses of Homer in that Place run swifter than the God him­self. It is sufficient to have Ears, to perceive the Rapidity of Neptune's Chariot in the very Sound of those three Lines, each of which is entirely compos'd of Dactyles, excepting that one Spondee which must necessarily terminate the Verse.

IV.

Longinus confesses himself wonderfully struck with the Subli­mity of this Passage. That Critick, after having blam'd the Defects with which Homer draws the Manners of his Gods, adds, that he has much better succeeded in describing their Figure and Persons. He owns that he often paints a God such as he is, in all his Majesty and Grandeur, and without any Mixture of mean and terrestrial Images; of which he produces this Passage as a remarkable Instance, and one that had challeng'd the Admiration of all Antiquity.

The Book of Psalms affords us a Description of the like sublime manner of Imagery, which is parallel to this. O God, when thou wentest forth before thy People, when thou didst march through the Wilderness, the Earth shook, the Hea­vens dropped at the Presence of God, even Sinai itself was moved at the Presence of God, the God of Israel. Ps. 68.

V.

‘VERSE 32.—Three ample Strides he took.]’ This is a ve­ry grand Imagination, and equals, if not transcends, the Sublimity of what he has feign'd before of the Passage of this [Page 58] God. We are told, that at four Steps he reach'd Aegae, which (supposing it meant of the Town of that Name in Euboea, which lay the nighest to Thrace) is hardly less than a Degree at each Step. One may, from a View of the Map, imagine him striding from Promontory to Promontory, his first Step on Mount Athos, his second on Pallene, his third upon Pelion, and his fourth in Euboea. Dacier is not to be forgiven for omitting this miraculous Circumstance, which so perfectly agrees with the marvellous Air of the whole Pas­sage, and without which the sublime Image of Homer is not compleat.

VI.

‘VERSE 33.—The distant Aegae shook.]’ There were three Places of this Name which were all sacred to Neptune; an Island in the Aegean Sea mention'd by Nicostratus, a Town in Peloponnesus, and another in Euboea. Homer is supposed in this Passage to speak of the last; but the Question is put, why Neptune who stood upon a Hill in Samothrace, instead of going on the left to Troy, turns to the right, and takes a way contrary to that which leads to the Army? This Diffi­culty is ingeniously solv'd by the old Scholiast; who says, that Jupiter being now on Mount Ida, with his Eyes turn'd towards Thrace, Neptune could not take the direct way from Samothrace to Troy without being discover'd by him; and therefore fetches this Compass to conceal himself. Eustathius is contented to say, that the Poet made Neptune go so far about, for the Opportunity of those fine Descriptions of the Palace, the Chariot, and the Passage of this God.

VII.

‘VERSE 43. Th' enormous Monsters rolling o'er the Deep.]’ This Description of Neptune rises upon us; his Passage by Water is yet more pompous than that by Land. The God driving thro' the Seas, the Whales acknowledging him, and the Waves rejoicing and making way for their Monarch, are full of that Marvellous so natural to the Imagination of our [Page 59] Author. And I cannot but think the Verses of Virgil in the fifth Aeneid are short of his Original.

I fancy Scaliger himself was sensible of this, by his passing in Silence a Passage which lay so obvious to Comparison.

VIII.

What Address, and at the same time, what Strength is there in these Words? Neptune tells the two Ajaces, that he is on­ly afraid for their Post, and that the Greeks will perish by that Gate, since it is Hector who assaults it; at every other Quar­ter, the Trojans will be repuls'd: It may therefore be pro­perly said, that the Ajaces only are vanquish'd, and that their Defeat draws Destruction upon all the Greeks. I don't think that any thing better could be invented to animate couragious Men, and make them attempt even Impossibilities. Dacier.

IX.

‘VERSE 83. If yet some heav'nly Pow'r, &c.]’ Here Nep­tune considering how the Greeks were discourag'd by the Knowledge that Jupiter assisted Hector, insinuates, that not­withstanding Hector's Confidence in that Assistance, yet the Power of some other God might countervail it on their part; wherein he alludes to his own aiding them, and seems not to doubt his Ability of contesting the Point with Jove him­self. 'Tis with the same Confidence he afterwards speaks to Iris, of himself and his Power, when he refuses to submit to the Order of Jupiter in the fifteenth Book. Eustathius re­marks, what an Incentive it must be to the Ajaces, to hear those who could stand against Hector equall'd, in this oblique manner, to the Gods themselves.

X.

‘VERSE 97. Th' inspiring God Oileus' active Son—Perceiv'd the first.]’ The Reason has been ask'd, why the lesser Ajax is the first to perceive the Assistance of the God? And the an­cient Solution of this Question was very ingenious, as we have it from Eustathius. They said that the greater Ajax, being slow of Apprehension, and naturally valiant, could not be sensible so soon of this Accession of Strength, as the other, who immediately perceiv'd it as not owing so much to his natural Courage.

XI.

‘VERSE 102. Short as he turn'd, I saw the Pow'r.]’ This Opinion, that the Majesty of the Gods was such that they could not be seen Face to Face by Men, seems to have been generally receiv'd in most Nations. Spondanus observes, that it might be derived from sacred Truth, and founded upon what God says to Moses in Exodus, Ch. 33. ℣. 20, 23. Man shall not see me and live: Thou shalt see my back Parts, but my Face thou shalt not behold. For the farther Particulars of this Notion among the Heathens, see the 30th Note on the first, and the 69th on the fifth Book.

XII.

‘VERSE 131. The Speech of Neptune to the Greeks.]’ After Neptune in his former Discourse to the Ajaces, who yet main­tain'd a retreating Fight, had encouraged them to withstand the Attack of the Trojans; he now addresses himself to those, who having fled out of the Battel, and retired to the Ships, had given up all for lost. These he endeavours to bring again to the Engagement, by one of the most noble and spi­rited Speeches in the whole Iliad. He represents that their present miserable Condition was not to be imputed to their want of Power, but to their want of Resolution to withstand the Enemy, whom by Experience they had often found unable [Page 61] to resist them. But what is particularly artful, while he is en­deavouring to prevail upon them, is that he does not attribute their present Dejection of Mind to a cowardly Spirit, but to a Resentment and Indignation of their General's Usage of their favourite Hero Achilles. With the same softning Art, he tells them, he scorns to speak thus to Cowards, but is only con­cern'd for their Misbehaviour as they are the bravest of the Army. He then exhorts them for their own sake to avoid Destruction, which would certainly be inevitable, if for a Moment longer they delay'd to oppose so imminent a Danger.

XIII.

‘VERSE 141. A Rout undisciplin'd, &c.]’ I translate this Line,

with Allusion to the want of military Discipline among the Bar­barians, so often hinted at in Homer. He is always opposing to this the exact and regular Disposition of his Greeks, and accordingly a few Lines after, we are told that the Grecian Phalanxes were such, that Mars or Minerva could not have found a Defect in them.

XIV.

‘VERSE 155. Prevent this Evil, &c.]’ The Verse in the Original,

may be capable of receiving another Sense to this Effect. If it be your Resentment of Agamemnon's Usage of Achilles, that withholds you from the Battel, that Evil (viz. the Dissension of those two Chiefs) may soon be remedy'd, for the Minds of good Men are easily calm'd and compos'd. I had once trans­lated it,

But upon considering the whole Context more attentively, the other Explanation (which is that of Didymus) appeared to me the more natural and unforc'd, and I have accordingly follow'd it.

XV.

‘VERSE 171. Fix'd at his Post was each bold Ajax found, &c.]’ We must here take notice of an old Story, which however groundless and idle it seems, is related by Plutarch, Philo­stratus and others. Ganictor the Son of Amphidamas King of Euboea, celebrating with all Solemnity the Funeral of his Fa­ther, proclaimed according to Custom several publick Games, among which was the Prize for Poetry: Homer and Hesiod came to dispute for it. After they had produc'd several Pieces on either side, in all which the Audience declar'd for Homer, Panides the Brother of the deceased, who sate as one of the Judges, order'd each of the contending Poets to recite that Part of his Works which he esteem'd the best. Hesiod re­peated those Lines which make the beginning of his se­cond Book,

Homer answer'd with the Verses which follow here: But the Prince preferring the peaceful Subject of Hesiod to the mar­tial one of Homer, contrary to the Expectation of all, ad­judg'd the Prize to Hesiod. The Commentators upon this occasion are very rhetorical, and universally exclaim against so crying a Piece of Injustice. All the hardest Names which Learning can furnish, are very liberally bestow'd upon poor Panides. Spondanus is mighty smart, calls him Midas, takes him by the Ear, and asks the dead Prince as many insulting Questions, as any of his Author's Heroes could [Page 63] have done. Dacier with all Gravity tells us, that Posterty prov'd a more equitable Judge than Panides. And if I had not told this Tale in my turn, I must have incurred the Cen­sure of all the Schoolmasters in the Nation.

XVI,

‘VERSE 173. So close their Order, &c.]’ When Homer re­touches the same Subject, he has always the Art to rise in his Ideas above what he said before. We shall find an In­stance of it in this Place; if we compare this manner of com­mending the exact Discipline of an Army, with what he had made use of on the same occasion at the end of the fourth Iliad. There it is said, that the most experienc'd Warrior could not have reprehended any thing, had he been led by Pallas thro' the Battel; but here he carries it farther, in af­firming that Pallas and the God of War themselves must have admir'd this Disposition of the Grecian Forces. Eustathius.

XVII.

‘VERSE 177. A chosen Phalanx, firm, &c.]’ Homer in these Lines has given us a Description of the Ancient Pha­lanx, which consisted of several Ranks of Men closely ranged in this order. The first Line stood with their Spears levell'd directly forward; the second Rank being armed with Spears two Cubits longer, levell'd them likewise forward thro' the Interstices of the first; and the third in the same manner held forth their Spears yet longer, thro' the two former Ranks; so that the Points of the Spears of the three Ranks terminated in one Line. All the other Ranks stood with their Spears erected, in Readiness to advance, and fill the vacant Places of such as fell. This is the Account Eustathius gives of the Phalanx, which he observes was only fit for a Body of Men acting on the Defensive, but improper for the Attack: And accordingly Homer here only describes the Greeks ordering their Battel in this manner, when they had no other View but to stand their Ground against the furious Assault of the Trojans. The same Commentator observes [Page 64] from Hermolytus, an ancient Writer of Tacticks, that this manner of ordering the Phalanx was afterwards introduc'd among the Spartans by Lycurgus, among the Argives by Ly­sander, among the Thebans by Epaminondas, and among the Macedonians by Charidemus.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 191. As from some Mountain's craggy Forehead torn, &c.]’ This is one of the noblest Simile's in all Homer, and the most justly corresponding in its Circumstances to the thing described. The furious Descent of Hector from the Wall represented by a Stone that flies from the top of a Rock, the Hero push'd on by the superior Force of Jupiter, as the Stone driven by a Torrent, the Ruins of the Wall falling af­ter him, all things yielding before him, the Clamour and Tumult around him, all imag'd in the violent bounding and leaping of the Stone, the crackling of the Woods, the Shock, the Noise, the Rapidity, the Irresistibility, and the Augmentation of Force in its Progress. All these Points of Likeness make but the first Part of this admirable Simile. Then the sudden Stop of the Stone when it comes to the Plain, as of Hector at the Phalanx of the Ajaces (alluding also to the natural Situation of the Ground, Hector rushing down the Declivity of the Shore, and being stopp'd on the Level of the Sea.) And lastly, the Immobility of both when so stopp'd, the Enemy being as unable to move him back, as he to get forward: This last Branch of the Comparison is the hap­piest in the World, and tho' not hitherto observ'd, is what methinks makes the principal Beauty and Force of it. The Simile is copied by Virgil, Aen. 12.

[Page 65] And Tasso has again copied it from Virgil in his 18th Book.

It is but Justice to Homer to take notice how infinitely infe­rior both these Similes are to their Original. They have ta­ken the Image without the Likeness, and lost those corre­sponding Circumstances which raise the Justness and Subli­mity of Homer's. In Virgil it is only the Violence of Turnus in which the whole Application consists: And in Tasso it has no farther Allusion than to the Fall of a Tower in general.

There is yet another Beauty in the Numbers of this Part. As the Verses themselves make us see, the Sound of them makes us hear what they represent, in the noble Roughness, Rapidity, and sonorous Cadence that distinguishes them.

The Translation, however short it falls of these Beauties, may yet serve to shew the Reader, that there was at least an Endeavour to imitate them.

XIX.

‘VERSE 279. Idomen of Crete.]’ Idomeneus appears at large in this Book, whose Character (if I take it right) is such as we see pretty often in common Life: A Person of the first Rank, sufficient enough of his high Birth, growing into Years, con­scious of his Decline in Strength and active Qualities; and therefore endeavouring to make it up to himself in Dignity, and to preserve the Veneration of others. The true Picture of a stiff old Soldier, not willing to lose any of the Reputation [Page 66] he has acquir'd; yet not inconsiderate in Danger; but by the Sense of his Age, and by his Experience in Battel, become too cautious to engage with any great odds against him: Ve­ry careful and tender of his Soldiers, whom he had com­manded so long that they were become old Acquaintance; (so that it was with great Judgment Homer chose to intro­duce him here, in performing a kind Office to one of 'em who was wounded.) Talkative upon Subjects of War, as afraid that others might lose the Memory of what he had done in better Days, of which the long Conversation with Meriones, and Ajax's Reproach to him in Iliad 23. ℣. 478. are suffici­ent Proofs. One may observe some Strokes of Lordliness and State in his Character: That Respect Agamemnon seems careful to treat him with, and the particular Distinctions shewn him at Table, are mention'd in a manner that insinu­ates they were Points upon which this Prince not a little in­sisted. Il. 4. ℣. 257, &c. The vaunting of his Family in this Book, together with his Sarcasms and contemptuous Railleries on his dead Enemies, savour of the same Turn of Mind. And it seems there was among the Ancients a Tradi­tion of Idomeneus which strengthens this Conjecture of his Pride: For we find in the Heroicks of Philostratus, that be­fore he would come to the Trojan War, he demanded a Share in the sovereign Command with Agamemnon himself.

I must, upon this occasion, make an Observation once for all, which will be applicable to many Passages in Homer, and afford a Solution of many Difficulties. It is that our Author drew several of his Characters with an Eye to the Histories then known of famous Persons, or the Traditions that past in those Times. One cannot believe otherwise of a Poet, who appears so nicely exact in observing all the Customs of the Age he described; nor can we imagine the infinite Num­ber of minute Circumstances relating to particular Persons, which we meet with every where in his Poem, could possibly have been invented purely as Ornaments to it. This Refle­ction will account for a hundred seeming Oddnesses not only in the Characters, but in the Speeches of the Iliad: For as no Author is more true than Homer to the Character of the Person he introduces speaking, so no one more often suits his [Page 67] Oratory to the Character of the Person spoken to. Many of these Beauties must needs be lost to us, yet this Supposition will give a new Light to several Particulars. For instance, the Speech I have been mentioning of Agamemnon to Ido­meneus in the 4th Book, wherein he puts this Hero in mind of the magnificent Entertainments he had given him, be­comes in this View much less odd and surprizing. Or who can tell but it had some Allusion to the Manners of the Cre­tans whom he commanded, whose Character was so well known, as to become a Proverb: The Cretans, evil Beasts, and slow Bellies.

XX.

‘VERSE 283. The Surgeons of the Camp.]’ Podalirius and Machaon were not the only Physicians in the Army; it ap­pears from some Passages in this Poem, that each Body of Troops had one peculiar to themselves. It may not be im­proper to advertise, that the ancient Physicians were all Sur­geons. Eustathius.

XXI.

‘VERSE 325.—Meriones attends, Whom thus he questions—]’ This Conversation between Idomeneus and Meriones is gene­rally censured as highly improper and out of Place, and as such is given up even by M. Dacier, the most zealons of our Poet's Defenders. However, if we look closely into the Oc­casion and Drift of this Discourse, the Accusation will I be­lieve, appear not so well grounded. Two Persons of Distin­ction, just when the Enemy is put to a stop by the Ajaces, meet behind the Army: Having each on important occasions retired out of the Fight, the one to help a wounded Soldier, the other to seek a new Weapon. Idomeneus, who is superior in Years as well as Authority, returning to the Battel, is sur­prized to meet Meriones out of it, who was one of his own Officers, ( [...], as Homer here calls him) and being jea­lous of his Soldier's Honour, demands the Cause of his quit­ting the Fight? Meriones having told him it was the want [Page 68] of a Spear, he yet seems unsatisfy'd with the Excuse; adding, that he himself did not approve of that distant manner of fighting with a Spear: Meriones being touch'd to the quick with this Reproach, replies, that He of all the Greeks had the least reason to suspect his Courage: Whereupon Idome­neus perceiving him highly piqued, assures him he entertains no such hard Thoughts of him, since he had often known his Courage prov'd on such Occasions, where the Danger be­ing greater, and the Number smaller, it was impossible for a Coward to conceal his natural Infirmity: But now recolle­cting that a malicious Mind might give a sinister Interpreta­tion to their Inactivity during this Discourse, he immedi­ately breaks it off upon that Reflection. As therefore this Conversation has its Rise from a Jealousy in the most ten­der Point of Honour, I think the Poet cannot justly be blamed for suffering a Discourse so full of warm Sentiments to run on for about forty Verses; which after all cannot be suppos'd to take up more than two or three Minutes from Action.

XXII.

‘VERSE 335. This headless Lance, &c.]’ We have often seen several of Homer's Combatants lose and break their Spears, yet they do not therefore retire from the Battel to seek other Weapons, why therefore does Homer here send Meriones on this Errand? It may be said, that in the kind of Fight which the Greeks now maintain'd drawn up into the Phalanx, Me­riones was useless without this Weapon.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 339. Spears I have store, &c.]’ Idomeneus describes his Tent as a Magazine, stored with Variety of Arms won from the Enemy, which were not only laid up as useless Tro­phies of his Victories, but kept there in order to supply his own, and his Friends Occasions. And this Consideration shews us one reason why these Warriors contended with such Eagerness to carry off the Arms of a vanquish'd Enemy.

[Page 69] This gives me an occasion to animadvert upon a false Remark of Eustathius, which is inserted in the 30th Note on the 11th Book, ‘"that Homer, to shew us nothing is so unseasonable in a Battel as to stay to despoil the slain, feigns that most of the Warriors who do it, are kill'd, wounded, or unsuc­cessful."’ I am astonish'd how so great a Mistake should fall from any Man who had read Homer, much more from one who had read him so thoroughly, and even superstiti­ously, as the old Archbishop of Thessalonica. There is scarce a Book in Homer that does not abound with Instances to the contrary, where the Conquerors strip their Ene­mies, and bear off their Spoils in Triumph. It was (as I have already said in the Essay on Homer's Battels) as honou­rable an Exploit in those Days to carry off the Arms, as it is now to gain a Standard. But it is a strange Consequence, that because our Author sometimes represents a Man unsuc­cessful in a glorious Attempt, he therefore discommends the Attempt itself; and is as good an Argument against encoun­tring an Enemy living, as against spoiling him dead. One ought not to confound this with Plundering, between which Homer has so well mark'd the Distinction; when he con­stantly speaks of the Spoils as glorious, but makes Nestor in the 6th Book, and Hector in the 15th directly forbid the Pil­lage, as a Practice that has often prov'd fatal in the midst of a Victory, and sometimes even after it.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 353. To him Idomeneus.]’ There is a great deal more Dialogue in Homer than in Virgil. The Roman Poet's are generally set Speeches, those of the Greek more in Con­versation. What Virgil does by two Words of a Narrati­on, Homer brings about by a Speech; he hardly raises one of his Heroes out of Bed without some Talk concerning it. There are not only Replies, but Rejoinders in Homer, a thing scarce ever to be found in Virgil; the Consequence whereof is, that there must be in the Iliad many continued Con­versations (such as this of our two Heroes) a little resembling common Chit-chat. This renders the Poem more natural and [Page 70] animated, but less grave and majestick. However, that such was the way of writing generally practis'd in those ancient Times, appears from the like manner used in most of the Books of the Old Testament; and it particularly agreed with our Author's warm Imagination, which delighted in perpe­tual Imagery, and in painting every Circumstance of what he described.

XXV.

‘VERSE 355. In that sharp Service, &c.]’ In a general Battel Cowardise may be the more easily conceal'd, by rea­son of the Number of the Combatants; but in an Ambus­cade, where the Soldiers are few, each must be discover'd to be what he is; this is the reason why the Ancients enter­tain'd so great an Idea of this sort of War; the bravest Men were always chosen to serve upon such Occasions. Eu­stathius.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 384. So Mars Armipotent, &c.]’ Homer va­ries his Similitudes with all imaginable Art, sometimes deri­ving them from the Properties of Animals, sometimes from natural Passions, sometimes from the Occurrences of Life, and sometimes (as in the Simile before us) from History. The Invention of Mars's Passage from Thrace (which was feign'd to be the Country of that God) to the Phlegyans and Ephyrians, is a very beautiful and poetical manner of cele­brating the martial Genius of that People, who liv'd in per­petual Wars.

Methinks there is something of a fine Enthusiasm, in Ho­mer's manner of fetching a Compass, as it were, to draw in new Images besides those in which the direct Point of Like­ness consists. Milton perfectly well understood the Beauty of these digressive Images, as we may see from the following Simile, which is in a manner made up of them.

As for the general Purport of this Comparison of Homer, it gives us a noble and majestick Idea, at once of Idomeneus and Meriones, represented by Mars and his Son Terror; in which each of these Heroes is greatly elevated, yet the just Distin­ction between them preserved. The beautiful Simile of Virgil in his 12th Aeneid is drawn with an Eye to this of our Author.

XXVII.

The common Interpreters have to this Question of Meriones given a meaning which is highly impertinent, if not down­right Nonsense; explaining it thus. Shall we fight on the right, or in the middle, or on the left, for no where else doe the Greeks so much want Assistance; which amounts to this; [Page 72] Shall we engage where our Assistance is most wanted, or where it is not wanted? The Context, as well as the Words of the Original, oblige us to understand it in this obvious meaning; Shall we bring our Assistance to the right, to the left, or to the Centre? Since the Greeks being equally press'd and engag'd on all sides, equally need our Aid in all Parts.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 400. Not in the Centre, &c.]’ There is in this Answer of Idomeneus a small Circumstance which is overlook'd by the Commentators, but in which the whole Spirit and Reason of what is said by him consists. He says he is in no fear for the Centre, since it is defended by Teucer and Ajax: Teucer being not only most famous for the Use of the Bow, but likewise excellent [...], in a close standing Fight: And as for Ajax, tho' not so swift of Foot as Achilles, yet he was equal to him [...], in the same stedfast manner of fight­ing; hereby plainly intimating that he was secure for the Centre, because that Post was defended by two Persons both accomplish'd in that Part of War, which was most necessary for the Service they were then engaged in; the two Expres­sions before mention'd peculiarly signifying a firm and steady way of fighting, most useful in maintaining a Post.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 451. In War and Discord's Adamantine Chain.]’ This short but comprehensive Allegory is very proper to give us an Idea of the present Condition of the two contending Armies, who being both powerfully sustain'd by the Assistance of superior Deities, join and mix together in a close and bloody Engagement, without any remarkable Advantage on either side. To image to us this State of Things, the Poet represents Jupiter and Neptune holding the two Armies close bound by a mighty Chain, which he calls the Knot of Con­tention and War, and of which the two Gods draw the Ex­tremities, [Page 73] whereby the enclos'd Armies are compell'd toge­ther, without any Possibility on either side to separate or to conquer; there is not perhaps in Homer any Image at once so exact and so bold. Madam Dacier acknowledges, that despairing to make this Passage shine in her Language, she purposely omitted it in her Translation: But from what she says in her Annotations, it seems that she did not rightly apprehend the Propriety and Beauty of it. Hobbes too was not very sensible of it, when he translated it so oddly.

XXX.

VERSE 451.] It will be necessary, for the better under­standing the Conduct of Homer in every Battel he describes, to reflect on the particular kind of Fight, and the Circum­stances that distinguish each. In this View therefore we ought to remember thro' this whole Book, that the Battel describ'd in it, is a fix'd close Fight, wherein the Armies engage in a gross compact Body, without any of those Skirmishes or Feats of Activity so often mention'd in the foregoing Engagements. We see at the beginning of it the Grecians form a Phalanx, ℣. 126. which continues unbroken at the very end, ℣. 806. The chief Weapon made use of is a Spear, being most proper for this manner of Combat; nor do we see any other use of a Chariot, but to carry off the dead or wounded (as in the In­stance of Harpalion and Deiphobus.)

From hence we may observe, with what Judgment and Propriety Homer introduces Idomeneus as the chief in Action on this occasion: For this Hero being declined from his Prime, and somewhat stiff with Years, was only fit for this kind of Engagement, as Homer expressly says in the 512th Verse of the present Book.

XXXI.

It seems (says Eustathius on this Place) that the Iliad being an heroick Poem, is of too serious a Nature to admit of Rail­lery: Yet Homer has found the secret of joining two things that are in a manner incompatible. For this Piece of Rail­lery is so far from raising Laughter, that it becomes a Hero, and is capable to enflame the Courage of all who hear it. It also elevates the Character of Idomeneus, who notwithstand­ing he is in the midst of imminent Dangers, preserves his usual Gaiety of Temper, which is the greatest Evidence of an uncommon Courage. Id. p. 935.

I confess I am of an Opinion very different from this of Eustathius, which is also adopted by M. Dacier. So severe and bloody an Irony to a dying Person is a fault in Morals, if not in Poetry itself. It should not have place at all, or if it should, is ill placed here. Idomeneus is represented a brave Man, nay a Man of a compassionate Nature, in the Circum­stance he was introduc'd in, of assisting a wounded Soldier. What Provocation could such an one have, to insult so bar­barously an unfortunate Prince, being neither his Rival nor particular Enemy? True Courage is inseparable from Huma­nity, and all generous Warriors regret the very Victories they gain, when they reflect what a Price of Blood they cost. I know it may be answer'd, that these were not the Manners of Homer's Time, a Spirit of Violence and Devastation then reigned, even among the chosen People of God, as may be seen from the Actions of Joshua, &c. However, if one would forgive the Cruelty, one cannot forgive the Gaiety on such an occasion. These inhuman Jests the Poet was so far from being oblig'd to make, that he was on the contrary forced to break through the general serious Air of his Poem [Page 75] to introduce them. Would it not raise a Suspicion, that (whatever we see of his superior Genius in other respects) his own Views of Morality were not elevated above the Barbarity of his Age? I think indeed the thing by far the most shock­ing in this Author, is that Spirit of Cruelty which appears too manifestly in the Iliad.

Virgil was too judicious to imitate Homer in these Licences, and is much more reserv'd in his Sarcasms and Insults. There are not above four or five in the whole Aeneid. That of Pyrrhus to Priam in the second Book, tho' barbarous in itself, may be accounted for as intended to raise a Character of Horror, and render the Action of Pyrrhus odious; whereas Homer stains his most Favourite Characters with these Barbarities. That of Ascanius over Numanus in the ninth, was a fair Opportu­nity where Virgil might have indulg'd the Humour of a cruel Raillery, and have been excus'd by the Youth and Gaiety of the Speaker; yet it is no more than a very moderate Answer to the Insolences with which he had just been provok'd by his Enemy, only retorting two of his own Words upon him.

He never suffers his Aeneas to fall into this Practice, but while he is on fire with Indignation after the Death of his Friend Pallas: That short one to Mezentius is the least that could be said to such a Tyrant.

The worst-natur'd one I remember (which yet is more excu­sable than Homer's) is that of Turnus to Eumedes in the 12th Book.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 474. And such the Contract of the Phrygian King, &c.]’ It was but natural to raise a Question, on occasion of these and other Passages in Homer, how it comes to pass that the Heroes of different Nations are so well acquainted with the Stories and Circumstances of each other? Eustathius's Soluti­on is no ill one, that the Warriors on both sides might learn the Story of their Enemies from the Captives they took, du­ring the Course of so long a War.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 513. The Cretan saw, and stooping, &c.]’ Nothing could paint in a more lively manner this whole Action, and every Circumstance of it, than the following Lines. There is the Posture of Idomeneus upon seeing the Lance flying to­ward him; the lifting the Shield obliquely to turn it aside; the Arm discover'd in that Position; the Form, Composition, Materials, and Ornaments of the Shield distinctly specify'd; the Flight of the Dart over it, the Sound of it first as it flew, then as it fell; and the Decay of that Sound on the Edge of the Buckler, which being thinner than the other Parts ra­ther tinkled than rung, especially when the first Force of the Stroke was spent on the Orb of it. All this in the Com­pass of so few Lines, in which every word is an Image, is something more beautifully particular, than I remember to have met with in any Poet.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 543. He, once of Ilion's Youth the loveliest Boy.]’ Some Manuscripts, after these Words [...], in­sert the three following Verses,

[Page 77] which I have not translated, as not thinking them genuine. Mr. Barnes is of the same Opinion.

XXXV.

We cannot read Homer without observing a wonderful Va­riety in the Wounds and Manner of dying. Some of these Wounds are painted with very singular Circumstances, and those of uncommon Art and Beauty. This Passage is a Ma­sterpiece in that way; Alcathous is pierced into the Heart, which throbs with so strong a Pulse, that the Motion is communicated even to the distant End of the Spear, which is vi­brated thereby. This Circumstance might appear too bold, and the Effect beyond Nature, were we not inform'd by the most skilful Anatomists of the wonderful Force of this Muscle, which some of them have computed to be equal to the Weight of several thousand Pounds. Lower de Corde. Borellus.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 578. Incens'd at partial Priam, &c.]’ Homer here gives the reason why Aeneas did not fight in the foremost Ranks. It was against his Inclination that he serv'd Priam, and he was rather engag'd by Honour and Reputation to as­sist his Country, than by any Disposition to aid that Prince. This Passage is purely historical, and the Ancients have pre­serv'd to us a Tradition which serves to explain it. They say, that Aeneas became suspected by Priam, on account of an Oracle which prophesied he should in Process of Time rule over the Trojans. The King therefore shew'd him no great Degree of Esteem or Consideration, with Design to dis­credit, and render him despicable to the People. Eustathius. This Envy of Priam, and this Report of the Oracle, are men­tion'd by Achilles to Aeneas in the 20th Book, ℣. 179.

And Neptune in the 306th Verse of the same Book,

I shall conclude this Note with the Character of Aeneas, as it is drawn by Philostratus, wherein he makes mention of the same Tradition. ‘"Aeneas (says this Author) was inferior to Hector in Battel only, in all else equal, and in Prudence superior. He was likewise skilful in whatever related to the Gods, and conscious of what Destiny had reserv'd for him after the taking of Troy. Incapable of Fear, never discompos'd, and particularly possessing himself in the Ar­ticle of Danger. Hector is reported to have been call'd the Hand, and Aeneas the Head of the Trojans; and the latter more advantag'd their Affairs by his Caution, than the former by his Fury. These two Heroes were much of the same Age, and the same Stature: The Air of Aeneas had something in it less bold and forward, but at the same time more fix'd and constant.’ Philostrat. Heroic.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 621. Like Ida's Flocks, &c.]’ Homer, whether he treats of the Customs of Men or Beasts, is always a faithful Interpreter of Nature. When Sheep leave the Pasture and drink freely, it is a certain Sign, that they have found good Pasturage, and that they are all sound; 'tis therefore upon this Account, that Homer says the Shepherd rejoices. Ho­mer, we find, well understood what Aristotle many Ages after him remark'd, viz. that Sheep grow fat by drinking. This therefore is the reason, why Shepherds are accustom'd to give their Flocks a certain Quantity of Salt every five Days [Page 79] in the Summer, that they may by this means drink the more abundantly. Eustathius.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 655. And, fir'd with Hate.]’ Homer does not tell us the occasion of this Hatred; but since his Days, Simo­nides and Ibycus write, that Idomeneus and Deiphobus were Ri­vals, and both in love with Helen. This very well agrees with the ancient Tradition which Eurypides and Virgil have follow'd: For after the Death of Paris, they tell us she was espous'd to Deiphobus. Eustathius.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 721. Bending he fell, and doubled to the Ground, Lay panting.—]’ The Original is,

The Versification represents the short broken Pantings of the dying Warrior, in the short sudden Break at the second Syl­lable of the second Line. And this beauty is, as it happens, precisely copied in the English. It is not often that a Trans­lator can do this Justice to Homer, but he must be content to imitate these Graces and Proprieties at more distance, by endeavouring at something parallel, tho' not the same.

XL.

‘VERSE 728. King Helenus.]’ The Appellation of King was not anciently confin'd to those only who bore the sovereign Dignity, but apply'd also to others. There was in the Island of Cyprus a whole Order of Officers call'd Kings, whose Bu­siness it was to receive the Relations of Informers, concern­ing all that happen'd in the Island, and to regulate Affairs accordingly. Eustathius.

XLI.

‘VERSE 739. As on some ample Barn's well-harden'd Floor.]’ We ought not to be shock'd at the Frequency of these Simi­les taken from the Ideas of a rural Life. In early Times, before Politeness had rais'd the Esteem of Arts subservient to Luxury, above those necessary to the Subsistence of Mankind, Agriculture was the Employment of Persons of the greatest Esteem and Distinction: We see in sacred History Princes bu­sy at Sheep-shearing; and in the middle Times of the Ro­man Common-wealth, a Dictator taken from the Plough. Wherefore it ought not to be wonder'd that Allusions and Comparisons of this kind are frequently used by ancient he­roick Writers, as well to raise, as illustrate their Descriptions. But since these Arts are fallen from their ancient Dignity, and become the Drudgery of the lowest People, the Images of them are likewise sunk into Meanness, and without this Consideration, must appear to common Readers unworthy to have place in Epic Poems. It was perhaps thro' too much Deference to such Tastes, that Chapman omitted this Simile in his Translation.

XLII.

The Words of the Original are these,

This Passage, by the Commentators ancient and modern, seems rightly understood in the Sense express'd in this Trans­lation: The word [...] properly signifying a Sling; which (as Eustathius observes from an old Scholiast) was anciently made of woollen Strings. Chapman alone dissents from the common Interpretation, boldly pronouncing that Slings are no where mention'd in the Iliad, without giving any reason [Page 81] for his Opinion. He therefore translates the word [...], a Skarffe, by no other Authority but that he says, it was a fitter thing to hang a wounded Arm in, than a Sling; and very prettily wheedles his Reader into this Opinion by a most gal­lant Imagination, that his Squire might carry this Skarffe about him as a Favour of his own or of his Master's Mistress. But for the use he has found for this Skarffe, there is not any Pretence from the Original; where it is only said the Wound was bound up, without any mention of hanging the Arm. After all, he is hard put to it in his Translation; for being resolv'd to have a Scarf, and oblig'd to mention Wool, we are left entirely at a loss to know from whence he got the latter.

A like Passage recurs near the end of this Book, where the Poet says the Locrians went to War without Shield or Spear, only armed,

Which last Expression, as all the Commentators agree, sig­nifies a Sling, tho' the word [...] is not used. Chapman here likewise, without any Colour of Authority, dissents from the common Opinion; but very inconstant in his Errors, va­ries his Mistake, and assures us, this Expression is the true Pe­riphrasis of a light kind of Armour, call'd a Jack, by which all our Archers used to serve in of old, and which were ever quilted with Wool.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 766. The cover'd Pole-Axe.]’ Homer never ascribes this Weapon to any but the Barbarians, for the Battel-Axe was not used in War by the politer Nations. It was the fa­vourite Weapon of the Amazons. Eustathius.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 779. The Speech of Menelaus.]’ This Speech of Menelaus over his dying Enemy, is very different from those [Page 82] with which Homer frequently makes his Heroes insult the vanquish'd, and answers very well the Character of this good­natur'd Prince. Here are no insulting Taunts, no cruel Sar­casms, nor any sporting with the particular Misfortunes of the dead: The Invectives he makes are general, arising na­turally from a Remembrance of his Wrongs, and being al­most nothing else but a Recapitulation of them. These Re­proaches come most justly from this Prince, as being the only Person among the Greeks who had receiv'd any perso­nal Injury from the Trojans. The Apostrophe he makes to Jupiter, wherein he complains of his protecting a wicked People, has given occasion to censure Homer as guilty of Im­piety, in making his Heroes tax the Gods with Injustice: But since, in the former Part of this Speech, it is expresly said, that Jupiter will certainly punish the Trojans by the Destructi­on of their City for violating the Laws of Hospitality, the latter Part ought only to be consider'd as a Complaint to Ju­piter for delaying that Vengeance: This Reflection being no more than what a pious suffering Mind, griev'd at the flou­rishing Condition of prosperous Wickedness, might naturally fall into. Not unlike this is the Complaint of the Prophet Jeremiah, Ch. 12. ℣. 1. Righteous art thou, O Lord, when I plead with thee: yet let me talk with thee of thy Judgments. Wherefore doth the way of the wicked prosper? Wherefore are all they happy that deal very treacherously?

Nothing can more fully represent the Cruelty and Injustice of the Trojans, than the Observation with which Menelaus finishes their Character, by saying, that they have a more strong, constant, and insatiable Appetite after Blood-shed and Rapine, than others have to satisfy the most agreeable Plea­sures and natural Desires.

XLV.

‘VERSE 795. The best of things beyond their Measure cloy.]’ These Words comprehend a very natural Sentiment, which perfectly shews the wonderful Folly of Men: They are soon weary'd with the most agreeable things, when they are in­nocent, [Page 83] but never with the most toilsome things in the World, when injust and criminal. Eustathius. Dacier.

XLVI.

‘VERSE 797. The Dance.]’ In the Original it is call'd [...], the blameless Dance; to distinguish (says Eustathius) what sort of Dancing it is that Homer commends. For there were two kinds of Dancing practis'd among the Ancients, the one reputable, invented by Minerva, or by Castor and Pol­lux; the other dishonest, of which Pan, or Bacchus, was the Author. They were distinguish'd by the Name of the Tra­gic, and the Comic or Satyric Dance. But those which pro­bably our Author commends were certain military Dances us'd by the greatest Heroes. One of this sort was known to the Macedonians and Persians, practis'd by Antiochus the Great, and the famous Polyperchon. There was another which was danc'd in compleat Armour, call'd the Pyrrhick, from Pyrrhicus the Spartan its Inventor, which continu'd in fashion among the Lacedaemonians. Scaliger the Father re­marks, that this Dance was too laborious to remain long in use even among the Ancients; however it seems that Labour could not discourage this bold Critick from reviving that lau­dable kind of Dance in the Presence of the Emperor Maxi­milian and his whole Court. It is not to be doubted but the Performance rais'd their Admiration; nor much to be won­der'd at, if they desir'd to see more than once so extraordi­nary a Spectacle, as we have it in his own Words. Poëtices, lib. 1. cap. 18. Hanc saltationem [Pyrrhicam] nos & saepe, & diu, coram Divo Maximiliano, jussu Bonisacii patrui, non sine stupore totius Germaniae, repraesentavimus.

XLVII.

‘VERSE 819. Like some vile Worm extended on the Ground.]’ I cannot be of Eustathius's Opinion, that this Simile was de­sign'd to debase the Character of Harpalion, and to represent him in a mean and disgraceful View, as one who had nothing noble in him. I rather think from the Character he gives [Page 84] of this young Man, whose Piety carry'd him to the Wars to attend his Father, and from the Air of this whole Passage, which is tender and pathetick, that he intended this humble Comparison only as a mortifying Picture of human Misery and Mortality. As to the Verses which Eustathius alledges for a Proof of the Cowardice of Harpalion,

The Retreat described in the first Verse is common to the greatest Heroes in Homer; the same Words are apply'd to Deiphobus and Meriones in this Book, and to Patroclus in the 16th, ℣. 817. The same thing in other Words is said even of the great Ajax, Il. 15. ℣. 728. And we have Ulysses de­scrib'd in the 4th, ℣. 497. with the same Circumspection and Fear of the Darts: tho' none of those Warriors have the same reason as Harpalion for their Retreat or Caution, he alone being unarm'd, which Circumstance takes away all Im­putation of Cowardice.

XLVIII.

‘VERSE 823. The pensive Father.]’ We have seen in the 5th Iliad the Death of Pylaemenes General of the Paphlago­nians: How comes he then in this Place to be introduced as following the Funeral of his Son? Eustathius informs us of a most ridiculous Solution of some Criticks, who thought it might be the Ghost of this unhappy Father, who not being yet interr'd, according to the Opinion of the Ancients, wan­der'd upon the Earth. Zenodotus not satisfy'd with this, (as indeed he had little reason to be) chang'd the Name of Py­laemenes into Kylaemenes. Didymus thinks there were two of the same Name; as there are in Homer two Schedius's. two Eurymedon's, and three Adrastus's. And others correct the Verse by adding a Negative, [...]; his Fa­ther did not follow his Chariot with his Face bath'd in Tears. Which last, if not of more Weight than the rest, is yet more ingenious. Eustathius. Dacier.

XLIX.

‘VERSE 840. And chose the certain, glorious Path to Death.]’ Thus we see Euchenor is like Achilles, who sail'd to Troy, tho' he knew he should fall before it: This might somewhat have prejudic'd the Character of Achilles, every Branch of which ought to be single, and superior to all others, as he ought to be without a Rival in every thing that speaks a Hero: Therefore we find two essential Differences between Euchenor and Achilles, which preserve the Superiority of the Hero of the Poem. Achilles, if he had not sail'd to Troy, had enjoy'd a long Life; but Euchenor had been soon cut off by some cruel Disease. Achilles being independent, and as a King, could have liv'd at ease at home, without being obnoxious to any Disgrace; but Euchenor being but a private Man, must either have gone to the War, or been expos'd to an ignomi­nious Penalty. Eustathius. Dacier.

L.

‘VERSE 845. Nor knew great Hector, &c.]’ Most part of this Book being employ'd to describe the brave Resistance the Greeks made on their left under Idomeneus and Meriones; the Poet now shifts the Scene, and returns to Hector, whom he left in the Centre of the Army, after he had pass'd the Wall, endeavouring in vain to break the Phalanx where Ajax com­manded. And that the Reader might take notice of this Change of Place, and carry distinctly in his Mind each Scene of Action, Homer is very careful in the following Lines to let us know that Hector still continues in the Place where he had first pass'd the Wall, at that part of it which was lowest, (as appears from Sarpedon's having pull'd down one of its Battlements on foot, lib. 12.) and which was nearest [Page 86] the Station where the Ships of Ajax were lay'd, because that Hero was probably thought a sufficient Guard for that Part. As the Poet is so very exact in describing each Scene as in a Chart or Plan, the Reader ought to be careful to trace each Action in it; otherwise he will see nothing but Confusion in things which are in themselves very regular and distinct. This Observation is the more necessary, because even in this Place, where the Poet intended to prevent any such Mistake, Da­cier and other Interpreters have apply'd to the present Acti­on what is only a Recapitulation of the Time and Place describ'd in the former Book.

LI.

‘VERSE 858. Pthians.]’ These Pthians are not the Troops of Achilles, for those were call'd Pthiotes; but they were the Troops of Protesilaus and Philoctetes. Eustathius.

LII.

‘VERSE 875. So when two lordly Bulls, &c.]’ The Image here given of the Ajaces is very lively and exact; there be­ing no Circumstance of their present Condition that is not to be found in the Comparison, and no Particular in the Comparison that does not resemble the Action of the Heroes. Their Strength and Labour, their Unanimity and Nearness to each other, the Difficulties they struggle against, and the Sweat occasion'd by this Struggling, perfectly corresponding with the Simile.

LIII.

There never was a nobler Encomium than this of Achilles. It seems enough to so wise a Counsellor as Polydamas, to convince so intrepid a Warrior as Hector, in how great Dan­ger the Trojans stood, to say, Achilles sees us. ‘"Tho' he ab­stains from the Fight, he still casts his Eye on the Battel; it [Page 87] is true, we are a brave Army, and yet keep our Ground, but still Achilles sees us, and we are not safe."’ This Reflection makes him a God, a single Regard of whom can turn the Fate of Armies, and determine the Destiny of a whole Peo­ple. And how nobly is this Thought extended in the Pro­gress of the Poem, where we shall see in the 16th Book the Trojans fly at the first Sight of his Armour, worn by Patro­clus; and in the 18th their Defeat compleated by his sole Ap­pearance, unarm'd, on his Ship.

LIV.

‘VERSE 939. Hector, with a bound, Leapt from his Chariot.]’ Hector having in the last Book alighted, and caused the Tro­jans to leave their Chariots behind them, when they pass'd the Trench, and no mention of any Chariot but that of Asius since occurring in the Battel; we must necessarily infer, either that Homer has neglected to mention the Advance of the Chariots, (a Circumstance which should not have been omitted) or else that he is guilty here of a great Mistake in making Hector leap from his Chariot. I think it evident, that this is really a Slip of the Poet's Memory: For in this very Book, ℣. 533. we see Polites leads off his wounded Bro­ther to the Place where his Chariot remain'd behind the Ar­my. And again in the next Book, Hector being wounded, is carried out of the Battel in his Soldier's Arms to the Place where his Horses and Chariot waited at a distance from the Battel,

But what puts it beyond Dispute, that the Chariots continued all this time in the Place where they first quitted them, is a Passage in the beginning of the fifteenth Book, where the Trojans being overpower'd by the Greeks, fly back over the Wall and [Page 88] Trench till they came to the Place where their Cha­riots stood,

Neither Eustathius nor Dacier have taken any notice of this Incongruity, which would tempt one to believe they were willing to overlook what they could not excuse. I must ho­nestly own my Opinion, that there are several other Neg­ligences of this kind in Homer. I cannot think other­wise of the Passage in the present Book concerning Py­laemenes; notwithstanding the Excuses of the Commenta­tors which are there given. The very using the same Name in different Places for different Persons, confounds the Reader in the Story, and is what certainly would be bet­ter avoided: So that 'tis to no purpose to say, there might as well be two Pylaemenes's as two Schedius's, two Eurymedons, two Ophelestes's, &c. since it is more blameable to be negli­gent in many Instances than in one. Virgil is not free from this, as Macrobius has observ'd. Sat. l. 5. c. 15. But the abovemention'd Names are Proofs of that Critick's being great­ly mistaken in affirming that Homer is not guilty of the same. It is one of those many Errors he was led into, by his Partia­lity to Homer above Virgil.

LV.

‘VERSE 948. And seem'd a moving Mountain topt with Snow.]’ This Simile is very short in the Original, and requires to be open'd a little to discover its full Beauty. I am not of Mad. Dacier's Opinion, that the Lustre of Hector's Armour was that which furnish'd Homer with this Image; it seems rather to allude to the Plume upon his Helmet, in the Action of shaking which, this Hero is so frequently painted by our Author, and from thence distinguish'd by the remarkable Epi­thet [...]. This is a very pleasing Image, and very much what the Painters call Picturesque. I fancy it gave the Hint for a very fine one in Spenser, where he represents the [Page 89] Person of Contemplation in the Figure of a venerable old Man almost consum'd with Study.

LVI.

‘VERSE 965. Ill-fated Paris.]’ The Reproaches which He­ctor here casts on Paris, give us the Character of this Hero, who in many things resembles Achilles; being (like him) in­just, violent, and impetuous, and making no Distinction be­tween the innocent and criminal. 'Tis he who is obstinate in attacking the Entrenchments, yet asks an Account of those who were slain in the Attack from Paris; and tho' he ought to blame himself for their Deaths, yet he speaks to Paris, as if thro' his Cowardice he had suffer'd these to be slain, whom he might have preserv'd if he had fought couragiously. Eu­stathius.

LVII.

‘VERSE 1005. Wide-rowling, foaming high, and tumbling to the Shore.]’ I have endeavour'd in this Verse to imitate the Confusion, and broken Sound of the Original, which images the Tumult and roaring of many Waters.

LVIII.

‘VERSE 1037. Clouds of rolling Dust.]’ A Critick might take occasion from hence, to speak of the exact time of the Year in which the Actions of the Iliad are suppos'd to have happen'd. And (according to the grave manner of a learned Dissertator) begin by informing us, that he has found it must be the Summer-Season, from the frequent mention made of Clouds of Dust: Tho what he discovers might be [Page 90] full as well inferr'd from common Sense, the Summer being the natural Season for a Campaign. However he should quote all those Passages at large; and adding to the Article of Dust as much as he can find of the Sweat of the Heroes, it might fill three Pages very much to his own Satisfaction. It would look well to observe farther, that the Fields are describ'd flowery, Il. 2. ℣. 467. that the Branches of a Tamarisk Tree are flourishing, Il. 10. ℣. 767. that the Warriors some­times wash themselves in the Sea, Il. 10. ℣. 572. and some­times refresh themselves by cool Breezes from the Sea, Il. 11. ℣. 620. that Diomed sleeps out of his Tent on the Ground, Il. 10. ℣. 150. that the Flies are very busy about the dead Body of Patroclus, Il. 19. ℣. 23. that Apollo covers the Bo­dy of Hector with a Cloud to prevent its being scorch'd, Il. 23. ℣. 190. All this would prove the very thing which was said at first, that it was Summer. He might next pro­ceed to enquire, what precise critical Time of Summer? And here the mention of new-made Honey in Il. 11. ℣. 630. might be of great Service in the Investigation of this impor­tant Matter: He would conjecture from hence, that it must be near the end of Summer, Honey being seldom taken till that time; to which having added the Plague which rages in Book 1. and remark'd, that Infections of that kind generally proceed from the extremest Heats, which Heats are not till near the Autumn; the learned Enquirer might hug himself in this Discovery, and conclude with Triumph.

If any one think this too ridiculous to have been ever put in Practice, he may see what Bossu has done to determine the precise Season of the Aeneid, lib. 3. ch. 12. The Memory of that learned Critick fail'd him, when he produc'd as one of the Proofs that it was Autumn, a Passage in the 6th Book, where the Fall of the Leaf is only mention'd in a Simile. He has also found out a Beauty in Homer, which few even of his greatest Admirers can believe he intended; which is, that to the Violence and Fury of the Iliad he artfully adapted the Heat of Summer, but to the Odysseis the cooler and maturer Season of Autumn, to correspond with the Sedateness and Pru­dence of Ulysses.

I.

THE Poet, to advance the Character of Nestor, and give us a due Esteem for his Conduct and Circum­spection, represents him as deeply sollicitous for the common Good: In the very Article of Mirth or Relaxation from the Toils of War, he is all Attention to learn the Fate and Issue of the Battel: And through his long Use and Skill in martial Events, he judges from the Quality of the Uproar still encreasing, that the Fortune of the Day is held no longer in suspense, but inclines to one side. Eu­stathius.

II.

‘VERSE 1. But nor the Genial Feast.]’ At the end of the 11th Book we left Nestor at the Table with Machaon. The Attack of the Entrenchments, describ'd thro' the 12th and 13th Books, happen'd while Nestor and Machaon sate at the Table; nor is there any Improbability herein, since there is nothing perform'd in those two Books, but what might na­turally happen in the Space of two Hours. Homer constant­ly [Page 128] follows the Thread of his Narration, and never suffers his Reader to forget the Train of Action, or the time it employs. Dacier.

III.

‘VERSE 10. Let Hecamede the Bath prepare.]’ The Cu­stom of Women officiating to Men in the Bath was usual in ancient Times. Examples are frequent in the Odysseis. And it is not at all more odd, or to be sneer'd at, than the Cu­stom now us'd in France, of Valets de Chambres dressing and undressing Ladies.

IV.

‘VERSE 21. As when old Ocean's silent Surface sleeps.]’ There are no where more finish'd Pictures of Nature, than those which Homer draws in several of his Comparisons. The Beauty however of some of these will be lost to many, who cannot perceive the Resemblance, having never had Op­portunity to observe the things themselves. The Life of this Description will be most sensible to those who have been at Sea in a Calm: In this Condition the Water is not entire­ly motionless, but swells gently in smooth Waves, which flu­ctuate backwards and forwards in a kind of balancing Mo­tion: This State continues till a rising Wind gives a Deter­mination to the Waves, and rolls 'em one certain way. There is scarce any thing in the whole Compass of Nature that can more exactly represent the State of an irresolute Mind, wa­vering between two different Designs, sometimes inclining to the one, sometimes to the other, and then moving to the Point to which its Resolution is at last determin'd. Every Circumstance of this Comparison is both beautiful and just; and it is the more to be admir'd, because it is very difficult to find sensible Images proper to represent the Motions of the Mind; wherefore we but rarely meet with such Comparisons even in the best Poets. There is one of great Beauty in Vir­gil, upon a Subject very like this, where he compares his Hero's Mind, agitated with a great Variety and quick Succes­sion [Page 129] of Thoughts, to a dancing Light reflected from a Ves­sel of Water in Motion.

V.

‘VERSE 30. He fixes on the last.]’ Nestor appears in this Place a great Friend to his Prince; for upon deliberating whether he should go through the Body of the Grecian Host, or else repair to Agamemnon's Tent; he determines at last, and judges it the best way to go to the latter. Now because it had been ill concerted to have made a Man of his Age walk a great way round about in quest of his Commander, Homer has order'd it so that he should meet Agamemnon in his way thither. And nothing could be better imagin'd than the reason, why the wounded Princes left their Tents; they were impatient to behold the Battel, anxious for its Success, and desirous to inspirit the Soldiers by their Presence. The Poet was obliged to give a reason; for in Epic Poe­try, as well as in Dramatic, no Person ought to be in­troduced without some Necessity, or at least some Probabili­ty, for his Appearance. Eustathius.

VI.

‘VERSE 39. Their Ships at distance, &c.]’ Homer being al­ways careful to distinguish each Scene of Action, gives a very particular Description of the Station of the Ships, shewing in what manner they lay drawn up on the Land. This he had only hinted at before; but here taking occasion on the wounded Heroes coming from their Ships, which were at a [Page 130] distance from the Fight (while others were engag'd in the Defence of those Ships where the Wall was broke down) he tells us, that the Shore of the Bay (comprehended between the Rhaetean and Sigaean Promontories) was not sufficient to contain the Ships in one Line; which they were therefore obliged to draw up in Ranks, ranged in parallel Lines along the Shore. How many of these Lines there were, the Poet does not determine. M. Dacier, without giving any reason for her Opinion, says they were but two; one advanced near the Wall, the other on the Verge of the Sea. But it is more than probable, that there were several intermediate Lines; since the Order in which the Vessels lay is here describ'd by a Metaphor taken from the Steps of a Scaling-Ladder; which had been no way proper to give an Image only of two Ranks, but very fit to represent a greater, tho' undetermin'd Num­ber. That there were more than two Lines, may likewise be inferr'd from what we find in the beginning of the 11th Book; where it is said, that the Voice of Discord, standing on the Ship of Ulysses, in the middle of the Fleet, was heard as far as the Sta­tions of Achilles and Ajax, whose Ships were drawn up in the two Extremities: Those of Ajax were nearest the Wall (as is expresly said in the 68th Verse of the 13th Book) and those of Achilles nearest the Sea, as appears from many Passages scatter'd thro' the Iliad.

It must be suppos'd, that those Ships were drawn highest upon Land, which first approached the Shore; the first Line therefore consisted of those who first disembark'd, which were the Ships of Ajax and Protesilaus; the latter of whom seems mention'd in the Verse above cited of the 13th Book, only to give occasion to observe this, for he was slain as he landed first of the Greeks. And accordingly we shall see in the 15th Book, it is his Ship that is first attack'd by the Trojans, as it lay the nearest to them.

We may likewise guess how it happens, that the Ships of Achilles were plac'd nearest to the Sea; for in the Answer of Achilles to Ulysses in the 9th Book, ℣. 328. he mentions a Naval Expedition he had made while Agamemnon lay safe in the Camp: So that his Ships at their Return did natural­ly lie next the Sea; which, without this Consideration, [Page 131] might appear a Station not so becoming this Hero's Courage.

VII.

‘VERSE 47. Nestor's Approach alarm'd.]’ That so labori­ous a Person as Nestor has been described, so indefatigable, so little indulgent of his extreme Age, and one that never re­ceded from the Battel, should approach to meet them; this it was that struck the Princes with Amazement, when they saw he had left the Field. Eustathius.

VIII.

‘VERSE 81. Cease we at length, &c.]’ Agamemnon either does not know what Course to take in this Distress, or only sounds the Sentiments of his Nobles (as he did in the second Book of the whole Army.) He delivers himself first after Nestor's Speech, as it became a Counseller to do. But knowing this Advice to be dishonourable, and unsuitable to the Character he assumes elsewhere, [...], &c. and considering that he should do no better than abandon his Post, when before he had threaten'd the Deser­ters with Death; he reduces his Counsel into the Form of a Proverb, disguising it as handsomly as he can under a Sen­tence. It is better to avoid an Evil, &c. It is observable too how he has qualify'd the Expression: He does not say, to shun the Battel, for that had been unsoldierly, but he softens the Phrase, and calls it, to shun Evil: And this word Evil he applies twice together, in advising them to leave the En­gagement.

It is farther remark'd, that this was the noblest Opportunity for a General to try the Temper of his Officers; for he knew that in a Calm of Affairs, it was common with most People either out of Flattery or Respect to submit to their Leaders: But in imminent Danger, Fear does not bribe them, but every one discovers his very Soul, valuing all other Considerations, in regard to his Safety, but in the second Place. He knew the Men he spoke to were prudent Persons, and not easy to cast [Page 132] themselves into a precipitate Flight. He might likewise have a mind to recommend himself to his Army by the means of his Officers; which he was not very able to do of himself, angry as they were at him, for the Affront he had offer'd Achilles, and by Consequence thinking him the Author of all their present Calamities. Eustathius.

IX.

This is a noble Complement to his Country and to the Gre­cian Army, to shew that it was an Impossibility for them to follow even their General in any thing that was cowardly, or shameful; tho' the Lives and Safeties of 'em all were con­cern'd in it.

X.

As who should say, that another Man might indeed have utter'd the same Advice, but it could not be a Person of Prudence; or if he had Prudence, he could not be a Governour, but a pri­vate Man; or if a Governour, yet one who had not a well­disciplin'd and obedient Army; or lastly, if he had an Army so condition'd, yet it could not be so large and numerous an one as that of Agamemnon. This is a fine Climax, and of a wonderful Strength. Eustathius.

XI.

‘VERSE 118. Whoe'er, or young, or old, &c.]’ This nearly resembles an ancient Custom at Athens, where in Times of Trouble and Distress, every one, of what Age or Quality so­ever, was invited to give in his Opinion with Freedom by the publick Cryer. Eustathius.

XII.

VERSE 120.] This Speech of Diomed is naturally intro­duced, beginning with an Answer, as if he had been call'd upon to give his Advice. The Counsel he proposes was that alone which could be of any real Service in their present Exi­gency: However since he ventures to advise where Ulysses is at a Loss, and Nestor himself silent, he thinks it proper to apologize for this Liberty by reminding them of his Birth and Descent, hoping thence to add to his Counsel a Weight and Authority which he could not from his Years and Expe­rience. It can't indeed be deny'd that this historical Digres­sion seems more out of Season than any of the same kind which we so frequently meet with in Homer, since his Birth and Pa­rentage must have been sufficiently known to all at the Siege, as he here tells them. This must be own'd a Defect not al­together to be excus'd in the Poet, but which may receive some Alleviation, if consider'd as a Fault of Temperament. For he had certainly a strong Inclination to genealogical Stories, and too frequently takes occasion to gratify this Humour.

XIII.

‘VERSE 135. He fled to Argos.]’ This is a very artful Co­lour: He calls the Flight of his Father for killing one of his Brothers, travelling and dwelling at Argos, without mention­ing the Cause and Occasion of his Retreat. What imme­diately follows (so Jove ordain'd) does not only contain in it a Disguise of his Crime, but is a just Motive likewise for our Compassion. Eustathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 146. Let each go forth and animate the rest.]’ It is worth a Remark, with what Management and Discretion the Poet has brought these four Kings, and no more, towards [Page 134] the Engagement, since these are sufficient alone to perform all that he requires. For Nestor proposes to them to enquire, if there be any way or means which Prudence can direct for their Security. Agamemnon attempts to discover that Me­thod. Ulysses refutes him as one whose Method was disho­nourable, but proposes no other Project. Diomed supplies that Deficiency, and shews what must be done: That wounded as they are, they should go forth to the Battel; for tho' they were not able to engage, yet their Presence would re-establish their Affairs by detaining in Arms those who might otherwise quit the Field. This Counsel is embrac'd, and readily obey'd by the rest. Eustathius.

XV.

‘VERSE 179. The Story of Jupiter and Juno.]’ I don't know a bolder Fiction in all Antiquity, than this of Jupiter's being deceiv'd and laid asleep, or that has a greater Air of Impiety and Absurdity. 'Tis an Observation of Mons. de St. Evre­mond upon the ancient Poets, which every one will agree to; ‘"that it is surprizing enough to find them so scrupulous to preserve Probability, in Actions purely human; and so ready to violate it, in representing the Actions of the Gods. Even those who have spoken more sagely than the rest, of their Nature, could not forbear to speak extravagantly of their Conduct. When they establish their Being and their Attributes, they make them immortal, infinite, almighty, perfectly wise, and perfectly good: But the Moment they represent them acting, there's no Weakness to which they do not make 'em stoop, and no Folly or Wickedness they do not make 'em commit."’ The same Author answers this in another Place by remarking, ‘"that Truth was not the Inclination of the first Ages: A foolish Lye or a lucky Falshood gave Reputation to Impostors, and Pleasure to the credulous. 'Twas the whole Secret of the great and the wise to govern the simple and ignorant Herd. The vul­gar, who pay a profound Reverence to mysterious Errors, would have despised plain Truth, and it was thought a piece of Prudence to deceive them. All the Discourses of [Page 135] the Ancients were fitted to so advantagious a Design. There was nothing to be seen but Fictions, Allegories, and Similitudes, and nothing was to appear as it was in itself."’

I must needs, upon the whole, as far as I can judge, give up the Morality of this Fable; but what Colour of Excuse for it Homer might have from ancient Tradition, or what mystical or allegorical Sense might attone for the appearing Impiety, is hard to be ascertain'd at this distant Period of Time. That there had been before his Age a Tradition of Jupiter's being laid asleep, appears from the Story of Hercules at Coos, referr'd to by our Author, ℣. 285. There is also a Passage in Diodorus, lib. 1. c. 7. which gives some small Light to this Fiction. Among other Reasons which that Historian lays down to prove that Homer travell'd into Egypt, he alledges this Passage of the Interview of Jupiter and Juno, which he says was grounded upon an Egyptian Festival, whereon the nuptial Ceremonies of these two Deities were celebrated, at which time both their Tabernacles, adorned with all sorts of Flowers, are carry'd by the Priests to the top of a high Moun­tain. Indeed as the greatest Part of the Ceremonies of the ancient Religions consisted in some symbolical Representations of certain Actions of their Gods, or rather deify'd Mortals, so a great part of ancient Poetry consisted in the Description of the Actions exhibited in these Ceremonies. The Loves of Venus and Adonis are a remarkable Instance of this kind, which, tho' under different Names, were celebrated by annual Representations, as well in Egypt as in several Nations of Greece and Asia: and to the Images which were carry'd in these Festivals, several ancient Poets were indebted for their most happy Descriptions. If the Truth of this Observation of Diodorus be admitted, the present Passage will appear with more Dignity, being grounded on Religion; and the Conduct of the Poet will be more justifiable, if that, which has been generally accounted an indecent wanton Fiction, should prove to be the Representation of a religious Solemnity. Con­sidering the great Ignorance we are in of many ancient su­perstitious Ceremonies, there may be probably in Homer ma­ny Incidents entirely of this Nature; wherefore we ought to [Page 136] be reserv'd in our Censures, lest what we decry as wrong in the Poet, should prove only a Fault in his Religion. And indeed it would be a very unfair way to tax any People, or any Age whatever, with Grossness in general, purely from the gross or absurd Ideas or Practices that are to be found in their Religions.

In the next Place, if we have recourse to Allegory, (which softens and reconciles every thing) it may be imagin'd that by the Congress of Jupiter and Juno, is meant the min­gling of the Aether and the Air (which are generally said to be signify'd by these two Deities.) The Ancients believ'd the Aether to be Igneous, and that by its kind Influence up­on the Air it was the Cause of all Vegetation: To which nothing more exactly corresponds, than the Fiction of the Earth putting forth her Flowers immediately upon this Con­gress. Virgil has some Lines in the second Georgic, that seem a perfect Explanation of the Fable into this Sense. In describing the Spring, he hints as if something of a vivifying Influence was at that time spread from the upper Heavens in­to the Air. He calls Jupiter expresly Aether, and represents him operating upon his Spouse for the Production of all things.

But, be all this as it will, it is certain, that whatever may be thought of this Fable in a theological or philosophical View, it is one of the most beautiful Pieces that ever was produc'd by Poetry. Neither does it want its Moral; an ingenious modern Writer (whom I am pleas'd to take any oc­casion of quoting) has given it us in these Words.

‘"This Passage of Homer may suggest abundance of In­struction to a Woman who has a mind to preserve or re­call the Affection of her Husband. The Care of her Per­son and Dress, with the particular Blandishments wo­ven in the Cestus, are so plainly recommended by this Fa­ble, [Page 137] and so indispensably necessary in every Female who de­sires to please, that they need no farther Explanation. The Discretion likewise in covering all matrimonial Quarrels from the Knowledge of others, is taught in the pretend­ed Visit to Tethys, in the Speech where Juno addresses her­self to Venus; as the chaste and prudent Management of a Wife's Charms is intimated by the same Pretence for her appearing before Jupiter, and by the Concealment of the Cestus in her Bosom. I shall leave this Tale to the Consi­deration of such good Houswives who are never well dress'd but when they are abroad, and think it necessary to ap­pear more agreeable to all Men living than their Husbands: As also to those prudent Ladies, who, to avoid the Ap­pearance of being over-fond, entertain their Husbands with Indifference, Aversion, sullen Silence, or exasperating Language."’

XVI.

‘VERSE 191. Swift to her bright Apartment she repairs, &c.]’ This Passage may be of Consideration to the Ladies, and, for their sakes, I take a little Pains to observe upon it. Ho­mer tells us that the very Goddesses, who are all over Charms, never dress in Sight of any one: The Queen of Heaven adorns herself in private, and the Doors lock after her. In Homer there are no Dieux des Ruelles, no Gods are admitted to the Toilette.

I am afraid there are some earthly Goddesses of less Pru­dence, who have lost much of the Adoration of Mankind by the contrary Practice. Lucretius (a very good Judge in Gal­lantry) prescribes as a Cure to a desperate Lover, the frequent Sight of his Mistress undress'd. Juno herself has suffer'd a lit­tle by the very Muse's peeping into her Chamber, since some nice Criticks are shock'd in this Place of Homer to find that the Goddess washes herself, which presents some Idea as if she was dirty. Those who have Delicacy will profit by this Remark.

XVII.

‘VERSE 198. Soft Oils of Fragrance.]’ The Practice of Juno in anointing her Body with perfumed Oils was a remarkable part of ancient Cosmeticks, tho' entirely disused in the modern Arts of Dress. It may possibly offend the Niceness of mo­dern Ladies; but they who paint so artificially ought to con­sider that this Practice might, without much greater Difficul­ty, be reconciled to Cleanliness. This Passage is a clear In­stance of the Antiquity of this Custom, and clearly deter­mines against Pliny, who is of Opinion that it was not so an­cient as those times, where, speaking of perfum'd Unguents, he says, Quis primus invenerit non traditur; Iliacis temporibus non erant. lib. 13. c. 1. Besides the Custom of anointing Kings among the Jews, which the Christians have borrow'd, there are several Allusions in the Old Testament which shew that this Practice was thought ornamental among them. The Psalmist, speaking of the Gifts of God, mentions Wine and Oil, the former to make glad the Heart of Man, and the latter to give him a chearful Countenance. It seems most probable that this was an Eastern Invention, agreeable to the Luxury of the Asiaticks, among whom the most pro­per Ingredients for these Unguents were produc'd; from them this Custom was propagated among the Romans, by whom it was esteem'd a Pleasure of a very refin'd Nature. Whoever is curious to see Instances of their Expence and De­licacy therein, may be satisfy'd in the three first Chapters of the thirteenth Book of Pliny's Natural History.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 203. Thus while she breath'd of Heav'n, &c.]’ We have here a compleat Picture from Head to Foot of the Dress of the Fair Sex, and of the Mode between two and three thousand Years ago. May I have leave to observe the great Simplicity of Juno's Dress, in Comparison with the in­numerable [Page 139] Equipage of a modern Toilette? The Goddess, even when she is setting herself out on the greatest Occasion, has only her own Locks to tie, a white Veil to cast over them, a Mantle to dress her whole Body, her Pendants, and her Sandals. This the Poet expresly says was all her Dress, [ [...];] and one may reasonably conclude it was all that was used by the greatest Princesses and finest Beauties of those Times. The good Eustathius is ravish'd to find, that here are no Washes for the Face, no Dies for the Hair, and none of those artificial Embellishments since in Practice; he also rejoices not a little, that Juno has no Looking-Glass, Tire-Woman, or waiting Maid. One may preach till Doomsday on this Subject, but all the Commentators in the World will never prevail upon a Lady to stick one Pin the less in her Gown, except she can be convinced, that the ancient Dress will better set off her Person.

As the Asiaticks always surpass'd the Grecians in whatever regarded Magnificence and Luxury, so we find their Women far gone in the contrary Extreme of Dress. There is a Pas­sage in Isaiah, Ch. 3. that gives us a Particular of their Ward­robe, with the Number and Uselessness of their Ornaments; and which I think appears very well in Contrast to this of Homer. The Bravery of their tinkling Ornaments about their Feet, and their Cauls, and their round Tires like the Moon: The Chains, and the Bracelets, and the Mufflers, the Bonnets, and the Ornaments of the Legs, and the Headbands, and the Tablets, and the Ear-rings, the Rings and Nose-jewels, the changeable Suits of Apparel, and the Mantles, and the Wimples, and the Crisping-Pins, the Glasses, and the fine Li­nen, and the Hoods, and the Veils.

I could be glad to ask the Ladies, which they should like best to imitate, the Greeks, or the Asiaticks? I would desire those that are handsome and well-made, to consider, that the Dress of Juno (which is the same they see in Statues) has mani­festly the Advantage of the present, in displaying whatever is beautiful: That the Charms of the Neck and Breast are not less laid open, than by the modern Stays; and that those of the Leg are more gracefully discover'd, than even by the Hoop-petticoat: That the fine Turn of the Arms is better ob­serv'd: [Page 140] and that several natural Graces of the Shape and Bo­dy appear much more conspicuous. It is not to be deny'd but the Asiatic and our present Modes were better contriv'd to conceal some People's Defects, but I don't speak to such Peo­ple: I speak only to Ladies of that Beauty, who can make any Fashion prevail by their being seen in it; and who put others of their Sex under the wretched Necessity of being like them in their Habits, or not being like them at all. As for the rest, let 'em follow the Mode of Judaea, and be content with the Name of Asiaticks.

XIX.

‘VERSE 216. Thus issuing radiant, &c.]’ Thus the God­dess comes from her Apartment against her Spouse in com­pleat Armour. The Pleasures of Women mostly prevail upon us by pure cunning, and the artful Management of their Per­sons; against which a wise Man ought to be upon his guard: For there is but one way for the weak to subdue the mighty, and that is by Pleasure. The Poet shews at the same time, that Men of Understanding are not master'd, without a great deal of Artifice and Address. There are but three ways, where­by to overcome another, by Violence, by Persuasion, or by Craft: Jupiter was invincible by main Force; to think of persuading was as fruitless, after he had pass'd his Nod to Achilles; therefore Juno was obliged of necessity to turn her Thoughts entirely upon Craft; and by the Force of Plea­sure it is, that she insnares and manages the God. Eu­stathius.

XX.

‘VERSE 218. And calls the Mother of the Smiles and Loves.]’ Notwithstanding all the Pains Juno has been at, to adorn her­self, she is still conscious that neither the natural Beauty of her Person, nor the artificial one of her Dress, will be suffi­cient to work upon a Husband. She therefore has Recourse to the Cestus of Venus, as a kind of Love-charm, not doubt­ing to enflame his Mind by magical Enchantment; a Folly [Page 141] which in all Ages has possest her Sex. To procure this, she applies to the Goddess of Love; from whom hiding her real Design under a feign'd Story, (another Propriety in the Character of the Fair) she obtains the invaluable Present of this wonder-working Girdle. The Allegory of the Cestus lies very open, tho' the Impertinences of Eustathius on this Head are unspeakable. In it are comprized the most power­ful Incentives to Love, as well as the strongest Effects of the Passion. The just Admiration of this Passage has been a-lways so great and universal, that the Cestus of Venus is be­come proverbial. The Beauty of the Lines which in a few Words comprehend this agreeable Fiction, can scarce be equall'd. So beautiful an Original has produc'd very fine Imi­tations, wherein we may observe a few additional Figures, expressing some of the Improvements which the Affectation, or Artifice, of the Fair Sex have introduc'd into the Art of Love since Homer's Days. Tasso has finely imitated this De­scription in the magical Girdle of Armida. Gierusalemme liberata, Cant. 16.

Mons. de la Motte's Imitation of this Fiction is likewise won­derfully beautiful.

Spencer, in his 4th Book, Canto 5. describes a Girdle of Venus of a very different Nature; for as this had the Power to raise up loose Desires in others, that had a more wonderful Faculty to suppress them in the Person that wore it: But it had a most dreadful Quality, to burst asunder whenever tied about any but a chaste Bosom. Such a Girdle, 'tis to be fear'd, would produce Essects very different from the other: Homer's Cestus would be a Peace-maker to reconcile Man and Wife; but Spencer's Cestus would probably destroy the good Agreement of many a happy Couple.

XXI.

‘VERSE 255.—And prest The pow'rful Cestus to her snowy Breast.]’ Eustathius takes notice, that the word Cestus is not the Name, but Epithet only, of Venus's Girdle; tho' the Epi­thet has prevail'd so far as to become the proper Name in common use. This has happen'd to others of our Author's Epithets; the word Pygmy is of the same Nature. Venus wore this Girdle below her Neck, and in open Sight, but Juno hides it in her Bosom, to shew the difference of the two Characters: It suits well with Venus to make a Shew of what­ever is engaging in her; but Juno, who is a Matron of Pru­dence and Gravity, ought to be more modest.

XXII.

In this Fiction Homer introduces a new divine Personage: It does not appear whether this God of Sleep was a God of Ho­mer's [Page 143] Creation, or whether his Pretensions to Divinity were of more ancient Date. The Poet indeed speaks of him as of one formerly active in some heavenly Transactions. Be this as it will, succeeding Poets have always acknowledg'd his Title. Virgil would not let his Aeneid be without a Person so pro­per for poetical Machinery; tho' he has employ'd him with much less Art than his great Master, since he appears in the 5th Book without Provocation or Commission, only to de­stroy the Trojan Pilot. The Criticks, who cannot see all the Allegories which the Commentators pretend to find in Homer's Divinities, must be obliged to acknowledge the Re­ality and Propriety of this; since every thing that is here said of this imaginary Deity is justly applicable to Sleep. He is called the Brother of Death; is said to be protected by Night; and is employed very naturally to lull a Husband to Rest in the Embraces of his Wife; which Effect of this Con­jugal Opiate even the modest Virgil has remark'd in the Per­sons of Vulcan and Venus, probably with an Eye to this Pas­sage of Homer.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 263. To Lemnos.]’ The Commentators are hard put to it, to give a Reason why Juno seeks for Sleep in Lem­nos. Some finding out that Lemnos anciently abounded with Wine, inform us that it was a proper Place of Residence for him, Wine being naturally a great Provoker of Sleep. Others will have it, that this God being in love with Pasithaë, who resided with her Sister the Wife of Vulcan, in Lemnos, it was very probable he might be found haunting near his Mistress. Other Commentators perceiving the Weakness of these Con­jectures, will have it that Juno met Sleep here by mere Ac­cident; but this is contradictory to the whole Thread of the Narration. But who knows whether Homer might not de­sign this Fiction as a Piece of Raillery upon the Sluggishness of the Lemnians; tho' this Character of them does not ap­pear? [Page 144] A kind of Satyr like that of Ariosto, who makes the Angel find Discord in a Monastery: Or like that of Boileau in his Lutrin, where he places Mollesse in a Dormitory of the Monks of St. Bernard?

XXIV.

‘VERSE 266. Sweet-pleasing Sleep, &c.]’ Virgil has copied some part of this Conversation between Juno and Sleep, where he introduces the same Goddess making a Request to Aeolus. Scaliger, who is always eager to depreciate Homer, and zeal­ous to praise his favourite Author, has highly censured this Passage: But notwithstanding this Critick's Judgment, an impartial Reader will find, I don't doubt, much more Art and Beauty in the Original than the Copy. In the former, Juno endeavours to engage Sleep in her Design by the Promise of a proper and valuable Present; but having formerly run a great Hazard in a like Attempt, he is not prevail'd upon. Hereupon the Goddess, knowing his Passion for one of the Graces, engages to give her to his Desires: This Hope brings the Lover to Consent, but not before he obliges Juno to con­firm her Promise by an Oath in a most solemn manner, the very Words and Ceremony whereof he prescribes to her. These are all beautiful and poetical Circumstances, most whereof are untouch'd by Virgil, and which Scaliger therefore calls low and vulgar. He only makes Juno demand a Favour from Aeolus, which he had no reason to refuse; and promise him a Reward, which it does not appear he was fond of. The Latin Poet has indeed with great Judgment added one Circumstance concerning the Promise of Children,

And this is very conformable to the Religion of the Romans, among whom Juno was suppos'd to preside over human Births; but it does not appear she had any such Office in the Greek Theology.

XXV.

‘VERSE 272. A splendid Footstool.]’ Notwithstanding the Cavils of Scaliger, it may be allow'd, that an easy Chair was no improper Present for Sleep. As to the Footstool, Mad. Dacier's Observation is a very just one; that besides its being a Conveniency, it was a Mark of Honour, and was far from presenting any low or trivial Idea. 'Tis upon that Account we find it so frequently mention'd in Scripture, where the Earth is call'd the Footstool of the Throne of God. In Jere­miah, Judaea is call'd (as a Mark of Distinction) the Foot­stool of the Feet of God. Lament. 2. ℣. 1. And he remem­ber'd not the Footstool of his Feet, in the Day of his Wrath. We see here the same Image, founded no doubt upon the same Customs. Dacier.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 279. The Sire of all, old Ocean.]’ ‘"Homer (says Plutarch) calls the Sea Father of All, with a View to this Doctrine, that all things were generated from Water. Thales the Milesian, the Head of the Ionick Sect who seems to have been the first Author of Philosophy, affirm­ed Water to be the Principle from whence all things spring, and into which all things are resolv'd; because the prolific Seed of all Animals is a Moisture; all Plants are nourished by Moisture; the very Sun and Stars, which are Fire, are nourished by moist Vapours and Exhalations; and consequently he thought the World was produc'd from this Element."’ Plut. Opin. of Philos. lib. 1. c. 3.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 281. But how, unbidden, &c.]’ This Particularity is worth remarking; Sleep tells Juno that he dares not ap­proach Jupiter without his own Order; whereby he seems to intimate, that a Spirit of a superior kind may give itself up [Page 146] to a voluntary Cessation of Thought and Action, tho' it does not want this Relaxation from any Weakness or Necessity of its Nature.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 285. What-time deserting Ilion's wasted Plain, &c.]’ One may observe from hence, that to make Falsity in Fables useful and subservient to our Designs, it is not enough to cause the Story to resemble Truth, but we are to corroborate it by parallel Places; which Method the Poet uses elsewhere. Thus many have attempted great Difficulties, and surmount­ed 'em. So did Hercules, so did Juno, so did Pluto. Here therefore the Poet feigning that Sleep is going to practise in­sidiously upon Jove, prevents the Strangeness and Incredibility of the Tale, by squaring it to an ancient Story; which an­cient Story was, that Sleep had once before got the mastery of Jove in the case of Hercules. Eustathius.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 296. Ev'n Jove rever'd the venerable Dame.]’ Ju­piter is represented as unwilling to do any thing that might be offensive or ungrateful to Night; the Poet (says Eusta­thius) instructs us by this, that a wise and honest Man will curb his Wrath before any awful and venerable Person: Such was Night in regard of Jupiter, feign'd as an Ancestor, and honourable on account of her Antiquity and Power. For the Greek Theology teaches that Night and Chaos were before all things. Wherefore it was held sacred to obey the Night in the Conflicts of War, as we find by the Admonitions of the Heralds to Hector and Ajax in the 7th Iliad.

Milton has made a fine Use of this ancient Opinion in re­lation to Chaos and Night, in the latter Part of his second Book, where he describes the Passage of Satan thro' their Empire. He calls them,

[Page 147] And alludes to the same, in those noble Verses,

That fine Apostrophe of Spenser has also the same Allu­sion, Book 1.

XXX.

There is something wonderfully solemn in this manner of Swearing propos'd by Sleep to Juno. How answerable is this Idea to the Dignity of the Queen of the Goddesses, where Earth, Ocean, and Hell itself, where the whole Creation, all things visible and invisible, are call'd to be Witnesses of the Oath of the Deity.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 311. That she, my lov'd one, &c.]’ Sleep is here made to repeat the Words of Juno's Promise, than which Re­petition nothing, I think, can be more beautiful or better placed. The Lover fired with these Hopes, insists on the Promise, dwelling with Pleasure on each Circumstance that relates to his fair one. The Throne and Footstool, it seems, are quite out of his Head.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 323. Fair Ida trembles.]’ It is usually suppos'd at the Approach or Presence of any heavenly Being, that upon their Motion, all should shake that lies beneath 'em. Here the Poet giving a Description of the Descent of these Deities upon the Ground at Lectos, says that the loftiest of the Wood trembled under their Feet: Which Expression is to intimate the Lightness and Swiftness of the Motions of heavenly Be­ings; the Wood does not shake under their Feet from any corporeal Weight, but from a certain awful Dread and Hor­ror Eustathius.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 328. In Likeness of a Bird of Night.]’ This is a Bird of Night about the Size of a Hawk, entirely black; and that is the reason why Homer describes Sleep under its Form. Here (says Eustathius) Homer lets us know, as well as in many other Places, that he is no Stranger to the Language of the Gods. Hobbes has taken very much from the Digni­ty of this Supposition, in translating the present Lines in this manner.

We find in Plato's Cratylus a Discourse of great Subtility, grounded chiefly on this Observation of Homer, that the Gods and Men call the same thing by different Names. The Phi­losopher supposes that in the original Language every thing was express'd by a word, whose Sound was naturally apt to mark the Nature of the thing signify'd. This great Work he ascribes to the Gods, since it required more Knowledge both in the Nature of Sounds and Things, than Man had attain'd to. This Resemblance he says was almost lost in modern Languages by the unskilful Alterations Men had made, and the great Licence they had taken in compounding [Page 149] of Words. However, he observes there were yet among the Greeks some Remains of this original Language, of which he gives a few Instances, adding, that many more were to be found in some of the barbarous Languages, that had deviated less from the Original, which was still preserv'd entire among the Gods. This appears a Notion so uncommon, that I could not forbear to mention it.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 345.—To whose indulgent Cares I owe the Nur­sing, &c.]’ The Allegory of this is very obvious. Juno is constantly understood to be the Air; and we are here told she was nourished by Oceanus and Tethys: That is to say, the Air is fed and nourished by the Vapours which rise from the Ocean and the Earth. For Tethys is the same with Rhea. Eustathius.

XXXV.

VERSE 359.] This Courtship of Jupiter to Juno may pos­sibly be thought pretty singular. He endeavours to prove the Ardour of his Passion to her, by the Instances of its Warmth to other Women. A great many People will look upon this as no very likely Method to recommend him­self to Juno's Favour. Yet, after all, something may be said in Defence of Jupiter's way of thinking, with respect to the Ladies. Perhaps a Man's Love to the Sex in general may be no ill Recommendation of him to a Particular. And to be known, or thought, to have been successful with a good many, is what some Moderns have found no unfortunate Qualifica­tion in gaining a Lady, even a most virtuous one like Juno, especially one who (like her) has had the Experience of a married State.

XXXVI.

‘VERSE 395. Glad Earth perceives, &c.]’ It is an Obser­vation of Aristotle in the 25th Chapter of his Poeticks, that [Page 150] when Homer is obliged to describe any thing of itself absurd or too improbable, he constantly contrives to blind and dazle the Judgment of his Readers with some shining Description. This Passage is a remarkable Instance of that Artifice, for ha­ving imagined a Fiction of very great Absurdity, that the su­preme Being should be laid asleep in a female Embrace, he immediately, as it were to divert his Reader from reflecting on his Boldness, pours forth a great Variety of poetical Or­naments; by describing the various Flowers the Earth shoots up to compose their Couch, the golden Clouds that encom­pass'd them, and the bright heavenly Dews that were shower'd round them. Eustathius observes it as an Instance of Homer's modest Conduct in so delicate an Affair, that he has purpose­ly adorn'd the Bed of Jupiter with such a Variety of beauti­ful Flowers, that the Reader's Thoughts being entirely taken up with these Ornaments, might have no room for loose Ima­ginations. In the same manner an ancient Scholiast has ob­serv'd, that the golden Cloud was contriv'd to lock up this Action from any farther Enquiry of the Reader.

XXXVII.

VERSE 395.] I cannot conclude the Notes on this Story of Jupiter and Juno, without observing with what particular Care Milton has imitated the several beautiful Parts of this Episode, introducing them upon different Occasions as the Subjects of his Poem would admit. The Circumstance of Sleep's sitting in Likeness of a Bird on the Fir-Tree upon Mount Ida, is alluded to in his 4th Book, where Satan sits in Like­ness of a Cormorant on the Tree of Life. The Creation is made to give the same Tokens of Joy at the Performance of the nuptial Rites of our first Parents, as she does here at the Congress of Jupiter and Juno. Lib. 8.

Those Lines also in the 4th Book are manifestly from the same Original.

Where the very Turn of Homer's Verses is observed, and the Cadence, and almost the Words, finely translated.

But it is with wonderful Judgment and Decency he has used that exceptionable Passage of the Dalliance, Ardour, and Enjoyment: That which seems in Homer an impious Fiction, becomes a moral Lesson in Milton; since he makes that las­civious Rage of the Passion the immediate Effect of the Sin of our first Parents after the Fall. Adam expresses it in the Words of Jupiter.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 417. The Pow'r of Slumbers flew.]’ M. Dacier in her Translation of this Passage has thought fit to dissent from the common Interpretation, as well as obvious Sense of the Words. She restrains the general Expression [...], the famous Nations of Men, to signify only the Coun­try of the Lemnians, who, she says, were much celebrated on account of Vulcan. But this strain'd Interpretation can­not be admitted, especially when the obvious Meaning of the Words express what is very proper and natural. The God of Sleep having hastily delivered his Message to Neptune, im­mediately leaves the Hurry of the Battel, (which was no pro­per Scene for him) and retires among the Tribes of Man­kind. The word [...], on which M. Dacier grounds her Criticism, is an expletive Epithet very common in Homer, and no way fit to point out one certain Nation, especially in an Author one of whose most distinguishing Characters is Particularity in Description.

XXXIX.

‘VERSE 444. The Legions march, and Neptune leads the way.]’ The chief Advantage the Greeks gain by the Sleep of Jupiter seems to be this: Neptune unwilling to offend Jupi­ter, has hitherto concealed himself in disguised Shapes; so that it does not appear that Jupiter knew of his being among the Greeks, since he takes no notice of it. This Precaution hinders him from assisting the Greeks otherwise than by his Advice. But upon the Intelligence receiv'd of what Juno had done, he assumes a Form that manifests his Divinity, in­spiring Courage into the Grecian Chiefs, appearing at the Head of their Army, brandishing a Sword in his Hand, the Sight of which struck such a Terror into the Trojans that, [Page 153] as Homer says, none durst approach it. And therefore it is not to be wonder'd, that the Trojans who are no longer su­stain'd by Jupiter, immediately give way to the Enemy.

XL.

‘VERSE 442. The weaker Warrior takes a lighter Shield.]’ Plutarch seems to allude to this Passage in the beginning of the Life of Pelopidas. ‘"Homer, says he, makes the bravest and stoutest of his Warriors march to Battel in the best Arms. The Grecian Legislators punish'd those who cast away their Shields, but not those who lost their Spears or their Swords, as an Intimation, that the Care of preserving and defending our selves is preferable to the wounding our Enemy, espe­cially in those who are Generals of Armies, or Governors of States."’ Eustathius has observ'd, that the Poet here makes the best Warriors take the largest Shields and longest Spears, that they might be ready prepar'd, with proper Arms, both offensive and defensive, for a new kind of Fight, in which they are soon to be engaged when the Fleet is attack'd. Which indeed seems the most rational Account that can be given for Neptune's Advice in this Exigence.

Mr. Hobbes has committed a great Oversight in this Place; he makes the wounded Princes (who it is plain were unfit for the Battel, and do not engage in the ensuing Fight) put on Arms as well as the others; whereas they do no more in Ho­mer than see their Orders obey'd by the rest as to this Change of Arms.

XLI.

‘VERSE 452. And lo the God, and wondrous Man appear.]’ What Magnificence and Nobleness is there in this Idea? where Homer opposes Hector to Neptune, and equalizes him in some degree to a God. Eustathius.

XLII.

‘VERSE 453. The roaring Main, &c.]’ This swelling and Inundation of the Sea towards the Grecian Camp, as if it had been agitated by a Storm, is meant for a Prodigy, intimating that the Waters had the same Resentments with their Com­mander Neptune, and seconded him in his Quarrel. Eu­stathius.

XLIII.

‘VERSE 457. Not half so loud, &c.]’ The Poet having ended the Episode of Jupiter and Juno, returns to the Battel, where the Greeks being animated and led on by Neptune, renew the Fight with Vigour. The Noise and Outcry of this fresh Onset, he endeavours to express by these three sounding Comparisons; as if he thought it necessary to awake the Reader's Attention, which by the preceding De­scriptions might be lull'd into a Forgetfulness of the Fight. He might likewise design to shew how soundly Jupiter slept, since he is not awak'd by so terrible an Uproar.

This Passage cannot be thought justly liable to the Obje­ctions which have been made against heaping Comparisons one upon another, whereby the principal Object is lost amidst too great a Variety of different Images. In this Case the principal Image is more strongly impress'd on the Mind by a Multiplication of Similes, which are the natural Product of an Imagination labouring to express something very vast: But finding no single Idea sufficient to answer its Conceptions, it endeavours by redoubling the Comparisons to supply this Defect: the different Sounds of Waters, Winds, and Flames being as it were united in one. We have several Instances of this sort even in so castigated and reserv'd a Writer as Virgil, who has joined together the Images of this Passage in the 4th Georgic, ℣. 261. and apply'd them, beautifully sof­tened by a kind of Parody, to the buzzing of a Beehive.

Tasso has not only imitated this particular Passage of Homer, but likewise added to it. Cant. 9. St. 22.

XLIV.

‘VERSE 480. Smoaks in the Dust, and ploughs into the Ground.]’

These Words are translated by several as if they signify'd, that Hector was turn'd round with the Blow, like a Whirlwind; which would enhance the wonderful Greatness of Ajax's Strength. Eustathius rather inclines to refer the Words to the Stone itself, and the Violence of its Motion. Chapman I think is in the right to prefer the latter, but he should not have taken the Interpretation to himself. He says, it is above the Wit of Man to give a more fiery Illustration both of Ajax's Strength and Hector's; of Ajax, for giving such a Force to the Stone, that it could not spend itself on Hector, but af­terwards turn'd upon the Earth with that Violence; and of Hector, for standing the Blow so solidly; for without that Consideration, the Stone could never have recoil'd so fiercely. This Image, together with the noble Simile following it, seem to have given Spencer the Hint of those sublime Verses.

XLV.

‘VERSE 533. Propt on that Spear, &c.]’ The occasion of this Sarcasm of Polydamas seems taken from the Attitude of his falling Enemy, who is transfixed with a Spear thro' his right Shoulder. This Posture bearing some Resemblance to that of a Man leaning on a Staff, might probably suggest this Conceit.

The Speech of Polydamas begins a long String of Sarcastick Raillery, in which Eustathius pretends to observe very diffe­rent Characters. This of Polydamas, he says, is pleasant, that of Ajax, heroic; that of Acamas, plain; and that of Peneleus, pathetick.

XLVI.

‘VERSE 599. Daughters of Jove! &c.]’ Whenever we meet with these fresh Invocations in the midst of Action, the Poets would seem to give their Readers to understand, that they are come to a Point where the Description being above their own Strength, they have occasion for supernatural Assistance; by this Artifice at once exciting the Reader's Attention, and gracefully varying the Narration. In the present case Ho­mer seems to triumph in the Advantage the Greeks had gain'd in the Flight of the Trojans, by invoking the Muses to snatch the brave Actions of his Heroes from Oblivion, and set them in the Light of Eternity. This Power is vindicated to them by the Poets on every occasion, and it is to this Task they [Page 157] are so solemnly and frequently summon'd by our Author. Tasso has, I think, introduced one of these Invocations in a very noble and peculiar manner; where, on occasion of a Battle by Night, he calls upon the Night to allow him to draw forth those mighty Deeds which were perform'd under the Conceal­ment of her Shades, and to display their Glories, notwith­standing that Disadvantage, to all Posterity.

I.

ADAM, in Paradise lost, awakes from the Embrace of Eve, in much the same Humour with Jupiter in this Place. Their Circumstance is very parallel; and each of 'em, as soon as his Passion is over, full of that Resentment natural to a Superior, who is im­posed upon by one of less Worth and Sense than himself, and imposed upon in the worst manner by Shews of Tenderness and Love.

II.

‘VERSE 23. Hast thou forgot, &c.]’ It is in the Original to this Effect. Have you forgot how you swung in the Air when I hung a Load of two Anvils at your Feet, and a Chain of Gold on your Hands? ‘"Tho' it is not my Design, says M. Dacier, to give a Reason for every Story in the Pagan Theology, yet I can't prevail upon my self to pass over this in Silence. The physical Allegory seems very apparent to me: Ho­mer mysteriously in this Place explains the Nature of the [Page 206] Air, which is Juno; the two Anvils which she had at her Feet are the two Elements, Earth and Water; and the Chains of Gold about her Hands are the Aether, or Fire, which fills the superior Region: The two grosser Elements are called Anvils, to shew us, that in these two Elements only, Arts are exercis'd. I don't know but that a moral Allegory may here be found, as well as a physical one; the Poet by these Masses tied to the Feet of Juno, and by the Chain of Gold with which her Hands were bound, might signify, that on one side domestick Affairs should like Fetters detain the wise at home; and on the other, that proper and beautiful Works like Chains of Gold ought to employ her Hands."’

The physical part of this Note belongs to Heraclides Pon­tius, Eustathius, and the Scholiast: M. Dacier might have been contented with the Credit of the moral one, as it seems an Observation no less singular in a Lady.

III.

VERSE 23.] Eustathius tells us, that there were in some Manuscripts of Homer two Verses which are not to be found in any of the printed Editions, (which Hen. Stephens places here.)

By these two Verses Homer shews us, that what he says of the Punishment of Juno was not an Invention of his own, but founded upon an ancient Tradition. There had probably been some Statue of Juno with Anvils at her Feet, and Chains on her Hands; and nothing but Chains and Anvils being left by Time, superstitious People rais'd this Story; so that Ho­mer only follow'd common Report. What farther confirms it, is what Eustathius adds, that there were shewn near Troy certain Ruins, which were said to be the Remains of these Masses. Dacier.

IV.

‘VERSE 43. And thy black Waves, tremendous Styx!]’ The Epithet Homer here gives to Styx is [...], subterlabens, which I take to refer to its Passage thro' the infernal Regi­ons. But there is a Refinement upon it, as if it signify'd ex alto stillans, falling drop by drop from on high. Herodotus in his sixth Book, writes thus. ‘"The Arcadians say, that near the City Nonacris flows the Water of Styx, and that it is a small Rill, which distilling from an exceed­ing high Rock, falls into a little Cavity or Bason, envi­ron'd with a Hedge."’ Pausanias, who had seen the Place, gives Light to this Passage of Herodotus. ‘"Going from Phereus, says he, in the Country of the Arcadians, and drawing towards the West, we find on the left the City Clytorus, and on the right that of Nonacris, and the Foun­tain of Styx, which from the Height of a shaggy Preci­piece falls drop by drop upon an exceeding high Rock, and before it has travers'd this Rock, flows into the River Crathis; this Water is mortal both to Man and Beast, and therefore it is said to be an infernal Fountain. Ho­mer gives it a Place in his Poems, and by the Description which he delivers, one would think he had seen it."’ This shews the wonderful Exactness of Homer in the Description of Places which he mentions. The Gods swore by Styx, and this was the strongest Oath they could take; but we likewise find that Men too swore by this fatal Water: for Herodotus tells us, that Cleomenes going to Arcadia to en­gage the Arcadians to follow him in a War against Sparta, had a design to assemble at the City Nonacris, and make them swear by the Water of this Fountain. Dacier. Eu­stath. in Odyss.

V.

‘VERSE 47. Not by my Arts, &c.]’ This Apology is well contriv'd; Juno could not swear that she had not deceiv'd Jupiter, for this had been entirely false, and Homer would [Page 208] be far from authorizing Perjury by so great an Example. Juno, we see, throws part of the Fault on Neptune, by shew­ing she had not acted in concert with him. Eustathius.

VI.

‘VERSE 67. Greece chas'd by Troy, &c.]’ In this Discourse of Jupiter the Poet opens his Design, by giving his Readers a Sketch of the principal Events he is to expect. As this Conduct of Homer may to many appear no way artful, and since it is a principal Article of the Charge brought against him by some late French Criticks, it will not be improper here to look a little into this Dispute. The Case will be best stated by translating the following Passage from Mr. de la Motte's Reflections sur la Critique.

‘"I could not forbear wishing that Homer had an Art, which he seems to have neglected, that of preparing Events without making them known beforehand, so that when they happen one might be surprized agreeably. I could not be quite satisfied to hear Jupiter, in the middle of the Iliad, give an exact Abridgment of the Remainder of the Action. Mad. Dacier alledges as an Excuse, that this past only between Jupiter and Juno; as if the Reader was not let into the Secret, and had not as much share in the Confidence.’

She adds,

It appears clearly that M. Dacier's Defence no way excuses the Poet's Conduct; wherefore I shall add two or three Con­siderations which may chance to set it in a better Light. It must be own'd that a Surprize artfully managed, which arises from unexpected Revolutions of great Actions, affects the Mind with a peculiar Delight: In this consists the prin­cipal Pleasure of a Romance and well writ Tragedy. But be­sides this, there is in the Relation of great Events a different kind of Pleasure which arises from the artful unravelling a Knot of Actions, which we knew before in the gross. This is a Delight peculiar to History and Epic Poetry, which is founded on History. In these kinds of writing, a preceding summary Knowledge of the Events described, does no way [Page 210] damp our Curiosity, but rather makes it more eager for the Detail. This is evident in a good History, where ge­nerally the Reader is affected with a greater Delight, in pro­portion to his preceding Knowledge of the Facts described: The Pleasure in this case is like that of an Architect first viewing some magnificent Building, who was before well ac­quainted with the Proportions of it. In an Epic Poem the case is of a like Nature; where, as if the historical Fore-know­ledge were not sufficient, the most judicious Poets never fail to excite their Reader's Curiosity by some small Sketches of their Design; which like the Outlines of a fine Picture, will necessarily raise in us a greater desire to see it in its fi­nish'd Colouring.

Had our Author been inclined to follow the Method of managing our Passions by Surprizes, he could not well have succeeded by this manner in the Subject he chose to write upon, which being a Story of great Importance, the principal Events of which were well known to the Greeks, it was not possible for him to alter the Ground-work of his Piece; and probably he was willing to mark by these Recapitulations how much of his Story was founded on historical Truths, and that what is superadded were the poetical Ornaments.

There is another Consideration worth remembring on this Head, to justify our Author's Conduct. It seems to have been an Opinion in these early times, deeply rooted in most Countries and Religions, that the Actions of Men were not only foreknown, but predestinated by a superior Being. This Sentiment is very frequent in the most ancient Writers both sacred and prophane, and seems a distinguishing Character of the Writings of the greatest Antiquity. The Word of the Lord was fulfill'd, is the principal Observation in the History of the Old Testament, and [...] is the declared and most obvious Moral of the Iliad. If this great Moral be fit to be represented in Poetry, what Means so proper to make it evident, as this introducing Jupiter foretelling the Events which he had decreed?

VII.

‘VERSE 86. As some way-faring Man, &c.]’ The Discourse of Jupiter to Juno being ended, she ascends to Heaven with wonderful Celerity, which the Poet explains by this Compa­rison. On other Occasions he has illustrated the Action of the Mind by sensible Images from the Motion of the Bodies; here he inverts the Case, and shews the great Velocity of Ju­no's Flight by comparing it to the Quickness of Thought. No other Comparison could have equall'd the Speed of an heavenly Being. To render this more beautiful and exact, the Poet describes a Traveller who revolves in his Mind the several Places which he has seen, and in an Instant passes in Imagination from one distant Part of the Earth to another. Milton seems to have had it in his Eye in that ele­vated Passage,

As the Sense in which we have explain'd this Passage is exact­ly literal, as well as truly sublime, one cannot but wonder what should induce both Hobbes and Chapman to ramble so wide from it in their Translations.

Chapman's is yet more foreign to the Subject,

VIII.

‘VERSE 102. Go thou, the Feasts of Heav'n attend thy Call.]’ This is a Passage worthy our Observation: Homer feigns, that Themis, that is Justice, presides over the Feasts of the Gods; to let us know, that she ought much more to pre­side over the Feasts of Men. Eustathius.

IX.

‘VERSE 114. Juno's Speech to the Gods.]’ It was no sort of Exaggeration what the Ancients have affirm'd of Homer, that the Examples of all kinds of Oratory are to be found in his Works. The present Speech of Juno is a Masterpiece in that sort, which seems to say one thing, and persuades another: For while she is only declaring to the Gods the Orders of Ju­piter, at the time that she tells 'em they must obey, she fills them with a Reluctance to do it. By representing so strong­ly the Superiority of his Power, she makes them uneasy at it, and by particularly advising that God to submit, whose Tem­per could least brook it, she incites him to downright Re­bellion. Nothing can be more sly and artfully provoking, than that Stroke on the Death of his darling Son. Do thou, O Mars, teach Obedience to us all, for 'tis upon thee that Jupi­ter has put the severest Trial: Ascalaphus thy Son lies slain by his means: Bear it with so much Temper and Moderation, that the World may not think he was thy Son.

X.

‘VERSE 134. To Fear and Flight.—]’ Homer does not say, that Mars commanded they should join his Horses to his Chariot, which Horses were call'd Fear and Flight. Fear and Flight are not the Names of the Horses of Mars, but the Names of two Furies in the Service of this God: It appears likewise by other Passages, that they were his Children, [Page 213] Book 13. ℣. 299. This is a very ancient Mistake; Eusta­thius mentions it as an Error of Antimachus, yet Hobbes and most others have fallen into it.

XI.

‘VERSE 164. Go wait the Thund'rer's Will.]’ 'Tis remark­able, that whereas it is familiar with the Poet to repeat his Errands and Messages, here he introduces Juno with very few Words, where she carries a Dispatch from Jupiter to Iris and Apollo. She only says, ‘"Jove commands you to attend him on Mount Ida,"’ and adds nothing of what had pass'd between herself and her Consort before. The reason of this Brevity is not only that she is highly disgusted with Jupiter, and so unwil­ling to tell her Tale from the Anguish of her Heart; but al­so because Jupiter had given her no Commission to relate ful­ly the Subject of their Discourse; wherefore she is cautious of declaring what possibly he would have concealed. Nei­ther does Jupiter himself in what follows reveal his Decrees: For he lets Apollo only so far into his Will, that he would have him discover and rout the Greeks: Their good Fortune, and the Success which was to ensue, he hides from him, as one who favour'd the Cause of Troy. One may remark in this Passage Homer's various Conduct and Discretion concern­ing what ought to be put in Practice, or left undone; where­by his Reader may be inform'd how to regulate his own Af­fairs. Eustathius.

XII.

Some have thought the Platonic Philosophers drew from hence the Notion of their Triad (which the Christian Platonists since imagined to be an obscure Hint of the Sacred Trinity.) The Trias of Plato is well known, [...]. [Page 214] In his Gorgias he tells us, [...] (autorem sc. fuisse) [...]. See Proclus in Plat. Theol. lib. 1. c. 5. Lucian Philopatr. Aristotle de coelo, l. 1. c. 1. speaking of the Ternarian Number from Pythago­ras, has these Words; [...]. From which Passage Trapezuntius endeavour'd ve­ry seriously to prove, that Aristotle had a perfect Knowledge of the Trinity. Duport (who furnish'd me with this Note, and who seems to be sensible of the Folly of Trapezuntius) never­theless in his Gnomologia Homerica, or Comparison of our Author's Sentences with those of the Scripture, has placed opposite to this Verse that of St. John. There are three who give Testimony in Heaven, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. I think this the strongest Instance I ever met with of the manner of thinking of such Men, whose too much Learning has made them mad.

Lactantius, de Fals. Relig. lib. 1. cap. 11. takes this Fa­ble to be a Remain of ancient History, importing, that the Empire of the then known World was divided among the three Brothers; to Jupiter the Oriental part, which was call'd Heaven, as the Region of Light, or the Sun: To Pluto the Occidental, or darker Regions: And to Neptune the So­vereignty of the Seas.

XIII.

‘VERSE 228. To elder Brothers.]’ Iris, that she may not seem to upbraid Neptune with Weakness of Judgment, out of Regard to the Greatness and Dignity of his Person, does not say that Jupiter is stronger or braver; but attacking him from a Motive not in the least invidious, Superiority of Age, she says sententiously, that the Furies wait upon our Elders. The Furies are said to wait upon Men in a double Sense: ei­ther for Evil, as they did upon Orestes after he had slain his Mother; or else for their good, as upon Elders when they are injur'd, to protect them and avenge their Wrongs. This [Page 215] is an Instance that the Pagans look'd upon Birth-right as a Right divine. Eustathius.

XIV.

‘VERSE 252. Else had our Wrath, &c.]’ This Representa­tion of the Terrors which must have attended the Conflict of two such mighty Powers as Jupiter and Neptune, whereby the Elements had been mix'd in Confusion, and the whole Frame of Nature endangered, is imaged in these few Lines with a Nobleness suitable to the Occasion. Milton has a Thought very like it in his fourth Book, where he represents what must have happen'd if Satan and Gabriel had encounter'd.

XV.

‘VERSE 274. Jove thinking of his Pains, they past away.]’ Eustathius observes, that this is a very sublime Representation of the Power of Jupiter, to make Hector's Pains cease from the Moment wherein Jupiter first turn'd his Thoughts to­wards him. Apollo finds him so far recover'd, as to be able to sit up, and know his Friends. Thus much was the Work of Jupiter; the God of Health perfects the Cure.

XVI.

‘VERSE 298. As when the pamper'd Steed.]’ This Compa­rison is repeated from the sixth Book, and we are told that the ancient Criticks retain'd no more than the two first Ver­ses and the four last in this Place, and that they gave the [Page 216] Verses two Marks; by the one (which was the Asterism) they intimated, that the four Lines were very beautiful; but by the other (which was the Obelus) that they were ill placed. I believe an impartial Reader who considers the two Places will be of the same Opinion.

Tasso has improv'd the Justness of this Simile in his sixteenth Book, where Rinaldo returning from the Arms of Armida to Battel, is compared to the Steed that is taken from his Pa­stures and Mares to the Service of the War: The Reverse of the Circumstance better agreeing with the Occasion.

XVII.

‘VERSE 311. For Fate preserves them.]’ Dacier has a pretty Remark on this Passage, that Homer extended Destiny (that is, the Care of Providence) even over the Beasts of the Field; an Opinion that agrees perfectly with true Theology. In the Book of Jonas, the Regard of the Creator extending to the meanest Rank of his Creatures, is strongly express'd in those Words of the Almighty, where he makes his Compas­sion to the Brute Beasts one of the Reasons against destroying Nineveh. Shall I not spare the great City, in which there are more than sixscore thousand Persons, and also much Cattel? And what is still more parallel to this Passage, in St. Matth. Ch. 10. Are not two Sparrows sold for a Farthing? And yet one of them shall not fall to the Ground, without your Father.

XVIII.

‘VERSE 363. But when aloft he shakes.]’ Apollo in this Passage by the mere shaking his Aegis, without acting offensively, annoys and puts the Greeks into Disorder. Eu­stathius thinks that such a Motion might possibly create the same Confusion, as hath been reported by Historians to proceed from Panic Fears: or that it might intimate some dreadful Confusion in the Air, and a Noise issuing from thence; a Notion which seems to be warranted by Apollo's Outcry, which presently follows in the same Verse. But per­haps we need not go so far to account for this Fiction of Ho­mer: The Sight of a Hero's Armour often has the like Ef­fect in an Epic Poem: The Shield of Prince Arthur in Spen­cer works the same Wonders with this Aegis of Apollo.

XIX.

Here is one that falls under the Spear of Paris, smitten in the Extremity of his Shoulder, as he was flying. This gives occasion to a pretty Observation in Eustathius, that this is the only Greek who falls by a Wound in the Back, so careful is Homer of the Honour of his Countrymen. And this Remark will appear not ill grounded, if we except the Death of Eio­neus in the beginning of Lib. 6.

XX.

‘VERSE 396. For by the Gods, who slies, &c.]’ It sometimes happens (says Longinus) that a Writer in speaking of some Person, all on a sudden puts himself in that other's Place, and acts his part; a Figure which marks the Impetuosity and Hur­ry of Passion. It is this which Homer practises in these Verses; the Poet stops his Narration, forgets his own Per­son, and instantly, without any Notice puts this precipitate [Page 218] Menace into the Mouth of his furious and transported Hero. How must his Discourse have languish'd, had he stay'd to tell us, Hector then said these, or the like Words. Instead of which by this unexpected Transition he prevents the Rea­der, and the Transition is made before the Poet himself seems sensible he had made it. The true and proper Place for this Figure is when the Time presses, and when the Occasion will not allow of any Delay: It is elegant then to pass from one Person to another, as in that of Hecataeus. The Herald, extremely discontented at the Orders he had re­ceiv'd, gave command to the Heraclidae to withdraw.—It is no way in my Power to help you; if therefore you would not perish entirely, and if you would not involve me too in your Ruin, depart, and seek a Retreat among some other People. Longinus, ch. 23.

XXI.

‘VERSE 416. As when ashore an Infant stands.]’ This Si­mile of the Sand is inimitable; it is not easy to imagine any thing more exact and emphatical to describe the tum­bling and confus'd Heap of a Wall, in a Moment. More­over the Comparison here taken from Sand is the juster, as it rises from the very Place and Scene before us. For the Wall here demolished, as it was founded on the Coast, must needs border on the Sand; wherefore the Similitude is bor­rowed immediately from the Subject Matter under View. Eu­stathius.

XXII.

‘VERSE 427, Oh Jove! if ever, &c.]’ The Form of Ne­stor's Prayer in this Place resembles that of Chryses in the first Book. And it is worth remarking, that the Poet well knew what Shame and Confusion the reminding one of past Bene­fits is apt to produce. From the same Topick Achilles talks with his Mother, and Thetis herself accosts Jove; and like­wise Phoenix where he holds a Parley with Achilles. This righteous Prayer hath its wished Accomplishment. Eustathius.

XXIII.

‘VERSE 438. Presumptuous Troy mistook the Sign.]’ The Thunder of Jupiter is design'd as a Mark of his Acceptance of Nestor's Prayers, and a Sign of his Favour to the Greeks. However, there being nothing in the Prodigy particular to the Greeks, the Trojans expound it in their own Favour, as they seem warranted by their present Success. This Self­partiality of Men in appropriating to themselves the Prote­ction of Heaven, has always been natural to them. In the same manner Virgil makes Turnus explain the Transforma­tion of the Trojan Ships into Nymphs, as an ill Omen to the Trojans.

History furnishes many Instances of Oracles, which by reason of this partial Interpretation, have prov'd an occasion to lead Men into great Misfortunes: It was the Case of Craesus in his Wars with Cyrus; and a like Mistake engaged Pyrrhus to make War upon the Romans.

XXIV.

‘VERSE 448. On the Ships above, the Cars below.]’ This is a new sort of Battel, which Homer has never before men­tion'd; the Greeks on their Ships, and the Trojans in their Chariots, fight as on a Plain. Eustathius.

XXV.

‘VERSE 472. Nor could the Trojans—Force to the Fleet and Tents th' impervious way.]’ Homer always marks distinctly the Place of Battel; he here shews us clearly, that the Tro­jans attack'd the first Line of the Fleet that stood next the [Page 220] Wall, or the Vessels which were drawn foremost on the Land: These Vessels were a strong Rampart to the Tents, which were pitch'd behind, and to the other Line of the Navy which stood nearer to the Sea; to penetrate therefore to the Tents, they must necessarily force the first Line, and defeat the Troops which defended it. Eustathius.

XXVI.

‘VERSE 582. Death is the worst, &c.]’ 'Tis with very great Address, that to the Bitterness of Death, he adds the Advan­tages that were to accrue after it. And the Ancients are of Opinion, that 'twou'd be as advantageous for young Sol­diers to read this Lesson, concise as it is, as all the Vo­lumes of Tyrtaeus, wherein he endeavours to raise the Spirits of his Countrymen. Homer makes a noble Enumeration of the Parts wherein the Happiness of a City consists. For ha­ving told us in another Place, the three great Evils to which a Town, when taken, is subject; the Slaughter of the Men, the Destruction of the Place by Fire; the leading of their Wives and Children into Captivity: now he reckons up the Blessings that are contrary to those Calamities. To the Slaughter of the Men indeed he makes no Opposition; be­cause it is not necessary to the Well-being of a City, that every Individual should be saved, and not a Man slain. Eustathius.

XXVII.

‘VERSE 590. The godlike Ajax next.]’ The Oration of He­ctor is more splendid and shining than that of Ajax, and also more solemn, from his Sentiments concerning the Favour and Assistance of Jupiter. But that of Ajax is the more po­litick, fuller of Management, and apter to persuade: For it abounds with no less than seven generous Arguments to inspire Resolution. He exhorts his People even to Death, from the Danger to which their Navy was exposed, which if once consumed, they were never like to get home. And as [Page 221] the Trojans were bid to die, so he bids his Men dare to die likewise: and indeed with great Necessity, for the Trojans may recruit after the Engagement, but for the Greeks, they had no better way than to hazard their Lives; and if they should gain nothing else by it, yet at least they would have a speedy Dispatch, not a lingring and dilatory Destruction. Eustathius.

XXVIII.

‘VERSE 677. And flank the Navy with a Brazen Wall.]’ The Poet has built the Grecians a different sort of Wall from what they had before, out of their Arms; and perhaps one might say, that 'twas from this Passage Apollo borrow'd that Oracle which he gave to the Athenians about their Wall of Wood; in like manner, the Spartans were said to have a Wall of Bones: If so, we must allow the God not a little obliged to the Poet. Eustathius.

XXIX.

‘VERSE 723. He raises Hector, &c.]’ This Picture of He­ctor, impuls'd by Jupiter, is a very finish'd Piece, and excels all the Drawings of this Hero which Homer has given us in so various Attitudes. He is here represented as an Instrument in the Hand of Jupiter, to bring about those Designs the God had long projected: And as his fatal Hour now ap­proaches, Jove is willing to recompence his hasty Death with this short-liv'd Glory. Accordingly this being the last Scene of Victory he is to appear in, the Poet introduces him with all imaginable Pomp, and adorns him with all the Terror of a Conqueror: His Eyes sparkle with Fire, his Mouth foams with Fury, his Figure is compared to the God of War, his Rage is equall'd to a Conflagration and a Storm, and the Destru­ction he causes is resembled to that which a Lyon makes among the Herds. The Poet, by this Heap of Comparisons, raises the Idea of the Hero higher than any single Descripti­on could reach.

XXX.

‘VERSE 736.—His Fate was near—Due to stern Pallas.]’ It may be ask'd, what Pallas has to do with the Fates, or what Power has she over them? Homer speaks thus, because Minerva has already resolv'd to succour Achilles, and deceive Hector in the Combate between these two Heroes, as we find in Book 22. Properly speaking, Pallas is nothing but the Knowledge and Wisdom of Jove, and it is Wisdom which presides over the Councels of his Providence; therefore she may be look'd upon as drawing all things to the fatal Term to which they are decreed. Dacier.

XXXI.

‘VERSE 752. Bursts as a Wave, &c.]’ Longinus, observing that oftentimes the principal Beauty of Writing consists in the judicious assembling together of the great Circumstances, and the Strength with which they are mark'd in the proper Place, chuses this Passage of Homer as a plain Instance of it. ‘"Where (says that noble Critick) in describing the Terror of a Tempest, he takes care to express whatever are the Accidents of most Dread and Horror in such a Situation: He is not content to tell us that the Mariners were in dan­ger, but he brings them before our Eyes, as in a Picture, upon the Point of being every Moment overwhelm'd by every Wave; nay the very Words and Syllables of the De­scription give us an Image of their Peril."’ He shews, that a Poet of less Judgment would amuse himself in less impor­tant Circumstances, and spoil the whole Effect of the Image by minute, ill-chosen, or superfluous Particulars. Thus Aratus endeavouring to refine upon that Line,

He turn'd it thus,

[Page 223] Which, by flourishing upon the Thought, has lost the Lof­tiness and Terror of it, and is so far from improving the Image, that it lessens and vanishes in his Management. By confining the Danger to a single Line, he has scarce left the Shadow of it; and indeed the word preserves takes away even that. The same Critick produces a Fragment of an old Poem on the Arimaspians, written in this false Taste, whose Author he doubts not imagin'd he had said something won­derful in the following affected Verses. I have done my best to give 'em the same turn, and believe there are those, who will not think 'em bad ones.

XXXII.

‘VERSE 796. Nestor's Speech.]’ This popular Harangue of Nestor is justly extoll'd as the strongest and most persuasive Piece of Oratory imaginable. It contains in it every Motive by which Men can be affected; the Preservation of their Wives and Children, the secure Possession of their Fortunes, the Respect of their living Parents, and the due Regard for the Memory of those that were departed: By these he di­verts the Grecians from any Thoughts of Flight in the Ar­ticle of extreme Peril. Eustathius.

This noble Exhortation is finely imitated by Tasso, Jeru­salem. l. 20.

XXXIII.

‘VERSE 814. First of the Field, great Ajax.]’ In this very Book, Homer, to raise the Valour of Hector, gives him Nep­tune for an Antagonist; and to raise that of Ajax, he first opposed to him Hector, supported by Apollo, and now the same Hector impell'd and seconded by Jupiter himself. These are Strokes of a Master-hand. Eustathius.

XXXIV.

‘VERSE 824. Drives four fair Coursers, &c.]’ The Com­parison which Homer here introduces, is a Demonstrati­on, that the Art of mounting and managing Horses was brought to so great a Perfection in these early Times, that one Man could manage four at once, and leap from one to the other even when they run full speed. But some object, that the Custom of Riding was not known in Greece at the time of the Trojan War: Besides, they say the [Page 225] Comparison is not just, for the Horses are said to run full speed, whereas the Ships stand firm and unmov'd. Had Ho­mer put the Comparison in the Mouth of one of his Heroes, the Objection had been just, and he guilty of an Inconsi­stency; but it is he himself who speaks: Saddle-Horses were in use in his Age, and any Poet may be allow'd to illustrate Pieces of Antiquity by Images familiar to his own Times. This I hope is sufficient for the first Objection; nor is the se­cond more reasonable than this; for it is not absolutely ne­cessary that Comparisons should correspond in every Particu­lar; it suffices if there be a general Resemblance. This is only introduced to shew the Agility of Ajax, who passes swiftly from one Vessel to another, and is therefore entirely just. Eustathius.

XXXV.

‘VERSE 856. The same that dead Protesilaus bore.]’ Homer feigns that Hector laid hold on the Ship of the dead Prote­silaus, rather than that of any other, that he might not dis­grace any of his Grecian Generals. Eustathius.

XXXVI.

Homer adds this with a great deal of Art and Prudence, to answer beforehand all the Objections which he well foresaw might be made, because Hector never till now once attacks the Grecians in their Camp, or endeavours to burn their Na­vy. He was retain'd by the Elders of Troy, who frozen with Fear at the Sight of Achilles, never suffer'd him to march from the Ramparts. Our Author forgets nothing that has the Resemblance of Truth; but he had yet a farther Reason for inserting this, as it exalts the Glory of his principal Hero: These Elders of Troy thought it less difficult to defeat the Greeks, tho' defended with strong Entrenchments, while Achilles was not with them; than to overcome them without [Page 226] Entrenchments when he assisted them. And this is the reason that they prohibited Hector before, and permit him now, to sally upon the Enemy. Dacier.

XXXVII.

‘VERSE 877. But now Jove calls to Arms, &c.]’ Hector seems to be sensible of an extraordinary Impulse from Hea­ven, signified by these Words, the most mighty Hand of Jove pushing him on. 'Tis no more than any other Person would be ready to imagine, who should rise from a State of Distress or Indolence, into one of good Fortune, Vigour, and Activi­ty. Eustathius.

XXXVIII.

‘VERSE 890. The Speech of Ajax.]’ There is great Strength, Closeness, and Spirit in this Speech, and one might (like many Criticks) employ a whole Page in extolling and ad­miring it in general Terms. But sure the perpetual Rap­ture of such Commentators, who are always giving us Ex­clamations instead of Criticisms, may be a Mark of great Ad­miration, but of little Judgment. Of what Use is this ei­ther to a Reader who has a Taste, or to one who has not? To admire a fine Passage is what the former will do without us, and what the latter cannot be taught to do by us. How­ever we ought gratefully to acknowledge the good Nature of most People, who are not only pleased with this superficial Applause given to fine Passages, but are likewise inclined to transfer to the Critick, who only points at these Beauties, part of the Admiration justly due to the Poet. This is a cheap and easy way to Fame, which many Writers ancient and modern have pursued with great Success. Formerly in­deed this sort of Authors had Modesty, and were humbly content to call their Performances only Florilegia or Posies: But some of late have pass'd such Collections on the World for Criticisms of great Depth and Learning, and seem to expect the same Flowers should please us better, in these pal­try [Page 227] Nosegays of their own making up, than in the native Gardens where they grew. As this Practice of extolling without giving Reasons, is very convenient for most Wri­ters; so it excellently suits the Ignorance or Laziness of most Readers, who will come into any Sentiment rather than take the trouble of refuting it. Thus the Complement is mutual: For as such Criticks do not tax their Readers with any thought to understand them, so their Readers in Return advance nothing in Opposition to such Criticks. They may go roundly on, admiring and exclaiming in this manner; What an exquisite Spirit of Poetry—How beautiful a Circumstance—What Delicacy of Sentiments—With what Art has the Poet—In how sublime and just a manner—How finely imagined—How wonderfully beautiful and poetical—And so proceed, without one Reason to interrupt the Course of their Eloquence, most comfortably and ignorantly Apostrophising to the end of the Chapter.