Remarks on some observations on Dr. Brown's dissertation on poetry and musick. In a letter to the author of the observations Brown, John, 1715-1766. 64 600dpi bitonal TIFF page images and SGML/XML encoded text University of Michigan Library Ann Arbor, Michigan 2008 September 004900860 T46789 CW106287210 K044031.000 CW3306287210 ECFA 0169200700

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Remarks on some observations on Dr. Brown's dissertation on poetry and musick. In a letter to the author of the observations Brown, John, 1715-1766. [2],62p. ; 8⁰. printed for L. Davis and C. Reymers, London : 1764. Anonymous. By J. Brown. Reproduction of original from the British Library. English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT46789. Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).

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eng

REMARKS ON SOME OBSERVATIONS ON Dr. BROWN'S DISSERTATION ON POETRY and MUSICK. In a LETTER to the AUTHOR of the OBSERVATIONS.

LONDON, Printed for L. DAVIS and C. REYMERS, againſt Gray's-Inn-Gate, Holborn, Printers to the Royal Society. MDCCLXIV.

REMARKS, &c.

I Addreſs the following Remarks to you, not becauſe I pretend to gueſs at your Perſon, but becauſe I think you are moſt intereſted in them; and I ſend you them plain and ſimple, without prefacing them either with Compliments or Acrimony.

I entirely agree with you in your firſt general Obſervation, (P. 2.) that of moſt, if not "all Arts or Exertions of human Faculty, thoſe which Dr. Brown has choſen for his Subject are moſt liable to be influenced by a Variety of Cauſes; ſeemingly moſt remote and minute, and moſt difficult to be obſerved". But ſurely your Concluſion is not logical; "That to think, by laying down one or a few Principles, to deduce the Progreſs of them ſyſtematically, is parallel to Almanackmakers foretelling the Weather." In my Opinion the preſent Queſtion is not whether they can be ſolved ſyſtematically or not, but whether Dr. B—'s Solution is juſt or groundleſs: And if you apply this Concluſion to his Work, before you have examined it, your Determination muſt be ranked with the Judgments of thoſe Countries, where they behead a Man firſt and try afterwards whether he is Guilty.

Your ſecond Obſervation is of the "Unimportance of ſuch Inveſtigations, as being mere amuſing Gratifications of Curioſity."Yet if you are really in earneſt, how came you (who have affected to diſplay ſo large a Fund of Reading) to have "P. 2. employed ſo much of your Thoughts on a ſmall Part of this very Subject? And Ibid. if ever you publiſh your Thoughts,"I appeal to your own Heart, in what Eſtimation you would hold the Man who ſhould tell you they were of "no Importance to Mankind, or rank them, as you have done Dr. B—'s, with Almanack-making.

Your third Objection "of the doctorial Manner and Air of Science with which it has been faſhionable of late to advance Conjectures;" is at leaſt not liberal. If Dr. B—'s Conjectures are falſe, it ought to be Triumph enough for you to prove them ſo; if on the contrary, notwithſtanding your Arguments, they prove true, ought they not to be advanced with the Confidence of Truth, by a Man who knows them ſo."

I entirely acquieſce in your fourth Obſervation "that, ſince Truth is the principal Purpoſe theſe Inveſtigations can anſwer, Miſrepreſentation or even Error in matter of Fact is leſs excuſable in them than in any other Kind of Enquiry," except in ſuch as your's and mine, where if we miſrepreſent either thro' Prejudice or Partiality, or err in Matters of Fact when we would correct the Errors of others, then we are leſs excuſable, becauſe we are leſs honeſt.

So much may ſuffice for your Preliminaries; The Body of your Work remains now to be examined.

1. You ſay, "I will not take the Advantage of the obvious Ridicule which ariſes from the ſearching the Seeds and Principles of all the moſt refined and tranſporting Poetry of Greece, in the dreary Wilds of North-America P. 4.."—'Tis indeed out of the common road, for Dr. B. to carry us ſo far in Queſt of Brutality, when he might have found it ſo much nearer Home, among the old Pelaſgi of ancient Greece; who certainly were no better than the modern Iroquois. We know they were Acorn-Eaters and Man-Eaters:

Sylveſtres Homines, Sacer Interpreſque Deorum, Caedibus & Victu foedo deterruit ORPHEUS Horace.

This is the moſt we know of them; and this we know of the modern Iroquois too, but then we know a great dealmore. Now, what we know of the mordern Iroquois, Dr. B. on the Foundation of Analogy, applies to the old Pelaſgi: He attempts to prove by an eaſy Chain of Reaſoning, that in Caſe of a ſuppoſed Civilization of Iroquois, ſuch Conſequences might naturally be expected to ariſe, as did actually ariſe in antient Greece; and viceverſa, that as the old Pelaſgi were once in the ſame State as the Iroquois are now, they actually did proceed by the ſame Steps as theſe would probably do upon a ſimilar Civilization. The Argument is new I confeſs, but is not therefore to be treated with Contempt. If the Principles on which all Savage Tribes proceed are always ſimple, and nearly the ſame in all, making only ſome ſmall Allowance for the Difference of Soil, and Climate: If the Similarity of Cauſes and Effects be too clear and convincing to be denied; in a Word if, even where Variations of Character ariſe, they ſerve rather to illuſtrate than confound the Subject, certainly any Concluſions properly drawn from ſo amazing an Analogy, muſt fall little ſhort of Demonſtration.—The Method then of Argumentation no rational Man can object to; let us therefore ſee whether Dr. B—has ſuſtained it properly in thoſe Parts which regard ancient Greece.

You begin with a very material Point, which if once made out would overthrow Dr. B—'s Hypotheſis from the Foundation. You tell us, "It is taken for granted all along, that the Poetry and Muſic, and Legiſlation, and Religion of Greece, were entirely the ſpontaneous Productions of that Climate" but that "it is certain, the firſt Seeds of them were imported P. 4.."You then appeal to ancient Authors, and affirm (from them) that Dr. B's Syſtem "cannot hold, ſince their firſt Civilizers did certainly introduce foreign Gods, and were not the Object of Worſhip themſelves P. 5..

To prove that it was otherwiſe, you cite Herodotus; and you ſay, "he aſſures us that the Pelaſgi had no more than ſome general Notion of a ſuperior Power who made the World P. 6.." Now, how can You, whoſe Work profeſſes to be built on the Pillar of ſtrict Quotation, how can You begin with ſo egregious an Untruth? In your Tranſlation you have repreſented the PELASGI (Acorn-Eaters and Man-Eaters) as pure Theiſts; and it ſeems it was Orpheus who afterwards debaſed them into groſs Idolaters Euterpe, l. 52.. Now Herodotus ſays nothing of all this. He mentions not a ſuperior Power; but expreſsly ſays Gods ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) nor does he ſpeak one Word of their making, but only of their governing the World P. 6.. And is not this a palmary Argument in Proof of their having no Religion, that "they worſhiped the Gods, who in their Opinion governed the World?" —Well: but it ſeems, "they knew no Name for any Divinity; the Names of their Gods were brought from Egypt; and if their Gods had been their own Chiefs, their Names would have been better remembered than any Thing elſe P. 6.." Here, I confeſs with Pleaſure, is ſome Appearance of good Reaſoning.

But to ſet this Matter in its true Light; and acquaint you whence it probably came to paſs, that the ſavage Pelaſgi had no Names for their Gods, I muſt (in Imitation of Dr. B.) carry you once more among your new Acquaintances, the Savages of America.—You muſt know, then, that the ſavage Tribes ſeldom retain the particular Name of the Chieftain whom they deify and worſhip: and the Reaſon of this is, becauſe he generally loſes it even before be dies. When he is exalted to the Rank of Chief, his former Name is commonly dropped, and a new Appellation is given him, ſuited to the Station he is raiſed to: This Title (rather than Name) is generally that of Father, Senior, or Sun of the Tribe. In Proof of this I might refer you to all the Writers on the Manners of ſavage Tribes: On this Subject, however, LAFITAU and the Lettres Edifiantes, will give you ample Satisfaction. Under this State of Things, the ſavage Tribes offer Sacrifice, conſult Oracles, and perform the general Acts of a native Religion. This, then, ſeems to have been the idolatrous State of the old Pelaſgi: They probably worſhipped their firſt ſavage Chieftains; for it is clear, on the Evidence of Herodotus himſelf, that they offered Sacrifice to their Gods, and conſulted the Oracle of Dodona, whether they ſhould give the Egyptian Names to their own Deities Herod. ib.: two Circumſtances which prove even to Demonſtration, that they had Deities before the Time of Orpheus.

You will ſay, "what then did Orpheus introduce, if he introduced not the Gods of Greece?" Why, Herodotus tells us, as plain as Words can tell us: He introduced Myſteries ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ): and that he might diſtinguiſh the native Gods whom he found already eſtabliſhed by a general Worſhip, he appropriated particular Rites to each; and to this End, very properly diſtinguiſhed each God by a particular Appellation, But ſure, never was Critic ſo unlucky in his Remarks as You: For it has been made appear by a learned Writer, that theſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , theſe very Myſteries which ORPHEUS introduced to Greece, were ſo far from being the Beginnings of Heroe Worſhip, that they were intended as a Detection (to the initiated) of the Errors of pre-eſtabliſhed Polytheiſm Div. Leg. of Moſes, B. ii. Sect. 4..

It appears then, that the oldeſt Gods of Greece were ſtrictly native: I ſhall now prove that they were the Chiefs and firſt Civilizers of the ſavage Inhabitants. That they were ſuch, is evident from the Teſtimony of ſeveral ancient Authors, founded on the Traditions of the Country, which are the only original Evidences that can be obtained in a Caſe of this Nature.—The firſt and chief of theſe was He, to whom Orpheus (it ſeems) gave the Name of JUPITER. This old Chieftain was born in Crete: and was brought young by his Mother into Greece Strabo, l. x.. He conquered the Titans (probably another Tribe of Savages, at Enmity with the Pelaſgi) and civilized the Inhabitants of the Country which he ſubdued Diodorus, l. iii.. After he had vanquiſhed the Titans, he is ſaid by ſome Authors to have inſtituted the Olympian Games, in Commemoration of his Victory Pauſanias, l. v..

Another of theſe moſt ancient Gods of Greece, to whom ORPHEUS gave the Name of APOLLO, was a Chief who killed the Serpent Python, and the Tyrant Titius; taught the Inhabitants of Greece the Uſe of the Fruits of the Earth, and civilized the Inhabitants of ſeveral Diſtricts Strabo, l. ix..

Two more of theſe ancient Gods of Greece, were the famed Brothers, CASTOR and POLLUX. They were Natives of the little Iſle of Pephnos near Meſſene Pauſanias, l.; and taught the Lacedemonians the Arts of Dancing and of War Lucian. de Saltatione..

Now theſe four are the very ancient Gods whom Dr. B. has ſingled out, as being delivered down to Poſterity under the Characters of Muſicians, Singers, and Dancers. All of them Chiefs and Civilizers of ancient Greece, in ſome Department or other of Legiſlation.

But he might have added ſeveral more. Of this Claſs was MERCURY. He was born in Greece Pauſanias Arcad.; was the Inventor of the Lyre; and is ſaid to have been deified for this Invention Eliac..

Another Deification I muſt not paſs over: You have led me to it yourſelf: It is that of BACCHUS; whoſe Love of Wine, Dance, and Muſic, is too well known to need a Comment. You ſpeak of his Myſteries, as being not of Grecian but foreign Original; and thence you conclude, that the God himſelf was ſo. I need hardly bid you turn back to the preceding Pages, to put you in Mind how inconcluſive this Argument is. The old Chieftain himſelf was a Civilizer of Greece, tho' his Myſteries (introduced by ORPHEUS) were Egyptian. You will demand a Proof of the God being a Civilizer of Greece. Take the following Account, then; which unfortunately contains as ample a Confutation of all you have advanced on this Subject, as any Heart can wiſh. "PHILONIDES informs us, that the Vine having been tranſplated from the Borders of the Red Sea into Greece, by BACCHUS;—the Greeks, when the unmixed Wine is brought to Table at Supper, invoke the good Genius or God, honouring (or worſhipping) the Power who invented it: This God is BACCHUS Athen. Deip. l. xv.."

Thus, your capital Objection to Dr. B's Syſtem ſeems abſolutely untenable, and void of all Foundation.

3. You proceed, next, to object againſt his Account of the Origin of poetic Numbers P. 8, 9, 13, &c. What you have advanced on this Subject, I ſhall only ſtile an Inſtance of your Power of Repreſentation.—You confound the Origin of Poetry with the Origin of mere Rythm; nor perhaps is it neceſſary that a mere Critic ſhould know the Difference.—You repreſent Savages, in their loweſt State of Nature, to have no Leiſure for Amuſement; when, if you will read, you will find, they have more Leiſure than any civilized Nations:—You charge Dr. B. with repreſenting them as going formally to Work, with an a-priori Notion of Harmony and Meaſure, to adapt their Words to Muſic; when in Reality he tells you from Lafitau, that they dance and ſing, and join their Words to their Muſic as well as they can; and to this End, that they "even retrench and ſtrike off ſome Syllables from their Words,"that they "may tally better with their Dance and Muſic; and hence the natural Origin of Rythm or Numbers"—You own that the Dance cannot be totally without Meaſure; and yet you deny its Tendency to produce a correſpondent Meaſure in the annexed Words:—You ſay that violent Emotions of the Mind naturally produce harmonious Periods, yet though you are very angry through your whole Work, you never produce one harmonious Period.—Such are the Materials of this Article, which I ſhall leave to the Reader's Contemplations.

4. But you have not yet done with the old Deities of Greece: You ſay you remember a "Paſſage of ARISTOTLE full in the Teeth of Dr. B's Syſtem: wherein it is obſerved, that "the Poets never repreſent Jupiter ſinging P. 14.."Truly, neither does Dr. B. for he only ſays (on the Authority of a very old Poet) that "Jupiter danced." 'Tis a little hard upon the Father of Gods and Men, thus to tie him Hand and Foot becauſe he wanted an Ear, or happened to be hoarſe: and becauſe he did not ſing, that you won't let him dance neither. Good Sir, be a little more ingenuous in your Application of ancient Authors.

But you affirm, that "Arctinus mentions Jupiter's Dancing as a Thing unuſual lb.." Now, why did not you refer to the Paſſage in Athenaeus which you here allude to? Was it for Fear the Reader might conſult it?—With ſome Trouble I have found it; and am ſorry to ſay, I have detected you in what an illiberal Critic would call a downright Falſehood. The following is a literal Tranſlation of the Paſſage. "Eumelus or Arctinus the Corinthian ſomewhere introduces Jupiter dancing; ſaying, "Among them danced the Sire of Gods and Men Deip. l. i.." Not a Syllable occurs here, on its being either an uſual or unuſual Thing.

But it ſeems, "the Character of the Poet ſhould be aſcertained whether ſerious or burleſque, &c. before any thing concerning the whole Syſtem of Grecian Religion be determined by one Quotation at Second-hand from him P. 14.."—You are a notable Logician.—But it happens, that the Proof of Dr. B's Syſtem does not depend upon this one Quotation: he has (in the Courſe of his Diſſertation) given twenty more, which are generally corroborative of This.

5. You next come to conſider Dr. B's Account of the Origin of Poetic Hiſtory: You charge Dr. B. with miſquoting and miſrepreſenting the Author of the Life of Homer, in order to bring him to his own Purpoſe P. 15.. But in reality, all that Dr. B. has done, is to expreſs that properly, which the Author of the Life of Homer had expreſſed improperly: Both their Expreſſions imply the ſame Thing. You farther charge Dr. B. indeed, with "turning Spaniſh Works into Arabic ones P. 16.." Now theſe Spaniſh Fragments are indeed Arabic by Deſcent; and this is evidently Dr. B's Meaning. But You, I find, being ignorant of their Original, did not comprehend his Meaning.

6. On the Subject of "ancient Laws being written in Verſe,"you ſay, "the Actions of their Gods and Heroes were ſuch as could not be a Foundation for moral Exhortations to Imitation P. 16.." Here, I ſuſpect, that inſtead of putting yourſelf in the Place of the Savages, you have put the Savages in your Place. Certainly, to a modern Engliſhman, the Actions of their Gods and Heroes could never have ſeemed a worthy Model for Imitation: Yet to an ancient ſavage Greek (an Acorn-Eater, and a Man-Eater) they might very well paſs for ſuch. "Plunder and Revenge (as you obſerve P. 13.) being what the Savage chiefly values," an Exhortation to this Purpoſe would naturally be included in the Song-Feaſt.—

7. You ſay, "I would fain know why the Doctor ſhould ſuppoſe the Practice of religious Dance and Song to have neceſſarily ariſen from a falſe Religion, which, as he himſelf takes Notice, made a Part of the true P. 17.." But where has the Doctor aſſerted, that they neceſſarily aroſe? That they naturally aroſe both among Pagans and Jews, he has made it very evident. Now, why ſhould we have Recourſe to a pedantic Principle of Imitation, void of Evidence, for a Practice which manifeſtly ariſes from Nature? I expect, you will prove in your next Work, that all Pagans learnt of the Jews, how to beget Children, and eat their Victuals.

8. You now come to the old poetic Oracles of GREECE: So far as the Affair of mere Reaſoning is concerned, I ſhall again leave you to the natural Penetration of the Reader. With Reſpect to the literary Part of the Argument, I at length give you Joy of a ſmall Diſcovery: for you have detected Dr. B. in calling an ancient Prieſteſs of Apollo by the Name of PHEMONOE inſtead of HEROPHILE. I wiſh you had been as ſucceſsful in your next Attack.

For the main Point worth contending for an this Subject is, "Whether the ancient Pythian Oracles were the Effect of Enthuſiaſm." To prove that they were not, you bring a Story from Homer, who tells us of a wonderful Feat of APOLLO, who 1ſt changed himſelf into a Dolphin; 2dly, drove the Cretan Voyagers from their Courſe at Sea; 3dly, appeared to them (Qu. in his own Shape, or the Dolphin's?) and told them, they were to be his Sacrificers; 4thly, that the poor Fellows being hungry, he aſſured them, they need not fear for a Subſiſtence; for that he could foretel, they ſhould live comfortably on the Sacrifices: on which, they believed him, and became his Prieſts.—Now, on this curious and authentic Trait of Hiſtory, which you call rational and probable, you found the Riſe of the Delphic Oracle. Believe your Creed who may, I ſhall not endeavour to ſhake his Faith: But in Reſpect to thoſe who may think that any thing can poſſibly be fabulous which comes from that moſt ſcrupulous and true Hiſtorian, Old HOMER, I can only ſet againſt him the weak Authority of that poetical and lying Romancer, DIODORUS the Sicilian. Now this Author tells us, in the moſt expreſs Terms, that "the Riſe of this famed Oracle was from Enthuſiaſm: That the firſt Diviners being ſeized with this, began to prophecy, and were agitated with wild and frantic Geſtures, which were ſo violent, that many of them leapt into the deep Cleft of the Earth, near the Place where now the Temple of Delphi ſtands: And that in Proceſs of Time, the Diviner or Pythia, was confined to the Tripos, as the Means of preventing the like fatal Conſequences Diodorus, l. 16.." This whole Account confirms all that Dr. B. has advanced concerning the Origin of the old poetic Oracles of GREECE: it overturns all the Objections you have muſtered on this Subject: And as to the illiberal Miſrepreſentations of Dr. B's Method of Reaſoning, which cloſe your Argument, I am quite aſhamed of them, and might give you for Anſwer, a Maxim of your own; "that a Buffoon always places Things in that Light which is moſt advantageous to his Satire P. 35.."

9. On the Subject of the Greek Melody, you ſay, "you have little to object:" and for the ſame Reaſon, perhaps, I have nothing to object; and I fear the Reaſon is, becauſe we do not underſtand it.—However, you are even with him in the next Paragraph; in which you prove yourſelf a greater Adept in Proſody, not only than Dr. B. but even than the learned Voſſius himſelf: And here you have laid hold of a fair Opportunity of expoſing Dr. B. for another Man's Ignorance at leaſt, if not for his own. On this important Head, therefore I will lay down a Brace of Maxims, built on your moſt ingenious Criticiſm, which I defy him and all his Adherents to overturn. 1. That a Writer is anſwerable for any incidental Error of the Author whom he quotes, though it be not eſſential to his Subject. 2. That though the Author who made a trifling Miſtake may be a Man of Senſe and Learning, yet he who paſſes it unnoticed muſt be an ignorant Blockhead.

10. You own that "the Power of the Greek Melody is juſtly attributed by Dr. B. to the Power of Aſſociation P. 39.." "But," —Ay, right or wrong, there muſt be a but— "But this is in Effect owning, that it is in a great Meaſure unaccountable Ib.." Let us ſee, now, how this Argument ſtands.—If we know that it is juſtly attributed to Aſſociation, then ſurely we know what Aſſociation means; and if ſo, then, I apprehend, it is clearly accounted for.—Had I not been tolerably acquainted with you before I arrived at this logical Paragraph, I ſhould have wondered to hear a Man ſaying and unſaying the ſame thing at a Breath.—Well; but we will paſs over this as one of thoſe Propoſitions you ſpeak of, which are neither true nor falſe. We will ſuppoſe, that all you mean to aſſert is only what follows; "that their particular Aſſociations being unknown, the particular Nature of their Melody (which aroſe from theſe Aſſociations) muſt be unknown likewiſe:" —This is a Propoſition which has both Senſe and Truth in it: But then, unluckily for you, it is the very thing that Dr. B. aſſerts: For he tells you, even again and again, that notwithſtanding all the Pretences of your whole critical Fraternity, we know nothing particular about the Matter.

11. But now you haſten into the midſt of things; and, to confeſs the Truth, take ſuch Strides in Abſurdity, that it requires ſome Pains to follow you.—Dr. B. ſays, "Their Songs were of a legiſlative Caſt, and being drawn chiefly from the Fables or Hiſtory of their own Country, contained the eſſential Parts of their religious, political, and moral Syſtems."—This it ſeems you cannot digeſt; and yet, I fear, you will be compelled to ſwallow it.—

Firſt, you acknowledge, that the Songs of Orpheus and Amphion were of this legiſlative Caſt: that "they employed them to perſwade the Savages to live together ſociably, and without injuring each other, and to worſhip the Gods P. 26.." So far we go together.—"But as ſoon as the Conveniencies of Life began to abound, they began to ſeek Amuſement; and then, it is in the Light of pleaſing and charming, not ſage or uſeful, we find them conſidered Ib.." Now, with all due Deference to the contrary Opinion and Practice of a learned Critic, who lards his Sentences with Scraps of Greek, may not a Work be at once pleaſing and inſtructive? Or to expreſs myſelf in a Way more ſuitable to the Taſte of certain Writers (becauſe leſs intelligible to Half their Readers) may not the Utile and the Dulce be joined together? As a full Proof, that this was the Fact in the Poems of the ancient Greeks, I need only refer to what Dr. B. has quoted from Plato Diſſert. Sect. v. Art 12.. There it appears at large, that the Poems of their Bards were taught to their Children, as the Foundation both of their Opinions and their Manners. And the very Reaſon is aſſigned by Plato why this Method of Inſtruction was uſed, "Becauſe the youthful Mind is not apt to attend to ſerious Study, therefore the pleaſing Vebicle of Song is to be adminiſtered."

But you urge further, "that the Bard's Profeſſion was not of that Dignity, which Dr. B. aſcribes to it;" "and as for his ranking the Bard next to Kings, I can quote him two Paſſages where he is ranked with Carpenters P. 29.." —You might have ſaved yourſelf the Trouble: becauſe Dr. B. himſelf has produced an Inſtance from another Country, (Ireland) where the Bards had thought proper to rank themſelves with Thieves and Robbers Diſſert. p. 163.. Yet in this very Country, there had been a time, when they were ranked with Kings and Gods Ib p. 161.. This ſhrewd Obſervation, therefore, ariſes only from your being unfairly carried off your Ground, and obliged to talk on a Subject you are not acquainted with: You ſuppoſe the Dignity of the Bard's Character to have been always ſtationary and the ſame, whereas indeed, it appears from Dr. B's Work, that it was generally fluctuating, according to the accidental Changes in Civilization, Arts, and Manners.

Again, you ſay, "Had Homer's Work been legiſlative, his Buſineſs would have been to deliver a more perfect and improved Syſtem in each Kind P. 29.." How do you know that? Has Homer himſelf told you ſo? Upon what Authority do you make Homer wiſer than he was, and wiſer than the Times had made him? "He painted what he ſaw and believed (ſays Dr. B.) and painted truly: the Fault lay in the Opinions and Manners of the Times: In the Defects of an early and barbarous Legiſlation, which had but half-civilized Mankind Diſſert. p. 82.."

But now, after having granted, that Homer did not deliver a perfect and improved Syſtem of Doctrines, you proceed (like a profound Philoſopher) to prove that he did P. 29, 30.. Your Argumentation on this Head I ſhall leave to the natural and common Senſe of the Reader; only adding this Remark, that Homer's Fables were ſuch a Picture of Life and Morals, as Plato (in a more refined Period) thought proper to baniſh from his Republic, leſt they ſhould deſtroy all good Morals.—Dr. B. has particularized ſome of the Chief of them, which ſufficiently juſtify Plato's Cenſure Differt. p. 81..

You next proceed to Pindar: and here, when I found you allowed that "the poetic Songs muſt abound with Reflections on what was laudable, or the contrary; and with Pictures and Recommendations of what that Age and Nation reputed Virtue;" and alſo that "Fables built on the current Traditions, at once ſtruck the Imagination, ſoothed the Vanity, and excited the awful Reſpect of the Hearers P. 32.:" Now, ſaid I, we are happily agreed: But ſee the Vanity of human Hopes! In the very next Line we are all broke to Pieces. For it ſeems "Pindar's intermixed Fables were ſo far from being neceſſary to his Odes, that in his firſt Ode he wrote without mixing Fables at all, until an elder and more experienced Artiſt, Corinna, told him how neceſſary they were Ib.."—I durſt hold an even Wager, that this ſame Corinna was a ſenſible old Woman: You ſee, ſhe was inſtructing a young Greek Divine in the Art of Preaching: You tell us too, that "he followed her Advice." Marry, and with good Reaſon: for it appears, from Dr. B's Diſſertation, as well as Corinna's Advice, that Fables were regarded as an eſſential Part of the Performance Diſſert. p. 83, 84..

Your ſubſequent Remark is a downright Triumph. For here you prove irrefragably, that Dr. B. has called Pindar's Chair, a Chair of Gold; when in Reality, it was only a Chair of Iron. This is the ſecond Error you have luckily hit; by which you have more than made good the ancient Proverb, that "once a blind Man killed a Batt." I cannot conceive how Dr. B. will bring himſelf off here; unleſs he ſhould perverſely affirm, that he ſpeaks metaphorically; and calls Pindar's a Chair of Gold, in the ſame Manner, as if he were to ſpeak of the Chair in which certain modern Critics ſit and write, he would call it a Chair of Lead.

You go on: "The three Greek Tragedians, ſays the Doctor, are the laſt of this illuſtrious Catalogue of legiſlative Bards.""Wo is me!"—For "in the moſt private Converſations I h ve had, they never gave me a Hint of their being Legiſlators, or legiſlative Writers P. 33, 34.." No Wonder they never whiſpered the Secret to You, who ſeem only to have been counting your Fingers, and ſcanning Verſes. If they had whiſpered any thing to you, I think I can gueſs what it would have been. But you have ſet me an Example of Politeneſs; and therefore, notwithſtanding all the friendly Freedoms I take with you, I will not ſo much as hint, what it was the Reeds whiſpered to Midas.—Yet you allow that "they hold forth the leading Principles of the Greek Religion, Polity, and Morals; and their Subjects are the Grecian Gods and Heroes P. 33. 34.." Here then you ſeem to carry about you more Truth than you are aware of. You remember what grave Creature it was that formerly carried the Myſteries, and yet was never the wiſer: But I make no ill-natured Applications.

But Solon (you ſay) does not ſeem to have "had that high Idea of the tragic Writers, as uſeful Servants of the State Ib.." What Tragic Writers? The three that Dr. B. ſpeaks of? Solon was dead long before they exiſted. You ſhall take your Choice, whether you will have this ſet down to the Account of your Learning or your Modeſty.— But "Plutarch informs us, that he expreſſed a great Diſlike of their Art, in the Practice of Theſpis P. 34.." True; he did ſo: And you tell us yourſelf, in another Place, what it was that Solon diſliked: It was "the new Circumſtance of dramatic Repreſentation P. 47.." But this was not the Place for you to bring that Circumſtance into View; becauſe it would have unmaſked your Battery. Solon was alarmed at a a Change in their poetic and muſical Conteſts, which hitherto had maintained their ſimpler Form; and it was probably his high Idea of their preeſtabliſhed Utility, which induced him ſo ſeverely to cenſure this Innovation. Thus, in the End, this Affair of Solon and Theſpis tends to confirm Dr. B's Opinion, rather than to confute it.

But now you ſuddenly come round, and become quite good-humoured; nay you are willing to lend Dr. B. a Lift; and produce a Paſſage which tends to the Confirmation of his Syſtem P. 34, 35.: For you tell us, "Euripides himſelf is introduced, affirming that the Reaſon why Poets are to be honoured is for their Ingenuity, ſalutary Admonitions, and bettering their Fellow-Citizens." This is a Method of Confutation altogether new, and very ingenious: To confirm an Adverſary's Syſtem by Proofs which he himſelf was ignorant of; and thus to demonſtrate your Superiority.

And now to cloſe this Article in your own Manner, I will alſo produce ſome additional Evidenees in Favour of Dr. B's Syſtem; and then I think we ſhall have humbled him ſufficiently between us.

The Doctor muſt know then (for to be ſure if he had known it, he would have ſaid it) that in the ancient Times of Greece, there was no other Code, either religious, moral, or political, but the Songs of their Bards. If there was even one let Dr. B. produce it at his Peril. Theſe Songs or Poems, then, were indeed the great Repoſitory of their Principles: having no real Revelation or Guide from Heaven, they took up with the beſt they could find; and hence laid hold of the Examples of their fabulous Gods and Heroes, as the Means of fixing the fluctuating Principles of their refpective Societies by a certain Standard, however defective. Theſe Songs, therefore, may, on this Foundation, be properly ſtiled legiſlative, becauſe they actually ſtood in the Place of Law.

In farther Proof of this, I will give Dr. B. two or three Authorities. "Heſiod and Homer (ſays Herodotus) were they who formed a Theogony for the Greeks, giving Names to their Gods, and fixing their Shapes or Figures Herod. Euterpe.."As a Conſequence of this, a reſpectable Modern tells us, that "the Writings of Homer became the Standard of private Belief, and the grand Directory of public Worſhip Life of Homer, p. 174.."—Another learned Modern expreſſes himſelf in ſtill ſtronger Terms. For ſpeaking of the ancient Greeks, he affirms that "Homer was their Bible: and whatſoever was not read therein, nor could be expreſsly proved thereby, paſſed with them for apocryphal Div. Leg. of Moſes, Vol. ii. Part i. p. 52.."Again, He calls Homer and Heſiod "the popular and only authorized Books of Divinity amongſt the Greeks; which aſſign the Names, the Attributes, and the Form, to each God Ib. P. 259.." How it happened, that theſe Fables which were ſwallowed in Times of Ignorance, came to be eſtabliſhed in a more knowing Age, this learned Perſon likewiſe inform us. "The great Poets of Greece, who had moſt contributed to refine the public Taſte and Manners, and were now grown into a Kind of ſacred Authority, had ſanctified theſe ſilly Tales in their Writings, which Time had now conſigned to Immortality lb. Vol. i. Part ii. P. 303.."

Now all theſe Authorities, every one of them tending to confirm his Syſtem, Dr. B. hath ignorantly omitted; and (with an a-priori Notion, as you elegantly ſtile it) has pretended to be wiſer than his Neighbours, and gone about to prove with the moſt conſummate Arrogance that it muſt be ſo; and that from the natural Progreſſion of ſavage Manners, it could not be otherwiſe.

Having thus ſufficiently humbled Dr. B. by bringing Arguments in his Favour which he knew nothing of; we will now take Leave of this Article, and proceed to Number

12. You preface your Criticiſms on this Article, by ſtiling them "looſe Obſervations P. 35.;"which we muſt take without much "Order, for you have not Time enough to methodize them."—And yet you have been a whole Year in throwing up your Crudities.

Your firſt looſe Obſervation on the 12th Article is this; "that although the Greeks regarded Muſic as a neceſſary Part of a liberal Education, yet this only implies that it was an Accompliſhment parallel to Dancing in preſent Times:" and in Proof of this, you add, that "one (modern) Author intitles his Book on the Subject, the Rudiments of genteel Education P. 35, 36.." I could have furniſhed you with an Inſtance ſtill more to your Purpoſe, of a Dancing Maſter who writ a Treatiſe to prove, that all the Vices of the preſent Age are owing to the Neglect of Dancing. —You go on: "Even the abſtracted Locke and Rouſſeau inſiſt on it, in their Treatiſes on Education.—May we not then conjecture, the Caſes were in ſome Meaſure alike Ib.?" Truly, we might conjecture as we pleaſed, if the clear Evidence of Antiquity was not againſt us. But unluckily again, Dr. B. has proved from various ancient Authors, that their Poems were the Bible of ancient Greece: that theſe Poems were ſung, both in public and private; and not only ſo, but that their Children were taught to ſing them to the Lyre, as the very firſt Foundation of a virtuous Education Diſſert. Sect. v. Art. 12. p. 86, &c.: He has proved that all this was done, even before they learnt the gymnaſtic Arts: And theſe (if you had been properly converſant with ancient Manners) were what you would have compared to modern dancing. "Muſic (ſays Plato, in a Paſſage quoted by Dr. B.) relates to the Mind, the Gymnaſtic to the Improvement of the Body Diſſert. Sect. v. Art. 12. p. 86, &c.."

Well: But "Plato gives Notice, that when he ſpeaks of Muſic, he includes the Subject, Words, or Song; and by the Paſſage quoted from the Alcibiades it appears, that this was not the popular Senſe P. 37.." Very true, but very conſiſtent with, nay corroborative of, all that Dr. B. has ſaid. He has obſerved, that in the Time of Plato, the Separation of Poetry and Muſic had commenced: Therefore it was proper and natural in Plato, to explain himſelf particularly, whenever he writ on this Subject; and to inform his Readers that he ſpoke of Muſic in the ancient Senſe, and not in the new. In his Alcibiades too, he writ altogether according to Character: For it was natural for Alcibiades (a young Debauche) to adopt the new Senſe, and for Socrates to put him in Mind of the old.

You next charge Dr. B. with writing in that Stile which "is neither true nor falſe, becauſe he has not preciſely fixed the Point which ſeparates what he calls the early from the late Periods of Antiquity, with regard to the Uſe of Muſic merely inſtrumental (y)." In this Point you not a little reſemble an honeſt Lawyer at the Bar, who was examining a Witneſs to a Fact: The Witneſs ſaid, it happened between Nine and Ten in the Morning. "Was it at five Minutes, or ten Minutes, or a Quarter, or Half, or three Quarters after Nine?" ſaid the honeſt Lawyer. The Witneſs declaring he could not fix it to a few Minutes, the Man of Logic turned about to the Jury, and ſaid, "Now Gentlemen, I hope you are convinced that the Fellow talks in a Stile that is neither true nor falſe, and that he knows nothing of the Matter."

But it ſeems, you have at length diſcovered a Paſſage, "where Dr. B. ſpeaks of a particular Period as an early one, in which I will prove that a Separation had taken Place. In a Paſſage from Strabo, he ſpeaks of ſomething done after the Criſſaean War, as done in ancient Times Ib.." Dr. B. ſays no ſuch Thing: Pray, examine his Book once again: He ſays exactly what Strabo ſays: but unluckily, you underſtand neither Dr. B. nor Strabo. That Author ſays, "that in ancient Times, there was a Conteſt of Muſicians:"and then he tells us farther "that this was eſtabliſhed at Delphi, after the Criſſaean War." This Dr. B. tranſlates literally from Strabo Diſſert. p. 107., who manifeſtly ſpeaks of two diſtinct Periods; but the firſt of theſe happening to lie beyond the Depth of your chronological Plummet, you have learnedly jumbled them into one. The ancient Times that Dr. B. (after Strabo) ſpeaks of here, were the Times of Apollo, and his immediate Followers.—But of this you will hear more in due Time.

However, an early Period you are reſolved to find, though it make never ſo much againſt you. "If this ſhould not ſatisfy the Doctor; Pauſanias, in his Hiſtory of the Pythian Contentions, will tell him of one Eleutheres, whom he mentions before Heſiod, that gained the Prize for mere Execution, ſinging a Compoſition not his own. He will tell him likewiſe, that Heſiod did not play on the Harp; ſo that there was a Separation of the Poet's and Muſician's Character very early P. 39.."—Certain Stars there are, which ray out Light; and others I have read of in a profound Author, which are ſaid to ray out Darkneſs. Of this latter Kind is the Paragraph before us, which in this Senſe may be ſtiled of the firſt Magnitude. It requires no common Genius for Abſurdity, to crowd ſo much of it into ſo ſmall a Compaſs, as you have put into this ſhort Paragraph. The Point in Queſtion is, whether at this early Period, there was an allowed Separation of vocal and inſtrumental Muſic, in the public Conteſts? Dr. B. affirms there was not; and You bring this Paſſage to prove that there was. Now whoever will look into Pauſanias, will find from this very Paſſage, 1ſt, that Eleutheres, becauſe he could join the vocal with inſtrumental Muſic, was allowed to ſing the Compoſition of another; and Heſiod, becauſe he could not join them, was not allowed to ſing his own Pauſanias, Phoc.. His not being able to join the vocal and inſtrumental Melody was regarded as ſuch a Defect in this Poet, as all his eminent Talents could not make up for. Thus the very Paſſage which you bring in Confutation of Dr. B's Syſtem, when fairly and honeſtly given to the Reader, is a collateral Proof of the Truth of all he has ſaid on the Subject.

Theſe Cavils ariſe manifeſtly from your Power of Repreſentation. The next, to give You your Due, is chiefly the Effect of pure Ignorance. This relates to the ſecond Inſtance which Dr. B. has alledged, concerning the Power of ancient Muſic: On this You obſerve, "that the Inſtrument in Queſtion was the Flute, both Quintilian and Iamblicus agree: and how the moſt able Muſician could play on this Inſtrument and ſing too, I do not well conceive, except it could be proved, that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was that truly reſpectable and ancient Inſtrument the Scottiſh Bagpipe P. 41.." Right ſorry I am, to lie under a Neceſſity of expoſing the Errors of a learned Critic, who piques himſelf on a Familiarity with all ancient Authors.—Now, that the Inſtrument was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Tibia, theſe Authors do both agree. But did they agree to give you Leave to tranſlate or transform it into a Flute? A Pipe, if you pleaſe: But the Name and Faſhion of a Flute are ſo connected in the Idea of a Modern, that by this Tranſition you carry your Cauſe at once, even before your Argument comes on. Every Flute is indeed a Pipe; but every Pipe is not a Flute. And here lies the whole Myſtery of the Matter. For in the firſt Place, you will ſee, from the Paſſage you have quoted from Pauſanias, that Echembrotus gained the Prize at the Pythian Games for ſinging and playing on the Pipe; "There was the Song to the Harp, as formerly; there was the Song to the Pipe; and there was the Pipe itſelf, without Song. Cephalon won the Prize among thoſe who ſung and played on the Harp; Echembrotus, among thoſe who ſung and played on the Pipe; Sacadas, among thoſe who played on the Pipe only Pauſan. in Phocicis.."—That the ſame Perſon ſung and played on the Pipe, is evident; 1ſt, from the Greek Name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which is compound, and implies both: 2dly, from the Circumſtance recorded of Heſiod, that he was not admitted to the Pythian Conteſt, becauſe he could not both ſing and play.—Farther, it is evident, from many Paſſages in Theocritus, particularly from his 8th Eidyllium, that the Shepherds both ſung and played on their paſtoral Pipe at the ſame Time. In their Contention, they are repreſented as accompanying their Song with the Pipe; and to prepare us for this Union, we are told in the Opening of the Paſtoral, that they were "both ſkilled in playing on the Pipe, both ſkilled in ſinging."—In Virgil's Eclogues, this Union of the Shepherd's Pipe and Song is no leſs clearly alluded to. Sylveſtrem tenui Muſam meditaris Avena:— Formoſam reſonare doces Amaryllida Sylvas Ecl. i.. In which Paſſage we have the Subject of his Song, and the Inſtrument with which he accompanies it. —Again, An mihi cantando victus non redderet ille, Quem mea Carminibus meruiſſet Fiſtula, Caprum Ecl. iii.? Once more, in the ſame Eclogue, the Union is expreſsly declared, Cantando tu illum? aut unquam tibi Fiſtula Cera Juncta fuit? non tu in Triviis, indocte, ſolebas Stridenti miſerum Stipula diſperdere Carmen? There is a Hint at it in the following Lines, which however I give you chiefly for the Sake of a Picture it contains, which perhaps you may know the next Time you look in your Glaſs: Aut hic ad veteres Fagos, quum Daphnidis Arcum Fregiſti & Calamos; quae tu, perverſe Menalca, Et cum vidiſti Puero donata, dolebas; Et ſi non aliquâ nocuiſſes, mortuus eſſes. Again: and, if poſſible, in ſtill clearer Terms,

O Mihi tum quam molliter Oſſa quieſcant, Veſtra meos olim ſi Fiſtula dicat Amores Ecl. x..

I could tranſcribe ſeveral other Paſſages, but ſhall conclude with the following; in which the Shepherd invokes his Pipe (his Tibia, the very Inſtrument in Queſtion) to accompany his Song.

Incipe Moenalios mecum, mea Tibia, Verſus Ecl. vii..

As to the Means by which this Union was accompliſhed, whether the Pipe was inflated from above or from below, by Wind or by Water, I ſhall leave to Your Inveſtigation. Is is a Subject too ſublime for Me to attempt; but every Way worthy of your exalted Genius. On this, therefore, I ſhall commend you to your moſt profound Meditations, guided by Julius Pollux, Bartholine, and other learned Men who have written De Tibiis Veterum: In the mean Time, pleaſe to accept (if you will condeſcend ſo far) a little Information from that poor ignorant Fellow, Iſaac Voſſius: "Si ſolas exceperis organicas Fiſtulas quae in Templis vulgo uſurpantur, vix ullas invenias alias, quae Tibiarum dignae ſunt Vocabulo De Poem. Cantu. p. 98.." "Aſcaul ſeu Utricularii Veterum, nihil omnino diſcrepant ab hodiernis Organariis Ib. p. 99.." According to this Author, you ſee, you are ignorant even of the Genealogy of a Bag-pipe: I am ſorry to be under a Neceſſity of joining my Evidence to his againſt you. For you muſt know, the true Scotch Bag-pipe (ſtill uſed in the Highlands) is blown by the Mouth, and That blown by the Bellows is a Theft from the Continent, and probably (as the Paſſage of Voſſius implies) delivered down from antient Times.

17. Your next Attack on Dr. B. is upon the Subject of the hymnal or lyric Species: And here you charge him with confounding two Things together, which were eſſentially different: You affirm, that "the Hymn was always written in heroic Meaſure, and was the more ancient Form of the two; that the lyric Ode was always written in varied Meaſures, and was much later in its Production, being no older than the Age of Theſpis P. 42, 43, 44.." You are ſo confident of the Propriety and Truth of this Diſtinction, that you inſult Dr. B. on his Ignorance; and boaſt, that by this Argument alone you have cut and torn his Cobweb Hypotheſis P. 44..

Of all the Men of Criticiſm I ever read, You, my Friend, are the moſt unfortunate. Had you been as well acquainted with ancient Authors as you are with your Proſody, you would not have given Dr. B. ſuch an Oportunity of expoſing your Ignorance. I will prevent your having the Mortification of being ſeverely chaſtiſed; and will lay on the Rod as gently as I can, by referring you to a Paſſage in Dr. B's "Hiſtory of the Riſe and Progreſs of Poetry," which I have now lying before me: It is a Quotation from Proclus; in which that Author tells us, that "in the Pythian Nomos, or Hymn in Praiſe of Apollo, Terpander (who lived after the Age of Homer) was the firſt who uſed the hexameter or heroic Verſe; and that after Him, Phrynes joined This to the various or lyric Meaſure, which alone had been employed before Terpandrum vero Nomon abſolviſſe apparet; cum ad ibuiſſet heroicum Carmen:—Phrynes vero novam Rationem commentus eſt: Hexametrum enim cum ſoluto Carmine conjanxit. Proclus apud Photium.—See the Paſſage quoted at large below, p. 47, 48." Here, then, it appears, that both (what you call) the hymnal and the lyric Meaſure were actually employed together, and this, many Ages before Theſpis exiſted. It appears farther, to the total Annihilation of all your critical Pretenſions, that the various or lyric Meaſure ("ſolutum Carmen") was the more ancient of the two, in this Pythian Hymn or Song: ſo far from being the the Invention of the Age of Theſpis, it was from the earlieſt Times employed in the Pythian Song, even as far back as the Times of Apollo. Indeed, it had been very ſtrange, had it been otherwiſe. That regular Hexameters ſhould have been invented before irregular Rythms were uſed, could never have been ſuppoſed by any one whoſe Reſearches had gone beyond his Proſody: But there the Hexameter ſtanding firſt in Rank, it was natural enough for a mere Scanner of Verſes to imagine it was the firſt in the Order of Nature. But how conſiſtent you are with yourſelf in another Place, I leave Yourſelf to determine. You have told us before, that in the rudeſt Periods of Society, the Paſſions of Men naturally produce a looſe Kind of Verſe P. 15, &c. (the ſolutum Carmen); and now, towards your Concluſion, you tell us that the looſe Kind of Verſe (the ſolutum Carmen) had no Exiſtence till about the Time of Theſpis, and that the regular Hexameter exiſted long before it. You might as reaſonably affirm, that Savages built Palaces, before Caves and Cabins had Exiſtence."

19. You next proceed to deliver Your Sentiments concerning the Riſe and Progreſs of Tragedy: But as you confeſs that it is no more than "what every School Boys knows P. 45.," I ſhall ſave myſelf the Trouble of commenting on it; This being indeed the vulgar Track of Criticiſm, which Dr. B. has ſet himſelf to expoſe, through the Courſe of his Work. As therefore you offer no new Evidences, but only retail the old ones, "which every School Boy knows," I ſhall leave this Part of your Obſervations to ſhift for itſelf; with this general Remark, which Truth compels me to make, that the Inconſiſtency and Diſagreement of the ſeveral ancient Writers which you quote on this Subject is ſo glaring; that in Fact they overturn each other's Authority, and would induce any unprejudiced Man to go in Queſt of ſome more general and rational Foundation for the Riſe of Tragedy, than the mere accidental Adventure of Theſpis and his Route: And this, I perceive, is one of the main Purpoſes of Dr. B's Inquiry; with which, if you pleaſe, we will therefore go on.

"To this (you ſay) I have a few Objections to urge.—1ſt, I would fain know, if this be the natural Origin of Tragedy, how it came to paſs that in all Nations, except Greece, the more pathetic Drama is without a Chorus at all (r)." Critic, be a little more cautious in your Aſſertions. In three other Inſtances, where Tragedy has ariſen from Nature, among the Chineſe, proper Indians, and Peruvians, Dr. B. has ſhewn, that in the firſt there is a manifeſt Remnant of a Choir, in the ſecond a Choir actually exiſts, and in the third (that of Peru) we know not whether there was a Choir or not Diſiert. p. 166, &c.. So far is it from the Truth, what you aſſert, that "in all Nations, except Greece, the more pathetic Drama is without a Chorus."

Again, you object, "If the Riſe and Progreſs of Tragedy be ſo extremely natural, ſince every Thing that is natural is univerſal, how came this Species of Poetry to ariſe, or be cultivated in Athens only, which that it was we have Plato's Word P. 48.?"—My Remarks on this Obſervation are—1ſt, Every thing that is natural is not univerſal, becauſe there are different Degrees of Civilization and Knowledge among Mankind, which are attended with Accidents or Improvements peculiar and natural to each, but not univerſal or natural to all.—2. Dramatic Repreſentation was not cultivated at Athens only: It has been cultivated in China, in India, and Peru: though "we have not Plato's Word for it."—3. The Degree of Civilization, and the concomitant Powers of the Mind, may be ſo weak among many Nations, as never to produce the dramatic Form, which was the Caſe among ſome of the Tribes of ancient Greece, as likewiſe of ancient Gaul, Britain, and other Countries.—4. The Progreſs of Poetry, up to the dramatic Form, may be checked by a Variety of Accidents either internal or external. By Accidents internal, as among the Egyptians; where the firſt rude Forms of Poem and Melody were eſtabliſhed by Law, which prevented all Change; that is, either Improvement or Corruption. And again, as among the Hebrews, where the Purity of Religion prevented their Poetry from aſſuming the dramatic Form.—By Accidents external; as where War, Conqueſt, a Subverſion of Religion or Government deſtroyed that original Syſtem of Pagan Principles on which natural Tragedy is built: And if, by any of theſe, the original Form of Tragedy was once changed, it could not probably be renewed, by the mere Force of Nature.—I have been the more particular on this Article, becauſe the Objection, though ignorantly made by You, gave Room for a farther Opening of the main Subject.

But 3dly, you object, that "unfortunately it is declared as fully as any thing can or need be, that the ancient Tragedy conſiſted of a Chorus alone, and without an Actor P. 48.."—I ſuppoſe you mean it was ſo at Athens; but does it therefore follow that it wore the ſame Form every where elſe? Dr. B. has proved (in a Paſſage which muſt ſoon riſe up in Judgment againſt you) that even in the earlieſt Celebration of the Pythian Games at Delphi, there was a narrative (if not a dramatic) Epiſode, divided into five Acts: From this Paſſage it farther appears that long before the Time of Theſpis, or even of Homer, this Epiſode was performed by a ſingle Perſon, and not by the Choir See Hiſt. of Poetry, p. 110, &c. The Paſſage is quoted below, p. 30, 31.. Now if this exiſted at Delphi, even ſoon after the Age of Apollo, what is it to the Purpoſe to ſay that it did not exiſt at Athens? Dr. B. is inveſtigating the Riſe of Tragedy from Nature and finds its firſt rude Form exiſting at Delphi, in or about the Time of Apollo: and to diſprove This, you moſt philoſophically endeavour to make it out, that it did not appear at Athens till many Ages after. This is another of your new Modes of Confutation.

Your 4th Objection is as follows. "It will likewiſe follow from the Doctor's Syſtem, that the Choral Part would be of Courſe, only an Appendage to the Epiſode; and the Chorus would be but a ſuppoſed Spectator of the Action, or a ſubordinate Perſonagein it: But that the contrary does happen in ſtriking Inſtances, is well known to thoſe, whoſe Ideas of Greek Tragedy are taken from Eſchylus, Euripides, and Sophocles; not merely from Diſſertations, Bibliotheca's, and Inſtitutiones Poeticae P. 49.."—Again:— "The Chorus, in ſeveral ancient Tragedies, are themſelves principal Perſonages, and deeply intereſted:—in two, Eumenides and Iketides, they are the leading Perſonages, &c. P. 49..—In Reply to this, I ſhall give you the following Paragraph, from Dr. B's Hiſtory of Poetry.

"By thus tracing the tragic Choir to its true Foundation, the ſavage Song-Feaſt; we are now inabled to give a clear and eaſy Solution to a Difficulty which hath embarraſſed all the Critics. It hath been held a Circumſtance unaccountable or abſurd, that the Choir, in ſeveral of the ancient Greek Tragedies, ſhould be made privy to ſome of the moſt atrocious Deſigns, and yet ſhould not reveal them, though its Character was confeſſedly moral. This indeed, on the common Suppoſition, that the Choir originally made an eſſential Part of the dramatic Perſons, is a thorough Abſurdity. But in Reality it appears in the ſavage Song-Feaſt, that they who recite or repreſent the Action, are a Body quite diſtinct from the Choir; and that the Choir, in its original State, is indeed the Audience who ſurround the Narrator or Actor, and anſwer him at every Pauſe, with Shouts of Triumph, Approbation, or Diſlike. This being ſo, how could they (the Choir or Audience) properly reveal any ſecret Deſigns, either good or bad?—To whom ſhould they reveal them? To each other?—This was needleſs, becauſe they knew them already.—Muſt they, then, reveal them to the Actors of the Drama? This could only have confounded the Repreſentation, and deſtroyed the Plot. It would have been preciſely on a Level with the Practice of an honeſt Country Lad, who was preſent at the Repreſentation of OTHELLO: When he foreſaw, that IAGO's Treachery was likely to end tragically for poor DESDEMONA, he called aloud to OTHELLO, Sir, the Raſcal lies: he ſtole the Handkerchief himſelf.—This naturally leads to the Elucidation of another Circumſtance. In the Beginning of the Time of ESCHYLUS, the Choir conſiſted of no leſs than fifty Perſons: Afterwards the Number was leſſened to fifteen. How came it to paſs, that in the more barbarous Periods the Number ſhould be ſo much greater? Manifeſtly (on the Principles here given) becauſe that rude Age bordered on the ſavage Times, when the whole Audience had ſympathized with the narrative Actor, and became as one general Choir.

"This Solution naturally clears up another Circumſtance, which is unaccountable on the common Syſtem. If the Choir were originally a Part of the dramatic Actors, why were they placed in a Balcony or Gallery, ſeparate from the Stage? No good Reaſon can be aſſigned. But if we ſuppoſe them to have been originally the Spectators of the Drama, we ſee they were in their natural and proper Situation.

"But to this it may be objected, "that the Choir ſometimes maintains a Dialogue with the Actor, in the Greek Tragedies; and ought therefore to be regarded as a dramatic Perſon."—To this (which hath been obſerved above) it is reply'd, that though the Choir ſometimes ſpeaks, yet this is only by its Leader, and then only occaſionally, and from Neceſſity, to fill the Place of another Actor, when no more than one or two are upon the Stage. For this Reaſon ESCHYLUS uſes the Expedient oftener than his Succeſſors, becauſe his dramatic Perſons were fewer. But though the Choir ſometimes ſpeak by their Leader, yet they never take Part in the Action; as ſufficiently appears by their not revealing the Secrets of it.

"It may be urged again, that in the Eumenides and Iketides of ESCHYLUS, the Choir is certainly to be conſidered as a dramatic Perſon, becauſe they are indeed the chief Actors in the Drama. True; they are ſo: but though this Objection looks formidable, yet on a deeper Conſideration, the Bugbear will vaniſh—ESCHYLUS was deſirous to repreſent an Action of fifty Furies, and another of fifty Da aids, at a Time when only two dramatic Perſons were allowed by Cuſtom to come on the Stage together. What Expedient could he uſe? Why, ſurely, no other than That which we find he hath uſed: To throw theſe numerous Bodies into the Form of a Choir; and thus he gained them Admittance on the Stage.—To ſpeak with Preciſion, therefore, we ought to ſay, that the Action of theſe two Tragedies paſſeth without a Choir, that is, without any ſuppoſed Spectators who take no Part in it Hiſt. of Poetry, p. 126, &c.."

I hope that in your next Edition, you will prove this ſtrange Paragraph to be a Heap of Nonſenſe and Abſurdity; or perſwade the Reader by all Means (if you can) that Dr. B. picked it out of ſome Diſſertation, Bibliotheca, or Inſtitutio Poetica.

I muſt now give you a gentle Rebuke, for raſhly charging Dr. B. either with Ignorance or Hypocriſy, for ſaying that "we are aſſured, on the Authority of other Writers, that a Report prevailed in Greece, that certain Poets had in ancient Times contended at the Tomb of Theſeus." —This, you affirm, happened at a late Period (which late Period, by the Way, Dr. B. had mentioned in his Diſſertation P. 125., when Sophocles won the Prize from Eſchylus; and then you leave it to Dr. B's Choice, whether he will ſubmit to the Charge of Ignorance or Diſſimulation. Now I perceive, that in the Hiſtory of Poetry, he has cleared himſelf of both This (ſays Dr. B.) is aſſerted by SCALIGER, in the cleareſt Terms; and is alledged by him as a Proof of the Exiſtence of Tragedy, before the Age of THESPIS. Tragediam vero eſſe Rem antiquam conſtat ex Hiſtoria: ad THESEI namque Sepulchrum certaſſe Tragicos legimus:" (De Poet. l. i. c. 5.) On what Authority he ſays this, I know not. If any ancient Author hath aſſerted it, this Conteſt muſt have been held at the Place where the Remains of THESEUS had been interred before they were brought to ATHENS by CIMON; for that Event happened in the Time of SOPHOCLES."; and left the Public to fix upon You what Name they pleaſe.

What that Name is, you may gueſs from the next Remark I am now compelled to make. For (as a Reader of ſome Curioſity obſerved to me) "after the Critic had charged Dr. B. in his Text, with Diſhoneſty or Ignorance; in a ſly Corner of a Note, which he ſuppoſed many Readers would paſs over, he confeſſes that his Charge is groundleſs: and ſays, a Friend then with me, told me he feared I was miſtaken. This Charge, then (continued the Gentleman) though at firſt it might poſſibly have been written by Miſtake, yet was certainly perſiſted in and printed in Hypocriſy and Malice; becauſe both the Charge againſt Dr. B. and the Confeſſion of its Falſhood are printed on the ſame Page; and therefore nothing is more certain, than that he might have ſtruck out this Slander, if he pleaſed."

You proceed: "But now follows a Paſſage, which I do look upon to be the Maſter-piece of Dr. B's whole Work: where I know not which moſt to admire, the Learning, Exactneſs, Fidelity, or Judgment P. 53.."—You then proceed to tranſlate at large a Paſſage from Strabo, which Dr. B. hath refered to, and in Part tranſcribed. This Paſſage relates to the Pythian Nomos or Song; and Dr. B. having alledged it, to prove that the rude Form of Tragedy exiſted many Ages before Theſpis, you affirm on the contrary that Dr. B's Argument is a Heap of Ignorance, Blunder, and Miſrepreſentation: You endeavour to perſwade the Reader, 1ſt That this Pythian Nomos, Hymn, or Song, did not exiſt till after the Criſſaean War, which was about the Time of Theſpis. 2dly, That Dr. B. aſſerts or ſuppoſes this Criſſaean War to have been before the Time of Homer. 3dly, That the muſical Conteſt alluded to by Strabo was merely inſtrumental. 4thly, That the Nature of this muſical Conteſt was not well underſtood, and was only explained in a particular Manner, by one who lived three hundred Years after P. 51, 52, &c.. On this Subject, I preſume the following Paragraph may give you entire Satisfaction.

"But a ſtill ſtronger Evidence preſents itſelf: For even the very Subſtance and Form of one of theſe rude Outlines of ſavage Tragedy remains in ſeveral reſpectable Authors of Antiquity: I mean; in their Accounts of the Celebration of the Pythian Games. Theſe were firſt celebrated in the times of APOLLO himſelf; and contained a mimetic Narration, by poetic Song, Melody, and Dance, of his Victory over the Python. This Repreſentation was called the Pythian Nomos; and underwent the following Changes or Improvements through the ſeveral ſucceſſive Periods of Antiquity." "The Poem called Nomos had APOLLO for its Subject; and took its Name from Him: For APOLLO was named Nomimos, becauſe in ancient Times, when the whole Choir uſed to ſing the Nomos to the Pipe or Lyre, CHRYSOTHEMIS the Cretan was the firſt who, clad in a ſplendid Robe, and playing on the Harp, ſung the Nomos alone, in Imitation of APOLLO'S Victory; and being much applauded, this Form of the Conteſt remained to After-Ages

Certamen apud Delphos antiquitus fuit Citharoedorum, Paeanem in Laudem Dei canentium. Strabo, l. ix.

Nomos quidem in Apollinem conſcriptus; a quo appellationem ſumpſit. Apollo enim nomimos appellatus eſt, quia Veteribus Choros conſtituentibus, & ad Tibiam vel Lyram Nomon canentibus, Chryſothemis Cretenſis primus ſtola uſus inſigni, & accepta Cithara, Apollinem imitatus (the Original is ſtronger; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) ſolus cecinit Nomon: qui cum valde probatus eſſet, permanſit hic Modus Certaminis. Proclus apud Photium. Bibl. Ed. Hoeſch. p. 982.

."What this Form was, we learn from the following Accounts. The Poem was divided into five Parts or Acts. The firſt contained the Preparation for the Fight; the ſecond, the Challenge; the third exhibited the Fight itſelf; the fourth, the Victory of APOLLO; the fifth contained the Triumph of the God, who danced after his Victory Pythici vero nomi, qui Tibia canitur, partes quinque ſunt; Rudimentum, Provocatio, Iambicum, Spondeum, Ovatio. Repreſentatio autem eſt Modus quidem Pugnae Apollinis contra Draconem.—Et in ipſo Experimento Locum circumſpicit, num Pugnae conveniens ſit:—In Provocatione vero, provocat Draconem:—Sed in Iambico pugnat:—Spondeum vero Dei Victoriam repreſentat: et in Ovatione, Deus ad victorialia Carmina ſaltat. —Jul. Pollux. O ••• . l. iv. c. 10. ."It appears that TERPANDER improved the Nomos, by adding the heroic Meaſure: After Him, ARION inlarged it greatly; being both a Poet and a Performer on the Harp. PHRYNES introduced a new Circumſtance; for he joined the Hexameter with the various Meaſure Terpandrum vero Nomon abſolviſſe apparet, cum adhibuiſſet heroicum Carmen: Poſt, Arion Methymnaeus non parum auxit, Poeta ipſe & Citharaedus. Phrynes vero Mitylenaeus novam Rationem commentus eſt: Hexametrum enim cum ſoluto Carmine conjunxit. Proclus apud Photium: ib. ."—In a later Period, this poetic and muſical Repreſentation was "formally eſtabliſhed at DELPHI, after the Criſſaean War Inſtitutum a Delphis poſt Criſſaeum Bellum. ." Afterwards the Amphictyons added a Conteſt of Muſic merely inſtrumental "Adjecerunt autem Citharoedis Tibicines, et qui Cithara luderent ſine cantu, modularenturque Carmen, quod Nomos five Modus Pythius dicebatur." —Strabo, l. ix. ; but preſerved what had been practiſed in former Times: "There was the Song to the Harp, as formerly; there was the Song to the Tibia or Pipe; and there was the Pipe itſelf without Song "Certamina inſtituerunt Amphictyones; Cantus ad Citharam, ut pridem: Cantus item ad Tibiam; ipſarum etiam per ſe Tibiarum." —Pauſanias, in Phocicis: ." This Addition of Muſic merely inſtrumental was likewiſe imitative; being deſigned as a mimetic Deſcription, by mere Melody, of the Battle between APOLLO and the Python. It conſiſted likewiſe of five Parts, correſponding with thoſe of the ancient Song "Quinque ſunt ejus Partes; anacruſis, ampeira, katakeleuſmos, Iambi & Dactyli, ſyringes ſeu Fiſtulae ſibilae." Strabo. ib. .—"TIMOSTHENES, in the Time of the ſecond Ptolomy, writ a Poem deſcriptive and explanatory of this muſical Contention: According to this Author, the Subject was the Victory of APOLLO over the Serpent. The firſt Part was the Prelude to the Battle; the ſecond was the Beginning of the Engagement; the third was the Battle itſelf; the fourth was the Paean or Triumph on the Victory; the fifth was an Imitation of the Agonies and Hiſſing of the dying Serpent Carmen compoſuit Timoſthenes ſecundi Ptolemaei Claffr Praefectus:—Vult autum Apollinis adverſus Draconem Certamen celebrari eo Carmine: & anacruſin ſignificare Praeludium; ampeiran Certaminis Initium; katakeleuſmon ipſam Pugnam; Iambum & Dactylum Paeanem qui Victoriae accinitur, talibus Modis five Rythmis, quorum Hymnus quidem proprius eſt; Iambus autem (deſunt quaedam) & iambizare; Fiſtulas autem Mortem imitatas Serpentis, Vitam cum Sibilis quibuſdam finientis. Strabo. ib.—Theſe Paſſages are given in the Latin Tranſlations (which, though not always elegant, are ſufficiently correct) that a greater Number of Readers may be inabled to judge of the Evidence. ."

Now, though theſe ancient Authors differ from each other in two or three trifling Circumſtances; yet, as to every thing eſſential, they perfectly agree. And from their concurrent Evidence, we have clear Proof of the following Facts. 1. That the immediate Followers of APOLLO began theſe poetic and muſical Conteſts. 2. That till CHRYSOTHEMIS appeared (in, or near the Time of APOLLO) there ſubſiſted only a Choir. 3. That He firſt ſung the Epiſode, ſingle and alone. 4. That his Song was a mimetic Narration, or Imitation of APOLLO's Victory. 5. That the Form which He gave to This, continued through ſucceeding Times. 6. That this Poem was divided into five Parts or Acts, containing a progreſſive Deſcription and Imitation of the Battle and Victory. And laſtly, that Songs of Triumph, Exultation, Sarcaſm, and Contempt, together with a correſpondent Dance, accompanied the narrative Epiſode "SCALIGER is of Opinion, that the Dance was mimetic of the whole Narration or Action, and divided into the ſame Number of Acts. At vero ſeorſum Saltatio haud illi abſimilis edebatur, in tot •• m Actus aeque diſtributa."Poet. l. i. c. 23. If indeed this was added, it amounts to a ſtrict dramatic Repreſentation. For, as the ſame learned Critic ſays elſewhere, "Sane Ludi ſunt tacitae Fabulae; Fabulae vero Ludi loquentes." lb. c. xxii. But as this Circumſtance is not ſo clearly delivered as the reſt, I lay no Streſs on it." .

Thus, in this moſt ancient Pythian Song, as delivered down from the Times of APOLLO himſelf, and performed and augmented through the ſucceeding Periods of ancient GREECE; we have the very Subſtance and Form of a firſt rude Eſſay towards Tragedy, divided into five Acts, and compounded of poetic Narration, imitative Muſic, Dance, and Choral Song.—And it is worthy of ſingular Obſervation, that through this whole repreſentative Scene, of APOLLO ſinging, dancing, and praiſing his own Exploits; the ancient Greek Hiſtorians tranſport us, as it were, into the Wilds of modern America; and preſent to us the genuine Picture of a ſavage Chieftain "See the Deſcription of the ſavage Song Feaſt, from LAFITAU. Sect. ii." .

"It appears, therefore, that Tragedy had a much earlier and deeper Foundation in ancient GREECE, than the accidental Adventure of THESPIS and his Route: That it aroſe from Nature, and an unforced Union and Progreſſion of Melody, Dance, and poetic Song Hiſtory of Poetry, p. 109, &c.."

You ſee here, that your whole critical Fabric is annihilated at a Blow. For 1ſt, it appears on the cleareſt Evidence, that this Pythian Song was performed in ancient Times; even as ancient as thoſe of Apollo himſelf. 2dly, It appears, that when you charge Dr. B. with Ignorance, in ſuppoſing the Criſſaean War to have been before the Time of Homer; your Objection is unhappily founded on your own Ignorance, on your not underſtanding Strabo nor Dr. B. who both ſpeak of two different Periods, which you have profoundly jumbled into one. 3dly, It appears, that this muſical Conteſt was not merely inſtrumental, but contained a mimetic Song, performed by a ſingle Perſon, in Imitation of Apollo's Victory: and 4thly, we are at no Loſs for the eſſential Parts of it; but know certainly that it contained a progreſſive Deſcription of Apollo's Battle and Victory over the Python.

And now, let me cordially adviſe you for the future to be leſs inſolent in a State of imagined Security and Conqueſt; leſt your own Expreſſions ſhould be retorted upon you:—Thus,—"a few ſuch Miſtakes as Mr.—here preſents you in a Bunch, would ſerve a Man of ordinary Genius to ſpread through a whole Book.""Is it not a fine Thing for a Man to ſet up for an Inſtructor of Mankind, who is ignorant of what his commoneſt Readers know P. 53.:"—And other modeſt Expreſſions, ſcattered through your Work, of the ſame Nature.

20. The ſame Spirit ſtill impels you to proceed: though I look upon you now, as little more than the Ghoſt of a departed Critic.—Dr. B. having endeavoured to prove, by a Variety of Arguments, that Eſchylus was an original Writer, and not a mere Imitator of Homer, you ſay, you can oppoſe "the Teſtimony of Eſchylus himſelf; of whom it was a common and well-known Saying, as Athenoeus tells us, that his Pieces were ſmall Scraps or Morſels of the magnificent Entertainment of Homer P. 55.."—I could not but ſmile at your Simile of the Faggot-Binder; and thought you had got a ſmall Advantage over Dr. B. till I looked into the "Hiſtory of Poetry, where I found the following Note. It is ſaid, indeed, of ESCHYLUS, that he called his Tragedies no more than Fragments of the magnificent Entertainment given by HOMER."Now this Expreſſion "being only metaphorical, we ought to interpret it in that Senſe only, to which a Compariſon of their Writings leads us. And, as it appears that there is no Reſemblance between them, either in the particular Subjects, or in the Manner of treating them; the only rational Interpretation that can be given, ſeems to be this "that the Subjects of his Tragedies were only ſmall Morſels or Fragments of the Grecian Story; whereas HOMER had given a general Syſtem of their fabulous Hiſtory, both in a more extenſive and a more connected Manner."

22. You accuſe Dr. B. of treating the Author of Elfrida and Caractacus with Indignity P. 55..—Now, what has that Author to do in the preſent Debate? Are You in any Reſpect concerned for the Reception or Credit of his Works? Or after all, is there not ſome other Author on whoſe Account you are ſo touched to the Quick, though you are too prudent to mention or even to hint at him?

But if Dr. B. has treated the Author of Elfrida with Indignity, how do you know that that Author had not firſt deſerved it, by treating himſelf with Indignity?—I could ſay more; for I have heard more: but it is neither generous, nor worth while, to diſturb the Aſhes of the Dead.

23. You go on: "The Union of Muſic with Tragedy, he ſays, was never accounted for; to which I add, nor is it yet: But of that you will hear another Time P. 59.."—Come on then with your Proofs; for of your Affirmations we have had enough.

24. "Concerning his Comment on Ariſtotle's Definition of Tragedy (you add) I have more to ſay than You or I have, at preſent Time for Ib.." My learned Friend, find a little Time if you can: I am ſatisfyed, that Your Comment will be a great Curioſity.

25. This Article is of Conſequence to the main Queſtion: and therefore I muſt be particular in my Remarks.—You ſay, "On his Account of the Maſque and Buſkin, which he ſays aroſe from the Cuſtom of ſelecting the talleſt and ſtrongeſt Men for their Chiefs; I have to obſerve, that the Actions of their Tragedies are almoſt univerſally taken from a Period in which their Kingdoms were hereditary; and in which Men ſucceeded not by Election, for Bulk, or any thing elſe, but by Birth and Deſcent P 56.."—Here, you not only affirm, but you reaſon: I wiſh I could ſay, like a Man, and not like a Child.—What is it to the Purpoſe whence the Subjects of the more modern Tragedies of Eſchylus, Sophocles, and Euripides were taken? To ſatisfy Dr. B. in this Point, you muſt tell him what were the Subjects of all thoſe fifteen Tragedians, who were prior to the Age of Theſpis. Nay, I queſtion whether he will be content with this (for we have found him very exorbitant in his Claims) but will inſiſt upon your telling him, what were the Subjects of all the oldeſt irregular ſavage Bards, who exiſted as early, or perhaps even more early, than Apollo himſelf. This will carry us, you ſee, up to the Period of ſavage Life, in which we muſt allow (I am afraid) that "the talleſt and ſtrongeſt Men are commonly ſelected as Chiefs."—But then you will ſay, "that the Maſque was the Invention of a later Age: even a later than Theſpis himſelf."—In Attica, poſſibly it might be ſo. But though Eſchylus is ſaid by ſome, to have been the Inventor of the Maſque, yet Ariſtotle fairly confeſſes that its Origin is abſolutely unknown; and Clemens Alexandrinus affirms that it was in Uſe, even in the Times of Orpheus. Theſe Circumſtances are not a little favourable to Dr. B's Syſtem; and ſeem to imply, that dramatic Repreſentation had exiſted in Greece, though not perhaps at Athens, even as long ago as the Age of Orpheus. And it is beyond all Doubt, that a very little before the Age of Orpheus, the Time was, when "the Savages elected the talleſt and ſtrongeſt Men for Chiefs."

26, &c.—You now declare, you are tired with the Taſk of "combating Chimeras P. 56.." And truly, ſo am I.—We will therefore haſten to a Concluſion as faſt as poſſible. Some few ſcattered Obſervations only now remain.

You charge Dr. B. with an Error in "inſiſting that the laſt Inſtitution of the Pythian Games was no more than a Separation of the Gymnaſtic Exerciſes from the Muſical; whereas the Words of Strabo, whom he quotes, are as clear as poſſible, that only the Muſical ſubſiſted before, and that the Gymnaſtic and Equeſtrian were then added to them P. 57.." For Truth's and Decency's Sake, do not give Dr. B. ſo many repeated Occaſions of calling your Sincerity in Queſtion. Who would not believe, from the Tenor of this Paſſage, but that Dr. B. in his Quotation from Strabo, had ſome how or other diſguiſed this Circumſtance, of the Addition of the gymnaſtic and equeſtrian Exerciſes? Yet, on looking into the Paſſage in Dr. B's Diſſertation, I find it quoted in the very ſame Words. Indeed, the Doctor queſtions the ſtrict Propriety of Strabo's ſaying "that the gymnaſtic Exerciſes were added;" becauſe he conceives they were there before, making a Part of the ancient Muſical Exerciſes, under the Denomination of the Dance Diſſ. p. 121.." This he has attempted to prove by ſome very plauſible Arguments, I muſt confeſs: not one of which you have diſproved. However, what you cannot diſprove, you can miſrepreſent; which, with ſome Readers, may do as well.

Again, you charge him with "interpreting as an Account of the Effect of Muſic on Manners, what Plato means only as an Illuſtration of the ill Effects of a licentious democratic Spirit, &c. P. 57.." On the contrary, Dr. B. has made it appear, by Paſſages quoted from Plato himſelf, that Plato's Argument included both theſe Cauſes. Diſſ. Sect. vi. Art. 31, 32, 33, 34..

Another Cenſure is on "his ſuppoſing that the Writings of Archilochus were baniſhed from Sparta on Account of their ſarcaſtic Turn, which was indeed on Account of their Obſcenity P. 57.." As the Paſſage in Dr. B. is ſhort, I will give it entire; that every one may judge for himſelf. "The Spartans ordered the Writings of Archilochus to be baniſhed from their City, becauſe they thought the Peruſal of them was dangerous to the Purity of Manners Diſſ. Sect. vii. Art. 5.."In a correſpondent Article, he explains himſelf ſtill more particularly: "becauſe nothing could be more dangerous to a Commonwealth eſtabliſhed on Severity of Manners, than the unbounded Licentiouſneſs of Sentiment and Speech, which this (the old) Comedy muſt tend to produce Ib.."—Seriouſly I am at a Loſs, how to expreſs myſelf properly on this Occaſion; and therefore ſhall briefly ſet down this, as another Inſtance of your Modeſty.

I ſhall now conclude all, with a moſt ſhining Proof of your being eminently poſſeſſed of this great Virtue. After very notably ſquabbling with Dr. B. about a dubious Paſſage in Xenophon, and quarrelling him for not rendering it exactly as You would have him; you charge him with falſely tranſlating the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the better to ſerve his Purpoſe: You affirm, that this Word does not imply "good and virtuous Men," but "only the rich or powerful, the better Sort as we ſay P. 57.."—Now, my moſt ingenuous Friend, turn back to the 34th and 35th Pages of your own Work, and you will ſee a Gorgon's Head, which (if you are not totally melted into Modeſty) will turn you into Stone. Here we find this very Word tranſlated by your good Self, in that very Senſe in which Dr. B. had tranſlated it. "The Reaſon (ſay You) why Poets are to be honoured is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for their Admonitions, and bettering their Fellow-Citizens."—Reader, "you may ſtare:" but the Aſſertion lies open to broad Day Light in his 34th and 35th Pages.— "Wits have ſhort Memories (ſays Pope) and Dunces none:" But one Claſs of Men there is, who, all the World agree, either have, or ought to have GOOD MEMORIES.

Two or three other Paragraphs there are, on which I might very reaſonably beſtow a farther Panegyric: But this laſt contains ſo delicate a Picture of your amiable Mind, and of the generous Motives that ſet you to work, to criticize Dr. B. that I am unwilling to draw off the Reader from the Contemplation of ſo ſweet a Pourtrait.

Thus, through the Courſe of my Remarks, you ſee I have been very free, but very friendly. I cannot help congratulating you on your good Fortune, in falling into the Hands of one who has made great Allowances for your Imperfections; and even paſſes over many inferior Blots, which a cenſorious Critic would have hit Of this Kind is a ſlight Miſtake (p. 5.) in your ſaying the "Oracle of Delphos, inſtead of the "Oracle of Delphos." You may knock down your Adverſary with your critical Dungfork, if you pleaſe: but who gave you Leave, without Provocation to break poor Priſcian's Head? What would You ſay of Dr. B's Knowledge in Grammar, ſhould he affirm that "Ariſtotelem was not ſo profound a Reaſoner, nor Longinum ſo ſublime a Critic as You?" —Yet this he might have ſaid with the ſame Propriety:—I mean, ſo far as Grammar is concerned.. The more ſo, becauſe you openly profeſs to treat Dr. B's Errors with Severity P. 55.; whereas mere Errors have ever been ſuppoſed to merit Indulgence. Add to this, that your Bitterneſs to a Man who has put his Name to his Work, while You conceal Yours, has (in the Opinion of ſome People) the Air of diſhoneſt Cowardice, and what they will needs call ſtabbing in the Dark.

You conclude with a ſolemn Charge againſt Dr. B. of his being "flagrantly guilty of miſquoting Authors." I wiſh you had better maintained this heavy Charge: I am bold to ſay, that the Inſtances you have produced have turned out to the Confirmation of his Syſtem, and little to your Honour. Give me leave to put you in Mind of a Paſſage in a certain Book, which relates to a Man's pulling a Mote out of his Brother's Eye, while he ſees not the Beam that is in his own.

I will now conclude with a Hint of Advice to you; in which I am ſure I ſhall deſerve your Thanks, whether I obtain them or not. I mean only to exhort you for the future to ſtick to that Species of Criticiſm for which you are apparently qualified. In every Inſtance where you attack the larger Parts of Dr. B's Syſtem, my Regard to Truth obliges me to ſay, that you fail moſt miſerably. But when you get hold of him upon a minute Article, you are ſure to pinch him to the Bone. Thus on the wide Subject of the old Greek Religion, the Origin of poetic Numbers, the Genius of ſavage Manners, the Riſe and Progreſſions of Poetry conſequent on theſe, with ſeveral other large and extenſive Articles of Inquiry, you are totally off your Ground: But to make Amends for this ſmall Defect, you are amply revenged by detecting him in the important Blunder of calling Herophile by the Name of Phenomoë, ſtiling Pindar's Chair a Chair of Gold, when it was only of Iron: And in the painful and laborious Article of Proſody or ſcanning Verſes, Iſaac Voſſius himſelf is forced to yield to you.

Now, as you obſerve in the Beginning of your Work, "Multi multa poſſunt, ſed nemo omnia."—Nobody can have at once the microſcopic and the teleſcopic Eye. Therefore, improve the Talent which Nature has given you: If you cannot ſee 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cultivate that Kind of Viſion which is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : that is, if you cannot comprehend large and diſtant Objects, apply yourſelf diligently to the near-at-hand or purblind Criticiſm.

With this Advice, I ſhall take my Leave of you; eſteeming it a ſufficient Waſte of Time and Labour, thus for once to have unmaſqued the empty Parade of a trifling and diſingenuous Caviler.

Perſonam Tragicam forte Vulpes viderat: O quanta Species, inquit, cerebrum non habet! THE END.

Fig. 1. The Scale of V.th•

&c. B♭♭ E♭, C♭ G♭, D♭ A♭𝄀E♭ B♭, F C, G D; A E, B F♯, C♯ G♯𝄀D♯ A♯, E♯ B♯, F♯♯ C♯♯ &c.

Fig. 2. The Foreboard.

Fig. 3. A complete Foreboard.

Fig. 4. A general pattern for the Sliders

Fig. 5. The Scale for tuning.

〈♫〉