An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators; including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers. ... In four volumes.: [pt.4]

An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators; including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers. ... In four volumes.: [pt.4]

Table of contents

Title page

CAPTAIN COOK's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. In 1768, 1769, 1770 and 1771.

ACCOUNT OF MONS. DE BOUGAINVILLE's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ORDER OF THE FRENCH KING, In the years 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769.

THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTISEMENT. TO THE READER.

SUPPLEMENT, CONTAINING THE JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF HIS PRESENT MAJESTY, For making DISCOVERIES towards the NORTH POLE, BY THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPTAIN LUTWIDGE, IN HIS MAJESTY's SLOOPS RACEHORSE AND CARCASE. To which is prefixed, An Account of the several VOYAGES undertaken for the Discovery of a North-East Passage to China and Japan.

§

THE INTRODUCTION.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO DISCOVER THE NORTH EAST PASSAGE; UNDER THE COMMAND OF THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPT. SKIFFINGTON LUTWYCH, IN HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS RACE HORSE AND CARCASE BOMBS.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF ALL THE VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ENGLISH NAVIGATORS; [...] UNDERTAKEN By ORDER of his PRESENT MAJESTY.

[...] WHOLE faithfully Extracted from the JOURNALS of the VOYAGERS

[...]KE, under [...] in [...]

C [...]VEND [...], 158 [...] ▪88

COWL [...]Y, 16 [...]3▪86

D [...]PIER, [...]

COO [...]E, 1708▪ [...]

ROGER [...], 170 [...]-1 [...]

C [...]IPP [...]TON and SHE [...]V [...], 1719▪22

[...]ON [...]taken in 17 [...] ▪44

BYRON, 1764▪ [...]

W [...], 17 [...]- [...]

[...] 1 [...] ▪ [...]

[...]d CO [...] [...]8▪ [...]

TOGETHER WITH That of SYDNEY PARKINSON, Dr [...]ftsman to JOSEPH BANKS, Esq who circumn [...]ted the Globe w [...]th Capt. COOK, in h [...]s Majest [...]s Ship the ENDEAVOUR.

[...] The Voyage of Mons. B [...]VILLE [...]nd the World, Performed by Order of the [...]nch King.

[...]us [...]ed with Map [...] Cha [...], and H [...]ical P [...]

To which [...] APPENDIX [...] the JOURNA [...] of a V [...]YAGE to the NORTH POLE by the Hon. Com [...]dore PHIPPS, and Captain LUTWIDGE

VOLUME THE FOURTH.

LONDON. [...] Corner of St. Paul's Church-Yard. MDCC [...]X [...]III.

CAPTAIN COOK's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. In 1768, 1769, 1770 and 1771.

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THE short intercouse which the English gentlemen had with the inhabitants of New Holland, prevented them from obtaining so perfect a knowledge of the language of these people as could have been wished; but, as it is an object too curious to be passed over in silence, we shall give our readers the most particular account that could be procured. They articulated their words very distinctly, though they made a great motion with their lips when they were speaking, and their utterance was rather vociferous, particularly when they intended to shew their disapprobation of any thing. When they were pleased, they would manifest their satisfaction by saying hee, with a long flexion of the voice, in a loud and shril tone. They frequently repeated the word tut, when in company with the English, several times together, which was supposed to be an expression of astonishment and admiration; upon the whole, their language was neither harsh nor inharmonious, as will appear from the following vocabulary.

A VOCABULARY of the language of the inhabitants of NEW HOLLAND.

[Page]Wageegee, The head.

Eiyamoac, The crown of the head.

Moree, The hair of the head.

Walloo, The temples.

Peete, The forehead.

Meul, The eyes.

Garbar, The eye-brows.

Melea, The ears.

Bonjoo, The nose.

Yembe, The lips.

Mulere, The teeth.

Unjar, The tongue.

Tacal, The chin.

Waller, The beard.

Doomboo, The neck.

Morcol, The throat.

Coyor, The breast.

Gippa, The belly.

Mocoo, The back.

Aco, The arms.

Mangal, The hands.

Eboorbalga, The thumb.

Nakil, The little finger.

Pongo, The knees.

Peegoorga, The legs

Edamal, The feet.

Kolke, The nails.

Bamma, A man.

[Page]Mootjel, A woman.

Dunjo, A father.

Tumurree, A son.

Tennapuke, The hole made in the nostrils for the reception of the bone ornament.

Cotta, A dog.

Poteea, Fish.

Putai, A turtle.

Tabugga, A fly.

Walboolbool, A butterfly.

Zoocoo, Wood.

Maianang, Fire.

Poorai, Water.

Poapoa, Earth.

Galan, The sun.

Wulgar, The clouds.

Kere, The sky.

Boota, To eat.

Chucula, To drink.

Marra, To go.

Mingoore, To dance.

Mailelel, To swim.

Aibudje, To yawn.

Poona, To sleep.

Wonananio, Asleep.

Tocaya, Sit down.

Eya & ba, That or this.

Te, A, or the.

[Page]We shall now proceed to give an account of their passage from New South Wales to New Guinea, with a recital of the incidents which happened on their landing on the last mentioned country.—Early in the morning of the 24th of August 1770, the cable broke near the ring, in the attempt to weigh the anchor; on which another anchor was dropped, which prevented the ship's driving. As the loss of an anchor might have been attended with future ill consequences, the boats were sent to sweep for it; but their first attempt being unsuccessful, they were dispatched again in the afternoon, when it was found, and the ship being brought up to it, they weighed it; yet, unfortunately, just as they were going to ship it, the hawser slipped, and all their labour was frustrated. Determined, however, not to lose the anchor, they re-applied their endeavours on the following morning, when they were attended with success.

Soon after the anchor was weighed, the ship got under sail, steering north-west, and in a few hours one of the boats, which was a-head, made the signal for shoal-water. The ship instantly brought to, with all her sails standing, and a survey being taken of the sea around her, it was found that she had met with another narrow escape, as she was almost encompassed with shoals; and was likewise so situated between them, that she must have struck before [Page] the boat's crew had made the signal, if she had been half the length of a cable on either side. In the afternoon she made sail with the ebb tide, and got out of danger before sun-set, when she brought to for the night.

The meeting with these shoals having determined the Captain to alter his intended course, he sailed again the next morning (Sunday the 26th) and soon got into deep water. They now steered a westward course, and, as no land was within sight, held it on till the dusk of the evening, when they shortened sail, and made opposite tacks during the night. The next morning they pursued their voyage, again shortening sail at night, and tacking till day-break of the 28th, when they steered due north, in search of New Guinea.

They now observed many parts of the sea covered with a kind of brown scum, to which the sailors gave the name of Spawn. It is formed of an incredible number of minute particles, each of which, when seen through the microscope, was found to consist of a considerable number of tubes, and these tubes were subdivided into little cells. The scum being burnt, and yeilding no smell like what is produced by animal substances, it was concluded that it was of the vegetable kind. This scum, which has been often seen on the coast of Brazil, generally makes its appearance near the land.—A bird, which is called the Noddy, [Page] was found this evening among the rigging of the ship. Land having been seen this day from the mast-head, they stood off and on all night, and at day-break they sailed towards it with a brisk gale.

Between six and seven o'clock they had sight of a small island, distant about three miles from the main land, which has already been distinguished by the names of St. Bartholomew, and Whermoysen. It is a very flat island, clothed with trees, among which is the cocoa-nut; and was judged to be inhabited, by the smoke of fires which were seen on several parts of it. The boats were now sent out to sound, as the water was shallow; but as the ship, in sailing two leagues, had found no increase in its depth, signals were made for the boats to return on board, and the vessel stood out to sea till midnight, and then tacked, and stood in for land till the morning. When they were about four leagues distant from it, they had sight of it from the deck, and its appearance was still flat and woody. Abundance of the brown scum was still seen on the surface of the sea, and the Tars, convinced that it was not spawn, gave it the whimsical name of Sea-saw-dust.

The ship now held a northward course, barely within sight of land, till the 3d of September; and as the water was but just deep enough to navigate the vessel, many unsuccessful attempts were made to bring her near enough to [Page] get on shore: it was therefore determined to land in one of the boats, while the ship kept plying off and on.

In consequence of this resolution, on the 3d of September, the Captain, accompanied by Messrs. Banks and Solander, and attended by the boat's crew and Mr. Banks's servants, set out in the pinnace; but when they came within two hundred yards of the shore the water was so shallow, that they were obliged to leave the boat, in the care of two of the sailors, and wade to land. They were no sooner clear of the water, than they saw several prints of human feet on the sand, below high-water-mark, from whence it was evident, that the natives had been very lately there. About one hundred yards from the water there was a thick wood, along the borders of which they walked till they arrived on the banks of a brook of water, on which was situated a fine grove of cocoa-nut trees, which abounded with fruit.

At a small distance from the trees stood an Indian hut, which had been thatched with their leaves, of which some yet remained; and round the hut were scattered many cocoa-nut-shells, the fruit of which seemed to have been lately gathered. Not far from this grew the bread-fruit tree, and a number of plantains.

Our adventurers were now near a quarter of a mile from the pinnace, when three of the natives ran out of the woods, about one hundred [Page] yards beyond them, shouting in the most violent manner. They instantly ran towards our countrymen, the first of the three throwing something out of his hand, which flew on one side of him, burning in the same manner as gunpowder, but making no noise, while the other two threw their lances. The English now fired; when the natives stopped, and cast another lance, on which the muskets were loaded with ball, and again fired.—The poor Indians now ran off with expedition, having, most probably, been wounded in the unequal conflict. Captain Cook and his companions, unwilling farther to injure those who could not originally have intended them any harm, retreated hastily to the boat, while the men, that had been left in the care of her, made signals that more of the natives were advancing towards the coast; several of these were soon seen, and stood still, as if waiting for the main body of their companions. Captain Cook and the party having reached the boat, rowed a-breast of the natives, who by this time were assembled to the number of about eighty. Their stature was nearly the same with that of the inhabitants of New South Wales, but their colour was not quite so dark: but, like them, they wore their hair cropped short. During the survey that was taken of them, they continued letting off their fires, a few at a time, in a kind of regular platoons; they were discharged by means of a piece of stick, almost [Page] like a hollow cane, which being swung sideways, produced fire and smoke exactly like that occasioned by the firing of small arms. The crew on board the ship saw this strange phenomenon, and thought the natives had firearms. The gentlemen having satisfied their curiosity by attentively looking at these people, fired some musquets above their heads, the balls from which being heard to rattle among the trees, the natives deliberately retired. The lances which had been thrown soon after the gentlemen landed were made of a reed or bamboo cane, and the points were made of hard wood, barbed in several places; it is imagined, that these lances were discharged by means of a throwing stick, as they flew with great swiftness above sixty yards.

When this party returned to the ship, some of the officers entreated the Captain to send men on shore to cut down the cocoa-nut trees, in order to procure the nuts; but this, with equal wisdom and humanity, he refused; sensible that the poor Indians, who could ill brook even the landing of a small party, on their coast, would risk their lives, and of course sacrifice them, in defence of their property. The whole coast of this country is low-land, but cloathed with a richness of trees and herbage, which exceeds all description.

On Monday, the 3d of September, 1770, the ship got under sail, and early in the morning [Page] of the 6th passed two small islands, on the latter of which Captain Cook would have landed, but as they had then only ten fathom water, and as the ground was rocky and the wind blew fresh, he might have endangered the safety of the ship. They now sailed at a moderate rate, with various soundings, till three o'clock the next morning, after which they had no ground with one hundred and twenty fathom. Before noon they had sight of land, which was conjectured to be either the Arrou Islands, or Timor Laoet; but they are not accurately laid down in any of the charts hitherto published.

On the evening of the 9th they saw what had the appearance of land, and the next morning were convinced that the first land they had seen was Timor, and the last Timor Laoet. The ship stood off and on during the night, when a number of fires were seen on the island, and the next morning smoke was seen in several places, from whence it was conjectured that the place was well peopled. The land near the shore was covered with high trees, not unlike pines; farther back were cocoa-trees and mangroves: there were many salt-water creeks, and several spots of ground which appeared to have been cleared by art; and the whole country rose, by gradual slopes, into hills of a very considerable height.

As the land and sea breezes were now very slight, they continued in sight of the island for [Page] two days, when it was observed that the hills reached, in many places, quite to the sea coast, and where that was not the case, there were large and noble groves of the cocoa-nut tree, which ran about a mile up the country, at which distance great numbers of houses and plantations were seen: the plantations were surrounded with fences, and extended nearly to the summits of the most lofty hills, yet neither the natives nor cattle were seen on any of them, which was thought a very extraordinary circumstance. Fine groves of the fan-palm shaded the houses from the rays of the sun.

On the 16th they had sight of the little island called ROTTE; and the same day saw the island SEMAU, at a distance to the southward of Timor. The island of Rotte is chiefly covered with brushy wood without leaves; but there are a number of fan-palm trees on it, growing near the sandy beaches; and the whole consists of alternate hills and vallies. The island of Semau is not so hilly as Timor, but resembles it greatly in other respects.

At ten o'clock this night a dull reddish light was seen in the air, many parts of which emitted rays of a brighter colour, which soon vanished, and were succeeded by others of the same kind. This phenomenon, which reached about ten degrees above the horizon, bore a considerable resemblance to the Aurora Borealis, only that the rays of light which it emitted had [Page] no tremulous motion. It was surveyed for two hours, during which time its brightness continued undiminished.

As the ship was now clear of all the islands which had been laid down in such maps as were on board, they made sail during the night, and were surprized the next morning at the sight of an island to the west south-west, which they flattered themselves was a new discovery. Before noon they had sight of houses, groves of cocoa-nut trees, and large flocks of sheep. This was a welcome sight to people whose health was declining for want of refreshments; and it was instantly resolved to attempt the purchase of what they stood so much in need of. The second Lieutenant was immediately dispatched in the pinnace, in search of a landing-place; and he took with him such things as it was thought might be acceptable to the natives.

During Mr. Gore's absence, the people on board saw two men on horseback upon the hills, who frequently stopped to take a view of the vessel. The Lieutenant soon returned, with an account that he had entered a little cove, near which stood a few houses: that several men advanced, and invited him to land; and that they conversed together as well as they could by signs. He reported that these people were very like the Malays, both in person and [Page] dress; that they had no other arms but a knife, which each of them wore stuck in his girdle.

As the Lieutenant could not find any place in which the ship might come to an anchor, he was dispatched again with money and goods, to buy such necessaries as were immediately wanted for those who were sick. Dr. Solander attended the Lieutenant, and, during their absence, the ship stood on and off the shore. Soon after the boat had put off, two other horsemen were seen from the ship, one of whom had a laced hat on, and was dressed in a coat and waistcoat, of the fashion of Europe. These men rode about on shore, taking little notice of the boat, but regarding the ship with the utmost attention. As soon as the boat reached the shore, some other persons on horseback, and many on foot, hastened to the spot, and it was observed that some cocoa-nuts were put into the boat, from whence it was concluded, that a traffick had commenced with the natives. A signal being made from the boat, that the ship might anchor in a bay at some distance, she immediately bore away for it.

When the Lieutenant came on board, he reported that he could not purchase any cocoa-nuts, as the owner of them was absent, and that what he had brought were given him; in return for which he had presented the natives with some linen. The method by which he [Page] learnt that there was a harbour in the neighbourhood, was by the natives drawing a kind of rude map on the sand, in which the harbour, and a town near it were represented; it was likewise hinted to him that fruit, fowls, hogs, and sheep, might be there obtained in great abundance. He saw several of the principal inhabitants of the island, who wore chains of gold about their necks, and were dressed in fine linen. The word Portuguese being frequently repeated by the Indians, it was conjectured, that some natives of Portugal were on the island, and one of the boat's crew being of that kingdom, he spoke to the islanders in his own language, but he soon found that they had only learnt a few words, of which they did not know the meaning. While the natives were endeavouring to represent the situation of the town near the harbour, one of them, in order to be more particular in directions, informed the English that they would see something, which he endeavoured to describe by placing his fingers across each other; and the Portuguese sailor took it for granted, that he could mean nothing but a cross. When the boat's crew were on the point of returning to the ship, the gentleman who had been seen on horseback in the dress of Europe came down to the beach; but the Lieutenant did not think it proper to hold a conference with him, because he had left his commission on board the ship.

[Page]In the evening, when the ship had entered the bay to which they had been recommended, an Indian town was seen at a small distance; upon which a jack was hoisted on the fore-top-mast head: presently afterwards three guns were fired, and Dutch colours were hoisted in the town: the ship, however, held on her way, and came to an anchor at seven in the evening.

The colours being seen hoisted on the beach the next morning, the Captain concluded, that the Dutch had a settlement on the island: he therefore dispatched the second Lieutenant, to acquaint the Governor, or other principal resident, who they were, and that the ship had put in for necessary refreshments. The Lieutenant having landed, he was received by a kind of guard of something more than twenty Indians, armed with muskets, who having taken down the colours from the beach, proceeded without the least military order; and thus escorted him to the town where the colours had been hoisted the preceding evening.

The Lieutenant was now conducted to the Raja, or King of the island, to whom, by means of a Portuguese interpreter, he made known his business. The Raja said, he was ready to supply the ship with the necessary refreshments; but that he could not trade with any other people but the Dutch, with whom he was in alliance, without having first obtained their consent; but that he would make application [Page] to the Dutch Agent, who was the only white man among them. To this Agent, whose name was Lange, and who proved to be the person that was seen from the ship in the European dress, a letter was dispatched; and in a few hours he came to the town, behaved politely to the Lieutenant, and told him, he might buy what he thought proper of the inhabitants of the island.

This offer being freely made, and readily accepted, the Raja and Mr. Lange intimated their wishes to go on board the ship, and that two of the boat's crew might be left as hostages for their safe return. The Lieutenant gratified both these requests, and took them on board just before dinner was served. It was thought that they would have sat down without ceremony; but, after some hesitation, the Raja intimated his doubts, whether, being a black, they would permit him to sit down with them. The politeness of the officers soon removed his scruples, and the greatest good humour and festivity prevailed among them. As Dr. Solander, and another gentleman on board, were tolerable proficients in Dutch, they acted as interpreters between Mr. Lange and the officers, while some of the sailors, who understood Portuguese, conversed with such of the Raja's attendants as spoke that language. The chief part of the dinner was mutton, which the Raja having tasted, he begged an English sheep, and [Page] the only one which they had left was given him: he then asked for a dog, and Mr. Banks gave him his grey-hound; and a spying-glass was presented to him, on Mr. Lange's intimating that it would be acceptable.

The visitors now told Captain Cook, that there was great plenty of fowls, hogs, sheep and buffaloes on the island, numbers of which should be conveyed to the sea shore on the following day, that he might purchase what was necessary for the recovery of the sick, and for sea stores. This welcome news gave great spirits to the company, and the bottle went so briskly round, that Mr. Lange and his companions became almost intoxicated: they had, however, the resolution to express a desire to depart, before they were quite drunk. When they came upon deck, the marines were under arms to receive them; and the Raja intimating, that he should be glad to see them exercise, the Captain gave orders that he should be indulged, and three rounds were fired: he was equally pleased and surprized at their manoeuvres, and particularly charmed when they cocked their firelocks, exclaiming violently, ‘"that all the locks made but one click."’ This being ended, Messrs. Solander and Banks went ashore with the visitors, who were saluted at their departure with nine guns, which they returned with three cheers.

[Page]When they came to the town, the English gentlemen tasted their palm wine, which was sweet, and not unpleasant: it is made of the fresh juice of the tree, without being fermented. The houses of the natives consisted of nothing more than a floor of boards, over which was a roof of thatch, supported by pillars about four feet in height.

On the following day the Captain, attended by several gentlemen, went on shore to return the Raja's visit; but their principal intention was, to buy the refreshments which had been mentioned the preceding day. When they landed, they were chagrined to find, that the cattle had not been driven down to the beach. They went on to the town, where they observed, that the house of assembly, and some few other houses which had been built by the Dutch East India Company, were distinguished from the houses of the natives by having a piece of wood, almost in the shape of cows horns, fixed at each end of the roof; and these they concluded were what the Portuguese sailor had imagined to be crosses, from the Indian having crossed his fingers when he was describing the town.

The Raja was at the house of assembly, surrounded by many of his principal subjects; and Mr. Lange also attended. Captain Cook having informed them, that he had loaded his boat with goods, which he wished to exchange [Page] for necessary refreshments, permission was given him to land his effects. The Captain now endeavoured to make an agreement for the hogs, sheep, and buffaloes, which were to be paid for in cash; but this business was no sooner hinted at than Mr. Lange took his leave, having first told the Captain, that he must make his agreement with the natives; and adding, that he had received a letter from the Governor of Concordia, in Timor, the contents of which should be disclosed at his return.

As they had now no fresh provisions on board, the gentlemen were unwilling to return to the ship before they had dined; they therefore requested the Raja's permission to buy a small hog and some rice, and hoped he would order his people to dress the dinner. To this the Raja very obligingly replied, that if the gentlemen had stomachs to eat of Indian cookery, he would have the honour of considering them as his guests. A dinner being thus procured, the Captain sent off the boat to bring liquors from the ship.

Late in the afternoon the company sat down on mats, which had been spread for them on the floor, having been first conducted to a servant, who had a vessel made of the leaves of the fan-palm, containing water to wash their hands, in which the Indian assisted them. Having waited some time for the Raja, they enquired the reason of his absence, and were informed, [Page] that the person who gave the entertainment never partook of it; but that the Raja was ready to come and taste of what was provided, if the gentlemen entertained any idea that the meat was unwholesome: having assured the natives, that they did not harbour any such suspicion, they began their dinner, which consisted of pork and rice, very excellent of their kinds, served up in thirty-six dishes, and three earthen bowls filled with a kind of broth, in which the pork had been boiled: the spoons were formed of leaves, but were so small, that the hunger of the guests would scarcely allow them patience to use them.

When dinner was ended, the Captain invited the Raja to drink wine with him; but this he declined, saying, that the man who entertained company should never get drunk with his guests, and that the only certain way to avoid drunkenness, was to refrain from tasting the liquor. The gentlemen left the remains of their dinner to their servants and the boat's crew, who not being able to eat it all, the Raja's female servants, who came to take away the utensils, insisted that they should take with them all that remained.

When the bottle had circulated some time, Captain Cook began to enquire after the cattle that were promised to be driven down to the beach; when Mr. Lange informed him, that in the letter which he had received from the [Page] Governor of Concordia, instructions were given, that if the ship should touch at the island, and be in want of provisions, she should be supplied; but that he was not to permit her to remain longer than was absolutely necessary: that no presents were to be made to the natives of low rank, nor even left with their superiors to be divided among them after the ship had sailed: but, he added, that any trifling civilities received from the Indians, might be acknowledged by a present of beads, or other articles of very small value. It is a very probable conjecture, that the whole of this story was of Mr. Lange's own manufacture, and solely calculated to draw all the presents of any value into his own pocket.

Soon after this the Captain was informed, that some sheep had been driven down to the beach; but had been conveyed away before the men could get money from the ship to pay for them; and that not a single hog or buffaloe had been driven down: but that a small number of fowls, and a quantity of the palm-syrup had been bought. Heartily vexed to be thus disappointed of the chief articles which were wanted, the Captain remonstrated with Mr. Lange, who told him, that if he and his officers had gone to the spot, they might have purchased any thing they pleased; but that the Indians imagined, the seamen would impose on them with counterfeit money.

[Page]This story was no more credited than the former; but not to lose more time in a case of such urgency, the Captain instantly repaired to the beach; but there were no cattle to be bought. During his absence Lange informed Mr. Banks, that the Indians were offended, that the seamen had not offered gold for what they had to sell, and that no other metal would purchase their commodities: but Mr. Banks, disdaining to hold farther conversation with a man who had been guilty of such repeated subterfuges, left him abruptly. Some hours before this, the Raja had assigned a much more probable reason for the cattle not being brought to the beach, saying, that the buffaloes were too far up the country to be driven thither in the time. In the evening the gentlemen returned to the ship, not a little displeased at their disappointment.

On the 20th the Captain and doctor Solander went again on shore, and while the latter proceeded to the town in search of Lange, the Captain staid on the beach, with a view to buy cattle. At this place was an old man, who had been distinguished by the name of the prime minister, because he appeared to be invested with considerable authority; and the Captain now presented him with a spying-glass, in order to make a friend of him. At present there was nothing brought for sale but a small buffaloe, for which five guineas were demanded. Tho' [Page] the Captain knew that this was double its value, yet he bid three guineas, as he was willing to begin dealing at any rate: the person who had it to sell said, he could not take the money till the Raja had been informed what was offered; on which a man was sent to him, who soon came back with a massage, that five guineas would be the lowest price: this the Captain refused to give; on which a second messenger was dispatched, who staying a long time, Captain Cook was anxiously expecting his return, when he saw Dr. Solander coming towards the beach, escorted by more than a hundred persons, some of whom had lances in their hands, and the rest were armed with muskets. When the Doctor arrived at the marketing-place, he informed the Captain, that Lange had interpreted to him a message from the Raja, the substance of which was, that the natives were averse to all traffick with the English, because they would not give above half the real worth of the things which were offered for sale; and that all trading whatever should be prohibited after that day.

A native of Timor, whose parents were Portuguese, came down with this party, and delivered to the Captain what was pretended to be the order of the Raja, and which was in substance the same as what Lange had told Dr. Solander; but it was afterwards discovered, that this man was a confederate of Lange's, in the scheme of extortion. The English gentlemen [Page] had at the same time no boubt, but that the supposed order of the Raja was a contrivance of these men; and while they were debating how they should act in this critical conjuncture, anxious to bring the affair to a speedy issue, the Portuguese began to drive away such of the natives as had brought palm-syrup and fowls to sell, and others who were now bringing sheep and buffaloes to the market.

Just at this juncture Captain Cook happening to look at the old man who had been distinguished by the name of prime minister, imagined that he saw in his features a disapprobation of the present proceedings; and, willing to improve the advantage, he grasped the Indian's hand, and gave him an old broad sword. This well-timed present produced all the good effects that could be wished: the prime minister was enraptured at so honourable a mark of distinction, and, brandishing his sword over the head of the impertinent Portuguese, he made both him, and a man who commanded the party, sit down behind him on the ground. The whole business was now accomplished: the natives, eager to supply whatever was wanted, brought their cattle in for sale, and the market was soon stocked. For the first two buffaloes Captain Cook gave ten guineas; but he afterwards purchased them by way of exchange, giving a musket for each; and at this rate he might have bought any number he thought proper. [Page] There seems to be no doubt but that Lange had a profit out of the first two that were sold, and that his reason for having said that the natives would take nothing but gold for their cattle, was, that he might the more easily share in the produce. Captain Cook purchased of the natives of this island some hundred gallons of palm-syrup, a small quantity of garlick, a large number of eggs, some limes and cocoa-nuts, thirty dozen of fowls, three hogs, six sheep, and nine buffaloes.

Having at length obtained these necessary refreshments, Captain Cook prepared for sailing from this place; but before we attend him on his voyage, it may be proper to give a description of the island, with an account of its produce, and the customs and manners of its inhabitants.

The island of SAVU is situated in 10 degrees 35 minutes south latitude, and 237 degrees 30 minutes west longitude, and has hitherto been very little known, or very imperfectly described. Its length is between twenty and thirty miles; but its breadth could not be ascertained by Captain Cook, who saw only the north side of it. The harbour in which the ship lay was called Seba, from a district of the country so denominated; and there are two other bays on different parts of the island. At the time the Endeavour lay there it was near the end of the dry season, when it had not rained for almost [Page] seven months, nor was there a running stream of fresh water to be seen, and the natives were supplied only by small springs, situated at a distance up the country: yet even in this dry season the appearance of the island was enchanting beyond description. Near the coast the land is level, and well clothed with the palm, called Arecas, and cocoa-nut trees: farther off the ground rises in the most gradual ascent, and is covered with fan palm trees even to the tops of the hills, so as to present a regular grove to the eye. The rains in this country cease in March or April, and fall again in October or November: and these rains produce abundance of indico, millet, and maize, which grow beneath the noblest trees in the universe.

Besides these articles, the island produces tobacco, cotton, betle, tamarinds, limes, oranges, mangoes, Guinea corn, rice, callevances, and water melons. A trifling quantity of cinnamon was seen, and some European herbs, such as garlic, fennel, cellery and marjoram: besides which, there are fruits of various kinds, and particularly the blimbi, which has a sharp taste, and is said to be a very fine pickle, but it is not eaten raw; its length is from three to four inches, it is nearly as thick as a man's thumb, of an oval form, covered with a very thin skin of a light green, and contains a number of seeds ranged in the shape of a star.

[Page]Several buffaloes were seen on this island, which were almost as large as an ox; and from a pair of enormous horns of this animal which Mr. Banks saw, it was conjectured, that some of them were much larger; yet they did not weigh more than half as much as an ox of the same apparent size, having lost the greater part of their flesh through the late dry weather; the meat however was juicy, and of a delicate flavour. The horns of these animals bend backwards, they have no dewlaps, nor scarce any hair on their skins, and their ears are remarkably large. The other tame animals on the island are dogs, cats, pigeons, fowls, hogs, goats, sheep, asses and horses.

Few of the horses are above twelve hands high, yet they are full of mettle, and pace naturally in an expeditious manner: the natives ride them with a halter only. The hogs of this country, are fed on the husks of rice, and palm-syrup mixed with water, and are remarkably fine and fat. The sheep are not unlike a goat, and are therefore called cabritos; their ears, which are long, hang down under their horns; their noses are arched, and their bodies are covered with hair. The fowls are of the game kind, and though they are rather large, the hen lays a very small egg. The sea-coast furnishes the inhabitants with turtle, but not in any great abundance.

[Page]The natives of the island of Savu are rather below the middle stature; their hair is black and strait, and persons of all ranks, as well those that are exposed to the weather, as those that are not, have one general complexion, which is the dark brown. The men are well formed and sprightly, and their features differ much from each other: the women, on the contrary, have all one set of features, and are very short and broad built.

The men have silver pincers hanging by strings round their necks, with which they pluck out the hair of their beards; and both men and women root out the hair that grows under the arms: the hair of the womens heads is tied in a club behind, while that of the men is fastened by a comb to the top of the head: the men wear a kind of turban on the head, formed of muslin, cotton, or even silk handkerchiefs; but the heads of the women have no covering.

The dress of the men consists of two pieces of cotton cloth, one of which is bound round the middle, and the lower edge of it being drawn pretty tight between the legs, the upper edge is left loose, so as to form a kind of pocket, in which they carry their knives and other things: the other piece being passed under the former, on the back of the wearer, the ends of it are carried over the shoulders, and tucked into the pocket before. The women draw the upper edge of the piece round the waist tight, while [Page] the lower edge, dropping to the knees, makes a kind of petticoat: the other piece of cloth is fastened across the breast, and under the arms. This cloth, which is manufactured by the natives, is died blue while in the yarn; and, as it is of various shades, its look when it comes to be worn is very beautiful.

The ornaments of the natives of Savu are very numerous, and consist of rings, beads worn round the neck and on the wrists, and chains of plaited gold wire, likewise worn round the neck: these things were worn by both sexes; but the women had likewise girdles of beads round their waists, which helped to keep up the petticoat. Many of the boys wore brass wire passed several times round the arms, above the elbow: and some of the men, who were said to be the sons of the Rajas, wore rings of ivory, above an inch thick, and two inches broad, on the same part of the arm. One man possessed a silver-headed cane, supposed to have been a present from the Dutch East India Company, as their mark was engraven on the silver. The Raja, and the principal officer of his houshold, were commonly habited in night gowns of ordinary chintz; but one time, when Captain Cook waited on the Raja, he was dressed in a black stuff robe.

Most of the men had their names marked on their arms, and the women a black ornament just under the bend of the elbow, impressed so [Page] that it could not be rubbed out. On enquiry it was found, that this practice had been common among the Indians long before they were visited by any Europeans; and it was said, that the necks and breasts of the inhabitants of the adjacent islands were marked with circles.

It could not be certainly known how these black marks were impressed; but the following extract from M. Bossu's account of some Indians who dwell on the banks of the Akanza, a river in North America, will afford a very probable conjecture how the operation is performed.—‘"The Akanzas (says this writer) have adopted me, and, as a mark of my privilege, have imprinted the figure of a roe-buck upon my thigh, which was done in this manner: an Indian having burnt some straw, diluted the ashes with water, and, with this mixture, drew the figure upon my skin; he then retraced it by pricking the lines with needles, so as at every juncture just to draw the blood, and the blood mixing with the ashes of the straw, forms a figure which can never be effaced."’

The houses on the island of Savu are of different lengths, from twenty feet to four hundred, according to the rank of the inhabitant, and are fixed on posts about four or five feet from the ground. The houses are generally divided into three rooms of equal size, the center room being set apart for the use of the women; [Page] and sometimes smaller rooms are enclosed from the sides of the building, the whole of which is thatched with the leaves of the palm-tree.

The natives eat of all the tame animals which the island produces, but they prefer the hog to all the rest; next to hogs flesh they admire that of the horse, to which succeeds the Buffalo, and then the poultry; and they like the flesh of cats and dogs much better than that of goats and sheep. Fish is not eaten but by the poorer people, nor even by them, but when some business demands their attendance near the sea-coast; and then each man has a small casting net, which he wears tied round his body when he has not occasion to use it.

The fan-palm is the most remarkable, and most useful tree that grows on the island, its uses being equally great and various: soon after the buds put forth the natives cut them, and tying under them little baskets formed of the leaves of the tree, a liquor drops into them, which has the taste of a light wine, and is the common liquor of all the inhabitants. The men climb the trees twice a day to bring down this liquor; but as a great deal more is thus obtained than can be consumed by drinking, a part of the remainder is made into coarse sugar, very excellent of its kind; and the rest is boiled in earthen pots, till it is reduced to a syrup, resembling treacle, but of a much finer flavour; and with this syrup the natives fatten [Page] their hogs and dogs. The leaves of the tree are applied to the various uses of making tobacco-pipes, umbrellas, cups, baskets, and the thatching of houses. The fruit of this tree is nearly of the size of a full grown turnip; but the natives are not fond of it, nor do they suffer much of it to come to perfection, as they wound the blossoms for the sake of the liquor that distils from them; the kernels of the fruit must be eaten before it is ripe, otherwise they are so hard, that the teeth will not penetrate them.

As wood for firing is very scarce on the island, the natives, by the following method, make a very little of it answer the ends of cookery and distillation. A hollow is dug under ground, in a direct line, about two yards long, with a hole at each end, one of which is large and the other small; the fire is put in at the largest hole, while the smaller one serves for a draught. Circular holes are made through the earth, which covers this cavity; and on these holes are set earthen pots, which being large in the middle, and smaller towards the bottom, the fire acts upon a considerable part of their surface. These pots contain, most commonly, about eight or nine gallons each, and they are kept continually boiling, with a very trifling quantity of fuel, such as a palm-leaf, or a dry stalk; in this [Page] manner all their victuals are boiled, as well as their syrup and sugar.

Both the men and women chew betle and areca, mixed with a sort of lime, composed of shells and coral stones; and as they frequently add tobacco to the other ingredients, and acquire this disgustful practice almost in their infancy, there is not a sweet breath, or a sound set of teeth in the whole island. They sometimes smoke tobacco, and the women, particularly, swallow the smoke. Their pipes are made of the palm-leaf, about the size of a goose quill, and half a foot long, in one end of which they put the tobacco designed for smoking.

The island consists of five divisions, each of which has a Raja, or chief Governor, of its own. These divisions are called TIMO, MASSARA, REGEEUA, LAAI, and SEBA. It was on this last division that our English adventurers went on shore: the Raja of which was between thirty and forty years of age, and remarkable for his corpulency. He governs his people with the most absolute authority, but takes on him very little of the parade, or pomp of royalty. The prime minister, who has been heretofore mentioned, appeared to be invested with great power, and almost wholly to direct the actions of the Raja; yet, such were the abilities and integrity of this man, that the people universally adored him. When any dispute happens among [Page] the natives, it is instantly settled by the Raja and his counsellors, in the most equitable and satisfactory manner.

The history of this island depends chiefly on the authority of Mr. Lange, the Dutch factor, who informed Captain Cook, that it was able to raise seven thousand three hundred fighting men, on the shortest notice. These are armed with lances, spears, muskets, targets, and pole-axes, which last are not unlike a wood-bill, only that they are much heavier, and have strait edges. The natives are so expert in the use of their lances, that they will throw them with such force and exactness, as to pierce a man through the heart at the distance of sixty or seventy yards. Notwithstanding this skill and disposition for war, it is said, that the Rajas have lived in the most perfect harmony for several ages.

While Captain Cook was on the island he saw a great gun before the town-house, and some swivels and pateraroes; but the great gun, which was almost consumed by rust, lay with the touch-hole to the ground, and the swivels and pateraroes were not in their carriages. In the town-house were a number of spears and targets, of as many different sizes as there were weapons; and with these the natives were armed when they came down with Dr. Solander, with a view to influence the market. The insides of the muskets were almost destroyed by rust, though [Page] their outsides were kept clean and bright: the men had very little, if any, powder or ball in their cartridge-boxes; but a piece of paper was put into each hole, as if they had been properly furnished. It has been already mentioned, that they marched in the most irregular manner; and each man brought with him a little tobacco, a fowl, or some other trifle, for sale.

The inhabitants of Savu are divided into five ranks; the Rajas, the land-owners, manufacturers, labourers, and slaves. The land-owners are respected in proportion to the extent of their lands, and the number of their slaves, which last are bought and sold with the estates to which they belong; but when a slave is bought separately, a fat hog is the price of the purchase. Though a man may sell his slave in this manner, or convey him with his lands, yet his power over him extends no farther, for he must not even strike him without the Raja's permission. The estates of these land-owners are of very different extent; for some of them possess not above five slaves, and some five hundred. When a man of rank goes abroad, one of his slaves follows him, with a silver hilted sword or hanger, ornamented with horse hair tassels; while another is furnished with a little bag, containing tobacco, betle, areca, and lime; and even the Rajas themselves take no farther state upon them.

[Page]The natives of Savu entertain a veneration for antiquity, superior, perhaps, to that of any other people in the world. Their principal boast is a long line of venerable ancestors: the houses that have been well tenanted for successive generations are held in the highest esteem; and even the stones, which are worn smooth by having been sat upon for ages, become valuable from that very circumstance: the man whose progenitors have bequeathed him any of these stones, or whose opulence has enabled him to purchase them, causes them to be ranged round his habitation, for his servants and slaves to sit upon.

In the chief town of each district the Raja causes a huge stone to be set up, as a monument of his reign. Thirteen such stones were seen in the province of Seba, and the remains of many others, that have suffered greatly by the wasting hand of time. These stones are all placed on the top of a hill, and some of them are so enormously large, that it is impossible to conceive by what contrivance they could have been placed in such a situation, nor could any information in this respect be obtained from the natives. From these monuments it is evident, that the island has been regularly governed for a series of ages past.

On the death of a Raja, proclamation is made that all his subjects shall hold a solemn festival; on which they proceed to the hill where these [Page] stones are erected, and feast for several weeks or months, killing every animal that can be found, to furnish out the treat, which is daily served upon the monumental stones. When the whole stock is exhausted, they are compelled to a severe fast; and when it happens that the feast ends in the dry season, when they cannot get vegetables to eat, they have no other subsistance than the palm syrup and water, till the few animals that escape the general massacre have bred a sufficient number for a fresh supply; except indeed that the adjacent districts may afford some relief. The natives of Savu have an instrument with which they clear the cotton of its seeds, which is only about seven inches in height, and fourteen in length; but is constructed on common mechanical principles. They have likewise a machine; with which they spin by hand, in the same manner as the women of England did, before the use of spinning-wheels was known. The yarn they make is dyed as before-mentioned, and they were once observed to be dying some girdles for the women, of a deep red colour.

The natives in general are robust and healthy, and had the appearance of being long-lived. The small-pox has found its way to this island, and is as much dreaded as the pestilence: when this disorder attacks any person, he is carried to some spot at a great distance from any house, where his food is conveyed to him by means [Page] of a long stick, for no one will venture very near the invalid, who is thus left to take his chance of life or death.

The island of Savu having been visited by the Portuguese almost at their first sailing into this part of the world, they established a settlement upon it; but in a little time they were succeeded by the Dutch, who, though they did not formally possess themselves of the island, sent a number of trading vessels to establish a commerce with the natives. It is thought that the Dutch purchases are chiefly confined to provisions for the supply of the Spice Islands, the inhabitants of which, cultivating almost every spot of ground for the spice trade, breed but a small number of cattle. A few years ago the Dutch East India Company made an agreement with the several Rajas of the island, by which it was covenanted, that a quantity of rice, maize, and calevances should be annually furnished to the Dutch, who, in return, supply the Rajas with arrack, cutlery wares, linen, silk, and some other things. Small vessels, each of which is manned by ten Indians, are sent from Timor, to bring away the maize and calevances, and a ship which brings the articles which are furnished by the Dutch, receives the rice on board once a year: and there being three bays on the coast, this vessel anchors in each of them in its turn. The Rajas accept the Dutch articles of commerce as a present; and [Page] they and their chief attendants drink incessantly of the arrack till it is all gone. In the agreement abovementioned, the Rajas stipulated, that a Dutch resident should be constantly on the island, to observe that their part of the contract was fulfilled.

The Dutch having thus concluded the treaty, sent Mr. Lange to act as their resident, and a kind of assistant to him, whose father was a Portuguese, and his mother a native of Timor, with one Frederick Craig, whose father was a Dutchman, and his mother an Indian. Once every two months Lange is attended by fifty slaves on horse-back, and in this state visits each of the Rajas, and, if the crops are ripe, orders vessels to convey them immediately to Timor, so that they are not even housed on the island. It is a part of Lange's business to persuade the land-owners to plant, if he sees that there has been any neglect on their part. He constantly takes with him a quantity of arrack, by the help of which he does not fail of making advantageous bargains with the Rajas.

Lange had been on this island ten years, during all which time he had not seen a white person, except those who came annually in the Dutch ship to carry off the rice. He is married to an Indian woman, a native of the island of Timor, and he lives in the same manner as the inhabitants of Savu, whose language he speaks better than any other; like them too he [Page] sits on the ground and chews betle, and has so perfectly adopted their manners, that he is an absolute Indian, except in dress and complexion.

Mr. Craig is employed in teaching the children to write and read, and instructing them in the principles of Christianity. The new testament, a catechism, and some other small books of divinity, have been printed in the language of Savu, and the adjacent islands, at the expence of the Dutch. Mr. Craig said, there were six hundred Christians in the township of Seba only; yet there is neither a church nor a clergyman throughout the island.

The religion of such of the natives of Savu as have not embraced Christianity, is a singular sort of Paganism, as every man makes choice of his own God, and worships him according to his own fancy; so that the variety of Deities, and the methods of adoring them, are scarcely fewer than the number of inhabitants. The morality of these people, however, is of the purest kind. A robbery is scarce ever committed, and a murder is never perpetrated. When any disputes arise between the natives, they instantly submit the point in debate to the decision of the Raja, and rest perfectly satisfied with his determination. No man is permitted to marry more than one wife; yet a violation of the marriage bed, or even the crime of simple fornication, is almost wholly unknown among them. Happy people! the purity of whose [Page] morals renders them fit objects of the envy and emulation of the Christian world.

Of the islands in the neighbourhood of Savu, the principal is Timor, which is annually visited by the Dutch residents on the other islands, in order to make up their accounts. Some of the towns on the north side of Timor are in the hands of the Portuguese; but the Dutch possess the far greater proportion of the island, on which they have built a fort, and erected several store-houses.

There are three small islands, called the Solars, which produce a great abundance of the various necessaries of life, that are carried in small vessels to the Dutch settlement on the island of Timor: these islands are low and flat, and one of them has a commodious harbour.

Westward from the Solars lies the little island of Ende, which is yet in the possession of the Portuguese, who have built a considerable town, called Larntuca, on the north-east point of it; and close to the town is an harbour where ships may ride in safety.

The island of Rotte has a Dutch resident on it, whose business is similar to that of Mr. Lange on the island of Savu: Rotte produces, besides such things as are common to the other islands, a considerable quantity of sugar, which is now made to a great degree of perfection.

There is likewise a small island lying to the westward of Savu, the chief produce of which [Page] is areca-nuts, of which the Dutch receive, in exchange for European commodities, as large a quantity every year as will load two vessels.

A French ship was wrecked on the coast of Timor, about two years before the Endeavour was in these seas. She had been lodged on the rock several days, when the wind tore her to pieces in an instant, and the Captain, with the greater number of the seamen, were drowned; but a Lieutenant and about eighty men having reached the shore, travelled across the country of Concordia, where their immediate necessities were relieved, after which they returned to the wreck, in company with some Dutch and Indians, who assisted them in recovering all their chests of bullion, some of their guns, and other effects: which being done, they returned to Concordia, where they remained several weeks; but, in this interval, death made such havock among them, that not above half their number remained to be sent to their native country, which was done as soon as a vessel could be fitted out for that purpose.

To close the account of the island of Savu, it now only remains to give the following specimen of the language of its inhabitants.

Specimen of the language of the inhabitants of the island of SAVU.

Momonne, A man.

Monama, An old man.

[Page]Monecopai, A boy.

Anawuneekee, A child.

Madda, The eyes.

Otaile, The temples.

Sivanga, The nose.

Tangarei, The forehead.

Cavarànga, The cheeks.

Vaio, The tongue.

Lacoco, The neck.

Dùloo, The belly.

Pagàvee, The chin.

Càmaccoò The arms.

Wùlalea, The hand.

Roòtoo, The knees.

Baibo, The legs.

Duneeala, The feet.

Row, Hair.

Gnaca, A dog.

Vavee, A hog.

Doomba, A sheep.

Maio, A cat.

Doleela, A bird.

Dulloo, An egg.

Nudoo, A fish.

Unjoo, A turtle.

Vooe, Fruit.

Nai, Tobacco.

Yirroo, Oranges.

Arre, Rice.

Lodo, The sun.

Wurroo, The moon.

[Page]Booro, Bread.

Cova, A coat.

Capa, A ship.

Sooree, Red.

Bulla, Black.

Sao-lodo, The morning.

Munda-lodo, The evening.

O, Yes.

Gnaa, To eat.

Neenawei, To drink.

Ta eaco, To walk.

Ta rai, To run.

Ta mudje, To talk.

Ta bunge, To sneeze.

Isse, or usse. One.

Rooe, Two.

Tulloo, Three.

Uppa, Four.

Lumee, Five.

Unna, Six.

Petoo, Seven.

Aroo, Eight.

Saio, Nine.

Singooroo, Ten.

Singooroo isse, Eleven.

The Endeavour sailed from the island of Savu on the 21st of September 1770, and bent her course westward. In the afternoon of this day a little flat island was discovered in 10 degrees 47 minutes south latitude, and 238 degrees [Page] 28 minutes west longitude, which has not been laid down in any of the charts hitherto published.

When the ship got clear of the several islands before-mentioned, there was a continual swell of the sea from the south, which Captain Cook imputed to the position of the coast of New South Wales, imagining it to have determined the sea in that direction.

On the 28th they steered north-west the whole day, in order to get sight of the land of Java; and on the 30th the Captain received from most of the officers and seamen their respective journals of the voyage, regarding which he advised them to observe the most profound secrecy: and he likewise possessed himself of the log-book. In the night following there was a storm of thunder and lightning, when the land of Java was seen to the eastward by the brightness of the lightning. In the morning they had sight of the island of Cracatoa, which is singular for the height of its peak.

Early in the morning of the 2d of October, when the ship was in fifteen fathom water, she was close in with the coast of Java, along which they now steered. As their faithful Indian friend Tupia was at this time extremely ill, the Captain dispatched a boat to the shore, to endeavour to bring him some refreshing fruits, and likewise to procure grass for the buffaloes. As soon as the boat landed, the inhabitants assisted [Page] the seamen in cutting grass for the cattle, and in gathering a bunch of plantains and a few cocoa-nuts, for which they received a shilling, and which were brought off to the ship. The land of Java had a delightful appearance, being every where well covered with trees.

This day they had sight of two Dutch vessels, and an officer being dispatched to one of them, to learn any interesting intelligence, he brought word back, that the Swallow had reached the English channel in safety, that disputes were carried to great lengths at home, in regard to the ministers, and in America, on account of taxes; and that the Russians, Poles and Turks, were embroiled in a war. The officer said, that the vessels were Dutch East Indiamen, bound from Batavia, one of them to the coast of Malabar, and the other to the island of Ceylon: he said likewise, that there was a kind of packet-boat, which he had been told, was appointed to carry letters from such Dutch ships as came thither to Batavia; but Captain Cook conjectured, that her business was to examine such ships as should pass the Streight.

The ship had now been some hours at anchor; but a light breeze springing up in the evening, they got under sail, and continued to proceed at a slow rate during the night. On the 3d, in the morning, the Dutch packet-boat was observed sailing after the Endeavour; but she bore away again on the shifting of the wind.

[Page]This changing of the wind obliging the Endeavour to come to an anchor, the master of the packet-boat came along-side of her, in one of the boats belonging to the country, bringing with him rice-birds, monkies, parrots, parroquets, ducks, fowls, turtle, and other things, with an intention to sell them; but as the stock which had been laid in at Savu was not yet consumed, and he had fixed very high prices on his commodities, very few articles were purchased: the Captain, however, bought twenty or thirty fowls, and a small turtle.

The master of the packet-boat had brought with him two books, in one of which he wrote down the Captain's name, and that of the vessel, to be sent to the Governor and Council of the Indies; and in the other book he requested that some of the gentlemen on board would likewise write down the name of the vessel, with that of the Captain; where she came from, to what port she was bound, and as many particulars respecting any person on board, as themselves might think necessary, to satisfy the curiosity of any of their friends who might afterwards enquire for them. In this book many Portuguese vessels, and some of other countries had made entries of the same kind; but a Lieutenant on board the Endeavour having written the ship's name, added only the words, ‘"from Europe;"’ yet of this the master of the packet took no other notice, than by saying he was [Page] content with whatever they were pleased to write, which was intended solely for the information of their friends.

They now weighed the anchor, and made repeated attempts to sail; but the wind not blowing so as to enable the vessel to stem the current, she lay to till the morning of the 5th, when a Dutch officer came along-side the ship, and sent a printed paper to the Captain, in exceeding bad English; the contents of which were to enquire,

1st, The ship's name, and to what nation she belonged?

2d, Whether she came from Europe, or any other place?

3d. What place she had last departed from?

4th, To what place she was bound?

5th, How many ships belonging to the Dutch Company had been seen at the last coast the ship had left, and their names?

6th, If one or more of these ships had been in company with the Endeavour, and was or were sailed for that, or any other place?

7th, If, during the voyage, any thing remarkable had happened, or been seen?

8th, If any ships had been seen and hailed at sea, or in the streight of Sunda, and what they were?

9th, If they had brought any other news worthy of attention, from the place whence the ship took her last departure; or if any thing [Page] else had happened during the voyage, that was worth communicating.

These questions were undersigned, ‘"Batavia, in the castle. By order of the Governor General, and the Counsellors of India, J. BRANDER BUNGL, Sec."’

It was observed, that the officer had many Other papers of the same kind, in French, Dutch, and other languages. Captain Cook did not think proper to answer any of the above questions, except the first and the fourth. When the Dutchman observed this, he said, that answers to the other questions were not material; yet he seemed to contradict what he had just advanced, by saying, that he must dispatch the paper to Batavia, and that it would reach that place by noon on the following day. This incident is particularly recorded, because the examining the ships which sail through the streight, is said to be a piece of Dutch policy of very modern date.

As soon as the Dutch officer was departed, the anchor was weighed; but the ship was obliged to come to an anchor again in about four hours, for want of wind to enable her properly to stem the current. A breeze soon springing up, the vessel held on her way till the following morning, when she was again obliged to be brought to an anchor, owing to the rapidity of the current. This day and the next they weighed the anchor, and brought to several [Page] times. On the 8th they weighed, and stood clear of a large ledge of rocks, which they had been near running fowl of the preceding day; but before noon this day they were once more obliged to anchor near a little island, which was not laid down in any chart that they had on board. It is one of those that bear the name of the Milles isles; and Messrs. Solander and Banks having landed upon it, collected a few plants, and shot a bat which was a yard long, being measured from the extreme points of the wings; they also killed a few plovers, in all respects like the English golden plover. On this island, the breadth of which does not exceed one hundred yards, and the length five hundred, they found a house, and a little spot of cultivated ground, and on it grew the Palma Christi, from which the West Indians make the castor oil.

In a little time after the gentlemen came back to the ship, some Malays came alongside, in a boat, bringing with them some pumpkins, dried fish, and turtle for sale: one of the turtles, which weighed near one hundred and fifty pounds, they sold for a dollar, and seemed to expect the same piece of money for their pumpkins; but it being hinted to them that a dollar was too much, they desired that one might be cut, and a piece of it given to them: but this not being complied with, they at length sold six and twenty pumpkins for a [Page] Portuguese petacka. When they departed they intimated their wishes, that this transaction might not be mentioned at Batavia.

The ship now made but slow way till night, when the land breeze springing up, they sailed to the east south-east, and on the following day, by the assistance of the sea breeze, they came to an anchor in the road of Batavia. At this place they found a number of large Dutch vessels, the Harcourt East Indiaman from England, which had lost her passage to China, and two ships belonging to the private trade of our India Company.

The Endeavour had no sooner anchored, than a ship was observed, with a broad pendant flying, from which a boat was dispatched to demand the name of the vessel, with that of the Commander, &c. To these enquiries Captain Cook gave such answers as he thought proper, and the officer who commanded the boat departed. This gentleman and the crew that attended him were so worn down by the unhealthiness of the climate, that they appeared but as the shadows of men; which the Captain deemed a sad presage of the havock which death would soon make among his crew; yet at present there was not one invalid on board, except the Indian Tupia: the English tars, whose want of foresight and defiance of danger is notorious, seemed not to entertain the least idea that even sickness would attack a set of men so hardened [Page] as they were by different climates; but alas▪ they had very little idea of the fatal contagion which impregnates the air of Batavia.

The Captain now dispatched an officer to the Governor of the town, to apologize for the Endeavour's not saluting; for he had but three guns proper for the purpose, except swivels, and he was apprehensive that they would not be heard.

The ship was at this time so leaky, that she made about nine inches water an hour, on the average; part of her false keel was gone; one of her pumps was totally useless, and the rest so very much decayed, that they could not last long. The officers and seamen concurring in opinion, that the ship could not safely put to sea again in this condition, the Captain resolved to solicit permission to heave her down; but as he had learnt that this must be done in writing, he drew up a petition, and had it translated into Dutch.

On Wednesday the 10th of October 1770, the Captain and the rest of the gentlemen went on shore, and applied to the only English gentleman then resident at Batavia: this gentleman, whose name was Leith, received his countrymen in the politest manner, and entertained them at dinner with great hospitality. Mr. Leith informed them, that a public hotel was kept in the town, by order of the Dutch government, at which place merchants and other [Page] strangers were obliged to lodge, and that the landlord of the hotel was bound to find them warehouses for their goods, on the condition of his receiving ten shillings on every hundred pounds of their value; but that as the Endeavour was a King's ship, her officers, and the other gentlemen, might reside where they thought proper, only asking leave of the Governor, whose permission would be instantly obtained. Mr. Leith added, that they might live cheaper in this way than at the hotel, if they had any person who spoke the Malay tongue, on whom they could rely in the purchase of their provisions: but as there was no such person among the whole ship's crew, the gentlemen immediately bespoke beds at the hotel.

In the afternoon Captain Cook attended the Governor General, who received him politely, and told him to wait on the Council the next morning, when his petition should be laid before them, and every thing he solicited would be readily granted.

Late in the evening of this day there happened a most terrible storm of thunder and lightning, accompanied with very heavy rain. In this storm the main-mast of a Dutch East Indiaman was split and carried away by the deck; and the main-top-mast and top-gallant-mast were torn to pieces; it is supposed, that the lightning was attracted by an iron spindle at the main-top-gallant-mast-head. The Endeavour, [Page] which was at a small distance from the Dutch ship, escaped without damage, owing, in Captain Cook's opinion, to an electrical chain, which conducted the lightning over the side of the vessel: and he recommends chains of the same kind to be taken on board all ships, to whatever part of the globe they may be bound. A centinel on board the Endeavour, who was charging his musket at the time of the storm, had it shaken out of his hand, and the rammer-rod was broken in pieces: the electrical chain looked like a stream of fire, and the ship sustained a very violent shock.

On Tuesday the 11th Captain Cook waited on the gentlemen of the Council, who informed him, that all his requests should be complied with. In the interim, the other gentlemen made a contract with the master of the hotel, to furnish them and their friends with as much tea, coffee, punch and tobacco, as they might have occasion for, and to keep them a separate table, for nine shillings a day, English money; but on the condition that every person who should visit them, should pay at the rate of four shillings and six pence for his dinner, and the same sum for his supper and bed, if he chose to sleep at the hotel: they were likewise to pay for every servant that attended them fifteen pence a day.

It was soon discovered, that they had been vilely imposed on; for these charges were above [Page] twice as much as would have been demanded at a private house. They appeared to live elegantly, but at the same time were but ill supplied. Their dinner consisted of fifteen dishes, all served up at once; and their supper of thirteen; but of these, nine or ten were of the most ordinary, because the cheapest, poultry, that could be purchased; and even some of these dishes were observed to be served up four times successively: a duck, which was hot at dinner, was brought cold in the evening; the next day it appeared in the form of a fricasee, and was converted to forced meat at night. Our countrymen, however, only fared as others had done before them: it was the constant custom of the conscientious master of the hotel, to treat all his guests in the same manner, when they first took up their residence at his house: if they took no notice of it, all was well, for the landlord had the better customers of them; if they remonstrated against such treatment, the table was better and better supplied from time to time, till, in the end, they had no reason to complain.

The gentlemen having found fault with their fare, were afterwards supplied in a better manner; but Mr. Banks, not approving the conduct of the master of the hotel, he hired lodgings for himself and his attendants at the adjoining house, for which he agreed to pay five and forty shillings a month: but here Mr. [Page] Banks was disappointed in the hope he had formed of living retired; for scarce a Dutch man had occasion to pass by the house, but he ran in without ceremony, to enquire what was to be sold; for it is a very unusual thing at Batavia, for strangers who are in a private capacity not to be furnished with some articles of traffick. In this house no person was permitted to sleep, as a guest of Mr. Banks, without his bed being separately paid for. It is the universal custom here to hire a carriage; and Mr. Banks engaged two, for which he paid eighteen shillings a day: these carriages are open chaises, in which two persons sit commodiously, and are driven by a man sitting on a kind of coach-box.

Their Indian friend Tupia had been till this time on board very dangerously ill, yet persisted to refuse every medicine that was offered him: Mr. Banks now sent for him to his house, in the hope that he might recover his health. While he was in the ship, and even after he was put into the boat, he was indisposed, and low spirited, in the utmost degree; but the moment he came into the town, his whole frame appeared as if re-animated. The houses, the carriages, the people, and many other objects, were totally new to him; and astonishment took possession of his features at sights so wonderful: but if Tupia was astonished at the scene, his boy, Tayota, was perfectly enraptured, dancing along the streets in an extacy of joy, and [Page] examining the several objects as they presented themselves, with the most earnest inquisitiveness and curiosity.

Of all the circumstances which engaged the attention of Tupia, nothing struck him so much as the vast variety of dresses worn by the inhabitants of Batavia: he enquired the reason of what appeared so very extraordinary in his eyes, and being informed that the people were of a variety of nations, and that all were dressed according to the mode of their own country, he requested permission to follow the fashion: this request being readily complied with, a person was dispatched to the ship for some South Sea cloth, with which he soon clothed himself in the dress of the inhabitants of Otaheite. The people of Batavia, who had seen an Indian, brought thither in M. Bougainville's ship, named Otourou, mistook Tupia for that man, and frequently enquired if he was not the same.

As the necessary repairs of the ship were to be made at Ourust, Captain Cook obtained an order to the superintendant of that island to receive her; and he wrote to the Secretary of the Admiralty, an account of the safe arrival of the Endeavour in the road of Batavia, and dispatched his letter by a Dutch ship that was bound to Europe.

Captain Cook now applied to several persons to advance him money sufficient to defray the [Page] expence of repairing the ship; but not one could be found in the whole town who had the requisite sum in his possession, or, if he had, was willing to advance it: he therefore made application to the Governor, who issued his orders, that he should be supplied out of the treasury of the Dutch East India Company.

Early in the morning of the 18th of October 1770, the ship got under sail, and proceeded to Ourust; and, in a day or two, the crew began to take out her stores, which were deposited in the wharf on Cooper's Island; but this business was rendered unavoidably tedious, by several Dutch ships being at the same wharf, taking in their ladings of pepper.

After little more than a week spent at Batavia, the ill effects of the climate began to be severely felt. Dr. Solander and Mr. Banks were indisposed with fevers; Mr. Banks's two servants were exceedingly ill; the Indian boy, Tayota, had an inflammation on his lungs; and Tupia was so bad, that his life was despaired of. Their indisposition was attributed partly to the heat of the climate, and partly to the swampy situation of the town, and the stench of the dirty canals with which it abounds.

By the 26th of the month, very few of the crew were well enough to do duty; and on this day a tent was erected for their reception. Tupia now requested to be conveyed to the ship, in the hope of breathing a purer air than in the [Page] town; but his request could not be granted, as she was unrigged, and preparations were making to lay her down, in order that she might undergo a thorough repair: on the 28th, however, Mr. Banks attended Tupia to Cooper's Island, where a tent was pitched for him, in such a situation, where he was alternately refreshed by the land and sea breezes; and the poor creature was extremely thankful that he was so agreeably lodged. By this time the Surgeon was so ill, that he could not leave his bed; Mr. Banks's fever was greatly encreased, and Dr. Solander grew worse every day.

The ship was at length laid down on the 5th of November, on which day died Mr. Monkhouse, the Surgeon, whose loss was the more severely felt, as he was a man of skill in his profession, and fell a sacrifice to the pestiferous air of the country, at a time when his abilities were most wanted. Dr. Solander, though extremely ill, had strength sufficient to see his remains committed to the ground, but Mr. Banks was unable even to pay this last sad duty to a worthy man.

Death now advanced with hasty strides among our adventrous countrymen, who were equally unable to resist his power, or shun his embraces. Several Malay servants were engaged, to wait on those who were ill; but these people were so remiss in their duty, that it was no uncommon thing for the sick man to leave his bed in [Page] search of his attendant. The Indian boy, Tayota, paid the debt of Nature on the 9th of this month, and Tupia, whose tender affection for the youth can be equalled only by that of a parent for a favourite child, was so shocked at the loss, that it was evident he could not long survive him.

By this time the ship's bottom having been carefully surveyed, our countrymen had ample reason to be grateful to that Providence, by which they had been preserved during a passage of several hundred miles, through the most dangerous seas on the face of the globe: for the sheathing in several places was torn from the vessel, the false keel was in a great measure gone, the main keel was damaged in many parts, several of the planks had received great injury, and a part of three of them was thinner than the sole of a shoe!

Messis. Solander and Banks were now so worn down by their disorders, that the Physician, who attended them, recommended the country air, as the only thing that could possibly restore them to the wishes of their friends. In consequence of this advice, they hired a country-house of the master of the hotel, who engaged to supply them with slaves, and to furnish their table; but as they had sufficiently experienced the worthlessness of these slaves, they bought two Malay women, who soon became excellent nurses, from that tenderness of Nature which [Page] does so much honour to the sex. While these gentlemen were taking measures for the recovery of their health, poor Tupia fell a victim to the ravages of his disorder, and to his grief for the deceased Tayota. When Tayota was first seized with the fatal disorder, he seemed sensible of his approaching end, and frequently said to those that were about him, Tyau mate see, ‘"My friends, I am dying:"’ he was very tractable, and took any medicines that were offered to him; they were both buried in the island of Edam.

Captain Cook bestows great encomiums on the officers and workmen of the Marine Yard at Ourust, by whose skill and diligence the bottom of the ship was perfectly repaired by the 14th of the month; and he warmly recommends the heaving down with two masts, instead of one, which, he says, is undoubtedly the more expeditious, as well as the safer method.

By this time not above ten men, out of the whole ship's crew, were able to do duty, and these were employed in getting the water and stores aboard, and in putting up the rigging: the water was purchased at Batavia, at the rate of one hundred and fifty gallons for six shillings and eight pence.

Captain Cook was now taken ill, and Mr. Sporing and a sailor, who attended Messrs. Banks and Solander at their country-house, were [Page] attacked with intermitting fevers; but those two gentlemen grew something better, though their recovery was very slow. Their house was situated on the borders of a rivulet, which, of course, assisted the circulation of the air; and it was likewise open to the sea breeze.

In the night of the 25th there fell such a shower of rain, for the space of four hours, as even our voyagers had scarce ever remembered. The water poured through every part of Mr. Banks's house; and the lower apartments admitted a stream sufficient to have turned a mill. As this gentleman was now greatly restored in health, he went to Batavia the following day, and was surprized to see, that the inhabitants had hung out their bedding to dry. The westerly monsoon set in about the 26th of this month: it blows in the day-time from the north, or north-west, and from the south-west during the night: previous to this, there had been violent thunder, and hard showers of rain for several nights.

The musquitos and gnats, whose company had been sufficiently disagreeable in the dry weather, now began to swarm in immense numbers, rising from the puddles of water like bees from a hive: they were extremely troublesome during the night, but the pain arising from their sting, though very severe, seldom lasted more than half an hour; and in the day-time they seldom made their attacks. The frogs kept a perpetual [Page] croaking in the ditches; a certain sign that the wet season was commenced, and that daily rain might be expected.

The ship being repaired, the sick people being received on board her, and the greater part of her water and stores taken in, she sailed from Ourust on the 8th of December, and anchored in the road of Batavia. Twelve days were employed in receiving the remainder of her provisions, water, and other necessaries; though this business would have been done in much less time, but that some of the crew died, and the majority of the survivors were so ill, as to be unable to give their assistance.

On the 24th Captain Cook took leave of the Governor, and some other gentlemen, who had distinguished themselves by the civilities they shewed him: but at this juncture an incident occurred, that might have produced consequences by no means desirable. A sailor belonging to one of the Dutch ships in the road of Batavia, deserted from that vessel, and entered himself on board the Endeavour. The Captain of the Dutch ship having made application to the Governor, claiming the delinquent as a subject of the States General, the Governor issued his order for the restoration of the man: Captain Cook had but just taken a formal leave of the Governor when this order was delivered to him; and he said, that the man should be given up, if it appeared that he [Page] was a Dutchman. As the Captain was at this time on shore, and did not intend going on board till the following day, he gave the Dutch officer a note to the Lieutenant, who commanded on board the Endeavour, to deliver the deserter on the condition above-mentioned. On the following day the Dutchman waited on Captain Cook, informing him, that the Lieutenant had absolutely refused to give up the seaman, saying, that he was an Irishman, and of course a subject of his Britannick Majesty. Captain Cook applauded the conduct of his officer, and added, that it could not be expected, that he should deliver up an English subject. The Dutch officer then said, he was authorized, by the Governor, to demand the fugitive as a Danish subject, adding, that his name was entered in the ship's books, as having been born at Elsineur: to this Captain Cook very properly replied, that the Governor must have been mistaken, when he gave this order for delivering the deserter, who had his option whether he would serve the Dutch or the English; but that in compliment to the Governor, the man should be given up, as a favour, if he appeared to be a Dane; but that, in this case, he should by no means be demanded as a right, and that he would certainly keep him, if he appeared to be a subject of the crown of Great Britain. The Dutchman now took his leave, and he had not been long gone, before the [Page] Captain received a letter from the commanding officer on board, containing full proof, that the man was an English subject. This letter the Captain carried to the Shebander, desiring him to lay it before the Governor, and to inform him, that the man should not be delivered up on any terms whatever. This spirited conduct on the part of Captain Cook had the proper effect; and thus the matter ended.

This day the Captain, attended by Mr. Banks and the other gentlemen who had hitherto lived in the town, repaired on board the ship, which got under sail the next morning. The Endeavour was saluted by the fort, and by the Elgin East Indiaman, which then lay in the road; but soon after these compliments were returned, the sea breeze setting in, they were obliged to come to an anchor. Since the arrival of the ship in Batavia road, every person belonging to her had been ill, except the sail-maker, who was more than seventy years old, yet this man got drunk every day while they remained there. The Endeavour buried seven of her people at Batavia, viz. Tupia and his boy, three of the sailors, the servant of Mr. Green, the astronomer, and the Surgeon: and at the time of the vessel's sailing, forty of the crew were sick, and the rest so enfeebled by their late illness, as to be scarcely able to do their duty.

The town of Batavia is situated in six degrees ten minutes south latitude, and one hundred [Page] and six degrees fifty minutes east longitude, from the meridian of Greenwich. It is built on the bank of a large bay, something more than twenty miles from the Streight of Sunda, on the north side of the island of Java, in low boggy ground. Several small rivers, which rise forty miles up the country, in the mountains of Blaeuwen Berg, discharge themselves into the sea at this place, having first intersected the town in different directions. There are wide canals of nearly stagnated water in almost every street, and as the banks of these canals are planted with rows of trees, the effect is very agreeable; but these trees and canals combine to render the air pestilential. Some of the rivers are navigable, more than thirty miles up the country; and, indeed, the Dutch appear to have chosen this spot to build the town on, for the sake of water-carriage, in which convenience Batavia exceeds every place in the world, except the towns of Holland.

A writer, who published an account of this place near fifty years ago, makes the number of houses at that time 4760, viz. 1242 Dutch houses, and 1200 Chinese houses, within the walls; and 1066 Dutch houses, and 1240 Chinese houses, without the walls, with twelve houses for the vending of arrack. The streets of Batavia being wide, and the houses large, it stands on more ground than any other place that has only an equal number of houses.

[Page]In dry weather a most horrid stench arises from the canals, and taint the air to a great degree; and when the rains have so swelled the canals that they overflow their banks, the ground-floors of the houses, in the lower parts of the town, are filled with stinking water, that leaves behind it dirt and slime in amazing quantities. The running streams are sometimes as offensive as the stagnant canals; for the bodies of dead animals are frequently lodged on the shallow parts, where they are left to putrify, and corrupt the air, except a flood happens to carry them away: this was the case with a dead buffaloe, while the crew of the Endeavour were there, which lay stinking on the shoal of a river, in one of the chief streets, for several days.

They sometimes clean the canals; but this business is performed in such a manner, as scarcely to make them less a nuisance than before; for the bottom being cleared of its black mud, it is left on the side of the canal till it is hard enough to be taken away in boats; and as there are no houses for necessary retirement in the whole town, the filth is thrown into the canals regularly once a day, so that this mud is a compound of every thing that can be imagined disagreeable and offensive.

There is a new church in Batavia, which is a fine piece of building, and the dome of it may be seen far off at sea. This church is illuminated [Page] by chandeliers of the most superb workmanship, and has a fine organ: most of the other public buildings are ancient, constructed in an ill taste, and give a very compleat idea of Dutch clumsiness.

Their method of building their houses seems to have been taught them by the climate. On the ground-floor there is no room but a large hall, a corner of which is parted off for the transaction of business: the hall has two doors, which are commonly left open, and are opposite each other, so that the air passes freely through the room, in the middle of which there is a court, which at once encreases the draft of air, and affords light to the hall: the stairs, which are at one corner, lead to large and lofty apartments above. The female slaves are not permitted to sit in any place, but in the alcove formed by the court; and this is the usual dining-place of the family.

The town of Batavia is encompassed by a river of shallow water, the stream of which is very rapid: within this river, which is of different widths in various places, is an old stone▪ wall, much decayed in many places, and within the wall is a canal that is likewise much wider in some places than in others: so that there is no entering the gates of the town but by crossing two draw-bridges: there are but few guns on the ramparts, and no persons are permitted to walk there. There is a kind of citadel, or [Page] castle, in the north-east corner of the town, the walls of which are both broader and higher than they are in other parts; it is furnished with a number of large guns, which command the landing-place.

Apartments are provided in this castle for the Governor General and all the Council; and in case of a siege they have orders to retire thither.

In the castle are likewise a number of storehouses, in which the effects belonging to the Company are deposited. The Company have in their possession large quantities of gun-powder, which is kept in different places, that the lightning may not destroy the whole stock at once; a great number of cannon are likewise laid up within the castle.

There are a great many forts built in different parts of the country, several miles distant from Batavia, most probably erected to keep the natives in submission; and besides these there are a number of fortified houses, each mounting eight guns, and these are so stationed as to command the canals, and the roads on their borders. There are houses of this kind in many parts of the island of Java, and the other islands in its neighbourhood, of which the Dutch have obtained the possession The Chinese having rebelled against the Dutch in the year 1740, all their principal houses were demolished by the cannon of one of these fortified [Page] houses, which is in the town of Batavia, where, likewise, there are a few more of them.

The roads of this country are simply banks between the ditches and canals; and the fortified houses being erected among the morasses near these roads, nothing is easier than to destroy them, and consequently to prevent an enemy from bringing any heavy artillery near the town; if, indeed, an enemy be only hindered a short time in his approach, he is effectually ruined, for the climate will preclude the necessity of the use of weapons for his destruction. Before the Endeavour had been a week at Batavia they began to feel the ill effects of the climate; half the crew were rendered incapable of doing their duty before the expiration of a month. They were informed, that it was a very uncommon thing for fifty soldiers, out of a hundred brought from Europe, to be alive at the expiration of the first year, and that of the fifty who might happen to be alive, not ten of those would be in sound health, and, probably, not less than half of them in the hospital. One would imagine that no man of common sense would be tempted to reside at Batavia, for any consideration of interest whatever; yet such is the insatiable thirst of gold, that men will voluntarily r [...]sk the loss of life to obtain it, and even ensure the loss of that health, without which the most splendid fortune cannot be enjoyed.

[Page]All the white inhabitants of Batavia are soldiers, and, at the expiration of five years service, they are bound to hold themselves in readiness to go to war, if they should be wanted; and the younger inhabitants are frequently mustered; but as they are neither trained nor exercised after the expiration of the five years abovementioned, the little they have learnt is soon forgotten, and they would probably, if called to action, make as good soldiers as the militia of the city of London. The Portuguese, who live in this country, employ themselves very much in shooting the deer, and the wild hog, whence they become excellent marksmen. The Indians, of whatever nation, who reside here, and have either been made free, or were born so, are called Mardykers; but neither these nor the Chinese are acquainted with the use of fire-arms; yet, as these people are said to possess great personal bravery, much might be expected from their expert use of their daggers, swords and lances.

From what has been above written it is evident, that it would be a laborious task to attack Batavia by land; and it is not possible to make any attack at all by sea, for the shallowness of the water would hinder any vessels from advancing within cannon shot of the walls; indeed there is barely depth of water for a ship's longboat, excepting a narrow channel, called the river, which extends about half a mile into the [Page] harbour, and is strongly bounded on each side with piers; the other end of it being directly under the fire of the castle; while its communication with the canals of the town is prevented by a boom of wood, which is every night shut precisely at six o'clock, and never opened till the following day.

Any number of ships may anchor in the harbour of Batavia, the ground of which is so excellent, that the anchor will never quit its hold. This harbour is sometimes dangerous for boats, when the sea breeze blows fresh; but, upon the whole, it is deemed the best and most commodious in all India.

There are a considerable number of islands which are situated round the outside of the harbour, and all these are in the possession of the Dutch, who destine them to different purposes. On one of them, which is called Purmerent, an hospital is erected, on account of the air being purer than it is at Batavia. In a second, the name of which is Kuyper, are erected a number of warehouses, in which are lodged the rice, and some other commodities, the property of the Dutch East India Company: at this island those ships belonging to different nations, which are to be repaired at Ourust, unlade their cargoes; and it was here that the stores of the Falmouth Man of War were laid up, when she was condemned, on her return from Manilla; her warrant officers, of whom [Page] mention has been made in the account of Captain Wallis's voyage, were sent to Europe in Dutch ships, about half a year before the Endeavour anchored in the road of Batavia. A third of these islands, the name of which is Edam, is appropriated to the reception of such offenders, whose crimes are not deemed worthy of death, and hither they are transported from Holland, and detained from five to forty years, in proportion to the turpitude of the offence they have committed; the making of ropes is the principal part of the employment of these criminals.

The environs of Batavia have a very pleasing appearance, and would, in almost any other country, be an enviable situation. Gardens and houses occupy the country for several miles; but the gardens are so covered with trees, that the advantage of the land having been cleared of the wood that originally covered it, is almost wholly lost; while these gardens, and the fields adjacent to them are surrounded by ditches which yield not the most fragrant smell; and the bogs and morasses in the adjacent fields are still more offensive.

For the space of more than thirty miles beyond the town the land is totally flat, except in two places, on one of which the Governor's country-seat is built, and on the other they hold a large market; but neither of these places are higher than ten yards from the level of the [Page] plain. At near forty miles from the town, the land rises into hills, and the air is purified in a great degree; to this distance the invalids are sent by their physicians, when every other prospect of their recovery has failed, and the experiment succeeds in almost every instance, for the sick are soon restored to health; but they no sooner return to the town, than their former disorders visit them. On these hills the most opulent of the inhabitants have countryseats, to which they pay an annual visit. Those who reside constantly on the hills enjoy an almost perpetual flow of health; and most of the vegetables of Europe grow as freely here as in their native ground: the strawberry, in particular, flourishes greatly, which is a sufficient proof of the coolness of the air.

The rice of this country is very plentiful, and, in order to be brought to perfection, should lie under water more than half the time it is growing: but they have a sort which grows on the sides of the hills, which is unknown in the West India Islands; this sort is planted when the wet season commences, and the crop is gathered in soon after the rains are over.

The maize which grows near Batavia is gathered while young, and toasted in the ear. The land likewise produces carrots, pigeonpea, celery, parsley, asparagus, onions, rhadishes, cabbages, lettuces, cucumbers, lentiles, kidney-beans, hysop, sage, rue, Chinese white [Page] rhadishes, which, when boiled, are not unlike a parsnip, common potatoes, sweet potatoes, wet and dry yams, millet, and the egg plant, the fruit of which, when broiled and eaten with salt and pepper, is most exquisite food.

Amazing quantities of sugar are produced here, and, while the quantity is beyond comparison greater, the care of cultivation is inconceivably less than in the West India Islands. White sugar is retailed at two-pence and two-pence half-penny the pound, and arrack is made of the molasses, with a small addition of rice, and the wine of the cocoa-nut. The inhabitants likewise raise a little indigo for their own use, but do not export it.

The fruits of this country are near forty in number, and of some of these there are several kinds. Pine apples grow in such abundance that they may be purchased, at the first hand, for the value of an English farthing; and they bought some very large ones for a half-penny a piece at the fruit shops, though they are excellent eating, it is imagined they are reared to equal perfection in the hot-houses of England. They grow so luxuriantly, that seven or eight suckers have been seen adhering to one stem.

The sweet oranges of Batavia are good of their kind, but very dear at particular times, The shaddocks of the West Indies, called here Pumplemoeses, have an agreeable flavour. Lemons were very scarce when the Endeavour [Page] lay in the harbour, but limes were altogether as plentiful, and sold at little more than two-pence the score. There are many kinds of oranges and lemons, but none of them excellent. Of mangos there are plenty, but their taste is far inferior to that of the melting-peach of England, to which they have been compared. It is said that the heat, and extreme dampness of the climate, does not agree with them; yet there are many different kinds of them. Of bananes there is an amazing variety of sorts, some of which, being boiled, are eaten as bread, while others are fried in batter, and are a nutrimental food: but, of the numerous sorts of this fruit, three only are fit to be eaten: one, indeed, is remarkable, because it is filled with seeds, which are not common to the rest. Grapes are sold from one shilling to eighteen-pence the pound, though they are far from being good.

The tamarinds are equally cheap and plentiful; but as the method of preserving them, which is in salt, renders them a mere black lump, they are equally nauseating to the sight and the palate. The water melons are excellent of their kind, and are produced in great abundance. The pumpkins are boiled as turneps, and eaten with salt and pepper. This fruit is admirably adapted to the use of voyagers, as it will keep many months without care, and makes an excellent pye, when mixed with the juice of lemons and sugar. The papaws of this country [Page] are superior to turneps, if the cores are extracted, after paring them when they are green. The guava has a strong smell, and a taste not less disagreeable: it is probable, that the guava of the West Indies, which many writers have distinguished by their praises, has a very different flavour. The sweet sop is a fruit that has but little flavour: it abounds in large kernels, from which the pulp is sucked. The taste of the custard-apple very much resembles the dish from which its name is taken. The cashew-apple produces a nut which is not unknown in England; but the fruit has such an astringent quality, that the Batavians seldom eat of it: the nut grows on the top of the apple. The cocoa-nut is plentiful in this country, and there are several kinds of this fruit, the best of which is very red between the shell and the skin. The jamboo is a fruit that has but little taste, but is of a cooling nature: it is considerably less than a common sized apple, and those that have grown to their full size are always the best; its shape is oval, and its colour the deep red. Of the jambu-eyer, there are two kinds, the white and the red: they are shaped like a bell, and are something bigger than a cherry: they have no kind of taste but that of a watery acid. The jambu-eyer mauwar smells like a rose, and its taste is not unlike that of conserve of roses. The mangostan is of a dark red colour, and not larger than a small apple; to the bottom of [Page] this fruit adhere several little leaves of the blossom, while on its top are a number of triangles combined in a circle: it contains several kernels ranged in a circular form, within which is the pulp, a fruit of most exquisite taste: it is equally nutritious and agreeable, and is constantly given to persons who are troubled with inflammatory or putrid fevers. The sweet orange of this country is likewise given in the same disorders. The pomgranate of these parts differs in nothing from that generally well known in England. The durion takes its name from the word dure, which, in the language of the country, means prickle; and this name is well adapted to the fruit, the shell of which is covered with sharp points shaped like a sugar-loaf: its contents are nuts, not much smaller than chesnuts, which are surrounded with a kind of juice resembling cream; and of this the inhabitants eat with great avidity: the smell of this fruit is more like that of onions, than any other European vegetable, and its taste is like that of onions, sugar, and cream intermixed: the inside of the durion, when ripe, is parted, lengthways, into several divisions. The nanca is a fruit which smells like garlic and apples mixed together: its size, in the gardens of Batavia, is not greater than that of a middling sized pumpkin, and its shape is nearly the same: it is covered with prickles of an angular form. They were informed that, at a [Page] place called Madura, it has been known to grow to such an enormous size, as to require the strength of two men to carry it. The champada is in all respects like the nanca, only that it is not so large. The rambutan contains a fruit, within which is a stone, that is, perhaps, the finest acid in the world: this fruit is not unlike a chesnut with its husk on; and it is covered with small prickles of a dark red colour, and so soft as to yield to the slightest impression. The jambolan resembles a damascen, both in colour and size; and is of a very astringent nature. The boa bidarra tastes like an apple, but is likewise extremely astringent; its size is that of a gooseberry, its form round, and its colour yellow. The nam nam makes an excellent fritter, if fried in batter, but is not esteemed when raw: the rind of it is rough, its length is about three inches, and its shape not unlike that of a kidney. The catappa and the canare are two species of nuts, the kernels of which are like those of an almond, but so hard, that it is almost impossible to break them. The madja contains a pulp of a sharp taste, which is eaten with sugar: this fruit is covered with a very hard shell. The suntal is a fruit scarcely fit to be eaten, being at once astringent, acid, and of a most unpleasant taste, yet it is publickly sold in the streets of Batavia: it contains a number of kernels, which are inclosed in a thick skin. The salack is nearly of the size of [Page] a small golden pippin, and contains a few kernels of a yellow colour, the taste of which is not unlike that of a strawberry; but the covering of this fruit is very remarkable, as it consists of a number of scales resembling those of a fish. The cherrema and the blimbing are two sour fruits, exceedingly well adapted to make sour sauce and pickles. The blimbing besse is another fruit of the same kind, but considerably sweeter.

Of the fruits not in season when Captain Cook was at Batavia, he mentions the boa atap, and the kimkit, which he saw preserved in sugar; and there are several other sorts which the Batavians are fond of, but they are never eaten by strangers, among those are the moringa, the guilindina, the kellor, and the soccum, this last has the appearance of the bread-fruit, which is produced in the islands of the South Seas, but it is not near so good; tho' the tree on which it grows is also exactly like the bread fruit tree.

The fruit sold at the common shops is generally too ripe; but in a street, named Passar Pissang, which is inhabited by Chinese fruiterers only, that which is very good may be obtained, but at a price greatly exceeding its value. The gardens of gentlemen near the town furnish these Chinese fruit-sellers; but the other dealers are supplied from a greater distance up the country, where the inhabitants live by the [Page] cultivation of large tracts of land, for the sole purpose of raising fruit.

It is astonishing to conceive what quantities of fruit are eaten at Batavia. Two large markets are held weekly, at distant places, for the accommodation of persons residing in different parts of the country; and at these markets the fruit-sellers of the town meet the gardeners, and purchase their goods at very low rates: but as the markets are held on Mondays and Saturdays, those who wish to be supplied with what is fresh, in the middle of the week, must apply to the Chinese dealers above-mentioned, as the heat of the climate renders it unfit for eating in a few days. At these markets it is common to see ‘"fifty or sixty cart-loads of the finest pine-apples carelessly tumbled together."’

The Batavians, and the natives of other parts of the island of Java, strew an immense number of flowers about their houses, and are almost always burning aromatic woods and gums; which, it is imagined, is done by way of purifying the air; the stench that arises from the canals and ditches being exceeding nauseous and disagreeable.

The sweet scented flowers of this country are very numerous, many of which being totally unknown in England, we shall mention a few of the most remarkable.—The combang tonquin, and combang caracnassi, are very fragrant [Page] flowers, but unlike any thing seen in the gardens of Europe: they are very small, seem to be of the dog's-bane kind, and both in smell and shape are very much alike.—The cananga looks more like a bunch of leaves than a flower; its smell is singular, but extremely pleasant.—The bonja tanjong is of a pale yellow colour, and delightful smell: it is about an inch and a half in circumference, and consists of pointed leaves, which give it the form of a star.—The champa [...]a smells somewhat like a jonquil, and is otherwise not unlike it, though rather of a deeper yellow: this flower is produced by a large tree.

The [...]dal malam is only mentioned on account of its name, which implies, ‘"the intriguer of the night."’ This flower has no kind of smell during the day-time, but on the approach of the night its sweets begin to disclose themselves, and its fragrancy is almost unequalled: in other respects it is the same as the tuberose of England.

All the above-mentioned kinds of flowers being made into nosegays of various shapes, or strung on a piece of thread, are carried through the streets of an evening for sale. The gardens of the gentlemen afford many flowers besides those above-mentioned, but they do not grow in numbers sufficient to be offered to sale.

This country produces a plant, called pandang, the leaves of which being shred small, [Page] and mixed with a variety of flowers, the natives, both men and women, fill their clothes and hair with this fragrant mixture, which they likewise sprinkle on their beds, and sleep beneath a profusion of sweets; a single sheet of fine chintz being all the other covering of the bed.

Formerly the island of Java produced no kind of spices but pepper, and the quantity which the Dutch bring annually from thence is very considerable; but the quantity that is made use of in the country is very small, as the people there give the preference to Cayan pepper. The inhabitants are extremely fond of nutmegs and cloves, but they bear too high a price to be much in use, as the trees which produce them are all become Dutch property.

Cloves are now grown no where but on the island of Amboina, and some little islands near it; the artful Hollanders having possessed themselves of all the trees, in consequence of several subsequent treaties of peace, with the several kings of the other islands; for at the conclusion of every war, the conquerors left the poor Indians still fewer trees, by way of punishment for their opposition, till, in the end, they have destroyed them all.

There are scarce any nutmegs, except on the island of Banda, where they originally grew; this island, however, produces a plenty, equal to the demand of all the world. On the [Page] coast of New Guinea there are a small number of nutmeg-trees.

The island of Java produces goats, sheep, hogs, buffaloes, and horses. The horse, which is said to have been met with here when the country was originally discovered, is a small, but nimble animal, being seldom above thirteen hands high. The horned cattle of this country are different from those of Europe: the flesh is extremely lean, but of a very fine grain. Both the Chinese and the natives of the island feed on the buffaloe; but the Dutch will neither taste the flesh nor the milk, from a ridiculous idea, that they are productive of fevers. The sheep are tough and ill-tasted; their skins are hairy, and they have long hanging-ears. A few sheep from the Cape of Good Hope being at Batavia, Captain Cook bought some of them at the rate of a shilling a pound.

The hogs, especially those of the Chinese breed, are exquisitely fine food, but so extravagantly fat, that the lean is always sold separately. The butchers, who are Chinese, have no kind of objection to taking off the fat, which they melt, and sell to their countrymen, who eat it with their rice: though these hogs are such fine food, yet the Dutch prefer the breed of Holland, which are consequently sold at extravagant rates.

[Page]

The [...] of Java

[Page]The Portuguese make a practice of shooting the wild hog, and deer of two kinds, with which the neighbourhood of Batavia abounds: these are all good eating, and are purchased at very moderate prices. The goats of this country are as bad food as the sheep. Dogs and cats abound on the island, and wild horses and other cattle are found on the mountains at a considerable distance from Batavia.

Few monkies are seen near the town, but there are many of them on the mountains and desart places, where also are a few rhinoceroses, and great numbers of tygers.

The quantity of fish taken here is astonishingly great, and all the kinds of them are fine food, except a few which are very scarce; yet such is the false pride of the inhabitants, that these few scarce sorts are sold at very high rates, while those that are good are sold for a mere trifle, nor are they eaten but by the slaves. A gentleman with whom Captain Cook dined told him, he could have bought a finer dish of fish for a shilling, than what he had given ten for; but that he should have been the ridicule of all the politer people, if he had gone to so good a market.

The Dutch will not taste of the turtle which are taken here: Captain Cook acknowledges that they are fine eating, though not equal to those catched in the West Indies, even when they are dressed in London. Mr. Banks shot a [Page] lizard five feet in length, which was extremely well tasted: our adventurers were informed, that some of these animals had been seen, which were full as thick as the thigh of a man.

This country produces an abundance of poultry, as excellent of their kinds as those of England. The turkies are immoderately dear, and the pigeons not much less so; but the geese, ducks, and fine large fowls are altogether as cheap.

The neighbourhood of Batavia produces snipes of two kinds, one of which was the same as the English: of the Portuguese, who appear to be the only dealers in wild fowl, any number of thrushes might have been purchased. Our adventurers once, and once only, saw a wild duck in the fields, but never observed any of these birds exposed to sale; and, indeed, wild fowl in general are far from being plentiful at Batavia. Captain Cook observes, as a singularity respecting the snipe, that he is to be met with in all the quarters of the globe, and is seen in a greater variety of places than any other of the whole feathered creation.

The liquors of the island of Java, are palm-wine and arrack; of the former they have three sorts, the first of which is drunk within a few hours after it is drawn from the tree, and almost in its original state, when it has a moderate sweetness: the second and third sorts are made by fermenting it, and putting various [Page] herbs and roots into it: the first of these liquors will not occasion drunkenness, but the two latter will. The arrack is so generally known, as not to demand any description.

The natives of Java profess the religion of Mahomet, and of course do not indulge in wine, at least publickly; but not to be exceeded in the vice of drunkenness by their christian neighbours, they are almost constantly chewing opium, which is well known to intoxicate in a high degree.

Exclusive of the Chinese, and the Indians of many different nations, who inhabit the town of Batavia, and the country in its neighbourhood, the inhabitants are, proportionably, a very small number; and even of these not a fifth part are Dutch, or descended from natives of Holland: the Portuguese are more in number than all the other Europeans.

The troops in the Dutch service are composed of the natives of almost all the kingdoms of Europe; but of these the Germans out-number all the others. When a person of any country goes to reside at Batavia, it is necessary that he first enter as a soldier in the service of the Dutch East India Company, binding himself to serve five years, which being done, he applies to the Council for leave of absence, which being granted of course, he then engages in any business he thinks proper: thus the Dutch have always an army ready to be called forth on any [Page] emergency. No foreigner, of whatever nation, has any share in the management of public affairs, all places of power, trust and profit, being held by the Dutch.

Though the men of other countries are bound to the observation of the above-mentioned conditions, women, from any part of the globe, may reside and traffick at Batavia unmolested. Captain Cook was informed that, at the time he was there, the whole place could not furnish fifty women who were natives of Europe, yet the town abounded with white women, who were descended from Europeans, who had settled there at different times, all the men having paid the debt of nature; for so it is, that the climate of Batavia destroys the men much faster than the women. These women follow the delicate custom of chewing betel, after the example of the native Javanese, whose dress they imitate, and whose manners they copy, in all other respects.

Mercantile business is conducted at Batavia with the slightest trouble imaginable: when a merchant receives an order for goods of any kind, he communicates the contents of it to the Chinese, who are the universal manufacturers. The Chinese Agent delivers the effects on board the ship, for which they are bespoke, and taking a receipt for them from the master of the vessel, he delivers it to the merchant, who pays the Chinese for the goods, and reserves a considerable [Page] profit, without the least trouble, risk, or anxiety. But when a merchant imports goods of any kind, he receives them himself, and lodges them in his own warehouses. It may be wondered, that the Chinese do not ship the goods on their own account; but from this they are restricted, and compelled to sell them to the merchants only.

The inhabitants of Java distinguish the Portuguese by the name of Oranserane, that is, Nazareen men; but they use the general term of Caper, or Casir, respecting all who do not profess the religion of Mahomet; and in this they include the Portuguese. But the Portuguese of Batavia are so only in name; for they have neither any connection with, or knowledge of, the kingdom of Portugal, and they have changed the religion of the church of Rome, for that of Luther. With the manners of the Javanese, they are wholly familiarized, and they commonly speak their language, though they are able to converse in a corrupt kind of Portuguese. They dress in the habit of the country, with a difference only in the manner of wearing their hair: their noses are more peaked, and their skin of a deeper cast than that of the natives. Some of them are mechanics and artificers, others subsist by washing of linen, and the rest procure a maintenance by hunting.

The Indian inhabitants of Batavia, and the country in its neighbourhood, are not native Javanese, [Page] but are either born on the several islands from whence the Dutch bring their slaves, or the offspring of such as have been born on those islands: and these having been made free, either in their own persons, or in the persons of their ancestors, enjoy all the privileges of freemen. They receive the general appellation of Oran [...]m, which implies, ‘"Believers of the true faith."’

The various other Indian inhabitants of this country attach themselves each to the original [...] of that, in which either themselves or th [...]ir ancestors were born; keeping themselves apart from those of other nations, and practising both the virtues and vices peculiar to their own countries. The cultivation of gardens, and the consequent sale of flowers and fruit, afford subsistence to great numbers of them: these are the people who raise the betel and areca, which being mixed with lime, and a substance which is called gambir, the produce of the Indian continent, is chewed by persons of all ranks, women as well as men: indeed some of the politer ladies make an addition of cardamum, and other aromatics, to take off the disagreeable smell with which the breath would be otherwise hunted. Some of the Indians are very rich, keep a great number of slaves, and live, in all respects, according to the customs of their respective countries; while others are employed [Page] to convey goods by water; and others again subsist by fishing.

The Oranslams feed principally on boiled rice, mixed with a small quantity of dried shrimps and other fish, which are imported from China, and a little of the flesh of buffaloes and chicken: they are fond of fruit, of which they eat large quantities; and with the slower of the rice they make several sorts of pastry. They sometimes make very superb entertainments, after the fashion of their respective countries; bur, in general, they are a very temperate people: of wine they drink very little, if any, as the religion of Mahomet, which they profess, forbids the use of it.

When a marriage is to be solemnized among the Oranslams, all the gold and silver ornaments that can be procured, are borrowed to deck out the young couple, who on these occasions never fail to make the most splendid appearance. Sumptuous entertainments are given by those who can afford them, which continue twelve or fourteen days, and frequently more, during all which time the women take care that the bridegroom shall not visit his wife privately, though the wedding takes place previous to the festival.

All these Indians, though they come from different countries, speak the Malay language, if it deserves that name. On the island of Java there are two or three different dialects; and there is a language peculiar to every small [Page] island; it is conjectured, that the Malay tongue is a corruption of the language of Malacca.

The hair of the people, which is black, without a single exception, grows in great abundance: yet the women make use of oils and other ingredients, to increase the quantity of it: they fasten it to the crown of the head with a bodkin, having first twisted it into a circle, round which circle they place an elegant wreath of flowers, so that the whole head-dress has the most beautiful appearence that imagination can form an idea of.

It is the universal custom, both with the men and women, to bathe in a river once every day, and sometimes oftener, which not only promotes health, but prevents that contraction of filth, which would be otherwise unavoidable in so hot a climate.

The teeth of the Oranslams have some particularities in them well worthy of notice. With a kind of whetstone they rub the ends of them till they are quite flat and even; they then make a deep groove in the teeth of the upper jaw, in the centre between the bottom of each tooth and the gum, and horizontally with the latter; this groove is equal in depth to a quarter of the thickness of the teeth; yet none of these people have a rotten tooth, though, according to the dentists of England and France, such a thing must be unavoidable, as the tooth is pierced much deeper than [Page] what we call the enamel. The teeth of these people become very black by the chewing of betel, yet a slight washing will take off this blackness, and the teeth are then perfectly white; but they are very seldom washed, as the depth of the colour is very far from being thought disagreeable.

Almost every person has read or heard of the Mohawks; and these are the people who are so denominated, from a corruption of the word Amock, which will be well explained by the following story and observations. To run a muck is to get drunk with opium, and then seizing some offensive weapon, to sally forth from the house, kill the person or persons supposed to have injured the Amock, and any other person that attempts to impede his passage, till he himself is taken prisoner, or killed on the spot.—While Captain Cook was at Batavia, a person whose circumstances in life were independent becoming jealous of his brother, intoxicated himself with opium, and then murdered his brother, and two other men, who endeavoured to seize him. This man, contrary to the usual custom, did not leave his own house, but made his resistance from within it; yet he had taken such a quantity of the opium, that he was totally delirious, which appeared from his attempting to fire three muskets, neither of which had been loaded, or even primed.

[Page]During the time that Captain Cook was at Batavia, several instances of the like kind occurred, and he was informed by an officer, whose duty it was to take such offenders into custody, that hardly a week passed in the year in which he was not obliged to exercise his authority: the Captain was also told, that jealousy of the women is the usual reason of these poor creatures running a muck, and that the first object of their vengeance is always the person whom they suppose to have injured them. The officer, whole business it is to apprehend these unhappy wretches, is furnished with a long pair of tongs, in order to take hold of them at such a distance from the point of their weapons, as to insure his personal safety. When he takes one of them alive he is amply rewarded; but this is not often the case, as they are so desperate as not to be easily apprehended: when they are killed in the attempt to take them, the officer has only the customary gratification. Those who are taken alive are broken on the wheel, as near as possible to the place where the first murder was perpetrated; and, as they are seldom apprehended without being previously wounded, the time of their execution is sooner or later, according to the opinions of the physicians, whether the wounds are, or are not mortal.

The Oranslams believe that the Devil is the author of sickness, and other misfortunes, on [Page] which account they make an oblation of meat, money, and other things, to him, when they are either sick or in trouble. When they dream successively for several nights, they have no doubt but that the Devil has enjoined the performance of some act, to discover which they torture their brains in vain, and then apply to the priest, who never fails to interpret the dream in a satisfactory manner. In consequence of this interpretation, by which it appears that the Devil is in want of money and food, a quantity of each is placed in the leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, and being hung on the bough of a tree by the side of a river, is left till some passenger shall find, and take away the money, which is considered not so much an offering to the Devil, as a fine due for some crime committed; with regard to the food, they imagine that the Devil comes and sucks out the nutritious parts of it, without moving it out of its place. From this part of the story it seems reasonable to conclude, that the priest, having previous knowledge where the oblation is to be made, takes the money, and leaves the victuals.

This instance of the superstition of these people may be thought very extraordinary; but the following will appear much more so. They are possessed with an idea, that when one of their wives is brought to bed, a crocodile is born, as a brother to the infant; and they imagine that the midwife conveys the young [Page] crocodile to an adjacent river, into which she puts it, with the utmost care and tenderness. Those who suppose themselves honoured by the birth of this new relation, fail not to put food in the river for his subsistence; but this is the peculiar duty of the twin brother, who performs this service regularly, at fixed periods, during the whole course of his life; firmly believing at the same time, that sickness or death would be the consequence of an omission on his part.

In the islands of Boutou and Celebes the natives keep crocodiles in their families; and it is conjectured, that the strange idea of the twin crocodile was first conceived in one of those islands: it extends, however, to Java and Sumatra westward, and among the islands to the eastward as far as Ceram and Timor. It is a matter of perfect astonishment, how even the most ignorant and credulous of the human race, should firmly believe an utter impossibility to occur daily; yet it is certain, that not one of the Indians whom Captain Cook questioned on the subject, entertained the least doubt about the matter. The crocodiles supposed to be thus born are distinguished by the name of Sudaras, and our readers cannot fail of being entertained w [...]th the following story respecting them, which Mr. Banks heard from a young woman who was born at B [...]nco [...], and having lived among the Eng [...]sh at that place, had [Page] learnt to speak as much of our language as was sufficient to make her story intelligible.

She said that, when her father was on his death-bed, he laid the strongest injunctions on her to feed a crocodile that was his Sudara; that he told her the name by which he might be called up, and the particular part of the river where she would find him. Soon after the death of her father, she hastened to the river, and calling Radja Pouti (which signifies white king) the Sudara crocodile made his appearance, and she fed him with her own hands. She described him as being more beautiful than crocodiles are in general, for he had a red nose, and spots on his body; his ears were adorned with rings, and his feet with ornaments of gold. This story will appear the more extravagantly ridiculous, when it is recollected that crocodiles have not any ears.

A man whose mother was a native of the island of Java, and whose father was a Dutchman, was engaged in the service of Mr. Banks during his residence at Batavia. This man told his master that several Dutchmen, and many Javanese, as well as himself, had seen such a crocodile as was described by the girl who told the preceding story, and that, like her's, its feet were adorned with gold. On Mr. Banks's remarking the absurdity of these tales, and saying that crocodiles had not ears, he replied, that the Sudaras differed considerably [Page] from other crocodiles; that they had ears, though he acknowledged they were small, that their tongues filled their mouths, and that on each foot they had five toes.

There are three tribes of Indians on the island of Batavia, who are called Boetons, Macassars, and Bougis. These people are firm believers in the existence of the Sudara crocodiles; and they have a custom among them, which, however ridiculous in itself, seems to do honour to their filial and fraternal affections. At fixed periods they assemble together, and having laden a large boat with various sorts of provisions, they launch her at a spot most likely to be frequented by crocodiles; here they row about, sometimes singing and sometimes weeping, while a variety of musical instruments are played on, till they get sight of a crocodile. The moment this happens they throw tobacco, betel and victuals of several sorts, over the side of the boat, as a friendly offering to the Sudara crocodiles of their own country; imagining, that by this means they conciliate the affections and good will of their relations, whom they fail not to invoke during the whole of the ceremony.

The Chinese inhabitants of Batavia are, like those of their own country, some of the most industrious p [...]ople on the face of the earth. They act as embroiderers, dyers of cotton, taylors, carpenters, joiners, smiths, and makers [Page] of slippers: some of them are shop-keepers, and deal largely in the manufactures of Europe and China. A few of these people live within the walls of the town; but the majority of them take up their residence in a district, named Campang China, which is situated without the walls. Those of the Chinese, who live in the country, either keep buffaloes and other cattle, the milk of which they sell daily at Batavia, or they procure a subsistence by the raising of rice and sugar canes, and the cultivation of gardens.

Captain Cook observes, that the danger of being hanged for any crime being excepted, there is nothing, however infamous, which a Chinese will refuse to do for gain; and in this opinion he concurs with every preceding writer; so that these people must have taken no small pains to establish their reputation for knavery. They labour with unwearied diligence, but the moment they have compleated their work they sit down to dice, cards, or some other of the very numerous games which they are expert at; and they follow their sports with such eagerness, that the business of eating and sleeping is frequently suspended.

The cloaths of the Chinese, whether rich or poor, are singularly clean and decent. Their behaviour is civil even to humility. They are such temperate eaters, that gluttony is unknown among them; but as their religion does not command them to refrain from any particular [Page] food, they eat a variety of things which are denied to those Indians who profess the Mahometan faith. Exclusive of vegetables and fish of various kinds, their principal food consists of dogs, cats, lizards, frogs, serpents of several sorts, and hogs.

The Chinese have purchased of the Dutch, at a very large expence, several hundred acres of land in the vicinity of Batavia, for the interment of their dead; for it is a rule, from which they never depart, not to open a grave which has once received the body of one of their countrymen: and hence arises an enormous expence in the purchase of land, which greatly distresses the living, to pay an imaginary honour to the dead. In order to preserve the body as long as possible from decay, the coffin consists of a piece of solid timber hollowed out: and this being covered with a kind of mortar several inches thick, petrifies in the ground till it is as hard as a flint. The funeral is attended by the near relations of the deceased, and by a train of women, who are paid for making lamentations.

In these expensive customs, absurd as they are, the Chinese are equalled by the rest of their Batavian neighbours; for every person is buried with a degree of splendour proportioned to the rank he has held in life, and there is a positive law which enjoins the observance of this custom; in consequence of which it frequently [Page] happens, that those who have not money sufficient to pay the just demands on them, are buried in a pompous manner, merely because they have lived elegantly. In this case persons are employed to take an account of what the man died worth, and, when the funeral expences are defrayed, the surplus is divided among the creditors.

The various inhabitants of the island of Java, whether Dutch, Portuguese or Indians, are all waited on by slaves, whose number is proportioned to the circumstances of the master; but there are laws in force, that no native of the island shall serve as a slave. These people, the number of which is very great, are bought at Sumatra, and the other eastern islands, at various prices, from ten to twenty pounds; but there have been instances of very beautiful girls being sold at above five times the common market price. They are fed on boiled rice, and such fish as can be purchased at the lowest rates; a little of which satisfies them, nor indeed do they deserve even the little they eat, for they are idle and sluggish in the highest degree.

The negroes of Africa are purchased at a lower price than any other slaves, and indeed any price whatever exceeds their merit, for they are of the most obstinate dispositions, and thieves, without a single exception. Those slaves which are purchased from the island of [Page] Celebes are most intolerably lazy, and of so ferocious a disposition, that their employers run the hazard of their personal safety. The island of Bali furnishes the most useful slaves; and the little island Nias, near Sumatra, supplies female slaves of exquisite beauty; but to these ill-fated women death is the almost certain consequence of even a short residence at Batavia.

The masters of any of these slaves may punish them in whatever way they chuse, so as not to deprive them of life; but when it happens that a slave dies of the punishment he has received, the master is tried, and commonly suffers as a murderer. From this circumstance it is reasonable to suppose, that the masters are cautious how they beat the slaves with undue severity: it is not indeed very common for them to strike them at all, but they pay an officer, who is called the Marineu, for inflicting the punishment. The Marineu having heard what is alledged against the delinquent, determines how many stripes he shall receive, and these are given by slaves, whose particular business it is to obey the commands of the Marineu: these strokes are laid on with rods made of rattans split very small. For a severe whipping the Marineu receives a ducatoon, and a rixdollar for a slighter punishment. The women slaves are whipped in the house of the master, but the men publickly in the streets. In [Page] order that these slaves may not be under too great temptations to steal, their masters are compelled to allow them seven pence half-penny weekly for pocket-money.

There is something singular in the subordination observed among the inhabitants of Batavia and the adjacent country. The man who has been longest in the Dutch East India Company's service is permitted to gild his coach, while others are allowed to ride in coaches differently painted, according to the length of their services, and others again ride in those that are quite plain. In like manner the coachmen are dressed in liveries, that have a greater or less quantity of lace on them, or without any lace at all.

The lawyers of Batavia are partial in their administration of justice, to a very reprehensible degree. When an Indian has committed any crime deemed worthy of death, he is impaled, hanged, or broken on the wheel, without ceremony: on the contrary, if a Christian is capitally convicted, execution very seldom follows the sentence: and, what is more extraordinary, no pains are taken to apprehend the offender, till time enough has been allowed him to run away, if he thinks proper.

The civil officers of justice among the Chinese and Malays are called Captains and Lieutenants, but their decisions are not final, if the party against whom they may decide, thinking [Page] himself aggrieved, should appeal to the Dutch lawyers, in which case the decision of the latter must be abided by.

The Dutch have laid considerable taxes on these people, among which is one for the permission to wear their hair. When these taxes become due, which is once a month, they hoist a flag on the top of a house, nearly in the center of Batavia, and the man who does not speedily go and pay his money, has reason to repent the omission.

The current money of this country is of different value, from a Dutch doit to a ducat. When Captain Cook was at Batavia, Spanish dollars sold at five shillings and five-pence each, and the price is seldom much lower. The Chinese would give only the value of twenty shillings for an English guinea that was almost new, and for those that were old, and much worn, only seventeen shillings.

The milled ducatoons of Batavia are valued at eighty stivers; those that are unmilled at seventy-two; the ducat at one hundred and thirty-two; the imperial rixdollars at sixty; the rupees at thirty; the schellings at six; the double cheys at two and a half; and the doits at a quarter of a stiver.

We shall now proceed to a recital of the incidents which occurred during their passage from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope; in which we shall trace them with the utmost fidelity, [Page] omitting not a single circumstance that may either entertain or instruct the reader.

Early in the morning of the 27th of December 1770, the Endeavour left the road of Batavia, and, after several hindrances, occasioned by the wind being contrary, she stood over for the shore of Java, on the first day of January 1771. As many of the ship's crew, who had been very ill while at Batavia, were now become much worse, the vessel was brought to an anchor in the afternoon of the 5th near Princes Island, with a view to get some necessary refreshments, and likewise to take in wood and water.

Messieurs Solander and Banks now went ashore with the Captain, and they were no sooner landed, than some of the natives conducted them to the King of the island, with whom they endeavoured to make a bargain for some turtle, but the price could not be agreed on. As our adventurers had no doubt but that they should purchase on their own terms the following day, they left the Indians, and proceeded in search of a proper place to fill water, which was soon found. As they were about to embark for the ship, they purchased three turtle from some of the natives, but with the strictest injunction, that their Sovereign should not be informed of the transaction.

On Sunday the 6th of January they purchased, at very moderate prices, as many turtle [Page] as they had occasion for, and the whole ship's company fed on this delicious fish. The King was at this time at a house situated in a rice field, where Mr. Banks waited on him, and found him cooking his own victuals.

On Monday the inhabitants brought vegetables, deer, fish, fowls and monkies, for sale; and on the following day they brought down a farther number of turtle.

A servant that Mr. Banks had hired at Batavia having acquainted him, that there was a town on the island, his curiosity determined him to have a view of it, and one of the officers of the ship accompanied him on his visit. As he was apprehensive that the natives would not be pleased at his going to the town, he told such of them as he met, that he was seeking for plants, which, in fact, was a part of the business of the day. Having come to a kind of village, consisting of a very few houses, they asked an Indian the way to the town, and some other particulars respecting it; but he endeavoured to prevent their proceeding, by representing it as at a very great distance. When he saw they were resolved to go forward, he proceeded with them, making frequent attempts to mislead them. When they were within sight of the town, the Indian changed his behaviour at once, and led the way to it.

This place, which contains between three and four hundred houses, is called Samadang, and [Page] is parted by a river into the old and the new town. Some of the natives, whom the gentlemen remembered to have seen among those who had brought provisions for sale, agreed to carry them from the old town to the new for a trifling gratification. This was done by means of two little canoes, which were lashed together; and they had no sooner reached the opposite shore, than the Indians shewed them the houses of their Chiefs, and behaved otherwise in the most friendly manner; but as this was the season when the natives live in their rice-grounds, to save their corn from the depredations of the monkies and birds, most of the houses were shut. When the gentlemen had seen every thing that they thought worthy of notice, they hired a sailing-boat, which conveyed them to the ship time enough for dinner; for the town of Samadang, though at a considerable distance from the place where the Endeavour lay at anchor, is situated at only a small distance from the sea-coast.

On the 12th, while the Captain was on shore giving orders to the people who were cutting wood and filling water, he was told, that one of the natives had stolen an ax. The thief was unknown; but the Captain, resolved not to pave the way for future depredations of this kind, by taking no notice of the first offence, immediately applied to the King; and in consequence of this application, the ax was brought [Page] down to the watering-place the next day. The Indian who brought it back said, it was left at his house in the night; but it was suspected, that himself was the thief.

Mr. Banks having several times visited on the King of the island, and given him some trifles that were very acceptable, he waited on him for the last time on the 13th of January, and gratified him very much by a present of a small quantity of paper. The King asked the reason why the English ships did not touch at the island, as was formerly their custom; when Mr. Banks attributed the omission to the scarcity of turtle, and advised the King to breed buffaloes, sheep and cattle, for the accommodation of his future visitants.

After a stay of ten days at Princes Island, during which they purchased vegetables of various kinds, fowls, deer, turtle, &c. the anchor was weighed, and the vessel once more put to sea.

We shall now proceed to a description of the island, which lies in the western mouth of the Streight of Sunda. It is a small woody island, and has been cleared only in very few places. Our India ships used to touch at Princes Island to take in water, but they have omitted this practice for some years since, on account, as it is said, of the water being brackish; yet Captain Cook says it is exceeding good, if filled towards the head of the brook.

[Page]The fowls which were purchased at this place cost about five-pence each; the turtle three-farthings a pound, and other fish were proportionably cheap; one hundred of the best cocoa-nuts cost only a dollar, and pumpkins, pine-apples and other fruits, were equally cheap and plenty.

The natives profess the religion of Mahomet, and are so strict in the observance of the feast called Ramadan, that they not only abstain from food till the sun is down, but even from the chewing of betel. The manners of these people are not unlike those of the Javanese; but they are much more jealous of their wives: during the ten days that the Endeavour lay here, only one woman was seen, and she ran away the moment she was discovered.

The houses are constructed in the form of an oblong square: they are built on pillars four feet above the ground, and well thatched with palm-leaves, as a defence from the sun and rain: the flooring is of bamboo canes, placed at a distance from each other, to admit the air: these houses consist of four rooms, one of which is destined for the reception of visitants, the children sleep in a second, and the two others are allotted, the one for the purpose of cookery, and the other for the bed-chamber of the owner and his wife. The residence of the King of the island, and that of another person of great authority, has boards on the sides, while [Page] the houses of all the inferior people have walls made of the bamboo cane, slit into small sticks, and wrought across the beams of the building, in the manner of a hurdle. The King of the island is subject to the Sultan of Bantam.

Captain Cook represents the natives as very honest in their dealings, with the single exception, of demanding more than double the sum they intended to sell for: the goods of each sort which different persons brought to market were all sold together, and the purchase-money divided among the several contributors, in proportion to the quantity that each had given in to the general stock. When they changed money, they gave two hundred and forty Dutch doits for a Spanish dollar.

The natives speak a language which they call Catta Gunung, that is, the language of the mountains, and they say, that their ancestors came from the mountains of Java, where this language is spoken; that they first settled at New Bay, where the tygers were so numerous, that they could not live in safety, and therefore took up their residence on Prince's Island: all these people, however, are capable of conversing in the Malay language.

At the time the Endeavour left Princes Island, her crew began to feel, in all its force, the ill effects of the putrid air of Batavia; and soon afterwards the ship was a mere hospital, filled with unhappy wretches, sinking under the rage [Page] of fevers and dysenteries. In the space of six weeks twenty-three persons died, exclusive of the seven which had been buried at Batavia: these were nine seamen, the Corporal of the marines, the ship's Cook, two of the Carpenter's crew, the Carpenter and his Mate, a Midshipman, the old sail-maker, who was in perfect health when all the rest were ill at Batavia, and his Mate, the Boatswain, Mr. Monkhouse, a Midshipman, Mr. Sporing, who accompanied Mr. Banks, Mr. Parkinson, draughtsman to that gentleman, and Mr. Green, the Astronomer.

After a passage in which nothing remarkable occurred, the ship was brought to an anchor off the Cape of Good Hope, on the 15th of March 1771. The Captain repaired instantly to the Governor, who said, that such refreshments as the country supplied, should be chearfully granted him; on which a house was hired for the sick, who were to have their board and lodging, on the payment of two shillings a day for each man.

At the time the Endeavour lay at anchor here, an English East Indiaman sailed for the port of London, who had buried above thirty of her crew while she was in India; and at that time had many others severely afflicted with the scurvy; so that the sufferings of the crew of the Endeavour, considering her long absence from [Page] England, is a circumstance not at all to be wondered at.

We shall now proceed to a description of the Cape of Good Hope, in which we shall only mention such particulars as are either wholly new, or such as have been mis-represented by other writers. The land over the Cape is mountainous, and totally barren; beyond these mountains the country is covered with a light sand, which will not admit of cultivation: there are indeed a few cultivated spots, but they are hardly more than a thousandth part of the whole country. Provisions are brought to the Cape from a distance nine hundred miles up the country, which is an evident proof of its extreme sterility, notwithstanding what has been heretofore written to the contrary. While Captain Cook lay here, a farmer came to the Cape, bringing his young children with him, from a distance that took him fifteen days journey; and on his being asked why he had not left his children with some neighbour, he said, there was no inhabitant within five days journey of his farm. There are no trees that are even two yards in height, except in some plantations in the vicinity of Cape town.

This town consists of near a thousand brick houses, the outsides of which being generally plaistered, they have a very pleasing appearance. There is a canal in the main street, with two rows of oak-trees on its borders, which are [Page] in a more flourishing state than the other trees of this country: the streets, which cross each other at right angles, are very spacious and handsome. The inhabitants are chiefly Dutch, or of Dutch extraction: the women are beautiful in a high degree, and possess those blooming countenances which denote the most perfect health: they are most of them mothers of many children, and Captain Cook says, they are the best wives in the world.

The air of the Cape of Good Hope is so pure and salubrious, that a sick person, who goes thither from Europe, whatever be his disorder, almost always recovers his health in a little time; but those who bring diseases with them from the East Indies, have not an equal chance of recovery.

Although this country is naturally so barren, as scarcely to produce any thing, yet the unceasing industry of its inhabitants has so effectually combated the sparing hand of Nature, that there are few places where the necessaries of life are more plentiful, and even what are generally deemed luxuries, are by no means scarce. The constantia wine is known to be excellent, but the genuine sort is made only at one particular vineyard a few miles from the town. The gardens produce many sorts of European and Indian fruits, and almost all the common kinds of vegetables. The cultivated fields yield wheat and barley of equal quality [Page] with that of the growth of England. The sheep of this country have tails of a very extraordinary size, many of which weigh upwards of a dozen pounds; the meat of this animal as well as of the ox, is very fine food: the wool of the sheep is rather of the hairy kind, and the horns of the black cattle spread much wider than those of England, while the beast himself is handsomer and lighter made. The cheese has a very indifferent flavour, but the butter is extremely good. The pork of this country is nearly the same as that of Europe, and there are abundance of goats, but the inhabitants do not eat their flesh. The country abounds in hares, altogether like those of England; there are several species of the antelope, a plenty of bustards, and two kinds of quails.

When a stranger arrives at the Cape, it is customary for him to board in a private house, and he pays from two shillings to a crown a day, according to the accommodations he expects. If he appears and behaves as a gentleman, he is invited to the private entertainments which are given by the more opulent of the inhabitants; and this cannot fail of being the more acceptable, as there are no places of public diversion in the country. Horses are here let to hire at six shillings a day, and coaches at one pound four.

The Dutch company have a garden at the extremity of the high street, which is more [Page] than half a mile in length, in the center walk of which are a number of fine oak trees. A small part of this garden is covered with botanical plants, but all the rest is allotted to the production of the common vegetables for the kitchen: the whole is divided into squares by the form of its walks, and each square is fenced in by oaks cut into small hedges. There is a menagerie of beasts and birds, many of them known in Europe, at the upper end of this garden; and among the rest is the Coe Doe, a beast not less than a horse, which has those curious spiral horns that have frequently found a place in the cabinets of the curious.

The native inhabitants of this country are usually dressed in a sheep skin thrown across the shoulders, and a little pouch before them, to which is fixed a kind of belt, ornamented with little bits of copper, and beads: round the waists of the women is a broad piece of leather, and rings of the same round their ancles, to protect them from the thorns, which grow in abundance all over the country; a few of them wear a kind of shoe, made of the bark of a tree, but the major part of them go barefooted: both sexes adorn themselves with bracelets and necklaces, made of beads. None of these people reside at a less distance than four days journey from Cape Town, except a number of the poorer sort, who look after the cattle belonging to the Dutch farmers, and are [Page] employed in various other menial offices. Their stature is about the same as that of the people of England, from five to six feet in height; but scarce any of them are corpulent: their skins are dark, but this is in a great degree owing to their extreme indelicacy: their hair curls naturally, and falls in finglets of above six inches in length: they are singular for their strength and agility.

Most of the Hottentots speak the Dutch language, without any thing remarkable in their manner; yet, when they converse in their native language, they frequently stop, and make a clucking with their tongues, which has a most singular and ridiculous effect to the ears of a stranger; and, exclusive of this clucking, their language itself is scarcely sounded articulately.

These people are modest to the utmost degree of bashfulness, and, though they are fond of singing and dancing, can hardly be prevailed on to divert themselves with their favourite amusements before strangers: both their singing and dancing are alternately quick and slow in the utmost extreme.

Some of the Hottentots understand the art of melting and preparing copper, with which they make plates, and wear them on their foreheads, as an article of finery. They are also capable of making knives, superior to those [Page] they can purchase of the Dutch, from whom they procure the iron.

They have the art of making butter by shaking milk in the skin of a beast: with this butter they anoint their skins; or, when they cannot procure butter, they use the fat of the sheep. The principal people are owners of immense herds of cattle; and these clothe themselves with the skins of lions and other beasts, which are adorned with fringes, elegantly designed.

The Hottentots are so dextrous in throwing stones, that they will hit a mark not larger than a crown piece, at the distance of an hundred yards. They are likewise expert in the use of arrows, and of the lance called an Assagay, the points of which they poison, sometimes with the venom of a serpent, and sometimes with the juice of particular herbs; so that a wound received from either of these weapons is almost always mortal.

Exclusive of what is above recited, they met with nothing respecting these people, but such particulars as have been previously mentioned by various other voyagers, and which will of course be found in the preceding volumes: we shall therefore accompany the ship in her voyage to England.

On the 14th of April, 1771, the anchor of the Endeavour was weighed, and she once more put to sea, but came to an anchor again [Page] before night near Robin island. As a few vegetables were wanted, which they had neglected to take in at the Cape, the Captain sent off a boat to the island; but, when she reached the shore, some Dutch soldiers forbad her crew landing, at the hazard of their lives; and the officer who commanded very prudently returned to the ship. For some time they were puzzled to account for this behaviour on the part of the Dutch; but it was at length recollected, that the Dutch government at the Cape of Good Hope had assigned this island for the reception of such offenders whose crimes were not deemed worthy of death, where their slavery consists in digging lime-stone, for such a number of years as are thought proportionable to the heinousness of their offences: and that a ship belonging to Denmark, which had buried most of her hands, had called at this island, and taken on board a number of these criminals, in order to navigate the vessel to Europe: hence the conduct of the Dutch soldiers was easily accounted for.

The ship sailed again on the following day, when the master of her died, having hastened his death by hard drinking, though, in other respects, he left behind him an excellent character.

On Monday, May-day, they came to an anchor off the island of St. Helena, and, as they proposed to remain three days, Mr. Banks employed [Page] the interval in surveying every object that was thought worthy of notice.

The island of St. Helena rises out of the immense Atlantic ocean, is about eighteen hundred miles from the coast of America, and twelve hundred from that of Africa. It has the appearance of a huge mountain, the foundation of which is probably at the center of the globe. It had formerly volcanoes in several parts of it, as is evident from the appearance of the earth and stones in many places; and it looks like a cluster of rocks, bounded by precipices of immense height: as a vessel sails along the coast, the cliffs perpend over her head so as to threaten her instant destruction, and nothing in nature can be conceived more awful than their appearance.

Close to the sea-side stands the town, which had formerly a church of very indifferent architecture, but it is now little better than a heap of ruins, nor is the market-house in a much better condition: most of the houses are also constructed in a vile taste.

As this island is the property of the English East India Company, the inhabitants are not suffered to carry on any trade for their own emolument, but get their livelihood by selling the productions of the island to the crews of the vessels which anchor there for a supply of refreshments.

[Page]St. Helena is so happily situated, with regard to climate, that it would, if properly cultivated, produce the trees, fruits, plants and flowers, of all the different parts of the world. On the summit of the highest ridges the cabbage-tree flourishes; in the parts below these grow the gum-wood and red-wood, and in the vallies many of the plants of the Indies, and almost all those of Europe; yet these several productions will not grow but on the spots of ground peculiarly adapted to each.

The only white inhabitants of the island are subjects of the King of Great Britain: these employ slaves, who transport goods of all kinds from place to place on their heads; and we are sorry to say, that the inhumanity of our countrymen to these slaves in a disgrace to those who profess the christian faith. There are a small number of horses at St. Helena, but they are never employed in draught, there being no such thing as a waggon or cart on the island, though in many places the land is not so steep, but that such carriages might easily be drawn.

Ebony-trees are a natural production of the island of St. Helena, but there have not been many of them within the memory of any person now living there. Snails are found in abundance on the summits of the highest mountains; but the other insects of the island are very few in number.

[Page]On Saturday the 4th of May 1771, the Endeavour sailed from the road of St. Helena, together with the Portland man of war, and several sail of Indiamen. They kept company with the man of war and Indiamen till Friday the 10th. But Captain Cook observing, that they were out-sailed by all the other ships, and consequently imagining that some of them would reach England before him, made signals to speak with the Portland, when the Captain of that vessel came on board, and received from Captain Cook a letter to the Lords of the Admiralty, together with a box, in which were deposited the journals of many of the officers, and the ship's log books.

On the 23d they lost sight of all the ships they sailed in company with from St. Helena, and in the afternoon of the same day, Mr. Hicks, the first Lieutenant, died of a consumption, with which he had been afflicted during the whole voyage.

No single occurrence worth recording happened from this time, till the ship came to an anchor in the Downs, which was on the 12th of June following.

Whoever has carefully read, and duly considered the wonderful protection of this ship, in cases of danger the most imminent and astonishing, particularly when encircled in the wide ocean with rocks of coral, her sheathing beaten off, and her false-keel floating by her side, a hole [Page] in her bottom, and the men alternately fainting at the pumps, and will yet deny the existence of a particular Providence, and the most gracious and merciful interposition of the Deity, in behalf of our adventrous countrymen, will deserve some share of that censure, which the thinking part of mankind have so liberally and justly bestowed on the Compiler of the account of the Voyage of the ENDEAVOUR. There is a comfort in the reflection that God is good, which can be felt only by those who acknowledge his mercy, and adore his power.

ACCOUNT OF MONS. DE BOUGAINVILLE's VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, PERFORMED BY ORDER OF THE FRENCH KING, In the years 1766, 1767, 1768, 1769.

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A SETTLEMENT having been commenced for the French King, on Falkland's Islands*, in the month of February 1764, the Spaniards demanded them as their right, as an appendage to the continent of South America; and France having allowed the propriety of the demand, Mons. Bougainville was ordered to yield possession of the islands to the Spaniards.

In consequence of the orders he had received, he sailed from the port of Mindin on the 15th of November 1766, having under his command the frigate la Boudeuse—la Esmeralda, [Page] and la Liebre; two frigates belonging to Spain, were to join him in the river de la Plata, to the commanding officer of which he was to deliver the settlement; and the l'Etoile, a French store-ship, was to carry him such provisions as were necessary for the long voyage on which he was bound, and to meet him at Falkland's Islands: but the voyage was necessarily several months longer in compleating than it might have been, on account, as will appear hereafter, of the delay which prevented the l'Etoile from joining Mons. Bougainville.

The Boudeuse had been at sea only two days when she encountered such a violent storm of wind, as carried away the clue of the fore-sail, broke the top-mast, and main-top-mast, and took off the head of the main-mast. Thus situated, Mons. Bougainville found it necessary to put into Brest to refit, and to make some necessary alterations in the stowage of his ship, which was ill calculated, for withstanding the fury of those seas he was to pass, and particularly so for the navigation of the seas round Cape Horn.

And here a reflection will naturally arise, on that fatality, by which those who have the appointment of naval equipments, almost always destine for services of the most imminent danger, vessels totally inadequate for the purpose. Hence arise orders and counter-orders, till the proper season for performing the most hazardous [Page] parts of the voyage, is lost in the necessary preparation for making it.

On the 5th of December Mons. Bougainville sailed from the harbour of Brest, having on board the Prince of Nassau-Seighen, three gentlemen who went as volunteers, eleven officers in commission; and warrant-officers, seamen, soldiers, servants and boys, to the number of two hundred.

On the 17th they were in sight of the Salvages, a small flat island, which at each end rises into a hillock: the next day they saw the Island of Palma, and that of Ferro on the 19th. Mons. Bougainville was now convinced of a great error in his reckoning, which he attributes to the rapidity of the currents opposite the Streights of Gibraltar. Having corrected his reckoning, he took a fresh departure, and arrived at Rio de la Plata, without meeting with any thing worthy of notice.

On the evening of the 29th of January they had sight of Rio de la Plata, but as the night was dark and tempestuous, they lay to, with the head of the vessel towards the offing. The next morning they had a view of the mountains of Maldonado, which, after a ship enters the Rio de la Plata, are the first high lands seen to the north. At the Maldonados the Spaniards have a small garrisoned town, in the vicinity of which are picked up some beautiful transparent stones; and there is likewise a gold [Page] mine near it, which has been worked for a few years past, but has yielded little profit.

On the morning of the 31st the Boudeuse came to an anchor in the Bay of Montevideo, where the two Spanish ships, which were to take possession of Falkland's Islands, had been at anchor for some weeks.

Don Philip Ruis Puente, the principal in command of the Spanish vessels, having been appointed Governor of the islands which were to be surrendered by the French, he accompanied Mons. Bougainville to Buenos Ayres, to settle, with the Governor general, the mode of making the cession: and the Prince of Nassau-Sieghen attended them in this expedition.

The gentlemen made the voyage in a schooner, but a contrary wind preventing their passage by sea, they went on shore above the colony of San Sacramento, and travelled over a prodigious extent of country, in which there were no roads, and where the eye was their only guide. During this expedition they slept in little hovels constructed with leather, while the tygers howled round them on every side. Mons. Bougainville particularly mentions the manner and the danger of their passing the river St. Lucia, which is wide and deep, yet amazingly rapid:—being placed in a long narrow canoe, one side of which was beyond all proportion higher than the other, a horse was fastened on each side the vessel, the master of which pulling off

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Monsieur de Bougainville Crossing the River St Lucia in a Canoe drawn by Horses

[Page] all his cloaths, got into it, and supporting the heads of the horses above the surface of the stream, drove them across it, in the best manner he was able, and, with some difficulty, they stemmed the rapidity of the torrent. It is necessary for travellers who pass this wild and extensive country to be very careful in finding the fordable parts of the rivers; they usually drive before them a considerable number of horses, in order to take fresh ones as often as those they ride on are jaded.

Monsieur Bougainville having transacted his business at Buenos Ayres, returned to Montevideo on the 16th of February, and was followed in a few days by the Spanish Governor, Don Puente. Some necessaries of various kinds being taken on board, the vessels were prepared for sailing to Falkland's Islands.

Our author now gives a long account of the establishment of the Spaniards in Rio de la Plata, of which we shall take no notice, because similar accounts are to be found in a great number of volumes, some or other of which are in the hands of almost every reader.

Our voyagers having caused a small vessel to be laden with cattle for the use of the ship's companies, they sailed in company, on the 28th of February 1767, a pilot, acquainted with the coast of Falkland's Islands, having been previously put on board each of the Spanish ships; but this day they were obliged to bring [Page] their vessels to an anchor, on account of the thickness of a fog, which prevented their seeing land.

The winds now proving contrary, the ships remained at anchor the following day; but as the current of the river ran strongly in their favour, Mons. Bougainville sent to acquaint the Spanish commander, that his vessel being too near the English sand-bank, off the isle of Flores, he thought it would be proper to sail on the following day, even if the wind should not change in their favour. To this the Spanish officer replied, that his pilot refused to weigh the anchor till the wind became fair and blew steady: on which Don Puente was acquainted, that the anchor of the Boudeuse would certainly be weighed early the next morning, and that she would either anchor more to the north, or ply to the windward, waiting for the Spanish ships, unless they should be unavoidably separated by the violence of the wind.

The small vessel laden with cattle had not come to an anchor during the preceding night, nor was she seen any more during the voyage; but it was afterwards learnt that she went back to Montevideo, after an absence of three weeks from that place. The night had been so tempestuous, that all the ships dragged their anchors, and in the morning the Spanish vessels were observed with their main-yards lowered, [Page] and their top-masts handed: the Boudeuse, however, got under sail, and got out of the river before night, leaving the Spaniards still at anchor. Mons. Bougainville had variable, but chiefly bad, weather till the 23d of the month, when he came to an anchor in the Bay of Falkland's islands, where the Spanish vessels also anchored, on the day following. These last had suffered extremely through the inclemency of the weather; the cabbin windows of Don Puente's ship had been broke by the violence of the waves, so that the sea for some time poured into her in torrents; and a number of cattle, destined for the use of the colony at Falkland's Island, died on the passage.

On the 1st of April Mons. Bongainville, in the name of the French king, surrendered the island to Don Puente, who received it for his most catholic Majesty, with the ceremony of hoisting the Spanish colours, and the firing of guns from the ships and on shore: Mons. Bougainville then read a letter, in which his sovereign granted leave to such of the inhabitants as chose to continue their residence, to be under the dominion of Spain: this offer was accepted by some, while others embarked with the garrison, and were conveyed to Montevideo in the Spanish ships. The whole expence of the French settlement, to the time of its being delivered to the Spaniards, was six hundred and three thousand livres; but as his most Catholic [Page] Majesty took the ships, provisions, and all the stores of every kind, he reimbursed this sum to France.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to make some historical remarks respecting Falkland's Islands, in which we shall trace him with all possible fidelity. He says that, in the year 1502, when Americo Vespucius was on his third voyage for the discovery of America, he sailed along the northern coasts of the islands, and to him, therefore, he allows the honour of being the first discoverer; yet he says that Vespucious knew not whether what he saw was an island, or a part of the main land. Gouin, a French commander, came to an anchor on these islands, in the year 1700, as he was returning from a voyage into the South Seas; but Gouin mistook them for Sebald's isles, which he very near them, Falkland's Islands being between those, and the island of Beauchesne; so that a ship at anchor on the east side of Sebald's isles, is within sight of Falkland's;—Besides Beauchesne's description of what he took to be Sebald's, exactly answers to these: for he says there are no woods, that the country is swampy, that there are many fresh-water lakes and marshes on it, and that it abounds in ducks, snipes, wild geese, and teals.

Mons. Bougainville justly observes, that Falkland's islands have been but little known and ill described, till within a few years past [Page] They are commonly represented as being covered with woods; but this mistake might very well happen in the accounts of those who only saw them from on board a ship; for what are taken for woods are tall rushes, which grow very close together, and the stalk being dry to the height of five feet from the ground, a large tuft springs from the top of it, so that their number, and the manner in which they grow, form no ill resemblance of a wood. Great part of the hills on the island are covered with heath, while the rushes grow only on some small isles, and near the sea coast.

In the year 1594 Sir Richard Hawkins had sight of these islands, and called them Hawkins's Maiden-Land: he says he saw fires on them, and that they were then inhabited: about the commencement of the present century, a French ship, called the St. Louis, came to an anchor on this coast, under the shelter of the isles of Anican, which are some small islands, so called after the privateer of that name; but the commander of the St. Louis did not think it worth his while to examine the country: yet, Mons. Bougainville observes, that the navigators of all nations have remarked how conveniently they are situated for affording shelter and refreshment to vessels bound to the South-Seas.

France having come to a resolution of sending a colony to settle on Falkland's islands, [Page] Mons. Bougainville, towards the beginning of the year 1763, made an offer to establish the settlement at his own expence, with the assistance of two of his near relations, Mons. de Arboulin, and Mons. de Nerville. This offer being accepted, the adventrous Frenchman gave orders for the building and equipment of a vessel of twenty, and another of twelve guns, the former of which was called the Eagle, and the latter the Sphinx: and as soon as these vessels had taken in such stores as were necessary for the voyage, and for making the settlement, Mons Bougainville, having previously engaged some acadian families, embarked his officers, seamen and settlers, and sailed from the Port of St. Malo, on the 15th of September, 1763.

In the course of the voyage he touched on the coast of Brazil, and at Montevideo, at which last place he took a number of horned cattle and horses on board, in order to stock the island to which he was destined. On the 31st of January, 1764, Mons Bougainville was within fight of Sebald's isles, and came to an anchor in a large bay on the eastermost point of Falkland's islands, on the third of February.

It was soon resolved to form the settlement on the coast of this Bay; and Mons. Bougainville immediately began to take a survey of the island, to learn what it produced, for the support and convenience of life. He observes, [Page] that various kinds of water and land-fowl, and fish, were all its edible productions: and that the reader already knows that there grows no wood, either for firing, or other purposes; but this deficiency, in Mons. Bougainville's opinion, might be tolerably well supplied by an excellent kind of turf, which was almost every where to be found in great abundance.

On the first arrival of our adventurers, it was a sight not less pleasing than astonishing, to behold the birds flock round them, with evident curiosity, but without the least signs of timidity: these harmless animals used to perch on those who were standing still, and would at all times submit to be taken with the hand: but they very soon learnt to be shy of the company of those who sought only their destruction.

The colony consisted of nineteen men, five women, and three children; and Mons. Bougainville having fixed on the spot for their residence, they lost no time in erecting huts, which they covered with rushes, to protect them from the inclemency of the weather. They likewise built a magazine, and erected a small fort, in the center of which they raised an obelisk, under which they had placed several pieces of money, and a medal, on one side of which was the head of the French king, with the following motto; Tibi serviat ultima thule; and on the other side of the medal was an inscription, [Page] of which the following is a translation.—‘"Settlement of the Isles Malouines, situated in 51 degrees 30 minutes of south latitude, 60 degrees 50 minutes west longitude, from the meridian of Paris, by the Eagle frigate, Captain P. Duclos Guyot, Captain of a fire-ship, and the Sphinx sloop; Captain F. Chenard de la Giraudais, Lieutenant of a frigate, equipped by Louis Antoine de Bougainville, Colonel of infantry, Captain of a ship, chief of the expedition, G. de Nerville, Captain of infantry, and P. d' Arboulin, postmaster general of France: construction of a fort, and an obelisk, decorated with a medallion of his Majesty Louis XV. after the plans of A. L'Huillier, engineer and geographer of the field and army, serving on this expedition; during the administration of E'. de Choiseul, Duke of Stainville, in February 1764."’

Mons. de Bougainville having promised the settlers, that he would soon bring them more companions, and give them farther assistance, his relation, Mons. de Nerville, agreed to stay till his return from France, as well to be an hostage for the performance of de Bougainville's promise, as to encourage the young colonists, by participating in every hardship and danger to which they might be exposed, in a station so far removed from all communication with the rest of mankind. In return for Mons. [Page] de Nerville's kind compliance with the wish of the settlers, he was to be considered as their Governor.

On the 8th of April 1764, Mons. Bougainville weighed his anchor, and sailed for Europe, having first taken possession of the islands, in the name, and for the use of his most Christian Majesty.

In the month of January 1765, Mons. Bougainville again visited Falkland's Islands, where he found the settlers in good health, and pleased with their situation. After he had debarked the stores which he had brought for their use, he sailed to the Streights of Magellan, where he took in timber and pallisadoes, and a number of young trees for planting on Falkland's Islands; which place he again left on the 27th of April, when the whole number of colonists was only twenty-four.

While Monsieur de Bougainville was on the above-mentioned expedition in the Streights of Magellan, he saw the ships under Commodore Byron's command; the reader will recollect this circumstance, in the account of Mr. Byron's Voyage, related in the twenty-first page of the preceding volume.

The colonists on Falkland's Islands were encreased to about one hundred and fifty, by a number of fresh settlers, which sailed from France in the Eagle, in the year 1765. This ship was accompanied by the Etode store-ship, [Page] which carried provisions to the island. By this time the Governor, and an officer who took care of the stores, had good houses built of stone, and the rest of the colonists were lodged in commodious huts, having walls composed of sods of earth. With the wood which Mons. Bougainville had brought from the Streights of Magellan, they had built several small vessels, adapted to examine the coasts of the island; and three magazines were by this time erected, in which to deposit the public and private stores; several kinds of grain which had been brought from France grew very well, and promised a sufficient encrease; and some train-oil had been made, and seals-skins turned, by the settlers, with which the Eagle was loaded, and returned to France.

In the year 1766, when an English colony had settled at Port Egmont, Captain Macbride, of the Jason frigate, visited the French settlement, and, to use Mons. Bougainville's own words, ‘"pretended that those parts belonged to his Britannic Majesty, threatened to land by force, if he should be any longer denied that liberty, visited the Governor, and sailed away again the same day."’

The above, according to Bougainville's account, was the state of Falkland's islands, when the French surrendered them to Spain; and he pretends, that the prior claim of Sp [...]in was confirmed by such surrender of those who had made [Page] the first settlement: and perhaps there might be some force in this reckoning, if the prior claim of Spain was founded in justice, and warranted by the laws which have hitherto directed the discoverers of unknown countries. An Englishman, however, will be glad to see this argument stated in its proper light, by which it will appear, that the right to the possession of these islands, is undoubtedly vested in the Crown of these realms.

The plain state of facts, then, is as follows: as early as the voyage under Sir Thomas Cavendish, in the year 1592, Captain Davis had sight of these islands: they were seen a second time, in 1594, as before-mentioned by Sir Richard Hawkins, who gave them the name of Hawkins's Maiden Land: the third person who saw them was the Dutch voyager Sebald de Waert, who called them Sebald's Isles, and under this name they are laid down in the Dutch charts. In the year 1683 they were seen by Dampier, and, in 1689, by Strong, who gave them their present English name of Falkland Islands, which Dr. Halley, the celebrated astronomer, adopting, they are now so called in all the maps and charts of this country. During the reign of William and Mary, the English privateers often saw these islands, whereas, according to Mons. Bougainville's own account, the first Frenchman who ever saw them was Gouin, no longer ago than the year 1700. [Page] From this state of the evidence it does not appear, that the Spaniards visited them at all, and that the French were the last visitors; yet would Mons. Bougainville have his readers believe, that the Spaniards have the prior claim to their possession, and that this claim has been ratified by the French!—This reasoning may sound admirably well in the ears of the slaves of two arbitrary monarchs, but will be equally ridiculed and contemned by every sensible subject of our happier, because limited, monarchy.

Monsieur Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of the natural history of, and other particulars respecting, Falkland's Islands, which, he says, are the result of the observations of his kinsman, Mons. de Nerville, who resided at the settlement three years. The picture our ingenious voyager gives of the first appearance of the islands is very striking, and his arguments for and against settling them are very conclusive. On their first arrival not an object struck their view, except the commodiousness of the port in which the ship lay, which could tempt them to take up their residence on so inhospitable a shore. The land was in many places broke in upon by the sea; the mountains, unclothed with wood, had the most barren appearance; the fields looked dreary for want of houses and inhabitants; an universal silence reigned, except when the howling of some sea-monster disturbed the solemn stillness; while [Page] a dull and gloomy sameness of appearance added horror to the whole picture.

Discouraging as this scene appeared, our adventurers knew that all would yield to time and diligence, and that the labour of the industrious would not go unrequited: indeed some consolation arose in their breasts, on viewing the place in a more favourable light. The climate had that kind of temperature likely to afford health, strength, and long life, and was therefore preferable to the noxious air of those regions where the sickening inhabitant faints under the scorching heat of the vertical sun: the island produced a number of plants, admirable in the cure of the scurvy, and other disorders incident to the sailor's life. The fish and the birds were most exquisitely delicious, and there were amphibious animals in immense numbers, while there were none of the fierce or the poisonous kind. Cascades and rivulets fell from the mountains, which at the same time sheltered the fisherman from the violence of the winds, so that he could sport or labour in the spacious bay, in perfect security: meadows of an immense extent promised constant pasturage for any number of flocks and herds, which might feed at pleasure, undisturbed by any tyrant lord of the soil. These various advantages, in the opinion of our adventurers, were sufficient to recompence them for the dangers and fatigue [Page] of the voyage, and a pledge for the full reward of their future labours.

The situation of Falkland's Islands is between fifty-one and fifty-two degrees and a half of south latitude, and sixty-five degrees and a half of west longitude from Paris. From the entrance of the Streights of Magellan, and from the coast of Patagonia, their distance is about 250 miles.

The harbours are large, and well defended by small islands most happily disposed; and even the smallest vessels may ride in safety in the creeks: while fresh water is easily to be obtained, as the small rivers which descend from the mountains discharge themselves into the sea. The tides do not rise and fall at any stated times, but depend on the force with which the wind agitates the waves of the sea; it was, however, observed, that just before high water, the sea rises and subsides, with a quick motion, three times within the space of fifteen minutes; and that at the full of the moon, and during the equinoxes and solstices, this motion is much greater than at any other time.

Those winds that blow from between the south and west, and the north and west points, prevail more than others; but in general the winds vary as in most other countries. In summer time the winds usually blow from some point between the north-west and south-west. It is remarkable, that these winds rise with the [Page] rising sun, encrease in force as the sun advances to the meridian, blow most violently just at noon, decrease again with the declining sun, and totally cease about the time of its setting. The tides also frequently add to the violence of these winds, and not unfrequently change their direction.

The blowing of the winds in winter is a certain indication of the weather. If they come from the south-east, they are not so violent as the summer winds from the same quarter; but they are accompanied with slight fogs. When they blow between the south and west points, hoar frost, hail and snow, are the certain consequences; and the weather is wet and foggy, when they come from the points between the north and the west. The snow which comes with the south and west winds is but small in quantity, and commonly disappears from the ground in a day or two, except what lodges on the summits of the high mountains, where it will remain about two months. The running streams are never frozen, and the lakes and stagnate-pools have seldom been covered with ice strong enough to bear the weight of a man two days together. In the spring and autumn there are slight hoar frosts, which being changed to a kind of dew by the warmth of the sun, are rather nutrimental than prejudicial to the vegetable productions. There is seldom any thunder or lightning, nor is the climate hot or [Page] cold in any extraordinary degree. Throughout the year the nights are, in general, star-light, serene, and fair; and, upon the whole, the climate is very favourable to the constitution.

The fresh water of these islands is extremely good, and in great plenty: the beds of some of the rivers are a kind of tuft, which gives a yellowish cast to the water, yet does not affect its taste; but the bottom of most of the rivers is either sand or gravel.

The depth of the soil in the vallies is more than sufficient for the purposes of plowing; but, before our adventurers could proceed to cultivation, they were obliged to extract the roots of plants, which every where intersected and choaked up the ground for near a foot deep: these roots they dried and burnt, and they then made a rich manure for the ground from which they had been cleared. Under the first land is a layer of black earth, ten inches or more in depth; under that again a yellow soil, beneath which are stones and slate; but these stones are not found on the little adjacent islands. The sea-coast is, in most places, composed of stones, which are very fit for the purposes of building; and there are beds of a hard fine grained stone, in several spots on the island; likewise another kind of stones, in which are particles of tale. Our settlers found a kind of stone which split in pieces easily, and with which they made grind-stones, to give an edge to their instruments. [Page] In the quarries they met with a stone of a yellowish hue, which, when first taken out, was so soft as to be cut with a knife; but it soon grew hard when exposed to the open air. The island likewise yeilded earth fit for making bricks and potters-ware, and plenty of sand and clay.

In many parts of the country there are marshy places, which produce a sort of rushes with sharp points, the remains of the roots of which being continually wasting, form the turf that was used for firing, which burnt exceeding well, and had nothing offensive in its smell.

A plant of the gramen kind grows on a stalk which has a sweetish flavour, and is extremely nutrimental for cattle, who like it better than any other kind of pasturage. This plant flourishes on the sea-coasts, and on the little isles, where it bends till the stalks unite, forming a kind of harbour, to which the sea-lions and the seals occasionally retreat. Our adventurers, in several excursions, found these natural built houses, a very agreeable defence against the inclemency of the weather, and the more so, as the dry leaves which had fallen off formed a bed, by no means to be despised.

The above mentioned plant is the largest that grows on the island, which likewise produces many shrubs that were very useful in heating ovens, and other purposes of firing. A kind of heath, which grows in great plenty, [Page] bears a red fruit, which is eaten by the fowls and birds.

A plant was discovered which resembles a shrub, but having been tasted, it was thought fit for the brewing of beer: happily our colonists were supplied with malt and molasses, to which they added the beer-plant, and were enabled at all times to brew a very wholesome kind of spruce-beer, which was an admirable specific for the scurvy. This plant was likewise infused in water, in which those who had contracted any illness, while out at sea, bathed themselves, and it was found to be a fine restorative: when pressed, it yeilded a mealy substance, of a fragrant smell, and a glutinous nature: the leaves of this plant are small, of a clear bright green, and dentated.

Other vegetables in abundance were found, which were used as antiscorbutics; particularly water-cresses, sorrel, wild parsley, a kind of maiden-hair, and a species of celery.

But the most extraordinary vegetable production of Falkland's Islands, is a kind of resinous gum-plant, of which we shall speak more particularly, as it is wholly unknown in these parts of the globe. Though this is called a plant, it is without leaves, branches, or any apparent stalk; and, except in colour, which is that of a bright green, it more resembles a lump of earth rising from the common surface of the ground. It does not grow to the height of [Page] more than eighteen inches, and its breadth in different plants is from two feet to two yards and upwards: the smaller plants have the form of an hemisphere, and their circumference is regular; but when they come to the full size, they terminate in irregular bunches and hollows: there are drops of a tough yellow matter, as big as a pea, on different parts of its surface, which smell like turpentine. Mons. Bougainville having cut this plant close to the ground, found that it arose from a stalk, from which grew an immense number of shoots, consisting of leaves resembling stars, laying one within the other. The outsides of these shoots, which are exposed to the air, are green, and the insides white: they contain a viscid milky juice, which is likewise found in the roots and the stalk. The roots extending horizontally, frequently produce fresh shoots at a distance, so that there is no instance of one of these plants being found alone. The resin of this plant was found to be a good medicine for the cure of slight wounds; but this resin was often washed away by the rains, or wasted by the influence of the air; yet, however contradictory it may appear, it would not dissolve except in spirits: some of the seeds were brought to Europe, in order to attempt the cultivation of so singular a curiosity in the vegetable world.

The island on which our colonists had taken up their residence is divided from east to west [Page] by a chain of hills, to the south of which they found another plant, not unlike the resinous gum-plant, which, however, did not yield any resin, but produced beautiful yellow flowers; neither was it of so firm a texture, nor was its green of the same shade; yet, in other respects, the resemblance was very strong. On the hills was found a species of Maiden-hair, which grew to a great height, and the leaves of it were shaped like the blade of a sword. The hills likewise abounded with various kinds of plants, which had the appearance of holding a middle station between stones and vegetables. It was apprehended, that these might have been successfully used in dying, and our colonists proposed to have made the experiment if they had remained longer on the island.

The place produces flowers in a considerable variety, but only one of them has any smell, which is like that of a tuberose; this flower is perfectly white. A true violet was seen, which was of a regular light yellow colour.

A fruit was found, of the size of a pea, which received the name of the lucet, from its resemblance to the North American fruit of that name: its colour is white, but the side which is exposed to the sun changes to a red: it has the smell of orange-blossoms, and a very agreeable flavour: its branches, which creep along the ground, produce leaves of dark green, which are round and shining, and these [Page] leaves infused into milk give it a delicious taste: the flowers grow in large numbers on the borders of lakes, and the plant delights in a moist soil. Besides the lucet only one other fruit was found, which grows on long branches, in the same manner as the strawberry, but it has the appearance of a mulberry, which name it received, and its leaves are like those of the hornbeam.

Our colonists found but few sea-plants which they could apply to any use; but all the coast of the harbour was lined with sea-weeds, which were serviceable in breaking the force of the waves in stormy weather. Many kinds of coralines, of various beautiful colours, and a great number of curious shells and spunges were washed on shore by the force of the tides. Among the shells were the smooth and striated muscle, scallops, whelks, and a bivalve shell, of a very singular kind, named la Poulette.

Sea lions and seals are the only amphibious animals found in these parts; but there are great varieties of fish on the coasts, scarce any of which are known in Europe. It sometimes happens that the whales, getting too near the shore, are stranded in the bays, where their remains have been seen. Bones of great magnitude have been found far up the country, where the force of the waters could not have conveyed them, which Mons. Bougainville [Page] deems a proof that the soil is encreased, or the sea diminished.

The only quadruped found on Falkland's island is of a species between the fox and the wolf, and our author therefore calls him the wolf-fox: the tail of this animal is more bushy than that of the wolf, and he lives in a kennel which he digs in the ground, on the downs by the sea-side. At one time of the year the wolf-fox is so lean as to appear almost starved, from whence it is imagined that he fasts for a considerable time: he is about as large as a sheep-dog, and barks very much like one, only that his yelp is not so loud. He subsists principally on wild fowl, in search of which he travels in such a direct line from one day to another, that when our adventurers first beheld his track, they imagined that the island was inhabited, and that the natives had made the path. Mons. Bougainville makes it a matter of wonder how the wolf-fox can have been conveyed to these islands, without considering, that land-animals having got on large pieces of ice, which being broken by the sea, they have frequently been conveyed to places very remote from those of their first residence. The circumstance of ice so broken from the shore is not uncommon on the coast of Greenland.

These islands and their coasts produce land and water-fowls in incredible numbers, many of which are the prey of falcons, hawks, eagles [Page] and owls; while the eggs and the young birds are destroyed by the wolf-fox.—The smaller fish are destroyed by the whales, the amphibious animals, and the voracious birds, some of which are constantly flying close over the surface of the waters, while others perch themselves on the rocks to watch the event.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a description of such birds as were found on the islands, which could be applied to any kind of use, omitting those that could not be rendered serviceable to the colonists.

The swan is perfectly white, except its feet and its neck, the former of which are of a flesh-colour, and the latter as black as jet.

Of wild geese there are four kinds, only one of which feeds on dry ground. It has very high legs, and a neck of great length: its flight is much more free than that of the English goose; it walks with equal ease, and does not cackle like the common goose. The feathers of the male are white except on the wings, which have a mixture of ash-colour and black: the wings of the female are of various colours; and its body is yellow. It seldom lays more than six eggs. The flavour of these birds is agreeable, and they were found to be very nutritious: exclusive of those which are hatched on the island, large flocks fly thither with a westerly wind which blows in the autumn, so that they were generally to be taken in great [Page] abundance, and formed a principal part of the subsistence of the settlers. Those which came in the autumn were easily known from those resident on the island, by their not being shy.

The other three kinds are of various colours; yellow, white, black, and ash-colour; they are not by far so beautiful as those above described: and as they live entirely on fish, their flesh acquires a disagreeable taste; one of these three species seldom rises from the surface of the water, and is almost constantly making a very disagreeable noise. A soft thick down, either grey or white, grows under the feathers of all these geese, as it does likewise under those of the swan.

The rivers and ponds of Falkland's islands abound in teals of two species, and two of wild ducks: of the latter some are perfectly white, and others totally black, but in other respects they resemble those of England and France. These birds are all exquisite fine food, and to be procured in any numbers. One kind of the teal is very small; but the other is as large as the duck, and its bill is blue. The bellies of some of them are also covered with feathers of a flesh-colour.

The island produces a bird which Mons. Bougainville calls the Diver, but, from the description he gives of it, it is conjectured to be the Grebe, which abounds on the lake of Geneva, and of the skin of which the most [Page] elegant muffs and tippets are made. Of these Divers there are two kinds, of which the most plentiful has brown feathers, with no other variation than that the feathers on the belly are of a somewhat lighter colour than those on the back. The belly of the other kind is white, and the back grey; and the feathers on the belly are very thick, shining and soft. The eyes of these birds are as bright as rubies, and are encircled with a ring of white feathers. The female hatches only two young birds at a time, which she carries on her back, not subjecting them to the coldness of the water, till feathers have taken place of the down with which they are hatched. The toes of this bird are thin, and of a green colour, and being round towards the claw, they are not unlike the leaves of some plants: their feet are not webbed, as is common among water-fowl, but their toes are separate, having a strong membrane on each side.

The colonists gave the name of Saw-bills to two kinds of birds which bore a great similitude to each other, the chief difference consisting in their size, and in the bellies of most of them being white, while a few were observed to have brown feathers on the belly: the feathers on the rest of the body are of a dark blue, as soft as silk, and grow very close together. Their feet are webbed and flesh coloured, and their bills pointed: they lay their eggs on the rocks, [Page] where great numbers of them live together; and they subsist on fish, thousands of which they destroy. Our settlers not only ate the eggs of these birds, but frequently killed many scores of them at a time, and their flesh was found to be excellent food. They had so little apprehension of being catched, that it was an easy matter to knock them down with a stick, and in this manner they were usually taken. A bird called by the Spaniards Quebrantahuessos, which measures more than two yards from the extremity of its wings, destroys the saw-bills. This bird of prey has a long bill, with two hollow tubes of the same kind of substance as the bill, and its feet are webbed: some of the seamen called this bird the Albatross, but it differs considerably from the common bird of that name, nor is it an easy matter to determine precisely on its species, from the imperfect account which Mons. Bougainville has given of it.

Gulls, mews, and terns, of different beautiful plumage, served to direct our colonists what was the proper time for taking of pilchards. These birds, flying in large flocks over the surface of the water, dart on the pilchard and swallow it; presently they catch another of these fish, and then they disgorge the one which had been previously swallowed, and so on. When the pilchards are not in season, they feed on various other sorts of small fish. The eggs [Page] of these birds were found in great abundance upon the leaves of a plant, on the borders of the marshes, and they proved to be very good eating.

Three kinds of penguins breed on the island, one of these is a remarkably grand and elegant bird, the belly of which is a clear white, the back a kind of blue, and it has a ruff round its neck near the head, of a bright yellow, which descending towards the belly, separates the white feathers from the blue ones; these birds do not live together in numbers, but seek the most quiet and retired places of abode. One of them being caught, with an intention of being brought to France, soon grew so tame, that it followed the person who fed it; its food was bread, fish and flesh; but there was something more wanting for its sustenance, for it gradually lost its fatness till it died. The second kind of penguin answers to the description of that bird in Anson's voyage*. The third kind of penguins lay their eggs among the high cliffs of the rocks, where they reside together in immense numbers, never seeking that solitude of which the first kind are so fond. They are much smaller than the others, and were named hopping penguins, from their method of moving, which is very much like [Page] hopping; they have gold-coloured feathers, which form a kind of eye-brows, and a tuft of the same colour, which they raise when they are displeased. This bird has a very chearful look, and its general colour is a deep yellow.

At different times, but not frequently, three kinds of petrels were seen by our adventurers. These birds build their nests on the sea-coasts, where their young were sometimes found, covered with down. One sort of them is quite white, their bills red, and not unlike a pigeon a second sort is larger, and the third smaller than the pigeon; and these two sorts have white feathers on the belly, while every other part of the body is black.

Eagles were also seen of three different species, two of which are black, with white and yellow feet, and the other is of a dull white: all these subsist on snipes, and other small birds, which they seize every opportunity to destroy.

Egrets, a species of the heron, were frequently seen on the island: they make a disagreeable noise, not much unlike the barking of a little dog; and they never take any food till towards the evening.

Two kinds of the thrush came regularly to the island in the autumnal months, one of which was of the same colour as the European thrush; and the other yellow, except on the belly, which was spotted with black. There was a third kind of thrush, which lived [Page] on the island throughout the year, the feathers on the belly of which are of a bright red: this was called the Red-bird, and though Mons. Bougainville ranks it among the thrushes, it is probably no other than the red-breast of America.

A bird which they called the Sea-pie, was constantly seen on the coasts, the feet of which were white, the bill red, and the feathers black and white. This bird whistles a kind of note, which the colonists found it easy to imitate, and by that means they came near enough to catch them without much trouble: they subsist on shrimps, which they pick up after the ebbing of the tide.—Such is Mons. Bougainville's description of the sea-pie; but if it be the true bird of that kind, oysters form a part of its subsistence; for when the tide is out, these fish are left on the sand, and the sea-pie, forcing open the shell with his bill, swallows the oyster; whence he is also called oyster-catcher.

Great numbers of curlews, the same as those of Europe, were constantly seen in the summer; and snipes of the European kind were found in abundance. It is easy to shoot these birds, as they fly in a regular manner. At the time when they are breeding, they ascend to a great height, and having sung some time in the air, they drop at once into their nests, which are built on the ground, in the open field, where it is most free from grass or other herbage, [Page] so that these nests are very easily found: the snipes are excellent food if dressed towards the decline of the year; but in the breeding season they are lean, and not so fit to eat.

The amphibious animals of Falkland's islands are seals and sea-lions, which having been before-mentioned, and being described in many books of voyages, we shall only add, that they frequently travel in very numerous companies three or four miles up the country, to feast on the herbs, and repose themselves in the warmth of the sun.

Of the fish which were found on the coasts of Falkland's islands, one that was taken in the greatest plenty was called the Mullet, from the likeness it bears to the European fish of that name: the colonists dried many of these, which were full a yard in length: the seals prey on these fish whenever they can catch them; but, by a natural instinct, they are taught to avoid these voracious enemies, by sheltering themselves in holes, among slimy ground, on the banks of the rivers, and in these places they were frequently taken. A fish called the gradeau, about twelve inches in length, was found in great abundance; and another, named the sardine, was found only at the commencement of the winter season. Some white porpoises were taken in the bays, when the weather was fair, and some eels in those cavities of the rocks which were filled with water. A fresh [Page] water fish was found, about the size of a trout, without scales, the colour of which was green. Many smaller fish were catched with the hook and line, among them was one species, the head of which resembled that of a pike, and it had no scales: a few soals were found; and Mons. Bougainville is of opinion, that a greater number of those, and many other different kinds of fish, might have been procured, if there had been hands sufficient to have constantly spared a proper number to attend the sea-fishery. The shell-fish found at this place were muscles, a very small kind of shrimp, a crab, the feet of which were blue, and a kind of cray-fish, or prawn, the colour of which was naturally red, without boiling: but our author says, these were only taken through curiosity, as their taste was much inferior to those European fish which are nearly of the same species.

The above is a faithful detail of the natural history of Falkland's islands, as far as it could be learnt by the French settlers, during a residence of three years; if they had continued longer in the country, there is no doubt but that their discoveries would have been greater, and their account more accurate: from such as it is, however, it will probably be thought, by the English reader, that these islands are by no means so barren and inhospitable a spot, as our ministerial writers took the pains to represent [Page] them, as soon as it was known, that our people in power had formed the disgraceful resolution of permitting the prior claim of England to this extensive country, to yeild to the imperious demand of the haughty Spaniards.

It must, indeed, appear evident to the unprejudiced view of the intelligent reader, that these islands might, in the course of a few years, be made a very valuable possession: as they abound in fowl and fish of various useful kinds, while their amphibious animals, the sea-lions and seals, would yeild a quantity of grease and train-oil, which might make no inconsiderable articles of commerce; and what astonishing crops of wheat, barley, and every kind of European grain might not be raised on a tract of land that is many hundred miles in extent! It is true the islands do not naturally produce any trees; but it would be easy to carry thither the seeds of some, and young trees of other kinds; and there is no doubt, but that they would flourish in a country situated, with regard to the south pole, nearly as Ireland is with regard to the north.

As true Englishmen, we cannot help expressing a wish that the day may yet arrive, when some Statesman of sense and spirit may re-urge and insist on the right of Great Britain, to the possession of Falkland's islands. The reader will excuse this digression, and prepare to attend [Page] Mons. Bougainville in the course of his voyage.

After waiting at these islands till the 2d of June 1767, in expectation of the Etoile store-ship, and finding that she did not arrive, Mons. Bougainville considered, that as his vessel would hold no more than six months provisions, and that he had only two on board, it would be an act of rashness to attempt the crossing the great pacific ocean alone; he therefore resolved to steer to Rio Janeiro, at which place he had appointed the Etoile to join him, in case any unforeseen accident should prevent her reaching Falkland's islands before he left the harbour of that place.

They had fine weather from the 2d till the 20th of June, on which day they had sight of the mountains on the main land of Brasil; and they saw the entrance of Rio Janeiro on the day following. A number of fishing-boats being observed near the shore, Mons. Bougainville hoisted Portuguese colours, and ordered a cannon to be fired; on which a boat put off to the ship, and a pilot was engaged to conduct her into the road.

The coast of this country is broken by a number of small hills, which serve to give an agreeable variety to the prospect. The country is rather mountainous, and well clothed with woods.

[Page]The ship having arrived off the Port of Santa Cruz, a Portuguese officer was sent to enquire the reason of her sailing into it; on which Mons. Bougainville sent one of his officers to acquaint the Viceroy of the Brasils, with the motives for his touching there, and to enquire whether if he should salute the fort, the compliment would be returned.

The answer which the French officer received from Count d'Acunha, marks that singular haughtiness and arrogance, for which some of the Portuguese Governors are not a little famous:—the Count said, that when a person bowed to another whom he might casually meet in the street, he was not previously certain that his compliment would be returned, and that if Mons. Bougainville should fire his guns by way of salute, he (the Viceroy) had then to consider what was proper to be done. As this answer was by no means satisfactory to Mons. Bougainville, he, with that spirit of pride becoming a gentleman and an officer, disdained to fire a single gun.

About the same time a canoe was dispatched from the Captain of the Etoile, to inform Mons. Bougainville of the safe arrival of that vessel, which now lay in the port. The Commander, Mons. de la Giraudais, sent word, that instead of leaving France in the month of December, various accidents had combined to detain him two months beyond that time: that [Page] when he had been three months at sea, his rigging was so greatly damaged, and his vessel admitted so much water, that he was obliged to make the harbour of Montevideo, whence he sailed for his present station, and had come to an anchor but a few days before Mons. Bougainville's arrival.

The Etoile had at this time salt provisions sufficient to supply both the vessels for almost a year and a half; but as her stock of bread and legumes was insufficient for the consumption of more than seven weeks, Mons. Bougainville resolved on sailing to Rio de la Plata, to take in a stock of those articles, as neither flour, wheat, nor biscuit could be purchased at Rio Janeiro.

On the 22d of June 1767, Mons. Bougainville and his officers paid a visit to the Viceroy of the Brasils, which was returned three days afterwards on board the Boudeuse; when the Viceroy gave permission for the purchase of a sloop, which our adventurers imagined might be very serviceable during the long voyage they proposed to make. The Chaplain of the Etoile having been murdered, some days before the arrival of the Boudeuse, under the windows of the Viceroy's palace, that gentleman promised that he would endeavour to find out, and severely punish, the perpetrators of the horrid deed; but Mons. Bougainville complains much of his remissness in the execution of this necessary piece of justice.

[Page]The Viceroy, contrary to his usual custom, continued to behave with politeness to the French officers, for several days after this visit; and acquainted them, that he proposed to honour them with an elegant collation in bowers of orange-trees and jasmine, on the banks of the river; and he actually gave orders, that a box at the opera should be assigned for their reception. Here, says our author, a band of mulatoes performed the best pieces of metastasio, while the compositions of the greatest geniuses Italy ever produced, were ‘"executed by an Orchestra, which was under the direction of a hump-backed Priest, in his canonicals."’

We cannot avoid making a remark on the illiberal and ungentleman-like manner in which Monsieur Bougainville recites this part of his narrative; for it would be in a high degree ridiculous to suppose that the Priest, because he had the misfortune to be crooked, should be, by that circumstance, the less qualified to conduct a band; nor can we see, if the works represented were, as our author calls them, divine, the great impropriety of their being under the direction of a Priest, nor of that Priest's being dressed in the habit of his order. The French are ambitious of being accounted the best bred people in the world; they claim a kind of exclusive right to politeness; but they are only the smugglers and monopolizers of that commodity, to the injury of the fair [Page] traders, the English, the Scots, the Hibernians, whose open sincerity, and manly freedom of behaviour, gives the lie to the French assumption of a superior gentility. It is evident, from many instances in Mons. Bougainville's voyage, that a Frenchman can, when he pleases, be guilty of a savage illiberality of conduct, that would disgrace the untutored boor of the wilds of Siberia, or the still more uncultivated savage of the uncivilized parts of America.

At this time there lay in the harbour of Rio de Janeiro, a French ship, called the Morning Star, and a Spanish man of war, named the Diligent; and, while the Viceroy behaved with all imaginable politeness to the Frenchman, he had artfully protracted the stay of the Spaniard no less than eight months, during all which time her Commander had not been able to procure the articles necessary for the repair of his vessel, and without which she could not proceed on her voyage. In this dilemma, Don Francesco de Medina, Captain of the Diligent, applied to Mons. Bougainville, for the assistance of his carpenters and caulkers, who were immediately sent, both from the Boudeuse and the Etoile.

The complaisance with which the Viceroy treated the gentlemen on board the French vessels, surprised the Spaniards, who told them, that they must not long expect so great a share of his favour; and they had soon reason to be [Page] convinced, that the prediction was founded in truth; for though the Viceroy had permitted Mons. Bougainville to purchase a sloop, and he had actually agreed for one, his Excellency thought proper to forbid the delivery of it; and notwithstanding they had contracted with this tyrannical Viceroy for the purchase of some timber from the royal Dock-yards, he afterwards changed his mind, and would not let them have it. He even went so far as to refuse Mons. Bougainville, and the gentlemen on board his ships, permission to lodge in a house near the town, while the Boudeuse was repairing, notwithstanding the owner of the house had consented to accommodate the French officers.

Mons. Bougainville, piqued at these repeated instances of the Viceroy's want of good manners, and his total inattention to the common rights of humanity, determined to pay him a visit, to remonstrate with him on the glaring impropriety of his conduct: taking with him therefore two of his officers, he repaired to the house of the Viceroy, who was agitated with the most furious passion the moment Mons. Bougainville began to speak, and commanded him to leave the house; this, however, he refused to do, but kept his seat for some time, even after the Viceroy had called his guards, who, with more prudence than their master had shewn, neglected to obey his summons, and the French gentlemen left the house, without seeming [Page] to have caused any disturbance. Not long after their departure, an additional number of guards were placed round the palace, and orders were issued, that if any Frenchman should be seen in the streets after the sun was down, he should be taken into custody. The Viceroy likewise commanded the Captain of the French ship named the Morning Star, to quit his present situation, and anchor his vessel under the fort of Villagahon, which order was complied with on the following day.

One of the Portuguese officers was exiled, and another imprisoned, because they had behaved with civility to Mons. Bougainville; and it was easy to foresee, that such of the inhabitants of the place as traded with the French, would experience the consequences of the Viceroy's indignation; every preparation was therefore made to quit a place, which the tyranny of the count de Acunha had rendered so disagreeable. The Captain of the Spanish man of war supplied Mons. Bougainville with timber proper for the repair of his ship, and an inhabitant of Rio Janeiro privately sold him a number of planks, which he was in great want of; and, indeed, the inhabitants in general behaved with a kindness and civility, which fully proved the sense they entertained of the impropriety of the Viceroy's conduct.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of the riches of Rio Janeiro, and the [Page] amount of the revenues arising to the King of Portugal, from the mines of Brasil; these mines we have already given some account of in the former part of this work, but as Mons. Bougainville's account is very interesting, and contains many particulars there unnoticed, we make no doubt but the reader will approve our tracing him with the pen of accuracy and fidelity.

The mines which lie nearest to the city of Rio Janeiro are not less distant than two hundred and twenty miles, and are called the General mines. His most faithful majesty, having a fifth part of the produce of these mines, seldom receives less than one hundred and twelve arobas of gold from their annual produce, and sometimes considerably more.

There are mines at Sero-frio, Sabara, and Rio des Mortes, which are under the jurisdiction of the managers of the general mines. Near Sero-frio is a river, the stream of which being turned out of its usual channel, diamonds, topazes, chrysolites, and other valuable stones, are found among the pebbles in the bed of the river; nor are any diamonds brought from the Brasils but what are found in this particular spot.

The stones thus found are deemed the property of the owners of the mines; but the King of Portugal has appointed a surveyor, to whom they must give in an account of what diamonds are found with the utmost exactness. These the surveyor puts into a casket which has three [Page] locks, and is enclosed in iron plates; the Viceroy keeping one of the keys, the Provador de Hazienda Reale the second, and the surveyor the third. This casket, and the keys with which it is locked, are then enclosed in a second casket, on which these three gentlemen affix their seals; and this again is placed in a third, on which the Viceroy puts his seal, and thus ships the treasure for Portugal, where the coffers are opened in the presence of his most faithful majesty, who having selected such of the diamonds as he pleases, the owners of the mines are paid for them, at a rate stipulated by a previous agreement.

The number of slaves employed in searching for diamonds is about eight hundred, and for every day's labour of each of these slaves the King of Portugal receives a Spanish dollar from the proprietors of the mines.

It is extremely dangerous for any person to secrete a diamond; yet the practice is very common, as the smuggled goods can be so easily hidden. When a person is detected in this illicit trade, if he is rich he is sentenced to deliver up the diamonds, pay twice their value, suffer one year's imprisonment, and then be banished to the coast of Africa for life: but if the offender be poor, he is generally doomed to suffer capitally.

In every district of the Brasils where gold is found, a house is erected, to which it must be [Page] carried, and the King's share paid, the rest is sent to Rio Janeiro, where it is melted into wedges, and in that state returned to the owners: these wedges being numbered, and stamped with the King's arms, the weight is marked on each wedge: the gold is likewise assayed, and the alloy stamped on it, for the greater expedition when it comes to be coined.

About ninety miles from Rio Janeiro is a place called Praybuna, where there is an office for the registering the ingots which are the property of private people; and as all persons coming from the mines must necessarily pass this place, two military officers are stationed here, who have fifty men under their command, whose business it is strictly to examine, that no illicit trade is carried on; so that every one who passes is obliged to submit to the strictest search. At this place, exclusive of the tax to the King, men and beasts of burden are taxed with a farther toll of a real and a half each, the half of which becomes the property of the officers and soldiers, and the other half goes to his Portuguese Majesty.

The ingots of gold which belong to private people having been registered at Praybuna, are then carried to Rio Janeiro, where the proprietors are paid their value in demi-doubloons▪ which are worth about thirty shillings each o [...] English money; but there is a profit to the King for alloy, and for coining these demi-doubloons, [Page] of about four shillings and six-pence on each. The mint at Rio Janeiro is a most noble building, admirably adapted for the purpose of coining money, which is performed with the most astonishing expedition; and this, indeed, is rendered necessary, because two Portuguese fleets usually arrive nearly at the same time that the gold is brought from the mines.

The fleet which arrives from Porto brings coarse cloth, several articles of food, with brandy, wines, and vinegar; and this, with the fleet which comes from Lisbon, occasions Rio Janeiro to be a place of very considerable trade; the effects on being landed, are charged with a duty of ten per cent. to his Portuguese Majesty.

Soon after the earthquake at Lisbon, in the year 1755, an impost of two and a half per cent. under the denomination of a free gift to the King, was laid on all goods landed at Rio Janeiro, so that the whole duty paid is no less than twelve and a half per cent. The latter duty is instantly paid on the goods being brought on shore, but the officers of the custom-house will take security for the payment of the former at the expiration of half a year.

There are two districts, named Pratacon and Quiaba, the mines of which produce diamonds; but no person is permitted to seek for them, that the market may not be overstocked; for it [Page] is evident that, to make diamonds plentiful, would be to render them of little value.

His Portuguese Majesty is at an expence of about one hundred and forty-five thousand pounds sterling, annually, for repairing of the ships and public buildings, working the mines, and paying all his servants, civil and military.

The following account will shew what value, in sterling money, arises annually to his most faithful Majesty, from the royal revenues of Rio de Janeiro.

| DOLLARS.
The King's fifths are generally, one year with another, about one hundred and fifty arobas of gold, which make, in Spanish dollars, | 1,125,000
The duty on diamonds amounts to | 240,000
The profit arising from the coinage of money is | 400,000
The duty of ten per cent. paid at the custom house is | 350,000
The free gift of two and a half per cent. amounts to about | 87,000
Various produces of the mines, with the poll tax, and monies arising from the sale of offices and employments, | 225,000
[Page] | DOLLARS.
A duty laid on negro slaves, produces | 110,000
A tenth on all the food of the country, and the taxes on soap, salt and train-oil, bring in a revenue of | 130,000
Total value in dollars | 2,667,000

Hence it will appear, that the revenues arising to the King of Portugal from Rio Janeiro are something more, annually, than four hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling, reckoning the dollars at four shillings and six-pence each.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his leaving Rio Janeiro, and his second voyage to Montevideo; of which we shall carefully select as many particulars as may afford either instruction or entertainment to the reader.

On the 14th of July 1767, the anchors of the Boudeuse and Etoile were weighed; but as the wind abated soon afterwards, they were obliged again to bring to, before they could get out of the harbour. They sailed, however, on the following day; and in the night of the 19th, the main-top-sail of the Boudeuse was carried away by the violence of the wind.

[Page]On board of Mons. Bougainville's ship was a professor of astronomy, who had made the expedition with a view of discovering the longitude at sea; and as an eclipse of the sun was to happen on the 25th of the month, great hopes were formed, that an opportunity would thereby be obtained of making the wished-for discovery: but it happened, that these sanguine hopes were all frustrated, by the intervention of clouds, which obscured the face of the sun almost during the whole time of the eclipse.

On the morning of the 28th our adventurers had sight of the Castilles, at the distance of something more than thirty miles. They saw the entrance of a bay, which Mons. Bougainville conjectures to be the same on the banks of which the Spaniards have erected a fort. The vessels sailed into the Rio de la Plata, and were within fight of the Maldonados on the 29th; early in the morning of the 31st, they had a view of the Isle of Lobos, and before night came to an anchor in the Bay of Montevideo.

The ships were no sooner anchored, than the Governor sent a gentleman on board Mons. Bougainville's vessel, who acquainted him, that most of the Jesuits in those parts had been lately seized, and their estates confiscated, in consequence of an order received from the Court of Spain: that these devoted victims of superior power had scarcely made the least resistance; that they bore their misfortunes with a [Page] degree of patience and calm submission that did them honour; and that no less than forty of them had been taken away in the vessel which brought the orders for their disgrace.

As it was necessary that Mons. Bougainville should remain in his present station till the equinox was passed, his first care was to build an hospital for the sick, and to take lodgings at Montevideo. This being done, he repaired to Buenos Ayres, in order to hasten the provision of such necessaries as he wanted, for which he was to pay the same price as the King of Spain usually gave for the same commodities.

Mons. Bougainville was also desirous of conversing with the Governor-general Don Francisco Buccarelli, on the behaviour of the Governor of Rio Janeiro; and he soon learnt, that Don Buccarelli, instead of making reprisals on the Viceroy of the Brasils, which he could have done, very much to the prejudice of Portugal, had, more prudently, only sent a narrative of his proceedings to the Court of Spain.

Don Buccarelli was so obligingly ready to supply Mons. Bougainville with such articles as he stood in need of, that in less than three weeks two small vessels sailed for Montevideo, with ladings of flour and biscuit for the use of the French ships. Mons. Bougainville also sailed to Montevideo, leaving an inferior officer at Buenos Ayres, to see the remainder of their provisions shipped.

[Page]They now expected to sail in a short time, when an accident happened that detained them some weeks beyond the intended period. A Spanish register-ship being at anchor, a violent hurricane arose in the night, and driving her against the Etoile, carried away part of the head of that vessel, and broke her bowsprit on a level with the deck.

The leaks of the Etoile being encreased by this accident, it was absolutely necessary that she should undergo a thorough repair; but as there was not timber enough at Montevideo for this purpose, Mons. Bougainville obtained Don Buccarelli's permission, that she might sail up the river, to the Encenada de Baragan, which is a little bay formed by its mouth; and in this bay, by the 21st of October, she was put in a condition proper for sailing, and began to take in the necessary provisions.

In the road of Encenada Mons. Bougainville found a frigate and several merchant-ships which were bound for Europe, and two Spanish vessels, which having taken in a store of ammunition and provisions, were bound to Falkland's islands; and from thence to the South Seas, to take on board the Jesuits of Peru and Chili. Two Xebecks likewise lay here, one of which was loaded with presents from his most Catholic Majesty, to the inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, in grateful testimony of his sense of their generous conduct towards the crew of the ship [Page] Conception, which was wrecked on their coasts about two years before.

The inhabitants of the country on the banks of the Encenada de Baragan live in poor mean huts, which are constructed with rushes, having a covering of leather. These are built in a very irregular manner, on a miserably barren soil, and the country around them is so poor, that the people find it very difficult to procure the necessaries of life.

From the road of Encenada de Baragan five ships sailed for Spain, having on board most of the French families which had quitted Falkland's islands, and two hundred and fifty Jesuits. About this time two Spanish register ships arrived, one of them had been no less than seven months in her passage from Europe, above six weeks of which were expended in the doubling of Cape Horn, where the fury of the winds was such as to carry away her rudder, and lay her under the necessity of seeking shelter in this port. When she arrived she had buried no less than thirty-nine of her men, and almost all the rest were so enfeebled by the scurvy, that only a few of the officers, and three of the fore mast-men were able to do their duty towards navigating the vessel. Mons. Bougainville, with the greatest humanity, sent a number of his crew on board her, by which she was enabled to reach the harbour of Montevideo.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his sailing from Montevideo to the island of St. Elizabeth, which includes a narrative of what passed on his interview with the Patagonians, and several other interesting particulars till he reached the isle of St. Elizabeth.

The Etoile sailed from the Encenada on the 30th of October, and the Boudeuse on the day following, having on board provisions for ten months, and soon reached Montevideo, having lost three men in that short passage, by a boat, in which they were sitting running fowl under the ship at a time when she was wearing; two other men who were in the boat were with much difficulty saved, and the boat was recovered.

Early in the morning of the 14th of November, 1767, they sailed from Montevideo, with a fine gale of wind at north, being in sight of land till the evening. On the 16th and the five following days, the sea ran high, and the wind was contrary, so that they were obliged to reef their top-sails. On the 22d the wind blew a perfect storm, which continued all the succeeding night in squalls, attended with rain; the Etoile made a signal of distress, but the violence of the gale would not admit of any assistance being given them. As the waves became less mountainous, by the abating of the wind in the morning, Mons. Bougainville hailed the Etoile, to make enquiry into what damage she had sustained in the late violent storm; when he learnt [Page] that several of her chain plates, and her fore-top-sail-yard had been carried away, and that she had lost almost all the cattle which had been purchased at Montevideo: the Boudeuse had likewise lost most of her cattle, but had sustained no other damage.

The winds were at this time very uncertain, frequently changing during the remainder of the month, and the currents were so violent, as to drive the vessels as far as the forty-fifth degree of south latitude. They now concluded, that they were between thirty and forty degrees from the coast of Patagonia; and, at length, when they had soundings with a line of forty fathom, they had sight of Cape Virgins; the same land which Sir John Narborough and Commodore Anson have distinguished by the name of Cape Virgin Mary.

As Mons. Bougainville had, during a former voyage, discovered a sunken rock in forty-eight degrees and a half of south latitude, he avoided coming too near the shore till he was in forty-nine degrees; the person who had formerly first seen this rock, imagined it had been a grampus, and the ship had sailed within considerably less than a mile of it.

It was on the 2d of December that they had s [...]ht of Cape Virgins, about which time they made all the sail possible, as the wind was in their favour. They now saw a number of Al [...]rosses, and petrels, the last of which Mons. [Page] Bougainville says are a sign of bad weather, whenever they are seen. They also beheld penguins, seals, and whales in considerable numbers. He says, that the skins of the whale appeared to be covered with small worms, very much like those which are observed to adhere to the bottoms of old vessels which he rotting in harbour. Some white birds, not unlike pigeons, but of a larger size, now perched on the yards of the Boudeuse.

Soon after they had sight of Cape Virgins they made the land of Terra del Fuego, and for several successive days, they contended with tempests and contrary winds. On the 3d of December, the wind blowing favourable for a short time, they made their best efforts to reach the entrance of the streights of Magellan; but the wind soon fell to a dead calm, and thick fogs clouded the whole coast of the country: in a few hours the breeze again sprang up, but, as by this time night came on, they were obliged to ply to the windward.

Early in t [...]e morning of the 4th the wind being favour [...], they again stood in for land, when [...] weather and rain preventing the [...] having [...]ght of the coast, they were obliged to keep [...]; it cleared up, however, in a short time, when they made another attempt to enter the streight; but the wind [...], the fog growing th [...]cker, and a storm [...] compelled to lay to, between [Page] the main land, and the two shores of Terra del Fuego.

On the 4th of December the fore-sail of the Boudeuse was split by the fury of the winds, and as at this time they were in no deeper water than twenty fathom, they determined to scud under their bare poles, lest they should run fowl of some breakers which lie off Cape Virgins, to the south south-east.

They now made other fruitless attempts to enter the streight, sometimes being within sight of the Cape, and at other times at a considerable distance from it. Mons. Bougainville says that the view of this Cape, as given in Anson's voyage, is exact in every respect.

The night of the 5th was spent in standing off and on; and early in the morning of the sixth they were in sight of Cape Possession, and likewise of Terra del Fuego. They now took the advantage of a westerly tide, and tried to get close to the coast of Patagonia. They kept sounding all the night between the sixth and seventh, not sailing to a greater distance from the coast than three leagues. What they had gained by plying to the windward, they lost by the opposition of the currents, and about noon on the 7th were back in their former station.—What man in his senses, who reads accounts like these, would hazard the imminent dangers of such seas, for the honour of having made a [Page] new discovery, or the pride of saying, that he had circumnavigated the globe!

This day they had sight of Cape Orange, which forms the first narrow pass in the streights. This narrow pass Mons. Bougainville called goulet, which is not improperly translated gut. It is rather more than forty miles from Cape Virgins to this first gut, and the streights, for th [...]s distance, are of different breadths, of seldom less than five, or more than seven leagues. On the north coast the land is high and healthy, and has a regular appearance, as far as Cape Possession, in the bays of which there are several dangerous rocks, opposite to the two hillocks, to which Sir John Narborough gave the name of the Asses Ears.

In the afternoon, when they had reached the entrance of the gut, though the wind blew fresh, and all their sails were set, the tide ran with so great force, that they were driven backwards, instead of advancing in their voyage.

In the evening the ships were anchored in Possession Bay, and on the eighth, by the assistance of a strong breeze, they stemmed the tide; and afterwards, by making different tacks, they got through the first narrow entrance of the gut, with the wind right against them.

During the preceding night they had observed fires on the shore, and this morning they discovered a white flag, which the Patagonians had erected on a [...]ing ground; on which a [Page] white flag was likewise hoisted at the mast-head of each vessel. The flag which these Patagonians had put up, was one given to them by the Commander of the Etoile, when that ship lay in Boucault's Bay, in the month of June 1766, so that it is pretty evident, that the people were the same. Mons. Bougainville speaks in very grateful terms of the care these Indians had taken to preserve the flag.

While the ships were passing the abovementioned gut, a number of men, clothed in the skins of beasts, were observed on Terra del Fuego, who ran along the shore with their utmost expedition, in order to keep pace with the vessels: they likewise frequently beckoned with their hands, as if they wished our voyagers to land. The Spaniards say, that the inhabitants of that part of Terra del Fuego, are less savage in their manners than most other native Indians. When Mons. Bougainville sailed from Rio de la Plata, a Spanish ship was on the point of sailing thence, to convey some Priests, to instruct these people in the doctrines of Christianity.

The ships having come to an anchor in the afternoon, in Boucault's Bay, several officers from each vessel, having fire arms with them, embarked in boats, and went ashore at the bottom of the bay. The common sailors were ordered to remain in the boats, and to keep them afloat: the gentlemen were no sooner landed, [Page] than half a dozen of the natives came riding up to them, on the full speed. When they were advanced within fifty yards of the French, they dismounted, and came forward, pronouncing the word Shawa. Having come up quite close, they held out their arms, and laid them on those of the officers, whom they shook hands with, and embraced, repeatedly saying Shawa, which word was repeated by Mons. Bougainville and his officers.

An Englishman, on reading the above passage, may be allowed to make a remark on the singular politeness of these savages, manifested by the circumstance of embracing; but he will not pay so vile a compliment to the delicacy of the uninstructed Patagonian, as to suppose, that he made the first advance towards a salute: on the contrary, it is but a piece of justice due to the superior good-breeding of the French, to conclude, that they taught the savages that worst rudiment of all politeness, that most filthy deviation from all decent and manly behaviour, the shocking custom of men kissing each other! An Englishman of virtuous principles and refined ideas, would scorn to kiss his own son, whom he had not seen for a twelvemonth, if the boy but approached to his teens: no! let the manly shake of the hand, and the generous effusion of the heart from the lips, be the only expressions of affection, duty or politeness, between man and man. Let our embraces [Page] be reserved for those amiable creatures, to whom God and Nature have taught us they are due.

The Patagonians appeared to be much pleased with the company of their new friends; but it was observed, that some of them had a mixture of fear imprinted on their countenances: this, however, was soon removed by the hospitality of the officers, who sent to the boats for bread and cakes, which were as readily devoured as they were chearfully given. More of the Indians soon approached, among whom were some children. They expressed no kind of surprise at the sight of their visitants, and seemed not to be unacquainted with the use of firearms, as appeared by their making a noise which resembled the report of a gun. The good nature of these people was expressed in all their actions: some of the French gentlemen being engaged in collecting plants, the Patagonians no sooner saw what kinds they collected, than they immediately began to pull up and bring the same sorts. One of them seeing an officer engaged in this employment, went to him, and pointing to his eye, which had received an injury, intimated his wish, that some herb might be shewn him, the virtues of which would cure the disorder: and this was deemed to be a conclusive proof, that they had an idea of the medicinal virtues of herbs.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville received from these Patagonians a number of skins of the guanacoe and other beasts, in exchange for a few trinkets, on which they seemed to set a great value. Some of the gentlemen having red cloaths on, the natives advanced, and stroked them with their hands, seeming highly delighted with every thing of that colour; they also made signs for some tobacco, and as often as any thing was given them, they cried out shawa, in a very loud and disagreeable tone.

A small quantity of brandy being given to each of the Patagonians, they had no sooner drank it, than they struck their hands repeatedly against their throats, and blew with their mouths, so as to produce a kind of trembling sound, at the conclusion of which they had a singular quivering of the lips.

The evening now advanced, and the gentlemen prepared to return to their ships, which was no sooner observed by the Indians, than their uneasiness was expressed in their countenances, and they intimated, by signs, that they wished them to remain longer, as they expected more of their brethren. The French, on the contrary, made signs that they would come again the next day, and bring such articles as the natives had requested of them.

Mons. Bougainville and his party now walked towards their boats, accompanied by the Indians, one of whom sung songs till they reached [Page] the coast, and several of them went into the water as far as where the boats lay, where they seized on all the articles they could put their hands on; but when they saw they were observed, they made no scruple to return them.

As the boats were rowing off, many more Patagonians were observed galloping down to [...] countrymen; and the crews of the boats now cried out Shawa, so loud that the people on shore could not fail to hear them.

Mons. Bougainville says, that these Indians were the same which were seen by the crew of the Etoile, in the year 1765, for one of the seamen recollected a person among them whom he had before seen. These people are well trade, and appear to be about the height described by other voyagers. Our author says, that it is the thickness of their limbs, the largeness of their heads, and the extraordinary breadth of their shoulders, that make them appear to be of a gigantic race.

The colour of the Patagonians is brown, as is that of all the native Americans, in whatever climate they are born. Their muscles are strong, and their nerves well braced; and as their food abounds in juices proper for the nourishment of the human frame, it is no wonder that they arrive at their full growth. Their eyes are sparkling, their teeth extremely white, and their faces round, but rather flat; and many of them are very comely men. Some of them [Page] have whiskers, which grow long, but are very thin; and they all tie their hair, which is long and black, on the t [...]p of the head; the cheeks of some of them are painted red. Their language has an agreeable and melodious sound. Our voyagers did not see any of the Patagonian w [...]men; though it was conjectured, that the men intended to have brought them from a [...] camp, which appeared to be about three miles distant.

These people wear a piece of leather round the [...] and a kind of cloak made of skins, which [...] to the bottom of the leg, and is girt round the body; the part which would otherwise cover the shoulders, [...] permitted to fall back, so that the greater part of the body is left naked, [...] the climate is so cold as, apparently, to requ [...]re more covering than the whole which they wear; [...] orcustom will harden the human [...] the rigour of the most inclement [...].

It was in the summer when Mons. Bougainv [...]lle was on the coast of Patagonia, yet, he says, there was only a single day on which the therm [...]me [...]er was observed to rise to ten degrees higher than the freezing point.

The rest of the dress of the Patagonians consisted of a [...] of half boots, made of the skin of the [...], and left open at the back part of the l [...]g. A few of them wore on the thigh a ring made of copper, two inches in breadth; [Page] and the necks of two very young men were adorned with beads.

Some small knives, of the manufacture of England, were seen in their possession; which our author very properly concludes were the gift of Commodore Byron; and their only arms consisted of a twisted gut, in the two ends of which were enclosed a round p [...]bble; and weapons of that kind, he says, are used in all that part of the American continent.

Their horses are very poor, and of a small size; and the saddles and bridles were such as are used by the natives of Rio de la Plata. One of these people was observed to have gilt nails on his saddle, stirrups made of wood, enclosed with copper, a bridle made of leather, twisted, and a compleat Spanish harness.

Their food consists chiefly of guanacoes and vicunnas, and they eat both the flesh and marrow of those animals. They devour this meat raw, with great avidity, and carry it with them on their horses. Fresh water being very scarce in this country, the horses drink the sea water, as do likewise their dogs, which are both small and ugly.

It was observed, that some of them pronounced capitan, chi [...], bueno, and other [...]panish words. Mons. Bougainville concludes, that the Patagonians lead the same kind of life as the Tartars, as they are always on horseback, traversing immense plains, in pursuit of wild [Page] beasts and game; and he imagines that they also, like the Tartars, plunder the caravans of travellers; but this remark seems equally cruel and unjust, from his own account of the singular friendship and kindness with which they treated himself and his fellow-voyagers. Our author concludes this part of his narrative by saying, that he has ‘"since found a nation in the south [...]acific ocean, which is taller than the Patagonians."’

Mons Bougainville tells us, that the soil of this country is extremely dry, and very much like that of Falkland's islands: the coast, likewise, exhibits the same kind of sea-weeds, and shells of similar sorts are strewed upon the beach. The country produces shrubs, but affords no woods for shelter.

On the [...]th of December, 1767, all the sails of the vessels were set, to make head against the fury of the tide; but they were obliged again to come to an anchor, after sailing only three miles. During two whole days the weather was so tempestuous, that not a boat could put off from the ships, which was a mortifying circumstance, as great num [...]rs of the Patagonians were by this time got t [...]ther, on the [...]ot where they had conversed with the officers, who were concerned that they were not able to keep t [...]r promise with these friendly people, w [...]ose little wants might have been easily suppl [...]ed. [...], by the help of glasses, that [Page] they had built several huts on the shore, and it was observed, that some of them were constantly galloping backwards and forwards from this place to a spot, where it was supposed the main body of them lay.

Early on the morning of the 12th the Boudeuse lost an anchor, by the parting of the cable; soon after which they set all their sails, and by the assistance of the ebb-tide, and a favourable wind, they got through the second gut in the afternoon, and anchored on the north-side of the isle of Elizabeth.

As they were detained here two days, by tempestuous weather, and contrary winds, Mons. Bougainville resolved to land on the isle of Elizabeth, where he met with a few bustards, that were at this time hatching their eggs, but these birds were so intimidated at the sight of our adventurers, that they could not approach near enough to have even a single shot at them. The island produces no wood, but only a kind of heath, which might supply its place as fuel f [...]r the fire. The water of this place is brackish, and the soil extremely dry. Several places were likewise observed, which had been marshes, but had become dry, and the ground on some parts of them were covered with a thin crust of salt. It was evident that this island was occasionally visited by the Indians, as the shells of some fish they had eaten were found, near [Page] where a dead dog was lying, and where it was plain that fires had been made.

Our adventurers were now on the point of entering that part of the streights of Magellan which abounds in woods, and the principal difficulties were already overcome.

On the afternoon of the 30th the anchors were weighed, and they sailed, with a violent wind, in a channel between the islands of St. Barthelemi and Lions, and that of Elizabeth. They were now obliged to coast the last named island, to steer clear of a number of breakers, with which the other islands are encompassed. Having sailed beyond Cape Noir, they observed that the country had a pleasant appearance, being almost every where covered with woods, which afforded a most delightful prospect to the eye.

In the evening the weather became suddenly calm and pleasant, so that Mons. Bougainville pleased himself with the hope of being able to double Cape Round before the morning; but in this climate the most flattering appearances are by no means to be relied on; a truth that was fully evinced in the present instance: for soon after twelve at night the wind suddenly shifted, and blew most violently, bringing with it storms of hail, and deluges of rain, while a fog, apparently impenetrable, covered the whole coast.

[Page]The main-sail of the Boudeuse being split by this storm, they endeavoured to make Port Famine, where they hoped to be sheltered from the tempest; but this attempt was fruitless; for the violence of the current was such, that they lost nine miles in as many hours, and were hurried with amazing rapidity into a large bay, formed by part of the coast of Terra del Fu [...]go, which Mons. Bougainville called Bay Duclos, from the name of the officer who was next in command under the Commodore of the expedition, and whose knowledge and experi [...]nce are mentioned as circumstances highly advantageous to the enterprize.

This Bay is described as being very convenient for ships to anchor in, on account of the westerly winds blowing over the coast. Two small rivers discharge their streams into the bay, the water of which is excellent at about a quarter of a mile from the sea coast, though nearer than that distance it is impregnated with [...] particles. The landing-place is a sandy beach, above which a pleasant meadow stretches itself to a considerable distance. Behind this meadow the woods raise their lofty heads, and form a kind of amphitheatre. Our adventurers traversed a considerable tract of the country, without meeting with any living animal, except a very few parroquets, bustards, ducks, teals, and two or three snipes.

[Page]Several huts were seen at the mouth of a river, which had been constructed by twisting branches or trees into the form of an oven. In these huts were found large numbers of limpets, muscles, and calcined shells; and the huts themselves appeared to have been recently made. Our adventurers going some miles up the river, observed the tr [...]ck of human creatures, and remarked, that the flood came from the east at the rising of the tide, which they had not before observed in any other part of the streights.

The seamen were now engaged in cutting wood till the 16th, when the vessels sailed with a favourable wind, and passed Point St. Anne, which covers Port Famine, a bay so called, on account of the disastrous fate of the colony formerly establish [...]d on its borders by the too adventrous Spaniards.

Mons. Bougainville observes, that the shores of this country are covered with wood, and are remarkably steep: those of Terra del Fuego, he says, are horrible to behold; and that ‘"mountains those are covered with a blueish snow as old as the creation:"’—These are his own words; but with all submission to the learning and penetration of our ingenious voyager, we cannot conceive by what kind of intuition, he came to know that the snow had lain on these mountains more than five thousand years; or even that it had not fallen within [Page] five days of the time he saw it. It is no breach of Christian charity to observe, that these Frenchmen are as finished coxcombs in their writings, as they are in every part of their dress and behaviour. It is hoped that Englishmen will be cautious how they imitate them in either particular.

There are four bays proper for the anchoring of vessels, between Cape Forward and Cape Round; and two of these bays are separated by a Cape of a most singular kind, which consists of petrified shells, laying horizontally, and rising more than fifty yards above the level of the sea. Mons. Bougainville took soundings at the foot of this Cape, but a line of an hundred fathom would not reach the bottom.

As the ships were now becalmed for two hours, our Commodore took this opportunity of taking the soundings near, and the bearings of Cape Forward, which he mentions as the most southerly point of land, on the continent, in the known world, and he fixes its latitude at fifty-four degrees, five minutes, and forty-five seconds, south. Its surface consists of two hills, something more than two miles in extent, one of which is considerably higher than the other. The tops of these hills are covered with snow, which gradually melting by the warmth of the sun, supply with perpetual moisture the roots of trees which are fixed in the crevices of the rock.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville and his party landed on a small rock, which barely afforded room for four persons to stand on, and here they hoisted the colours of the boat, and repeatedly shouted Vive le Roi. Our author mentions it with an air of triumph, that these rocks now resounded for the first time, with this compliment to the grand Monarche. A striking instance of the vanity by which the French nation is distinguished!

Having returned to the ship, and the wind coming about favourable, Mons. Bougainville sailed in search of a harbour, which received the name of French Bay, where he resolved to take in a quantity of wood and water, as a supply during their voyage across the great South-Sea. In consequence of this resolution all the boats were instantly hoisted out, with a view to begin this necessary business the next morning.

The night proving excessively stormy and [...], it was passed in fears and apprehensions which baffle all description.

Early in the morning a boat was sent out to sound the mouth of a river which had been previ [...]usly denominated G [...]es' River, from the name of a g [...]ntleman who was a partaker in the dangers and hardships of this expedition. As it was low water when the boat reached the shore, her crew could not land without running her a-ground on a sand; and it was evident, that the larger boats could only make the shore

[Page]

Monsieur Bougainville Hoisting the French Colours on a small [...]

[Page] at high water, so that their wood and water could be brought on board only once a day. For these reasons Mons. Bougainville determined to anchor in a small bay about three miles distant, called after his own name, where he had, in the year 1765, taken in a loading of wood for Falkland's islands.

Bougainville bay, to which they now sailed, is surrounded by high mountains, which secure it from the winds blowing from every point of the compass, so that the surface of the water is unruffled even by a single breeze.

Having cast their anchors in this bay, and made fast the vessels by means of hawsers tied to some trees on the coast, they landed, and found two Indian huts, constructed of the branches of trees, but they did not appear to have been lately inhabited. In the year 1765 Mons. Bougainville had caused a hut of bark to be erected on this spot, in which he left some trifles, by way of present to such of the natives as might happen to wander that way; on this hut he had put up a white flag; but both the presents and the flag had been taken away, and the hut levelled with the ground.

On the morning of the 18th of December a kind of camp was formed on shore, by way of guarding the effects which were landed, and protecting the men who were to be employed in taking in wood and water. Small ponds were now dug, for the accommodation of those [Page] destined to wash the linen, and the water casks were sent on shore to be repaired. The crew of the Eagle having, in 1765, cut down many more trees than were wanted for that vessel, the labour of this task was saved to our present adventurers, who were likewise happy in finding roads ready made through the woods, for the convenience of bringing down the timber to the sea-shore. At this place the remainder of the month was spent in the necessary employment above-mentioned, and in repairing the ships, particularly the Etoile, which had so large a leak in her stem, that most of the hands on board her were fatigued beyond expression, by standing at the pumps, alternately, night and day.

The astronomer, Mons. Verron, now landed on a little island, which was denominated the Isle of Observatory, from its being a place admirably calculated for the making astronomical observations; but his labours were fruitless, owing to the cloudiness of the weather, which is almost perpetual in this country. At some periods, however, the sun appeared free from clouds, and melted a part of the snow which had lodged on the mountains of the main land. Whenever this fine weather happened, the prince of Nassau, attended by Mons. de Commerçon, a celebrated botanist, went in search of plants and herbs, and they were very successful in their researches: but the gentlemen who endeavoured [Page] to fish, or to hunt for animals, met with no such good fortune, for they never catched even a single fish, nor ever saw any quadruped but one fox, which was killed by the party employed in collecting the stores.

Mons. Bougainville having formed a resolution of taking a survey of the coasts of the main land, and likewise of those of Terra del Fuego, he embarked in his boat, early in the morning of the 22d, accompanied by two gentlemen, who proposed to sail with him as far as Cape Holland. The weather was calm and serene at their first setting out; but the wind soon varied to different points of the compass, and blew a hurricane, which obliged our adventurers to take shelter in the mouth of a small river. Having gained the desired port, they waited in the hope that the storm would abate, till they were almost benumbed with the cold, and wet to the skin with the rain; they therefore landed, and cutting down some branches of trees, erected a kind of hut, in order to shelter them during the night. ‘"These huts (says Mons. Bougainville) serve as palaces to the natives of these climates; but we had not yet learnt their custom of living in them."’

It continued to rain incessantly, and was at the same time so cold, that the gentlemen found their present situation untenable; they therefore sheltered themselves as well as they could under the sail of the boat, and kept up a large fire all [Page] night, which was tempestuous in a very high degree. In the morning they hastened to their boat, and returned to the ship, happy, by that means, to avoid the effects of the growing tempest, which soon became so violent, that it would have prevented their returning at all. For two days after this it snowed continually, so that the mountains were covered, notwithstanding it was now midsummer, and the sun appeared almost eighteen hours in the four and twenty.

When the storm had subsided, Mons. Bougainville formed the resolution of going on a second expedition, which he flattered himself would be attended with more success. Accordingly, early in the morning of the 27th (the barge of the Etoile, and the long-boat of the Boudeuse, having been armed with swivel guns and muskets) our adventurers embarked with the prince of Nassau, and two other gentlemen, and sailed for the coast of Terra del Fuego, where they arrived in about six hours; and finding a number of huts, which the natives had left in a delightful wood on the sea-coast, they there sat down, and made a most agreeable repast.

After dinner they coasted the country for a considerable time, and then crossed an inlet, which Mons. Bougainville conjectures to be a streight which leads to the sea, at no great distance from Cape Horn. This conjecture is [Page] founded partly on the width of the inlet, which is not less than six miles, and partly on the observing a prodigious number of whales in that part of the sea.

When our adventurers had almost reached the opposite side of the inlet, they saw a number of fires on the coast, and soon afterwards discovered several of the inhabitants on the point of a bay. Towards this place they immediately steered; and they had no sooner landed, than Mons. Bougainville recollected, that these Indians were the same people whom he had seen on his former voyage in the streights, and whom he had then distinguished by the name of Pecherais, because these savages were perpetually making use of that word, in the same manner as the Patagonians did that of Shawa.

The number of the Pecherais that had thus assembled was about forty, of both sexes, and all ages, and they had several canoes in an adjacent creek. As the evening advanced, Mons. Bougainville could not stay long with his old acquaintance, but left them, in order to reach an inlet, where he proposed to spend the night; but as the time would not permit the accomplishing his wish, he landed on the banks of a river, and having caused tents to be made of the sails of the boats, and a large fire to be made, the party spent the night in perfect safety, and much to their satisfaction.

[Page]On the following day it was found that the inlet above-mentioned was an excellent port, wherein ships might be sheltered against every dangerous wind; and in which the ground is admirably calculated to afford the best and safest anchorage. From the elegance and convenience of this bay and port it received the name of Beaubassin [the beautiful harbour.] Mons. Bougainville mentions this place as equally convenient for the careening of ships, and for the taking in wood and water.

That no necessary information respecting so commodious a harbour might be lost, the Commodore left Mons. Bournard there, to take the most exact account of every thing that might be thought worthy of notice, and he was then to return, in the long-boat, to the ships. In the mean time Mons. Bougainville and a part of his company embarked in the barge, and rowing to the westward, discovered an island, on the coast of which several of the natives were employed in fishing. Before the evening our voyagers arrived at a bay, which received the name of de la Cormorandiere; from a rock which appeared at about a mile distant ftom it.

Early in the morning of the 29th Mons. Bougainville departed from this bay, and sailed between two islands, to which he gave the name of the two Sisters, they are situated about nine miles from Cape Forward. Soon after this they discovered a mountain, of a conical

[Page]

A Prospective View of the great Cascade in Cascade Bay.

[Page] form, which they called the Sugar Loaf; and, in the course of the day they arrived at a commodious bay, at the bottom of it there is a most excellent port, into which falls a very singular cascade. For these reasons the place received the name of the Bay and Port of the Cascade. It is represented as a place highly proper for taking in wood and water, and very safe to anchor in.

The stream of a small river which seeks its way between a number of lofty hills, forms this water-fall, which descends perpendicularly down the side of the rock above a hundred yards. Mons. Bougainville went to the top of the cascade, and made his remarks on the appearance of the adjacent country, in some parts of which there are small plains which produce a kind of spungy moss, and in others the ground is covered with thickets of wood. The plants and trees are of the same kind as those which the coast of Patagonia produces; and the whole face of the country has much the appearance of Falkland's islands, except the want of trees at the latter place. On the whole, our author says, that all that part of Terra del Fuego, from the present spot, to that which lies opposite Elizabeth island, consists only of large and mountainous islands, the summits of which are clothe dwith perpetual snow. Mons Bougainville searched in this place to find the traces of inhabitants, but he did not succeed; and he is [Page] of opinion, that the natives of Terra del Fuego seldom, if ever, depart from the sea shores, because on those they obtain the necessaries of life.

Our adventurers remained at Port Cascade, during the night of the 29th, which was rendered highly disagreeable by incessant rain, and intense cold; and on the morning of the following day they crossed the streight with a boisterous wind and a rough sea, which rendered the navigation dangerous to so small a vessel. The rain kept pouring down almost the whole of this day, which was employed in viewing the coast, and making such remarks as may be useful to future navigators. Our voyagers had now a very narrow escape with their lives, the boat having been nearly overset in crossing a bay, owing to a mistake of the steersman in the management of the helm. At length, however, they got safe on board the Boudeuse, and as the commanding officer, during Mons. Bougainville's absence, had shipped every thing that was necessary, preparations were immediately made for sailing.

They departed from Bougainville Bay in the afternoon of the 31st of December, 1767, and in the evening came to an anchor in the road of Port Galant, which is situated at the bottom of Fortescue Bay, where they were detained no less than three weeks, by such bad weather, as the inhabitants of these milder climes cannot form an adequate idea of.

[Page]On the first of January, 1768, Mons. Bougainville dispatched a party in a boat, to make remarks on the coast, as far as Elizabeth Bay; and to take a view of the numerous islands with which this part of the streights of Magellan abounds. Two of these islands, to which Sir John Narborough formerly gave the names of Charles and Monmouth, were distinctly seen from the place where the ships lay at anchor; but those which he has denominated the Royal Isles, and Rupert Island, were at too great a distance to be viewed from Mons. Bougainville's present station.

Notwithstanding the severity of the weather, and the almost incessant rains, the crew which had been sent out landed on different places, at one of which it was evident, that some English ships had lately touched; for on several trees they saw initial letters, and even whole names, cut in the wood: they also saw many spice-laurel-trees, the bark of which had been lately taken off, with other plain indications who they were that had visited the spot, but what put the matter beyond all doubt, were the words, Chatham, March, 1766, which were very legible on a piece of wood, of that kind which is frequently affixed to pieces of cloth in the royal marine warehouses of Great Britain.

The astronomer, Mons. Verron, in the mean time, had his astronomical instruments conveyed to a peninsula, by which the harbour is [Page] formed, in order to make observations, for ascertaining the bearing and distances of particular capes: but the result of his observations would afford neither instruction nor entertainment to any but the mere nautical reader; nor would they be of the least use even to him, unless he was bound on a voyage to the South Seas, through the streights of Magellan.

The weather was so exquisitely severe on the fourth and fifth of January, that no pen can describe it, nor any imagination conceive an idea of it. A violent storm of wind was attended with incessant rain or snow, and the keenest biting coldness in the air. Mons. Bougainville informs us that, during this severe weather, he sent out a boat to search for a convenient anchoring-place on the coast of Terra del Fuego, and an excellent one was found to the south-west of Charles and Monmouth islands.

On the 6th the weather was more moderate than it had been for some days past. In the morning of this day four small boats, with Indians on board them, were observed at the point of Cape Galant, one of which advanced towards Mons. Bougainville's ship, while the rest rowed towards the bottom of the bay. In the boat which approached the Boudeuse were a man, his wife, and two children, the former of whom went on board, without the least apparent sign of fear, leaving the woman and children in the boat. Soon after this man had [Page] gone on board, two Indians from the other boats followed his example, bringing their children with them.

These people seemed not to express the least surprize either at the structure of the ship, or at any thing they saw on board her, which our author deems a proof that, ‘"in order to be capable of being surprized at the work of art, one must have some fundamental ideas of it."’—There may be some truth in this observation; but we cannot help resolving the apparent want of curiosity in these savages into another, and a very different cause; namely, their having seen the English, or other vessels, which had visited the streights of Magellan.

The Commodore prevailed on these people to dance and sing, and treated them with a kind of concert of music. He likewise gave them bread, and different kinds of meat, all of which they devoured with avidity, seeming equally pleased with every thing that was given them, and with every occurrence that passed; nor could they be persuaded to quit the ship, till several pieces of salt meat had been put into their boats.

Our author calls these happy Indians ‘"troublesome and disgusting guests."’—One would wonder on what authority he has adopted these epithets, or how the company of the savages, as he calls them, could be troublesome or disgusting, when they sang and danced, only on [Page] being asked to do so; received with gratitude whatever was given them, and applied it to the purpose for which it was given.—Mons. Bougainville calls them ‘"unpolished men;"’ as if the frippery complaisance of the court of Versailles could have been expected from these honest tenants of the woods; whose instructors are plain sense and nature, and whose God is the God of the Europeans.—In a word, our author writes with an affected consciousness of superiority, and in the pert restlessness of stile, that is almost peculiar to the French novelist who would be thought a philosopher.

The people are clothed with seal-skins, which are by far too small to cover the whole of the body; and with these skins they make the sails of their boats, and the coverings of their huts. They are likewise possessed of a few of the skins of the guanacoe, but our author does not mention to what use they apply them; though it should seem probable that they form a part of their clothing.

Mons. Bougainville describes these Indians as thin, short, and ugly; and that a most offensive smell is the consequence of keeping them company. The women are still more disagreeable than the men, who do not appear by any means fond of them. It is the duty of the females to steer the boats, and to repair any damage that may happen to them; and they are often obliged to swim after them through the [Page] sea-weeds; nor are even women who have sucking children excused this duty: the child is carried on the mother's back, enclosed in the seal-skin that forms her dress. When the women are on shore their business is to collect shells and wood; nor do the men even share with them in this employment.

The boats are constructed of the bark of trees, fastened together with rushes, and the seams are caulked with moss. A fire is constantly kept in the middle of the boat, on a heap of sand, which is placed to prevent the burning of the vessel. Their arms consist of bows and arrows formed of the branches of the berberry bush, which grows plentifully in these parts. The arrows are pointed with sharp stones, and the string of the bow is made of the gut of some animal; but they use not these weapons against an enemy; they are destined only for the destruction of birds, or other animals proper for the support of life.

Mons. Bougainville says, that these Indians use a kind of harpoon, for the purpose of striking fish, which is made of bones, it is about twelve inches in length, pointed at the end, and indented on one of its sides.

The principal subsistence of these people is fish; but it is supposed that they sometimes catch game, as they have dogs of the sporting kind, and springes, or nooses, adapted for the snaring of quadrupeds. The teeth of all the [Page] natives are very bad, which our author attributes to their eating fish when boiling hot, though they do not half boil it before it is so eaten. They live in huts which have no partition of rooms, in the middle of which a fire is lighted, that serves the whole family.

The disposition of these people is of the amiable kind; but their extreme good-nature borders on weakness; they believe in evil genii, and have priests and physicians, whom they suppose capable of deprecating the vengeance of their aerial enemies. Mons. Bougainville observes, that these Pecherais have the fewest conveniences of life of any people he has ever known; yet they they do not repine at their situation, but appear to be contented with the lot which providence hath assigned them; tho' they live in the most inclement climate hitherto discovered in the habitable globe. Exclusive of the other peculiarities of their fate, they are fewer in number than any other known race of men; yet this little society, cut off as it is from all intercourse with the rest of mankind, is not totally free from the vices common to larger states, as a contest for dominion exists even among them, and the more powerful are perpetually labouring to distress the weaker. Thus it is with the poor Pecherais, as with every other community in the universe, that those who cannot make head against tyranny, must submit [Page] to the arbitrary command, the sic voleo, sic jubeo of the tyrant.

The inclemency of the weather, during the 7th and 8th of the month, was such, that the crews of the ships could not venture on shore; and though it was even now the summer-time, the adjacent country was covered with snow, which also laid on the ship to the depth of several inches.

On the ninth the Indians, who had previously painted their bodies with red and white streaks, advanced towards the ships; but seeing the boats go off towards their habitations, all of them, except one, followed the ships boats, and that went on board the Etoile, where she remained but a little while, and then followed the others.

The crews of the boats having landed, went to the huts of the Indians, who seemed by no means to relish this unexpected visit; which was particularly evinced by the women having all retreated to one hut. The men invited the French sailors into those huts where the women were not to be found; and the Frenchmen having accepted the invitation, were treated with shell-fish, which the Indians sucked before they delivered them to their visitors. The behaviour of the natives was lively, and they entertained their guests with dancing and singing: they revelled with uncontrouled delight, when, [Page] alas! their mirth was interrupted by an accident as fatal as unexpected!

A boy, the son of one of the Indians, was suddenly seized with a disorder which occasioned the most violent convulsions, and spitting of blood. This child had been on board the Etoile, where the seamen had presented him with some pieces of glass; and as these Indians are accustomed to put things of this kind up their nostrils, and into their throats, it is supposed this youth had taken the same measure, and that the fatal effects which followed were the consequence of his having swallowed the glass. It is here proper to remark, that the Pecherais consider the swallowing of substances which resemble glass, as a preventive remedy against certain disorders to which they are liable.

The lips, palate, and gums of the boy were cut; and as he bled freely, the Indians conceived an idea that the Frenchmen had violated the rights of hospitality, and injured him, whom, by all the laws of honour, they were bound to treat with civility.

This circumstance gave rise to a jealousy and distrust no way favourable to their European visitors; indeed it appeared, that the Indians suspected the French to have caused the child's illness. A linen jacket having been given to this child by the French, he was stript of it, and it was thrown at their feet; but it was instantly [Page] seized by an Indian, who did not seem to dread the powers of enchantment.

The child being laid on his back, a conjurer knelt between his legs, and pressing the body forcibly with his hands and head, uttered a number of inarticulate vociferations. At repeated intervals during this ceremony he arose, and opening his hands, which had been before grasped, he blew in the air with his mouth, as if desirous of driving away some evil genius. While this business was transacting, an ancient woman bawled in the ears of the child, so as almost to deafen him with her noise; and indeed the remedy seemed to be, in the literal phrase, worse than the disease. The conjurer having retired for some time, returned in a new dress, and, with an air of triumph, renewed his incantations, but with no better success than before. His hair had been powdered, and his head was distinguished by two wings, similar to those with which Mercury is represented by the painters. The life of the child now appearing to be even in more danger than before, the French Chaplain hastily baptized him, unobserved by the Indians.

What a strange medley of ignorance and superstition was all this!—Mons. Bougainville laughs at the folly of the Indian juggler, while he seems to speak in an applausive strain of the conduct of the French priest, which was [Page] certainly equally ridiculous with that of the Indian!

Some officers having repaired on board the ship, and acquainted the Commodore with what was transacting, he went on shore with the Surgeon, who took some gruel and milk with him. When they came to the spot, they found that the juggler was assisted by another person habited like himself, and that the patient had suffered much from their absurd attempts to relieve him; yet were these attempts continued, without any complaint on the part of the poor boy.

The affection of the parents, and indeed of the whole company of Indians, was manifested by floods of tears, and by many other expressions of grief; and when it was observed, that the Frenchmen seemed to share in their misfortune, they appeared to be less diffident of the conduct of the strangers; and at length they permitted the Surgeon to examine the mouth of the sick youth, which being bloody, had been repeatedly sucked by his father and another man.

After some time the father accepted the gruel, and permitted his son to drink some milk, but not till the French gentlemen had repeatedly tasted it in his presence. The conjurers appeared to be jealous of the Surgeon, but they could not help confessing the superiority of his abilities. It was remarked, that while one of these Indian physicians was endeavouring to [Page] drive away the disorder, the other was busily employed in deprecating that vengeance, which they supposed the visit of the strangers had occasioned.

In the evening the child appeared to be less pained; but, from many circumstances, it was thought, that he had swallowed some pieces of glass. Mons. Bougainville and the Surgeon now went on board, and it is conjectured, that the boy died about two o'clock the next morning; for soon after that time loud cries were heard, and, at day-break, the Indians departed from a place which had been so peculiarly fatal to them; for the loss of even one member of so small a community, could not but be an object of great and public concern.

On the 13th and 14th the weather was so bad, that it was impossible to think of sailing, and on the 15th the vessels were detained by a strong contrary wind; but on the following day they sailed, with a favourable breeze, which, however, soon shifted, and prevented their reaching Rupert island, off which it was Mons. Bougainville's intention to have anchored. After a whole day of fatigue and danger they returned to Port Galant, and anchored again near their former station.

On the seventeenth the storms were more violent than they had ever yet been; the sea ran to a mountainous height, and the wind blew in such contrary directions, that the opposing [Page] waves destroyed each other. The storm having in some degree subsided before noon, a loud peal of thunder was presently heard, after which the winds blew with increasing violence, and all the elements waged a still more furious war. The anchors of the ships having dragged, the top-masts and lower-yards were struck, to avoid the dreadful consequences of the storm. At this time, however, the shrubs and plants were in bloom, and the trees were covered with a luxuriance of verdure.

On the 21st and the two following days the weather was extremely windy, while it rained and snowed incessantly. The night of the 21st indeed was moderately calm; but this calm served only as the prelude to a storm, which descended with aggravated fury; such a storm as the oldest sailor on board had never remembered; but its continuance was by no means proportioned to its violence.

On the 24th the weather being fine and serene, preparations were made for sailing, and on the following day the anchors were weighed, and the vessels got under way. Having arrived off Cape Quod, our Commodore stops a moment to describe it. Its figure, he says, is very singular, consisting of craggy rocks, the most elevated of which bear a strong resemblance to the ruins of ancient buildings. From Bay Galant to this cape the verdant appearance of the trees takes off, in some degree, that horror, [Page] which would otherwise arise in the mind from the constant sight of the summits of mountains which are always frozen. After passing Cape Quod, the face of the country is totally changed, both sides of the streight exhibiting a prospect of rocks, which are uncovered even with the slightest layer of earth. The tops of these rocks are cloathed with eternal snow, while the vallies between them are choaked up with prodigious quantities of ice, which have the appearance of having been congealed for a long series of years. So dreadful is the appearance of this part of the streight that Sir John Narborough gave it the name of Desolation of the South; and, in fact, it is desolate and dreary beyond all description.

When Mons. Bougainville's ship was opposite Cape Quod, the coast of Terra del Fuego, distant upwards of forty miles, appeared as if terminated by a projecting cape. There are three capes on the continent, which our adventurers called Etoile Cape, Boudeuse Cape, and Split Cape *, the last of which is so denominated from its figure. The streight, which in this part is about six miles wide, received the name of Long Reach †.

As the evening of the 26th was very fine, Mons. Bougainville determined to continue his way under an easy sail; but about two hours [Page] before midnight a thick fog came on, the wind arose, and the rain poured down in torrents, while it became so excessive dark, that no land could be seen. The situation of the ships was now supposed to be opposite Cape Monday; and the night was spent in standing off and on shore, in momentary expectation of some fatal accident

The land being seen at day-break, they hoisted additional sails, and proceeded with rapidity, till they reached Cape Pillar, when they had sight of the main ocean, into which they arrived under a full sail, on the evening of the same day; having, by the advantage of thirty six hours fair wind, sailed from port Galant into the great South Sea, without once coming to an anchor.

Mons. Bougainville was seven weeks and three days in passing the streights of Magellan, the whole length of which, from Cape Virgin Mary to Cape Pillar, he computes at about three hundred and forty miles.

Though the passing the streights is a work of some difficulty and danger, our author recommends it as more safe than the doubling of Cape Horn, if undertaken between the months of September and April; but, during the rest of the year, he advises the passing through the open sea; and he observes, that the lost time in sailing through the Magellanic Streights, is amply repaid by the conveniences of taking in [Page] wood and water, and the chance there is of the scurvy making less havock among a crew, when they have repeated opportunities of landing. He adds, that when he left the streights he had not a single invalid on board either of his vessels.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a recital of the several circumstances which arose, and the adventures he met with, from this period till his return to Europe; in which we shall trace him with the utmost fidelity of the historian; presuming to differ from him whenever he appears to be mistaken as a writer, or to act on wrong principles as a man.

Our Commodore now sailed nearly a westerly course, having previously agreed with the Captain of the Etoile, that he should keep company with the Boudeuse during the nights, and in the morning of each day should sail as far as he could to the southward, without losing sight of the other vessel, in order that the ships might command as extensive a prospect as possible, by which means it was hoped that some new discoveries might be made.

On the 30th of January, while the sea ran very high, one of the crew of the Boudeuse fell over-board, and was drowned, notwithstanding every endeavour to preserve his life.—From this time till the 17th of February, Mons. Bougainville sailed in search of what is called [Page] Davis's Land, which was discovered by our countryman of that name in the year 1686; and he says, that if he had followed the directions laid down in Mons. de Bellin's chart, he must have sailed over this land.

On the 17th sea-gulls were seen; and as these birds do not go above eighty leagues from land, it was resolved not to alter the course of the ships for three days; but within this period no land was discovered.

The westerly wind, with a slight variation to the north and south, prevailed from the 23d of February to the 3d of March, during which time they had rain and thunder every day, immediately before, or soon after the sun had reached the meridian. This variation of the wind, from what is commonly called the Trade-wind, is mentioned by Mons. Bougainville as an extraordinary circumstance.

Soon after the ships had got clear of the streights of Magellan, an epidemical sore throat attacked almost every man on board, which was cured by putting vinegar and red hot bullets into the water casks, so that by the end of March, the whole crew were recovered. For several days after this period such a quantity of bonitos and other fish was catched, as afforded one meal daily to every man on board.

On the 21st a tunny fish was taken, in the belly of which were a number of small fish of [Page] such kinds, as are known not to swim far out to sea; whence it was concluded, that land could not be at any great distance; and on the following day this conjecture appeared to be well founded, for four very small islands were then discovered, to which Mons. Bougainville gave the name of les quatre Facardins; but as these were too much to the windward of the ships, they held on their way, steering for another island, which was almost right a-head.

As the vessels advanced towards this latter island, it was observed, that it abounded with cocoa-nut trees, the fruit of which had a very tempting appearance. These trees grew on plats of grass, strewed with an abundance of beautiful flowers; and the rest of the island was clothed with trees of various kinds. Immense numbers of birds were seen on the coast, which was therefore supposed to afford a plenty of fish: but the sea running high, and no harbour being discovered, in which our voyagers might hope for protection from the fury of its waves, they were prevented from landing: when they had coasted the island for about two miles, they had sight of three men, who advanced hastily towards the shore.

Mons. Bougainville at first imagined that these people were part of the crew of some European ship, which had been wrecked on the coast; and, impressed with this idea he gave, the necessary orders for affording them the [Page] wished for relief: but he soon discovered that his conjecture was ill-founded; for the people retired to the woods, from whence, in a short time, issued a number of them, supposed to be near twenty, with long slaves in their hands, which they held up with an air of threatening and defiance. This being done, they retreated to the woods, in which, by the help of glasses, their habitations were plainly seen. These islanders were of a copper complexion, and very tall.

Mons. Bougainville makes it a matter of wonder by what means these people were conveyed to this solitary island, and how they are disposed of when their increasing numbers render their support impossible on a spot, the circumference of which, he apprehends, does not exceed nine miles:—but our philosopher seems to forget that he has but just left four other small islands; nor did he recollect, when he wrote his volume, that he was, in a subsequent page, to tell us that he had soon afterwards discovered a larger island, the inhabitants of which, for any thing he could tell, might have intercourse with those on the before-mentioned island. He seems equally ignorant, whether the people of these islands are or are not possessed of vessels proper for conveying them from one to the other; and he has forgot likewise, which appears to be the greatest blunder of all, that there may probably be, in this neighbourhood, some large continent, [Page] hitherto unknown to all our European navigators. It is possible our remarks may be as absurd as Mons. Bougainville's appear to be; but they seem to arise naturally from the subject. Be this as it may; our Commodore named the above-mentioned place the Isle of Lance-bearers, from the staves, or lances, which the inhabitants brandished.

During the night between the 22d and 23d they had much rain, accompanied with violent thunder, while the wind blew almost a tempest. At the dawn of the morning land was discovered, which appeared to be a regular level, sufficiently clothed with verdure. Breakers being observed on the coast, the ships stood out to sea, till the weather becoming more calm, they might approach the shore with greater safety, which happening before noon, they then coasted the island, which is shaped like a horse-shoe, and its inside is filled by the sea.

Some parts of this island produce cocoa-nut and other trees, which afford a very agreeable shade, but the greater part of it is only a sand, on which grows no kind of verdure. A number of Indians were observed in boats, some of them rowing, and others sailing, on the lake formed by the shape of the island. These people were all naked; and in the evening large numbers of them were seen on the sea-shore, with pikes in their hands, like those with which [Page] the inhabitants of the Isle of Lance-bearers were armed.

Night advanced before any proper place was found for the ship's boats to land; nor were they more successful in their researches in the morning; wherefore they held on their course, Mons. Bougainville having called the place Harp Island; the inhabitants of which had the appearance of being tall, and genteelly made.

Our flippant Frenchman professes to admire the courage of these islanders, ‘"if they live unconcerned on these little slips of sand,"’ which are every moment liable to be sunk in the abyss of an enormous ocean. He might as well admire the courage of the inhabitants of France, the redoubted vassals of Louis le Grand; who are not less liable to fall victims to a convulsion of nature, nor under the more immediate protection of the Almighty, than these harmless tenants of a solitary island; happily cut off, as they are, from an intercourse with the more p [...]lished barbarians of Europe!

In the evening of the day on which Harp Island was discovered, they had sight of other land, at the distance of something more than twenty miles, which had the appearance of being, what it afterwards was found to be, a cluster of islands, eleven of which were seen, and received the name of the Dangerous Archipelago. Our author conjectures, that they are more numerous, and observes, that it is dangerous [Page] sailing among them, as they are encompassed with shoals and breakers, through which a vessel ought to steer with peculiar care.

The ships now stood to the south, and by the 28th of the month were out of sight of all land. The cluster of islands above-mentioned were first discovered by Quirôs, in the year 1606, and were again visited by Roggewein, in the year 1722, who gave them the name of the Labyrinth.

Nothing material happened from this time till towards the end of March, when the weather was boisterous and stormy, to a very great degree, for several days successively; and the scurvy now began to attack several of the crew. To combat the ill effects of this disorder, every invalid received, daily, a pint of lemonade, in which was infused a powder, which had been frequently used with success during the voyage. About this time they were much in want of fresh water, which was procured by the distillation of sea-water, according to a process invented by Mons. Poissonier; and the water thus procured was used in boiling meat, and making broth. The bread was kneaded with salt-water.

A steep mountain, which appeared to be encompassed by the sea, was discovered on the second of April, and received the name of the Boudoir, or Boudeuse Peak, from that of Mons. Bougainville's ship.—Bearing to the northward [Page] of this peak, they had sight of land, which extended farther than the eye could reach.

By this time it was become highly necessary for the ships to put in at some port, where they might obtain refreshments, and take in a supply of wood. For the greater part of this day the weather was wholly calm; but in the evening a breeze sprung up, which conveyed the ships near the newly-discovered land; but it was thought prudent to stand off and on for the night.

In the morning they had sight of more land to the northward, but were not able to distinguish whether it was another island, or a part of that which they had before seen.

In the night between the 3d and 4th of the month fires were observed on several places, from whence it was conjectured, that the country abounded with inhabitants. Just before sunrising on the 4th, it was discovered that the two lands, which had been supposed to be separate islands, were connected by a flat country, bending like a bow, and forming a fine bay. While the ships were standing in towards the land, a boat was seen coming from the offing, which soon afterwards crossed a head of the ship, and joined a number of other boats, which had assembled from various parts of the island. This assemblage of boats was preceded by one which was rowed by twelve Indians, quite naked, who advanced towards the side of the ship, and held [Page] up some boughs of the banana tree. Considering this as a token of friendship, our adventurers, in their turn, endeavoured to express a reciprocal regard.

This being done, the natives rowed along-side the Boudeuse, and a rope being lowered into the boat, one of them affixed to his branch of the banana tree, a quantity of the fruit of that tree, and a small pig. This present was accepted, and, in return for it, Mons. Bougainville gave them some handkerchiefs and caps; and thus was a friendly intercourse established with these people.

In a short time upwards of a hundred boats surrounded the French ships, which were laden with bananas, cocoa-nuts, and various other kinds of fruit, highly acceptable to the French, who gave in exchange for them a number of toys, which proved equally acceptable to the Indians.—In order to carry on this traffic, our voyagers held up such articles as they meant to give for the fruit, and when the natives were satisfied with the quantity which was offered, it was let down by the ship's side in a net or basket, and the Indians having taken it out, returned their commodities by the same conveyance; but sometimes the basket was lowered when empty, and the natives put their effects in it before they had received the European goods, without seeming to harbour the least distrust or jealousy of those with whom they dealt; [Page] thereby giving the best proof of the integrity of their own hearts.

When the evening advanced, the ships stood out farther from the coast, and the natives rowed back to the shore. During the night a number of fires were seen on the island, at small, and nearly equal distances from each other, which the French imagining to be illuminations in honour of themselves, a number of skyrockets were fired from both the ships, to return the compliment.

On the morning of the fifth the boats were sent in search of an anchoring-place, while the day was spent in plying to windward of the island.

The description which Mons. Bougainville gives of the appearance of this place, as seen from the ships, is very beautiful. The mountains, though of great height, are every where clothed with the finest verdure, even to the extreme point of their most lofty summits: one peak, in particular, runs up to a most enormous height, tapering gradually as it rises; yet is it every where clothed with the most beautiful foliage, forming the appearance of a pyramid adorned with garlands, and carved by the hand of an ingenious sculptor. The lower lands consist of an intermixture of woods and meadows, while the coast is a level ground, sheltered by the mountains, and abounding in cocoa nut and other trees, beneath the agreeable [Page] shade of which are situated the houses of the inhabitants.

As Mons. Bougainville coasted the island, he was charmed with the appearance of a noble cascade, which, falling immediately from the summit of a mountain, into the sea, produced a most elegant effect. On the shore, very near to the fall of this cascade, was a little town, and the coast appeared to be free from breakers. It was the wish of our adventurers to have cast their anchors within view of such an enchanting prospect; but, after repeated soundings, they found that the bottom consisted only of rocks; and they were therefore under a necessity of seeking another anchoring-place.

Soon after the dawn of day the natives rowed along-side the ships, bringing with them fowls, pigeons, cloth, shells, chissels, and other things, which they bartered for ear-rings, and pieces of iron. Both parties dealt with the same ease and mutual confidence as they had done on the preceding day; and among the number of visitors were several women, whose cloaths barely sufficed to hide those charms which could not fail of attracting the ravished eyes of the seamen. One of the Indians slept all night on board the Etoile, and seemed not to entertain a shadow of fear.

The ships plied to windward during the night, and by the morning of the 6th they had nearly reached its most northern extremity, when they [Page] discovered another island; but as the passage between the two islands appeared to be rendered dangerous by a number of breakers, Mons. Bougainville came to a resolution of returning to the bay which they had seen when they first discovered land, where he hoped to find a convenient anchoring-place, and where, after different soundings, the ships were at length safely moored.

The natives now put off in their boats, and surrounded the ships in greater numbers than they had yet done, exhibiting many tokens of regard, and perpetually crying out Taio, which was afterwards found to signify Friend. The strangers were much pleased with some nails and toys which the officers and sailors gave them. These boats were crouded with women, whose beauty of face was at least equal to that of the ladies of Europe, and their symmetry of body much superior. Almost all of them were naked, the old men and women having taken previous care to divest them of those coverings, which might otherwise have prevented their charms from taking the wished effect.

These lovely lasses eyed the sailors with looks the most emphatically expressive, yet with a degree of timidity, which is at once the characteristic and the ornament of the sex. It was not, however, necessary, that these females should give any very plain indications of their meaning:—the Indian men saved them this [Page] trouble, intimating, that the favours of the ladies might be purchased on easy terms: they even urged many of the seamen respectively to make choice of a Dulcinea, with whom he would chuse to retire to the shore; and their gestures appeared not less extravagant than those of the same people, as recited by Dr. Hawkesworth, in his account of Captain Cook's Voyage, of which circumstance the readers of these volumes is already apprised:—but Mons. Bougainville goes beyond the Doctor, in the colouring of this scene. He says that, ‘"even in those countries where the ease of the golden age is still in use, women seem least to desire what they most with for."’

Be this as it may, the sight of these enchanting damsels operated very powerfully on the passions of the seamen; and, thus situated, it was no easy matter to keep to their duty, four hundred young fellows, who had not seen a woman for half a year before.

Mons. Bougainville and his officers did all in their power to preserve order and decorum, and to prevent any of these tempting creatures from coming into the ship; but their efforts were unsuccessful:—one of them, notwithstanding every precaution, got on board, and took her seat on the quarter-deck, near a hatchway, which was open to give air to some of the crew who were heaving the capstern. She had scarcely seated herself, when she let fall a cloth [Page] that covered her, with an air of negligence, and appeared at once the Cyprian goddess, to the ravished eyes of the spectators. Both seamen and marines now eagerly crouded to the hatchway; and the capstern was heaved with a chearfulness and expedition never known on any former occasion.

After some time the officers succeeded in bringing the crew into some kind of order; though, as Mons. Bougainville confesses, they found it equally difficult to restrain the ardor of their own passions.—The Commodore's Cook, having eluded the vigilance of the officers, got from the ship, and having selected a mistress from one of the boats, went on shore with her; where he had no sooner arrived, than the natives crouded about him, and pulled off all his cloaths. They now examined, with curious attention, every part of his body, while he stood trembling under their hands, in continual apprehension of being murdered, or otherwise abused: but his fears were ill-founded; for they had no sooner finished the examination, than they gave him back his cloaths, put into his pockets several things which they had taken out of them, and then introduced his girl to him, urging, that he would gratify those passions which had impelled him to come on shore: but alas! their persuasions, their warmest intreaties, were thrown away;—his fears had destroyed all ideas of love, nor could even the enchanting [Page] beauty of his mistress recal them: the natives were obliged to take him back to the ship, where he told Mons. Bougainville, that he had nothing to fear from his anger, for he had lately suffered such exquisite misery, that all other punishment would be comparatively light.

Mons. Bougainville and some of his officers now went on shore to take a view of the watering-place, and were no sooner landed, than the natives flocked around them in prodigious numbers, regarding them with looks of inexpressible curiosity: some of them, bolder than the rest, came and touched the French, and put aside their cloaths, to find if they were formed like themselves. The happy islanders, who wore no kind of arms, testified great pleasure at this visit of our voyagers.

A person, who appeared to be the principal man among the Indians, took Mons. Bougainville's party to his house, where they found an old man, the father of the Chief, and several women. These last paid their compliments to the strangers, by placing their hands on their breasts, and frequently repeating the word Tayo. The old man was a truly venerable figure, whose long white beard and hair added dignity to his person, which was exceedingly graceful and well formed. He had none of the decrepitude of age, no wrinkles on his face, and his body was nervous and fleshy.—The behaviour of this man was wholly different from [Page] that of all the rest of his countrymen; for he expressed no sign of admiration or curiosity, left the room without returning the compliments of his visitors, and with an air that testified his uneasiness at their arrival. Mons. Bougainville even imagines, that he feared that a new race of men coming to settle on the island, might disturb that happy repose in which its inhabitants had hitherto lived.

The house of the Chief was about twenty feet in width, and eighty in length, and covered with thatch, from which hung a cylinder, above a yard long, formed of the twigs of the ozier, and adorned with black feathers. Two wooden figures were observed, which Mons. Bougainville says were idols, and that one of them was the god of the natives; but in this he must be certainly mistaken, as it appears from the account since published, that the inhabitants of Otaheite are not idolaters:—but from almost every part of his volume it is evident, that he has made his observations very hastily, and given a decisive opinion on subjects which he did not understand, and which he took very little pains to examine.

The figure which our author took for the god, was fixed upright against one of the pillars of the house, and over against it stood the other, which he calls the goddess, leaning against, and fastened to the reeds which form the walls of the house. These figures stood on [Page] pedestals of hard, black wood, about two yards high, one yard in circumference, shaped like a tower, hollowed out, and carved.

The Chief having directed his guests to seat themselves on a grass-plat in the front of his house, he presented them with a collation, consisting of broiled fish, water, and fruit. While they were regaling themselves he produced two collars, formed of oziers, and adorned with shark's teeth, and black feathers. These collars, which resembled the prodigious large ruffs worn by the French in the reign of Francis the First, were put on the necks of Mons. Bougainville, and a gentleman of his party. The Chief having likewise presented our author with some pieces of cloth, the French were about to take their leave of this hospitable Indian, when one of them found that his pocket had been picked of his pistol; on which a complaint was made to the Chief, who immediately reprimanded several of his houshold, and would have searched them all; but this the Commodore would not permit, contenting himself with intimating to the Chief, that the weapon which had been stolen would kill the thief.

Mons. Bougainville was attended to the coast by the Chief and his whole family. As the company passed along, they observed an Indian, remarkable for the fine proportion and symmetry of his figure, reclined at the foot of a tree, who prevailed on the French to sit down by [Page] him, and sung them an excellent song, to the slow music of a flute, which the other Indian blew with his nose. Our author says this song was, doubtless, of the anacreontic kind, but he assigns no reason for this opinion. This is described as a most delightful scene, and well worthy the pencil of the limner.

The company now proceeded to their boats, in which a few of the Indians embarked, and went to spend the evening and sleep on board. The islanders seemed to be under no kind of restraint, but to have the fullest confidence in the hospitality of the French, who treated them in a very elegant manner, and concluded the evening with a band of music, and a display of fire-works; at which, however, the Indians, seemed more terrified than delighted.

The Chief went on board Mons. Bougainville's ship the following day, and took with him a present of some fowls and a hog: he likewise gave a full proof of the integrity of his heart, by returning the stolen pistol; but this is no wonder; it may hold as an almost unfailing maxim, that ‘"the generous are always just, that the knavish-part of mankind are to be found among the sordid and avaricious."’ The generous soul disdains every act of meanness; and it is certainly an act of meanness to detain the property of another. Doubtless, the history of mankind will afford some instances which militate very strongly against this argument; [Page] but it will usually be found, that when the man of liberal sentiments has detained what he knew to be the property of another, such detension has arisen from the extreme penury of his own circumstances.—We have instances of robberies being committed on the highway, and the money returned, years after the perpetration of the fact. In such a case, surely, the robber must be allowed to have possessed an honest heart, even while he was violating the laws of his country; that his principles were just and generous; and that what he conceived to be a case of extreme necessity; the support of his sinking credit, and the preserving a beloved, an amiable woman, and the dear pledges of her love, from inevitable poverty and ruin, was the occasion of his taking so unwarrantable a step. The reader will excuse this digression, in favour to the writer, who conceived that it arose naturally from the subject.

The name of the Chief, whose conduct gave rise to the above reflections, was ERETI, who remained on board several hours, and then went on shore with Mons. Bougainville, who by this time had made the necessary preparations for landing the sick, and filling the water-casks.

As soon as the boats had landed, the Commodore fixed on a spot on the borders of a rivulet, where he gave orders for the forming of a camp, for the protection as well of the sick [Page] men and their attendants, as of the waterers, and others, whose business might call them on shore.

For some time Ereti beheld the marines under arms, and regarded the preparations which were making to form the camp, without any apparent signs of uneasiness, and then took his leave. In a few hours, however, he returned, bringing with him his father, and some others of the most eminent men on that part of the island, who remonstrated with Mons. Bougainville on the impropriety and injustice of his taking possession of their country; at the same time intimating, that his people were welcome to be on the island during the day, for any period of time he might think proper, but insisting, that the party should return on board every night. The Commodore, on the contrary, as peremptorily insisted that he would form the encampment, and endeavoured to convince the Indians how necessary it was that he should do so, in order to procure wood and water, and to have the better opportunity of trafficking with the islanders.

The Indians now retired, and held a conference on the occasion, at the close of which Ereti came to Mons. Bougainville, and desired to know whether the French proposed to take up their residence on the island for life; and, if not, how long they intended to stay.—In answer to this, the Commodore put eighteen small [Page] stones into his hands, intimating, that he should remain there only so manys days. Hereupon a third council was held, the result of which was, that an elderly man, of great authority, was deputed to wait on the Commodore, and endeavour to prevail on him to depart in nine days; which however he positively refused to do, and thus the matter ended.

From this period the islanders became again easy and happy. Ereti complimented Mons. Bougainville with the use of a large building, that had been erected on the side of the rivulet, for the purpose of laying up the Indian boats, which were instantly removed, at the command of the Chief. Under this building tents were put up for the accommodation of the sick, and other tents for various uses. A sufficient number of muskets were carried on shore, to arm thirty marines, all the workmen, and even the invalids, in case of necessity.

Mons. Bougainville passed the first night on shore, in company with Ereti, who added his supper to that of the Commodore, invited a few select friends to partake of the repast, and gave orders that a croud of Indians, whose curiosity had brought them to the spot, should be dispersed. He then desired to see some fire-works, which he beheld with a mixture of pleasure and astonishment. Late in the evening he sent for one of his wives, who slept in the tent allotted to the use of the Prince of Nassau. [Page] Mons. Bougainville says, that this woman was ugly and old; but how does he know that she was not the only wife of Ereti? It does not follow, because a number of women were seen on the first visit at the house of this Chief, that he was married to them all. They might be daughters, sisters, aunts, nieces, or cousins, for any thing that could be known to the contrary, by people who had not learnt three words of the language of the natives.

The camp was compleated on the following day, and the building entirely enclosed, except at one entrance, where a guard was constantly stationed. None of the Indians were admitted into this building but Ereti, and his friends of both sexes. A croud of people were constantly about the place, but they made way for any one who had permission to enter, on the motion of a small stick which a Frenchman held in his hand. To this place the natives assembled from all quarters, bringing poultry, hogs, fish, fruit, and cloth; in exchange for which they received buttons, beads, tools, nails, and trinkets of various kinds, on which they appeared to set a high value.

These benevolent islanders vied with each other which should oblige their visitors most; and when the French were observed collecting shells, and gathering plants, a number of women and children instantly employed themselves [Page] in the same manner, bringing the same plants, in great abundance, and variety of fine shells.

Mons. Bougainville now applied to Ereti, for information where he might cut wood, and was directed to the mountains, where the hard wood grows, the low lands producing only a gum-tree, and fruit-trees of various kinds. The Chief even marked the trees which were proper for cutting, and pointed out the side on which they should be felled.

The islanders assisted our adventurers in cutting the wood, and carrying it down to the boats, and likewise helped them to fill water, and roll the casks to the coast. For these services they received a number of nails, proportioned to the industry they had exerted: but it was necessary for the French to be constantly on their guard, to prevent their thieving the articles which were brought on shore; nor were even their pockets safe from the depredations of these people, who, Mons. Bougainville says, are as ingenious in the art, as the pick-pockets of Europe; which is certainly no great compliment to the people of Otaheite.

Mons. Bougainville supposes, that these islanders do not rob each other, as none of their effects were kept under locks and keys; and he attributes their frequent attempts to rob the French to an insatiable curiosity for articles which they had never before seen. Guards were stationed, and patroles appointed, to protect the [Page] French property; notwithstanding which, the islanders found means to steal several things, and they even pelted the guards with stones. These free-booters hid themselves in a marsh behind the camp, which was overgrown with reeds: but a part of this marsh was cleared, by order of the Commodore, who directed, that when any more thieves were seen, they should be fired at. Ereti even hinted, that this measure was necessary; but, pointing to his own house, seemed very solicitous that Mons. Bougainville would not fire that way. Orders were now given for some of the ships boats to anchor before the camp, and point their swivel guns so as to protect it.

The article of thieving excepted, every other intercourse between the French and Indians was carried on in the most harmonious manner. The seamen made several incursions into the island, unarmed, sometimes in small parties, and sometimes singly: when the natives invited them into their houses, gave them provisions, and presented the young damsels to their embraces. On these occasions the hut was instantly crouded with numbers of both sexes, who surrounded the young lovers, and eyed them with looks of the most intense curiosity. Leaves and flowers were immediately strewed on the ground, and while some played on flutes, others sang a kind of song sacred to the Cyprian goddess.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville's picture of these scenes is rather over-charged; but the pen of the historian should be guided by truth. ‘"Here Venus (says he) is the goddess of hospitality; her worship does not admit of any mysteries, and every tribute paid to her is a feast for the whole nation."’

The people of Otaheite seemed astonished at the embarrassment of some of the Frenchmen on these occasions: but Mons. Bougainville is of opinion, that there was not a man of the whole crew who had not got the better of the European delicacy, by making a public sacrifice at the altar of Venus. If this opinion be well founded, the poor Cook, whose case has been related, must have wonderfully recovered of his fright, before the Commodore left the island.—Surely these intrepid subjects of Louis the Fifteenth must have been blest with the most vigorous constitutions in the universe, or have been cursed with the most unblushing impudence of face! That many of the crew should have got the better of all regard for decency, is not to be wondered at; but that there should not be one Frenchman out of four hundred who could resist the temptation of thus publickly prostituting himself, is very astonishing. But vanity is constitutional in a Parisian, and rather than not sacrifice at her shrine, he will be content to rob himself of his own good name.

[Page]It may fairly be concluded, that if every man gave these public proofs of his prowess, the Commodore himself made one of the number, a naked spectacle to the laughing Indians! But perhaps Mons. Bougainville was honoured in the embraces of one of Ereti's wives; in which case it is presumed, that the fond couple were surrounded only by the royal family, and the lords and ladies of the Court. Doubtless, an extraordinary band of music must have been provided on these solemn occasions, and the best nose-flute-players on the island must have been engaged as performers. What pity it is that our gallant philosophical, nautical, warlike Amoroso, has omitted a description of one of these charming scenes! A print of it, too, would have done honour to some ingenious engraver of Paris, and it would doubtless have promoted the sale of a work so admirably calculated for the meridian of Versailles. The doating monarch would have subscribed liberally, while the lascivious Barré would have extolled to the very skies the writer's happy talent at description. Who knows too, but that the French Ambassador might have introduced the work among the circle at St. James's; and thus have promoted the cause of libertinism so far, that not one of the nobility of the succeeding generation should be the real child of his reputed father.

[Page]To be serious; this is strange stuff, even for a French historian to write; nor would we have copied it, but that our engagements to the public compelled us to give Mons. Bougainville's Voyage; and Mons. Bougainville must be answerable for all its faults.

Happy ought Englishmen to think themselves; particularly those of the middling and lower classes, among whom marriage is still held in some sort of esteem. Long may it be so held, for the honour of legal love, the security of property, and the sake of those tender ties, by which relations are held in the bond of friendship!

Hail wedded love, mysterious law, true source

Of human offspring, sole propriety

In Paradise of all things common else.

By thee adult'rous lust was driven from men,

Among the bestial herds to range; by thee

Founded in reason, loyal, just, and pure,

Relations dear, and all the charities

Of father, son, and brother, first were known.

MILTON.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a description of the beauties of the interior parts of the island. He has often walked out, with only a few attendants, and arrived at places enchanting beyond the power of pen or pencil to paint. Trees abounding with fruit of the most [Page] delicious kinds, were frequently found on meadows intersected by rivulets, which gave an agreeable coolness to the air. On these enchanting spots numbers of the natives revel in the profusive gifts of nature, unincumbered with the cares of the busy world. Our author met with many little societies, reposing at their ease, under the shade of trees, who welcomed the strangers in the most friendly manner. Those he saw on his way made room for his passage, with a degree of civility that would have done honour to the most polished European; and in every place he found evident marks of the content and happiness of the people; while he was treated with the utmost hospitality.

Mons. Bougainville gave Ereti some ducks and geese, and a couple of turkies, that he might raise a breed of those birds. He likewise presented him with some garden seeds, and advised him to cultivate some ground in the European manner; and a spot being fixed on by the French, it was enclosed, and several of the crew employed in digging it. The natives were much pleased with the implements of gardening, and happy in having wheat, barley, oats, rice, &c. put into the ground; as were likewise onions, and a variety of pot-herbs. The Commodore is of opinion, that his generosity in this particular will not be thrown away, as the people of Otaheite seem to have a taste for agriculture; and he thinks they might soon [Page] be brought to cultivate, in a proper manner, the finest soil in the world: they have indeed a sort of kitchen gardens near their huts, which produce yams, potatoes, and other edible roots.

Soon after the camp was formed, the Commodore was visited on board the ship by Toutaa, the Chief of a district near that of Ereti, who was a very tall man, and most admirably well made, he was attended by several gentlemen, hardly one of whom was less than six feet in height. Toutaa brought with him cloth, hogs, fowls and fruit, which he presented to Mons. Bougainville, who complimented him with some silk stuffs, trinkets, nails, &c.

Toutaa invited Mons. Bougainville to his house, where, in the midst of a large assembly, he presented him with a fine young girl, whom the Commodore conjectures to have been one of his wives; and the musicians instantly began the bridal hymn:—but our author does not say what farther passed on the occasion.

One of the Indians happening to be killed, his countrymen complained to Mons. Bougainville of this violation of the rights of hospitality. The dead body being conveyed to one of the huts, some persons were sent to examine it, when it appeared, that he had fell by a gun-shot wound; on which all possible enquiry was made after the offender, but he could not be discovered; and how he came to be shot remained a mystery; for Mons. Bougainville says, that none of the crew had [Page] that day left the ship with fire-arms, nor had any of those on shore been permitted to leave the camp. It was evident, however, that the natives in general conceived their countryman to have been the aggressor; for their dealings with the Europeans were not intermitted; but some few of them moved off their furniture to the mountains, and even the house of Ereti was stripped; but a few presents from the Commodore regained his friendship and esteem.

Early in the morning of the 12th the cable of the Boudeuse parting, that ship ran foul of the Etoile, but the vessels were happily got clear of each other, before any damage had been sustained. A boat was now sent to sound for some convenient passage, as the ships were in evident danger of being driven on shore: and at this unfortunate juncture news arrived, that three of the Indians had been either murdered or wounded in their huts; and that, in consequence of this unhappy circumstance, a general terror had seized the inhabitants. The women, children, and old men, had fled up the country, taking their effects with them, and even carrying off the bodies of the deceased. The Commodore, on receiving this intelligence, went on shore, and selecting four marines, on whom rested the suspicion of having perpetrated this foul deed, he ordered them to be put into irons in the presence of Ereti, a circumstance that re-conciliated the affection of the Indians.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville, apprehensive that the natives might revenge the injury they had sustained in the persons of their countrymen, spent a considerable part of the night at the camp, and gave orders for a reinforcement of the guards. It is true, that the situation of the French was every way so advantageous, that, in all probability, they might have been an over-match for the united forces of the natives. The night, however, was spent in perfect repose, except some slight alarms, occasioned by thieving interlopers.

The Commodore's concern arose more from the apprehended loss of his ships, than from any hostile efforts that might be made by the Indians. After ten at night the wind blew violently; the sea swelled to an enormous height; the rain descended in torrents, and the whole scene was tempestuous in a high degree.

Mons. Bougainville went on board soon after midnight, when a violent squall of wind was driving the ships towards the shore. Providentially the storm was soon over, and a breeze from the shore prevented the vessels being stranded.

About day-break another cable, and the hawser of the Boudeuse parted, when she was almost close on the shore, on which the surges beat with unremitting fury. At this time too, as an aggravation of their misfortunes, the buoys of the anchors were missing; but it is doubtful [Page] whether the natives had stolen them, or whether they had sunk.

Some little time before noon another cable parted, and the Boudeuse drove towards the shore. They now let go their sheet anchor, but it could be of no service to them, as they were so near the breakers, that the ship must have stranded before a sufficient length of cable could have been veered out, to have given the anchor time to reach the bottom. Thus situated, within a moment of despair, a wind off shore operated in their favour; yet this wind soon changed, though not till it had enabled them to get at a distance from the shore, by the help of a hawser, from a stream-anchor of the Etoile, which ship happening to be anchored in firmer ground than the Boudeuse, was, under providence, the great means of saving that vessel and her crew from destruction. On occasion of this singular escape, Mons. Bougainville pays a grateful compliment to Mons. de la Giraudais, the Commander of the Etoile, to whose friendship and abilities he deems himself greatly indebted for the preservation of the Boudeuse.

Soon after day-light it was observed, that the camp was totally destitute of its usual visitors: not an Indian was to be seen near it, nor even a single boat sailing on the river. The natives had quitted their houses, and the whole country appeared to be depopulated. The prince [Page] of Nassau now went on shore with a small party, and, at about three miles from the camp, found Ereti, with a considerable number of his subjects. When the Chief recollected the Prince, he advanced towards him with a mixed countenance, expressive of hope and terror.

Many women were now with Ereti, who dropping on their knees at the feet of the Prince kissed his hands, and, bathed in tears, exclaimed, Tayo, maté?

You are our friends, and you kill us!—

The Prince succeeded in his endeavours to inspire them with fresh confidence; and Mons. Bougainville had the pleasure of observing, from on board, by the help of his glasses, that the natives hastened to the camp, carrying with them fowls, fruits, &c. so that there could be no doubt but that peace was re-established.

The Commodore instantly left the ship, and taking with him a quantity of silk stuffs, and a variety of other articles, he presented them to the principal persons, intimating how unhappy he was on account of the misfortune which had happened, and assuring them, that the perpetrators of so foul a deed should not escape unpunished.—The grateful Indians caressed the Commander; the natives in general were happy that peace was restored, and the market soon became more crouded than ever; so that, in two days only, more refreshments were brought in than had been before, and the whole place [Page] had the appearance of a fair. The Indians now requested to see some muskets fired; but were not a little alarmed, when they found that the animals fired at were instantly killed.

The boat which the Commodore had sent to sound having found an excellent passage to the northward, the Etoile sailed on the 14th, and being got safe without the reef, her Commander sent the boat to the Boudeuse, in which was an officer, who having surveyed the passage, and conducted the Etoile to a place of safety, returned to take the same care of Mons. Bougainville's ship.

The crew of the Boudeuse now laboured incessantly in compleating her stock of water, and in bringing her effects on board. The Commodore took possession of the island, for his Sovereign, by an inscription carved on an oak plank, and burying in a bottle, near the building they had occupied, a writing, containing the names of the several officers concerned in this expedition: and this method he followed invariably, at all the places he discovered in the course of his voyage.

The Boudeuse set sail early in the morning of the 15th, and the Commodore congratulated himself on having got clear of the reefs, when the wind suddenly dying away, the tide, and a swelling sea drove the ship violently towards the rocks, on which she must have been instantly dashed in pieces, and every man on [Page] board have perished, except the few who could swim remarkably well. At this moment, when she was ready to strike on the rocks, providentially a western breeze sprang up, and, in about two hours, conveyed our voyagers clear of all those dangers they had dreaded.

Mons. Bougainville joined the Etoile before the evening, and a strong gale springing up about midnight, they set all their sails, and soon got perfectly clear of the coast.

Our author now describes, in very affecting terms, what passed at his taking leave of the people of Otaheite; and we shall endeavour not to fall short of the original, in the tenderness of the description; convinced that the English language is at least as well adapted for the pathetic, as the French, or any other European tongue.

Soon after the dawn of the morning, when the Indians observed that their visitors were making preparations for their departure, Ereti came hastily on board, in the first boat that was ready. He now clasped in his arms, embraced, and wept over those new-made acquaintance, whom he was about to part with for ever.—This scene was scarcely ended, when a larger boat, in which were the wives of this generous Chief, came along-side the ship, laden with a variety of refreshments.

This vessel likewise brought off the Indian, who, on their first arrival, had slept on board [Page] the Etoile. This man was called AOTOUROU. Ereti presented him to Mons. Bougainville, intimating his determined resolution to sail with the strangers, and intreating permission that he might do so. This request being complied with, Ereti presented him to the officers respectively, saying, that he trusted a well-beloved friend, to the care and protection of friends equally beloved.

Ereti having accepted some presents, returned to the boat, in which were a number of weeping beauties, made still more lovely by their tears.—With him went Aotourou, to take a melancholy leave of a lovely damsel, the dear object of his regard. He took three pearls from his ears, which he delivered as a love-token to the desponding beauty; embraced her affectionately, tore himself from her arms, and left it to time and tears, to restore her serenity of mind.—Who that reads this narrative can suppose, that an Indian has less dignity of soul than an European!

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a description of the island of Otaheite, with an account of the manners and characters of its inhabitants; and in this part of his history we shall trace him with the pen of accuracy.

There is a fine bay, about ten miles in depth, between a cape, which advances to the north, and the south-east point of the island. Towards the bottom of this bay the coast is almost level, [Page] and this part appears to be the best peopled, as well as the most agreeable part of the country. In a passage between the two most northerly islands, there is good anchorage for thirty vessels. The rest of the coast is mountainous land, and in most places is encompassed by reefs of rocks, some of which are almost covered by the sea, while others are left sufficiently destitute of water to be considered as islands. On these the natives kindle fires every night, that the crews of their boats may fish in safety. Between these rocks are spaces, through which a ship may enter, but will find it difficult to get anchorage.

The mountains at a distance from the coast are much higher than it is usual for hills to be in countries of no greater extent. These, being covered with verdure and fruits of various beautiful and delicious kinds, afford the richest prospect that the imagination can form an idea of. Springs, issuing from the mountains, form themselves into rivulets, which meandring through the country, serve at once to fertilize and adorn it.

On the level parts of the island the houses are erected, under the shade of fruit trees; not in regular towns or villages, but separately, and where the fancy of the owner shall fix the spot. Public walks, kept in the neatest order, lead from one residence to another, throughout the [Page] island, so that the whole appears one scene of enchanted ground.

The principal fruits of the island are plantains, cocoa-nuts, yams, curassol okras, and the bread-fruit. Indico and sugar-canes grow wild; and two substances proper for dying, one red and the other yellow, was found among the natives; but Mons. Bougainville could not learn from what vegetable they were produced.

While Aotourou was on board the Boudeuse, it appeared, that he was acquainted with many of the plants and fruits in the possession of the French, which he called by their Indian names. Indeed, the same productions are common to most countries within the tropics.

The natives use the cedar-wood, which grows on the mountains, for the construction of the largest boats; and they make a sort of pikes, of a very heavy black wood. Their smaller boats are made of the wood of the bread-fruit tree, which is extremely soft, and full of gum.

The island of Otaheite produces very rich pearls, which are worn by the women and children; but these were secreted almost as soon as the French landed, and were seen no more during their stay. A sort of castanets, instruments used by the Indian dancers, are formed out of the shells of the pearl-oysters.

The only quadrupedes seen on the island were hogs, small but handsome dogs; and [Page] rats; the last of which are very numerous. Of winged animals there are parroquets of exquisite beauty, the feathers of which are red and blue, most happily blended: pidgeons, rather larger than ours, of a deep blue colour, and most delicate taste: and common domestic poultry, differing in no respect from those of Europe. The hogs and fowls feed on plantains only, so that the purity of their food must ensure the goodness of the meat.

Mons. Bougainville obtained, by his traffick with the natives, about 140 hogs, and more than eight hundred fowls; and he might have procured much larger numbers, if his stay had been longer.

No venomous animals were seen on this island, nor any of those noxious insects, which are common to, and are the greatest curse of, hot climates.

There can remain no doubt of the salubrity of the air of Otaheite; for though the French laboured hard all day in the heat of the sun, and were frequently in the water, and slept all night in the open air, on the bare ground, not a single person contracted any disorder; while those who were landed for the cure of the scurvy recovered very fast, and many of them acquired so much strength, that their cure was perfected on board the ships.

[Page]Our author mentions, as an undoubted proof of the healthiness of the climate, the strength of its inhabitants, who grow to an extreme old age, without feeling any of its inconveniences, though they sleep only on a few leaves, strewed on the ground, in huts ill adapted to defend them from the inclemencies of the weather.

The chief articles of food among the natives are fish and vegetables. Flesh is seldom eaten even by grown persons; and by the young women and children never. Their drink is pure water; and from this temperance doubtless arises, in a great measure, that freedom from disease, which is one of their greatest blessings. These people were averse to the taste and smell of every thing strong; particularly tobacco, spices, brandy and wine.

The natives of Otaheite are of two distinct tribes, having no personal resemblance, yet practising the same customs, associating together in the most friendly manner, and conversing in the same dialect. The first race of these people are much taller, larger, and better proportioned than the other. Few of these are less than six feet high, and so extremely well made, that, as our author says, ‘"in order to paint a Hercules or a Mars, one could no where find such beautiful models."’ Their features are perfectly like those of the inhabitants of Europe: their hair is black, and their [Page] skins rather brown; but this is attributed to their being so much exposed to the sun and air. Mons. Bougainville does not say which of the European nations they resemble, and therefore it must be concluded, that he means the French; in which case an English lady would scarcely give him credit for the extravagant encomiums which he lavishes on the beauty of the Otaheiteans; on the contrary, she will be apt to conclude, that better models for a Hercules or a Mars may be found between Berwick upon Tweed, and the lands-end in Cornwall.

The other tribe of these Indians are about the middle stature, have almost the features and complexion of Mulattoes, and rough, curled hair, as strong as the bristles of a hog. Aotourou was of this tribe, and the son of one of the Chiefs of the island.

Our author says that this Indian's want of personal beauty, was amply recompensed by the goodness of his understanding; but this assertion has been flatly contradicted by the testimony of several English gentlemen, who saw Aotourou, during his residence at Paris, and who represent him as one of the most ignorant blockheads they had ever known. Hence it should seem, that English and French ideas are extremely at variance, respecting Indian abilities and attainments.

Both the tribes shave the upper part of the face, permitting the beard on the chin to grow, [Page] and a whisker on each lip. Some of them bind the hair on the top of the head, while others cut it short, but all of them rub the oil of the cocoa-nut into the hair and beard. They permit all their nails to grow to a great length, except that of the middle finger of the right hand. Among these people one cripple only was seen; and it was supposed that he got his hurt by a fall. The Surgeon informed Mons. Bougainville, that many of the natives were marked with the small pox: and he says, he took every precaution that the venereal disorder should not be communicated to these happy, unoffending people; but it appears from Captain Cook's account, that some ungenerous Frenchman was base enough to plant this dreadful malady, in a country where, from Mons. Bougainville's own account, it is more likely to spread than in any other part of the world, on account of the extreme attachment of the inhabitants to the Cytherean sports.—Aotourou is probably arrived at his native country before this time, and has informed the islanders that their late visitors were Frenchmen; in which case the poor Indians will have ample reason to call the disorder by its genuine name, the FRENCH disease.

The ladies and gentlemen of Otaheite stain the lower parts of their backs, and their thighs, with a deep blue; the method of doing which having been already mentioned in our account [Page] of Captain Cook's voyage, need not be here repeated. Mons. Bougainville mentions it as a singular circumstance, that the practice of painting the body has always prevailed among the people of all countries, at the time when they bordered on a state of nature: it is, indeed, a well known fact, that the ancient Britons were found stained with wood, when Julius Caesar made his first descent on this island.

The natives of Otaheite wear pearls, and flowers of different kinds, in their ears. They likewise make a frequent practice of bathing their bodies, constantly washing themselves before they either eat or drink; so that they are to be ranked among the most cleanly people in the universe.

Our author represents these islanders as good-natured and benevolent in a high degree. He says, that, though the several districts are governed each by its own Chief, public war, or private animosity seemed to be equally unknown on the island. The natives seem not to entertain even the slightest doubt of the integrity of each other, and appear to enjoy, in common, whatever is necessary to the support of life. Their houses are always open night and day, and whoever enters may freely eat of whatever he finds. In like manner they gather fruit from every tree; and all the level country being a kind of continued orchard, seems to be but one common property.

[Page]Yet were these people, with such exalted ideas of general benevolence, most dextrous in stealing the property of the French. The Chiefs, however, did not encourage their inferiors in these depredations; on the contrary, they requested the officers to kill those who should be detected in an act of theft: but they would never take this disagreeable task on themselves.—When a thief was pointed out to Ereti, he would run after till he had overtaken him, and then compelling him to restore the stolen goods, he punished the offence by a number of stripes.

Mons. Bougainville says, he had conceived an idea, that these people had no severer punishment among them than this kind of whipping; for they seemed to commiserate the fate of some of the French seamen, whom they saw put in irons; but our author has been since informed, that they have a custom of punishing theft, by hanging the felon on a tree.

Although the inhabitants of Otaheite maintain perpetual peace among themselves; yet it seldom happens, but that they are engaged in war with the natives of the adjacent islands.

They have large vessels, called Periaguas, in which they descend on the enemies country, and even engage in sea-fights. A pike and a bow with a sling are all their arms.

If Aotourou's information is to be depended on, the consequences of their battles are very [Page] fatal to the vanquished. The men and boys who are made prisoners, are stripped of their skins, and the beards of the men are taken off, and carried away in triumph, as ensigns of the victory. The conquerors take with them the women and girls, with whom they frequently cohabit—Aotourou declared himself the son of one of these unnatural alliances, his mother being a native of OOPOA, an island not far distant from Otaheite, with the inhabitants of which they are frequently at war. Mons. Bougainville ascribes the difference observed between the two races of people, to this intercourse with the captive women of the adjacent islands.

The principal people on the island have a number of servants, who submit to their orders with the most unreserved obedience; and, in each district, the will of the Chief is a law, from the authority of which there is no appeal; but the Chief himself does not come to any resolution respecting matters of great importance, till he has previously consulted with the principal inhabitants. The reader will recollect, that the truth of this circumstance is evinced, by the repeated counsels which were held on occasion of the French having determined to take up their residence on shore.

When an inhabitant of Otaheite dies, his body is deposited on a kind of bier, placed under a shed, to which the women resort daily, [Page] and anoint the corpse with the oil of the cocoa-nut. In these places they are left, till all the flesh is wasted from the bones, and then the skeleton is conveyed to the hut of his relations, where a person, who appears to have great authority, attends, and being dressed in a habit peculiar to the occasion, he performs some solemn ceremonies: but how long the skeletons are kept in the houses, our author had no opportunity of knowing.

Mons. Bougainville endeavoured to learn of Aotourou the religious ceremonies of his countrymen; and, if they mutually understood each other, it will appear, that the people of Otaheite are superstitious in a high degree; that the supreme authority is vested in the priests; that their principal Deity is called ERI-T-ERA, that is, King of Light, or of the Sun; besides whom they acknowledge a number of inferior divinities, some of whom produce evil, and others good: that the general name of these ministering spirits is EATOUA; and that the natives suppose two of these divinities attend each affair of consequence in human life, determining its fate either advantageously or otherwise.

To one circumstance our author speaks in decisive terms. He says, that when the moon exhibits a certain aspect, which bears the name of Malama Tamai, [the moon in a state of war] the natives offer up human sacrifices.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville mentions one circumstance, as a proof that these people originated on the continent, from whence their ancestors must have emigrated. When any one sneezes, his companions cry out, Evaroua-t-eatoua; ‘"that is, may the good genius awaken thee;"’ or, ‘"may not the evil genius lull thee asleep."’

The principal people on the island appear to have many wives; and our author thinks polygamy is common among them all. The rich are chiefly distinguished from the poor by keeping a greater number of the fair sex; for universal love is the characteristic of the inhabitants of Otaheite. Both the parents seem eqally fond of nursing their infants. The men employ themselves principally in war, fishing, and agriculture, while the women have little to do, but to render themselves agreeable by their assiduity to please: they submit implicitly to the will of the men, and the woman who should prostitute herself without the permission of her husband, would atone for her infidelity with her life. Yet is the permission of the husband to gratify her passions, in what way she please, so easily obtained, that these fair ones are not under the least temptation to disobedience: in fact, the wife generally yields her person at the solicitation of her husband; jealousy, therefore, one would imagine, must be a passion quite unknown among them.

[Page]The single woman follows, implicitly, the dictates of her heart, and yields her person at her own discretion; and, the more numerous the favours she has granted, the better her chance of obtaining a husband. The examples perpetually before her eyes, the hymeneal songs of the natives, their dances, and their attitudes, added to the seductive warmth of the climate, all conspire to render that circumstance no vice at Otaheite, which would be deemed so in England. Love is at once the business and the pleasure of the natives of this island; and at his shrine, all its inhabitants bend with the most fervent devotion. They dance to the music of a drum, and sing to the flute blown with the nose. They likewise divert themselves, occasionally, with a kind of wrestling, which at once braces the nerves, and relaxes the mind; though in this place, of all parts of the world, the mind seems to require the least relaxation, for almost the whole business of the islanders consists in pleasure.

Our author says, that the inhabitants of Otaheite are a witty and humorous people, which he attributes to their living in ease and jollity.—That ease may make a man happy, we will readily allow; but that it can create humour, or inspire wit, we must beg leave to deny:—perhaps the dullest fellows this day to be found on the habitable globe, are among those who are easy and independant in point of fortune, and [Page] perhaps, too, some of the most humorous and witty may be found among those who know not where to obtain a second shilling when the present is expended. This, at least, is the case in London: it may, possibly, fare differently with the Parisians, almost all of whom being poor and merry, may fancy themselves wits and humourists. In a word, wit and humour are not the gifts of fortune, but of Nature.

Mons. Bougainville charges the people of Otaheite with a fickleness of disposition, which was deemed astonishing. Every new object struck their attention, but nothing engaged it for more than a few minutes. To reflect was, to them, a work of labour, and they seemed to prefer bodily to mental exercises.—This, with our ingenious author's permission, is a proof of their good sense: every man, who can think at all, must know, that the labour of the mind exceeds that of the limbs, in proportion as the soul is superior to the body! For this reason we pay not an artist as we pay a porter; the one will earn an hundred pounds, while the other is drudging for as many shillings: but the porter can drudge on for life, while the artist, if he acquire not sufficient to retire with decency at an early period, will pine away a wretched old age in unmerited penury!

The natives of Otaheite are ingenious, beyond description, in the construction of their fishing-tackle, the hooks of which are of mother [Page] of pearl, and wrought as nicely as if with European tools. With threads drawn from the American aloe they form their nets, which are made like those of France, and other nations of Europe. Their houses, too, are exceedingly well built, and the palm-leaves, with which they are thatched, are laid on with great skill and taste.

The boats (or periaguas) of these people are of two kinds. The former very large, hollowed out of huge trees, and finished with much taste, parts of other trees being added as ornaments:—the latter small, and of much ruder construction—But these kinds of boats having been repeatedly described in this and other books of voyages, it is unnecessary to say more of them.

In order to convey themselves from one island to another, they fix beams of wood from the starboard side of one vessel to the larboard of the other, leaving an intermediate space of something more than a yard; and over the stern of both the boats they erect a kind of hut, lightly built, and covered with reeds, which serves as a repository for their provisions, and a shelter against the inclemency of the weather.

Two boats thus lashed together never overset; and are therefore much in use among the people of superior rank: the sails of these vessels [Page] are nearly square, and consist of mats, stretched out by means of pieces of cane.

The only tools in use among the natives of Otaheite are pieces of shells made sharp, for boring holes in wood, and a chissel, in the European make, the blade of which is formed of a hard black stone.

The natives manufacture that remarkable kind of cloth which forms their dress: a shrub is cultivated near all the Indian huts, from the rind of which this cloth is made, by beating it on a smooth board, and occasionally sprinkling it with water, till it is as thin as paper, and something like it, only much more pliable. Thus they make cloth of different thickness, which they afterwards dye; but their process in the dying it Mons. Bougainville had no opportunity of seeing.

Our author now employs two or three pages in defence of his conduct in bringing Aotourou from his native island, in answer to some illiberal reflections which had been cast on him; and then he proceeds to describe some particulars of the Indian's behaviour during his residence. This account should certainly have appeared as a supplement to the Volume; but we take it as it stands.

Mons. Bougainville says he endeavoured, at a great trouble and expence, to render Aotourou's residence at Paris both improving and entertaining to him. The curiosity of the public [Page] to view this stranger was insatiable; and the foolish Parisians were astonished to learn, that there was any country on the face of the earth, where neither French, English, nor Spanish was spoken. Mons. Bougainville happily ridicules this strange kind of ignorance; but he does not seem to wonder, that it should prevail among those who had never been without the walls of the city which gave them birth.

Our author is likewise very severe on a set of critics, who seemed to wonder that Aotourou could live among Frenchmen almost two years, and yet learn only a very few words of their language. To account for this, Mons. Bougainville mentions a physical obstruction in the organs of his speech; his age, which rather exceeded thirty years; the deficiency of a memory never exercised by study; and the possessing only a very limited number of ideas, relative to the trifling wants of the natives of his happy island. Hence our author concludes, that he must first of all have created ‘"a world of previous ideas, in a mind as indolent as his body",’ before he could adapt them to the French words proper to express them.

Though Aotourou was thus deficient in the language of France, yet the streets of Paris were quite familiar to him. He went out daily without attendants, and found his way readily through the whole city. He frequently bought things, and was seldom defrauded in the purchase. [Page] None of the public diversions had any charms for him but the opera, to which he went regularly: for he knew the nights on which it was to be performed, and paid the same for admittance as other people: his great fondness for dancing was what rendered the opera so agreeable to him.

He was exceedingly grateful to those who conferred any obligations on him, nor did he ever forget their persons or their favours. The dutchess of Choiseul stood foremost in the list of his friends, and he expressed more gratitude for the polite attention with which she treated him, than even for the numerous presents which he received at her hands: and as often as he heard of that lady's being arrived from her country-seat, he would immediately go and visit her.

After a residence of eleven months at Paris, Aotourou was put on board the Brisson, at Rochelle, which ship was destined to convey him to the isle of France, whither orders were sent to the Governor and intendant, to transport him thence to his own country. Mons. Bougainville gave about 1500 l. sterling, towards the fitting out the Brisson for this voyage; and the Dutchess of Choiseul ordered a considerable sum to be expended in cattle, seeds, implements of husbandry, &c. which were shipped for the use of the natives of Otaheite. Mons. Bougainville concludes this part of his narrative [Page] with the following very humane and equally political wish. ‘"O may Aotourou soon see his countrymen again!"’

Our author now proceeds to inform us of several particulars, with which his conversation with this adventrous islander had made him acquainted. If Mons. Bougainville be not misled in his information, the state of facts will appear to be, that the inhabitants of Otaheite pay their devotions to the Deity, at the rising and setting of the sun; that their supreme God is incapable of representation; but that they have two classes of inferior deities, who are represented by figures carved in wood. Exclusive of these regular devotions, the natives of Otaheite practice a number of superstitious ceremonies, in order to avert the influence of the evil genii.

While Aotourou was at Paris, in 1769, a comet appeared, which furnished Mons. Bougainville with an opportunity of knowing that these kind of stars had been frequently observed at Otaheite; but that the natives do not suppose that they are portentous of any evil consequence; on the contrary, what we call shooting stars, are, by these people, deemed evil genii.—How far it was possible for Aotourou to explain himself to Mons. Bougainville, on astronomical subjects, is left to the reader's reflection.

[Page]The more enlightened people of Otaheite have names for the sun, moon, and stars; by which, without the assistance of the needle or compass, they steer their course night and day, sailing, at some times, not less than eight hundred miles from island to island. In the daytime they are guided by the sun, and by the stars in the night.

Mons. Bougainville learnt from Aotourou the names of several islands, in the seas near Otaheite, the natives of some of which were in friendship, and those of others at war, with his countrymen. Of the former are Tapouamassou, Oumaitia, Aca, Maoroua, and Aimeo; of the latter, Oopoa, Toumaraa, Otaa, Aiatea, and Papara; all which are represented as about equal in extent with Otaheite.

There is an island, called Pare, the inhabitants of which are alternately at war and in friendship with the natives of Otaheite. In these seas are likewise two small islands, called Toupai, and Enoua-Motou, which are not inhabited, but yield abundance of fruit, fowls, and hogs, while their coasts abound with turtle, and other fish; but the people of Otaheite conceiving these islands to be the residence of evil genii, deem it a certain sign of misfortune, if either curiosity or chance should lead any boat to their coasts; and it is supposed, that those who endeavour to land there will perish in the attempt.

[Page]The most distant of all the islands abovementioned is not more than about fifteen days sail from Otaheite, even with the boats of that island; and Mons. Bougainville conjectures, that Aotourou had no idea of going farther when he embarked on board the Boudeuse.—If this conjecture be well founded, there certainly was not so much magnanimity in this Indian's behaviour as we have been hitherto taught to believe:—but there are great inconsistencies in the writings of our voyager, which the reader will pardon, in favour of his vanity. It is our duty to correct and amend as we proceed.

Mons. Bougainville at first imagined, that the inhabitants of Otaheite were nearly equal in point of rank, and that their happiness was to be envied, from their supposed equality: but he now, from the information of Aotourou, corrects that error, and confesses that, ‘"the distinction of ranks is very great,"’ and ‘"the disproportion very tyrannical."’—The Chiefs, and other men in power, dispose of the lives of their dependants at their pleasure; and our author thinks, that they have the power of exerting this cruel prerogative over the common people, who are not immediately dependant on them. The vulgar are distinguished by the appellation of Tata einow, that is, vile men; and it is mentioned, as an indubitable fact, that those doomed for sacrifices are selected from the Plebeian race. The Grandees only eat fish [Page] and flesh, while the common people subsist entirely on pulse and fruits. Indeed the distinction of rank appears to be very great; for persons of eminence are lighted from place to place in the night, with a wood of superior quality to that which the vulgar are allowed to burn. The tree called the weeping willow is planted only before the houses of the Chiefs or Kings, and their public dinners are held beneath its shade.

The servants of the great men are distinguished by a kind of sash, worn round the body, which is placed across the loins, or higher up, till it comes close under the arm-pits, in proportion to the rank of the master.

The natives of Otaheite make two regular meals daily, one just after noon, and the other as soon as the sun is gone down. The servants cook the victuals, which are served up by the wives, who eat after their husbands have done.

When the men die, the women go into mourning for them; but this compliment is not returned on the part of the men. The children wear mourning a long time after the death of the father, and on the decease of a king, the whole nation is in sables. The mourning consists of a head-dress of black feathers, and a veil drawn over the face.

Aotourou informed Mons. Bougainville, that this veil was very favourable to the wishes of those women whose husbands were not so complaisant [Page] as his countrymen in general are. This arises from the following circumstance. When the mourners go out, a number of slaves walk before them, beating the castanets to a solemn melancholy tune, which is considered as a notice for all persons to keep at a distance from the afflicted: thus, the veil over the face, and the sound of an instrument from which every one flies, cannot but be auspicious to the wishes of the enraptured lovers.

When any person is dangerously ill, all his relations repair to his house, and remain there till he is either dead or out of danger, each, in his turn, attending the sick man. Their method of bleeding is very singular. An inferior priest, called Taoua, is the physician, who strikes the cranium with a piece of sharp wood, which opens the sagittal vein; and when he deems the patient to have bled sufficiently, he ties on a bandage, which closes the orifice; the day following he washes the wound, and no ill consequence ensues.

Mons. Bougainville says, that the preceding account contains every thing he could learn respecting the customs of Otaheite, either on the island, or from the information of Aotourou. Our author remarks, that some words spoken by the natives of Otaheite, are to be found in a vocabulary at the end of La Maire's voyage, under the title of the ‘"Vocabulary of Cocos island",’ which being mentioned as lying [Page] nearly in the same latitude with Otaheite, is conjectured to be one of those islands, the names of which were recited by Aotourou.

The language of the people of Otaheite is described by Mons. Bougainville as extremely harmonious, and easy of pronunciation, consisting chiefly of vowels, and having no aspirates. He says also that it has no nasal, mute, or half syllables; nor ‘"that quantity of consonants and articulations, which render some languages so difficult."’ Hence, he concludes, arose the difficulty of teaching Aotourou the French tongue; but he thinks it would have been a work of much less labour to have taught him the Italian or Spanish.

How far our author is right in his conjectures, it would be no easy task to determine; for the direct contrary of what he says of the language of these islanders has been observed by the English navigators. As we have already given some vocabularies, we shall, at the conclusion of this narrative, give that of Mons. Bougainville, that the reader may determine whether the English or the French voyagers have the best pretensions to credibility.

Mons. Bougainville informs us, that a gentleman of Paris, distinguished by his skill in teaching the art of speech to persons born deaf and dumb, repeatedly examined Aotourou, and found that he could not naturally pronounce [Page] any of the French nasal vowels, and but very few of the consonants.

Our author is of opinion, that the language of Otaheite is sufficiently copious, and he grounds this opinion on the following circumstances. Whenever, during the voyage, Aotourou was struck with any new object, he immediately expressed his sentiments in a kind of extempore blank verse; and he also repeated daily a long prayer, which he called ‘"the prayer of the Kings,"’ not a dozen words of which Mons. Bougainville understood, or heard him repeat on any other occasion.

Aotourou informed the Commodore, that an English ship had arrived at Otaheite about eight months before the French touched at that island. This (says our author) was the vessel commanded by Captain Wallace; and he ascribes the knowledge of iron, which was observed among the natives, to this visit of the English, especially as they call it Aouri, which is not very unlike our word iron. Our Frenchman likewise gives a very ungenteel hint, that the poor Indians were indebted to the English for the venereal disease; but the contrary of this is known to be the fact.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to give an account of his departure from Otaheite, and his discovery of other islands in the southern pacific ocean. On the morning of the 16th of April, 1768, he discovered what he thought to [Page] be three other islands; but it was afterwards found to be only one, the high lands of which had, at a distance, given it the appearance of separate islands. At a considerable distance beyond this island, they saw another, which Aotourou told them was called Oumaitia; that the natives of it were in alliance with the people of Otaheite; that there was a girl on the island to whom he had a strong attachment; and that if the Commodore would touch there, he would meet with the same kind of necessaries, and the same hospitable treatment, as he had experienced among his countrymen.

Our circumnavigator, however, deaf to all these persuasive arguments, held on his way, and lost sight of the island the same day. The succeeding night proving remarkably fair, and the stars appearing with unclouded lustre, Aotourou pointed out a constellation in the shoulder of Orion, and expressed a wish, that the ship's course might be directed by it, in consequence of which they would, in two days time, arrive at a fine island where he had a numerous acquaintance; and it was conjectured, from his hints, that he had also a child there. As Mons. Bougainville persisted in his resolution not to alter the ship's course, Aotourou became very uneasy, and endeavoured to persuade him to steer for the desired port, by assuring him, that the island abounded in hogs, fowls, fruits, and, what he seemed to [Page] think would be the most prevailing argument, fine women, who were abundantly liberal of their favours.

Mortified in a high degree that his reasons did not operate with the Commodore, he ran to the steerage, and seizing the wheel of the helm, tried to steer for his favourite isle, nor was it without great difficulty on the part of the helm's-man, and equal vexation on that of the poor Indian, that he was prevented from carrying his design into execution.

Early on the following morning he climbed to the mast-head, where he remained several hours, anxiously looking out for the spot which had so much attracted his regard.

On the preceding night he pointed out a great number of stars, and informed Mons. Bougainville of their names in the language of Otaheite; and it was afterwards certainly known, that this islander was not unacquainted with the phases of the moon, and that he was learned in those prognosticks, which evince an approaching change of the weather. It likewise appeared, that his countrymen were not uninformed in this kind of knowledge, so useful to people whose wants or curiosity frequently carry them to sea, where they have no compass to direct their course, except their own judgment, and the sight of the coelestial constellations.

[Page]Mons. Bougainville confesses, that the natives of Otaheite are fully convinced that the sun and moon are peopled; and he asks, ‘"What Fontenelle taught them the plurality of worlds?"’—We will answer him.—The omnipotent Creator of all worlds, who fills all space; whose power gave birth, and whose presence gives life to nature, and who has poured his bounties, with unsparing hand, on every part of his creation.

Our historian having acknowledged, that these islanders are possessed of such great and superior talents, has certainly no right to call, or to deem, them savages. Is a man a savage because he happens to be born in a different part of the world from us; because he is unacquainted with the languages of Europe, and untaught in customs, which he could never, from the locality of his situation, have an opportunity of learning? The historians, and particularly the navigators of this quarter of the globe, are very censurably fond of distinguishing, by the title of savages, all those who are happy enough to be born in milder climates, and to live and die, uninstructed in those arts of refinement, and unskilled in that baseness of insincerity, which are at once the characteristick, the boast, and the disgrace of the Christian world.

The weather continued fine till the end of April, at which time the principal pilot on board [Page] the Boudeuse died of an apoplectic fit. In the beginning of the month of May, three islands were discovered at the distance of ten or twelve leagues to the north-west; but these were unknown to Aotourou, who imagined that it was Mons. Bougainville's country. The moon shone bright in the night, during which they kept sight of the islands, and in the morning steered for the largest, the eastern shore of which they coasted, and found it about nine miles in length.

The coasts of this island are remarkably steep, and, in fact, the whole of it is little else than an enormous hill, cloathed with trees. Several fires were seen on shore, a small number of houses covered with reeds, under the shade of cocoa-nut trees, and more than twenty of the natives running hastily along the coast.

The two smaller islands were each about a mile and a half in length, and separated from the larger one by an arm of the sea; in shape and appearance they are very much like the former.

The Commodore had given directions to steer between the islands, when a boat, with five Indians in her, was observed coming off towards the ship. She advanced very near, but, though every sign of friendly invitation was made, not one of the natives would venture on board. They had no kind of cloathing but a bandage round the waist; and as they [Page] could not be prevailed on to come up the ship's side, Aotorou stripped himself, leaving on nothing more than what they wore, and addressed them in the language of Otaheite; but they understood not a word of what he said.

As they held up some cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables, and seemed to wish to barter them for some trinkets which were shewn them, Mons. Bougainville ordered out one of the ship's boats, with a view to visit the strangers; but they no sooner learnt his intention, than they rowed off with all possible expedition, and he did not think proper to follow them.

In a little time many other boats advanced towards the ships, some of them rowed, and others sailing. These, less diffident than the former, came close under the ship's side, but none of the islanders would venture on board. They exchanged pieces of an exquisitely fine shell, yams, cocoa-nuts, and a water hen of most beautiful plumage, for small pieces of red stuff; but they did not seem fond of earrings, knives, nails, nor iron of any kind; which had been so eagerly coveted by the inhabitants of Otaheite. One of these Indians brought a cock with him, but he would not part with it on any terms. They had also some pieces of cloth, of the same kind as that manufactured at Otaheite, but not of so fine a fabrick, and died black, brown and red, but none of the colours were good of their kinds. [Page] They were likewise possessed of a kind of wood hardened by fire, lances, mats, and fish-hooks made of bones.

Mons. Bougainville conjectures, from the features of these islanders, that they are not of so amiable a disposition as the natives of Otaheite; and he represents them as such dextrous thieves, that it was almost impossible to guard against their depredations.

These people are of the middle size, and exceedingly alert; they are of a deep brown complexion, but one was seen among them who was much fairer than any of the others; they had no beards, so that it was supposed they were plucked out by the roots, and their hair, which was universally black, stood almost erect on their heads; their thighs and breasts were painted with a deep blue.

Their boats are built in a most ingenious taste, and furnished with out-riggers. The head and stern of the vessel are equally flat with its sides, and over each is a small deck, in the center of which is a row of wooden pegs, the tops of which are enclosed in a shell of the purest white: the sail is formed of matting, and its shape triangular, being extended by means of sticks.

In these boats the islanders followed the French vessels to a considerable distance out to sea, while several others, from the smaller islands, joined the naval procession, and produced [Page] an effect that was highly agreeable. In one of these last mentioned boats was an old woman, remarkably distinguished by the singular ugliness of her features.

As the weather now fell calm, the Commodore gave up, from an apprehension of danger, hit project of sailing between the islands, though the breadth of the channel was more than four miles. They now sailed, therefore, in the open sea, and on the evening of the same day, the man at the mast-head had sight of other land, even while they were yet in view, by the aid of a bright moon, of the islands they had lately left.

On the morning of the 5th it appeared, that the newly discovered land was a most beautiful island, consisting of alternate mountains and vallies, clothed with the richest verdure, and finely shadowed by the spreading branches of the cocoa-nut, and a variety of other trees. Near the westermost point of this island is a ledge of rocks, and the sea breaks with violence on many parts of the coast, so that it would be difficult to land, except in very few places.

Many boats put off from the island, and sailed round the ships, though they were then going at the rate of at least seven knots an hour. These boats, however, one only excepted, would not venture near the ships; but that one went along-side, and her crew made [Page] signs for the French to land, which they would have done, but the breakers rendered it impossible. At this time the man at the mast-head observed a number of the Indian boats sailing to the southward.

On the following day another island was seen to the westward of the ship's course, in the neighbourhood of which were two smaller islands; but none of these could be distinctly beheld, on account of some thick fogs, which intercepted the view.

The last mentioned islands are situated nearly where Tasman, the Dutch navigator, has placed a number of islands which he discovered, and to which he gave the names of Heemskirk, Prince William, Pylstaart, Amsterdam and Rotterdam. The longitude of these islands corresponds likewise, very nearly, with those which navigators have called Solomon's Isles; so that it is most probable they are the same.

Mons. Bougainville conjectures, that the number of boats which were observed sailing to the southward, is a vindication that there are other islands at no great distance; and, indeed, this opinion seems to be well-grounded. o all these lands the Commodore gave the general name of the Archipelago of the Navigators.

The writer of this work must be indulged for giving a hint, which springs from the noblest of motives, the love of his country. It is [Page] surely well worthy the consideration of the British ministry, whether it might not be proper to send a fleet to discover and settle some of these islands.—Who knows what future benefit might, from such a circumstance, accrue to the first maritime and commercial state in the universe?—The American colonies form the brightest gem in the British crown. The colonies in the southern pacific ocean might, not improbably, constitute a diadem of still superior lustre!

On the morning of the 11th another island was discovered, which received the name of the Forlorn Hope; but for what reason it is impossible to guess. At a distance it had the appearance of two islands, but this deception was occasioned by its shape, for it consisted of two hills, joined by a low land, which could not be seen far out at sea.

At this period, and for some days before and afterwards, the weather was extremely unfavourable, the winds being adverse, and the rains and calms alternate. Mons. Bougainville (on this circumstance) observes, that in the ocean which has obtained the name of PACIFIC, the approach to land is generally announced by violent tempests, which become still more violent, in proportion as the moon decreases. The vicinity of islands is generally foreboded by thick clouds at the horizon, and squally weather; and the precautions necessary [Page] to be taken to prevent a vessel's running fowl of shoals, may be more easily conceived than described. In the present instance it was impossible to proceed with the necessary degree of caution; for the crew were in want of provisions, and water, in particular, grew very scarce; so that they were obliged to take advantage of every breeze of wind, both by night and day, and run all hazards, for fear of starving.

Thus situated, it may be presumed, that they thought themselves sufficiently unhappy; but their distresses were aggravated by the greater number of the crew of each ship being attacked by the scurvy, which inflamed their mouths to such a degree, that they could scarcely have swallowed those refreshments of which they stood much in need. Salt beef, pork, and dried pulse, constituted the whole fare of those who remained in health; for the sick, however, there were yet some few articles of fresh provisions remaining.

At this unfortunate juncture the disease, consequent on an illicit commerce between the sexes, made its appearance, attended by all its most disagreeable symptoms. Aotourou was so extremely ill of it, that though seeming to despise its progress and its effects, he was obliged to submit himself to the care of the Surgeons. Mons. Bougainville's words, on this occasion, are very remarkable. ‘"In his (Aotourou's) [Page] country, this disease is but little minded. Columbus brought it from America; here it is in an isle in the midst of the greatest ocean. Have the English brought it thither? Or ought the physician to win, who laid a wager, that if four healthy stout men were shut up with one healthy woman, the venereal complaint would be the consequence of their commerce?"’

Ungenerous Frenchman! Why this unjustifiable attack on the English? At the time Mons. Bougainville wrote the narrative of his voyage, he knew that some of his crew were infected with the malady in question, when they landed at Otaheite; for, in a former part of his volume he has said, that he did all in his power to prevent their communicating it to the poor islanders. What becomes, too, of his wonder, how a disorder should find its way to a little island in the pacific ocean, when he knew that his own ship had carried it thither!—Whether Columbus brought this pestilence from America or not, is, perhaps a question not easily determined; nor, at this period, is it at all material: but one fact is well known; that the French have plentifully distributed the contagion through Europe, and it is not improbable, that they have likewise carried it to every other quarter of the globe.

This subject is rather of the indelicate kind; but we are necessarily led into it; and may be [Page] indulged in one remark, that seems to arise naturally from the preceding circumstances, and will, we trust, militate on the side of virtue.—Providence, we conceive, wisely intended one man for the associate of one woman, who should be the companion of his life, the friend of his bosom, the partaker of his joys, the sharer of his griefs, whose love for him should excite all his tenderness, and repay, with interest, those toils and cares it gave rise to. Thus paired, thus mutually giving and receiving happiness, the married state is indeed a heaven on earth. Wedded love, the chaste, the holy, the conjugal tie, will ensure as much happiness as is to be found in this sublunary world; and trust, O reader, in the goodness of God for the future. To sum up this remark, marriages are made in heaven; choose, ye ladies, with prudence choose, the heart paired with your own; select ye, generous youths, the amiable fair, whose eyes beam the gentle influence of love, and whose heart feels the solid force of virtue; then be true to each other, and bid defiance to contagion: so shall your days be happy, and your children bless the parents to whom they owe the first of human blessings, health of body, and of mind.

The ships now steered a westerly course, and early on the morning of the 22d two islands were discovered, one of which received the name of Aurora, from the early hour on which [Page] it was first seen, and the other that of Whitsuntide Isle, from the day which gave birth to its being so named.

The track of the vessels was now so directed, as that they might have passed between the two islands, but an unexpected calm prevented this manoeuvre. Proceeding to the northward of the first discovered island, a rising land, in a conical form, was observed to bear north by west, which received the name of the Peak of the Etoile.

In the afternoon, mountainous lands, at thirty miles distance, were seen, appearing, as it were, over and beyond the island of Aurora.

On the twenty-third it was discovered, that the land last seen was a separate island; the appearance of which was lofty, its descent steep, and the whole cloathed with [...]es. A number of boats were seen coasting the shore, but none of them approached the ships; smoke was seen issuing from among the woods, but no habitation was observed.

In the morning the Commodore dispatched three boats, well manned and armed, to take in wood, and to learn the necessary particulars respecting the country, while the ships guns were brought to bear on the island, in order to protect the boats crews from any insult that might be offered them by the natives.

Mons. Bougainville himself went on shore in the afternoon, where he found the good-natured [Page] Indians assisting the French in carrying to the boats a quantity of wood which had been cut.

The information obtained from the officer commanding the boat's crew was, that on his first landing, the natives assembled on the shore, armed with bows and arrows, intimating, by signs, that the strangers must retreat. The French officer, however, gave directions for landing, and while his people advanced, the islanders retreated, but with their bows bent, and in an attitude of self-defence. At length, the crew were ordered to halt, while the Prince of Nassau approached the Indians, who no longer retreated when they saw only one person advancing. The Prince having given them some remnants of red cloth, their esteem appeared o be at once conciliated.

The commanding officer now stationed himself at the entrance of a wood, and sent out a party in search of refreshments, while another was deputed to cut fire-wood. The natives now came forward, with an appearance of friendship, and distributed some fruit among the seamen, to whom they likewise gave some arrows, but refused to accept any thing in exchange. Their numbers were considerable, and those who were not armed with bows and arrows had provided themselves with stones, as instruments of defence.

[Page]These people intimated, that they were at war with the natives of a different district on the island, and even while they were hinting this circumstance, an armed party of Indians approached from the westward, while the former appeared determined not to retreat from their enemies; but the valour of the latter was rendered unnecessary to be exerted by the want of present courage in the former.

Matters were in this situation when Mons. Bougainville landed on the island, where he remained till his boats were laden with the articles he wanted.

This being done, he took possession of the island, by the act of burying at the foot of a tree an inscription, carved on an oak-plank; and then he retreated to the ship.

It was imagined, that this early retreat of the French prevented an attack, which the islanders had meditated, as they seemed to be making preparations for what they had not yet in their power to carry into execution; but no sooner had the boats put off, than the islanders hastened to the beach, and complimented them with a shower of arrows, and a volley of stones; some of them even plunged into the waves, aiming their fury at the supposed invaders, and hurling their vengeance on the insolent strangers. When, at length, one of the seamen had been wounded by a stone, a discharge of muskets drove the poor islanders to their native woods, [Page] evidently wounded, from their cries and exclamations.

Mons. Bougainville gives the following description of the natives of this island, which he called the Isle of Lepers, from observing, that many of the inhabitants were afflicted with the leprosy. Some of them are mulattto's, and others perfect negroes; their hair is woolly, and generally black, but in some instances of a very light brown, approaching to a yellow. Few women were seen among them, but those few were equally disagreeable with the men, who are represented as low in stature, ill-favoured, and disproportionably made.

We will not deny the veracity of our historian; the works of Nature and of Providence are astonishing. The God of creation is equally wise and wonderful in all his works; but we must own, that it appears to be a phenomenon, the existence of which surpasses the credulity of an English reader, that black men should have (to use Mons. Bougainville's own words) hair ‘"of a yellowish colour."’ Of all historians, the circumnavigators are fond of dealing in the marvellous. Our Commodore, presuming that he had visited an island unapproached by any other European Commander, has told us just what he pleased of the natives of that island, and it is not in our power to contradict him. It would have given weight to the testimony [Page] of our flippant French historian, if he had brought to Paris one of these curious Lusus Naturae, these yellow-pated negroes.

The ladies of this singular country carry their children in a bag of cloth, slung at their backs. On these cloths there are elegant drawings in a fine dye of crimson. The noses of the men are pierced and hung with ornaments; and it is presumed, that they pluck their beards, as none of them were observed to have any. They wear a bracelet on the arm, which had the appearance of ivory, and pieces of tortoishells round their necks.

Clubs, stones, bows and arrows form the armour of these people; the arrows are made of reeds pointed with bone. On the points of these bones are inverted darts, which prevent the arrow being drawn without tearing the flesh of the wounded person. The boats of these islanders bore a strong resemblance to those of the Indians of the isle of Navigators; but these vessels did not approach the ships so near, as to furnish the French with an opportunity of giving a particular description of their construction.

Near the beach on which Mons. Bougainville landed, is a lofty hill, extremely steep, yet cloathed with a super-abundance of verdure. The vegetable productions of the Isle of Lepers, are far inferior to those of Otaheite, owing, as is supposed, to the lightness of the soil, and its want of depth.

[Page]Figs, of a species not before known, were found in this country; and several paths were seen cut through the woods, and inclosed by pallisadoes about a yard in height. It was conjectured, that these enclosures marked the boundaries of the landed property of different persons. Half a dozen hovels only were seen, into which no person could enter but on his hands and knees; yet the inhabitants were very numerous, and it is supposed they must be very miserable, from the perpetual wars among the natives of different districts on the island.

Mons. Bougainville says, that the sound of a drum, harsh and dissonant to the ear, was frequently heard in the wood near the top of the above-mentioned hill; and this he imagines to have been a signal for the Indians to rally their forces; for no sooner had the discharge of the fire-arms dispersed the multitude, than this drum was immediately heard; and when the islanders in enmity with the others appeared, the drum was beat with suspended violence.

Aotourou formed a very contemptible opinion of the inhabitants of the Isle of Lepers, whose persons appeared indescribably odious in his eyes; and of whose language he had not the slightest idea.

On the 23d more land was discovered, which, on the 25th, was observed to enclose almost all the horizon, so that the ships were surrounded in one extensive gulph, while the coast of the [Page] newly-discovered country contained many other gulphs, or large inlets, across which several boats were observed rowing, from one shore to the other.

The night of the 25th was spent in tacking, and in the morning it was observed, that the currents had carried the ships several miles more to the south than their reckoning. The number of isles now seen was so great, that they could not be counted, nor could the end of these extensive countries be discerned.

Steering north-west by west, the land had a very beautiful aspect, being diversified with fine trees, between spots of land that had the appearance of being cultivated. Some parts of the mountains being barren, and spotted in different places with a red earth, Mons. Bougainville conjectures from that circumstance, that they contained some mineral substances.

A great inlet to the westward having been seen on the preceding day, the ships now arrived in it, and saw a number of negro Indians on the south coast of it, while others approached the vessels in their boats, but when they came to about the distance of a musket shot, they would advance no nearer, nor could any sign of invitation from the French induce them to alter their resolution.

The land on the north shore is of a moderate height, and cloathed with trees. On this shore many negroes were seen, and several boats put [Page] off towards the ships; but these, like the former, refused to come to board.

At the distance of about eight miles from this spot, two islands were seen, which formed the entrance of a fine bay, which the boats were sent to examine, and after they had been gone a few hours, the sound of muskets were heard, which made the Commodore very uneasy. On their return in the evening it appeared, that one of them, in disobedience to the orders of the Commander, had left her consort, and going near in shore, the Indians discharged two arrows at the crew, which was returned by the musquetry, and some larger guns. A projecting point of land prevented the boat being seen from the ships; but the incessant firing induced the Commodore to imagine, that she was engaged with a very large number of the enemies boats, two of which she had certainly encountered.

Preparations were making for dispatching the long-boat to her assistance, when she was descried, coming round the above-mentioned point of land.

The lamentable cries of the poor Indians were now heard in the woods, to which they had fled, from the rage of their enemies, and their drums were incessantly beating.—We must now transcribe one passage from Mons. Bougainville, because it is the most humane, and consequently the noblest, in his whole narrative: [Page] ‘"I immediately made signal to the boat to come on board, and I took my measures to prevent our being dishonoured for the future, by such an abuse of the superiority of our power."’

The country last mentioned consisted of a number of small islands, off which there is tolerable good anchorage, but at such a distance from the coast, that a ship could not cover any boats which should land, which, as the islands are cloathed with thick woods, would be the more necessary.

These Indians went naked, and, except a bandage round the waist, wore the same kind of ornaments as those on the island of Lepers, whom they resembled in all respects, except not being quite so black; and the productions of the island were likewise the same.—The Commodore very properly declined any attempt to trade with these people, whom he could not suppose would barter their effects with those, from whom they had received such essential injuries.

On the morning of the 27th they again sailed, and, in a few hours, had sight of a fine plantation of trees, between which there were regular walks, resembling those of an European garden. Many of the natives were seen near this spot, and as an inlet was observed at no small distance, the Commodore ordered the [Page] boats to be hoisted out; but they found that it was impracticable to land.

The ships now quitted the great cluster of islands they had lately visited, which received the general name of Archipelago of the great Cyclades, which, it is conjectured, occupies no less than three degrees of latitude, and five of longitude. Mons. Bougainville says, that these islands are not the same that Quiros called Tierra Austral del Espiritu Santo; but that Roggewein saw the northern extremity of them, which he denominated Groningen, and Thienhoven.

Our author now recites a very singular fact. On board the store-ship was a person reported to be a woman, which was almost confirmed by her want of beard, her voice, and her shape. The Commodore going on board the Etoile, enquired into the fact; when the party confessed her sex, while floods of tears streamed down her face.

Her story is extraordinary.—Born in Burgundy, and left an Orphan, she was ruined by the fatal issue of a law-suit: on which she resolved to drop the habit of her sex, and served a gentleman at Paris; but hearing of Mons. Bougainville's intended expedition round the world, she repaired to Rochefort, where, just before the ships embarked, she entered into the service of Mons. de Commercon, who went out with a view of encreasing his botanical knowledge. [Page] She followed her master, with astonishing courage and resolution, through deep snows, to the hoary tops of the mountains in the streight of Magellan, carrying loads of herbs, plants, arms and provisions, with unspeakable courage, and unwearied toil.

While our adventurers were at Otaheite, the men of that island flocked round our heroine, and exclaiming, ‘"this is a woman!"’ would certainly have treated her as such, but that an officer rescued her from their hands, and ordered her to be delivered, unviolated on board the ship.

Mons. Bougainville observes, that this is the first woman that ever circumnavigated the globe, and remarks on the singularity of her situation, if the ships should have been wrecked on some desert isle in the great ocean. The name of this extraordinary woman is Baré; and she is as celebrated for her chastity as her courage.

On the night between the fourth and fifth of June some breakers were seen at half a league's distance, by the light of the moon. In the morning it appeared to be a low flat sandy isle, abounding in birds, which received the name of the Shoal of Diana.

About this period several species of fruit, and some pieces of wood, floated by the ship; and a kind of flying fish was seen, larger than the [Page] common sort, the body of which was black, and the wings red.

A sand bank was discovered on the 6th, on which the sea broke violently, and the tops of rocks were seen at intermediate spaces. ‘"This last discovery (says our author) was the voice of God, and we were obedient to it."’—They therefore spent the night in making short tacks in that part of the sea with which they were previously acquainted.

At this time the salt provisions on board were become so putrid, that it was almost impossible for men, even on the point of starving, to swallow them; and therefore the rats were industriously sought after, and eaten in preference to it. The remaining peas would serve only forty days, and the bread two months; so that it became highly necessary to think of steering to the northward.

On the 10th, before day-break, an agreeable fragrancy impregnated the air, announcing that land was near; and it was accordingly discovered before sun-rising. This is described as a most delicious country, divided, near the sea coast, into groves and plains, behind which the land rises, in the form of an amphitheatre, till the tops of the mountains are lost in the clouds. The most lofty of three chain of mountains was seen above seventy miles in-land. The whole country appeared to be rich and fertile, but the deplorable situation to which the [Page] ship's companies were reduced, would not admit of their staying to take a more accurate survey of it.

On the 10th a prodigious swell from the south-east drove the ships violently towards land, and they were soon within about two miles of it; and the night was passed in this dangerous situation, taking advantage of every slight breeze to clear the shore. A number of boats were now seen coasting the island, on many parts of which fires were observed. A turtle was found here in the belly of a shark.

For several successive days there was so thick a fog, that the Boudeuse was obliged to fire frequent guns to keep company with the Etoile, on board of which were a part of their provisions.

Several shell fish, called cornets, leaped into the ship in the night, and as it is known of these fish, that they are accustomed to keep at the bottom of the sea, it is evident, that the ships must have been in very shallow water.

On the 16th the weather became fine, and on the following day several islands were discovered, one of which was called Ushant, from its similitude to the island of that name.

By this time our voyagers were reduced to very great extremities. The allowance of bread and pease was considerably reduced; and a fear of the consequences that might arise, obliged the Commodore to forbid the eating of [Page] leather. There was yet on board a she-goat, which had been brought from Falkland's Islands; she yielded milk daily; but this was insufficient to save her life: the starving crew demanded the victim, and the butcher, who had hitherto been her feeder, wept as he plunged the murderous knife in the breast of his favourite. Soon after this a dog, which had been put on board at the streights of Magellan, fell a sacrifice to the dire demands of hunger.

On the 18th not less than nine or ten islands were discovered, and on the 20th a still farther number. Our navigators now struggled at once with a variety of inconveniences, occasioned by foul ships, damaged rigging, crazy masts, and tempestuous weather.

On the 25th high land was discovered, which appeared to terminate in a cape, which they doubled with a degree of transport that may be more easily conceived than described, as it was the point they had wished for a sight of, from a certainty that it would enable them to quit for ever the archipelago of islands, amidst which they had been so long in hourly danger of shipwreck or starving. This cape was called Cape Deliverance, and the name of the Gulph of the Louisiade, was given to a bay, of which the Cape forms the eastermost point.

North of Cape Deliverance about sixty leagues land was discovered, which proved to be two small islands; and, two days afterwards, [Page] an officer was sent to examine several creeks, in the hope of finding anchorage, while the ships sailed slowly after the boats, ready to join them on the first signal.

The natives now advanced towards the ship in several boats, carrying from two or three, to upwards of twenty men each.

These boats had no outriggers, and their crews were as black as the negroes on the coast of Guinea. Some of them had reddish hair, and that of all of them was long and curled. They wore white ornaments on their foreheads and necks, and were armed with lances and bows; they kept an almost continual shouting, and seemed rather inclined for war than peace.

When the boats returned on board, the officer reported, that the sea broke on all parts of the coast, that he had found only one small river, that the land is every where covered with wood, and that the mountains run down close to the sea-shore.

The natives dwell on the mountains, but they have a few huts on the banks of some of the small creeks.—Some of them followed one of the ship's boats, and seemed almost resolved on an attack; and one of the Indians repeatedly put himself in an attitude to have thrown his lance; but he desisted from his purpose, and no mischief was done.

Mons. Bougainville says, that he was now advanced too far to return; but that he hoped [Page] to find a passage, though the weather was so foggy that he could not discern any object at the distance of more than two leagues.

In the morning of the 1st of July, the ships were just in the station they had quitted the preceding night, having been impelled forward, and driven back, by the tides.

Nothing remarkable happened but the discovery of a Race, in the middle of a passage, to which was given the name of Dennis's Race, from that of the master of the Boudeuse.

A race is a part of any channel or streight, where there are opposing tides, or a rapid and dangerous current; and such are even sometimes met with in the open seas.

Boats were now sent to find anchorage in a fine bay; and the account of their expedition is as follows.—That a number of Indian boats, in which were a hundred and fifty of the natives, armed with shields, lances, and bows, came from the banks of a rivulet on which their habitations were situated, and rowed hastily towards the French boats, which they surrounded, and, with hideous outcries, began the attack with their bows and lances. The French discharged their muskets; but the natives covering themselves with their shields, the fight continued, till a second firing terrified them so, that they made a hasty retreat, some of them swimming on shore.

[Page]Two of their boats were taken, on the stern of which was the figure of a man's head with a long beard, the eyes being mother-of-pearl, the ears tortoiseshell, and the lips were dyed a bright red. Exclusive of their weapons and utensils, there were found in their boats cocoa-nuts, and several fruits, the species of which were not known, the jaw of a man, half broiled, and various other things.

The natives of this coast are negroes, whose hair curls naturally, and they have a method of colouring it yellow, red, and white. Their cloathing consists only of a piece of matting round the waist. This river received the name of Warrior's River, and the whole spot, that of the Isle and Bay of Choiseul.

Two days afterwards a cape was discovered, which was called Cape L'Averdi, on which were mountains of an astonishing height. On the 4th other mountainous land was discovered, from which came off five or six Indians, and, after lying on their oars some time, they accepted some trifles which were thrown to them. They now exhibited some cocoa-nuts, saying, bouca, bouca, onelle! and seemed greatly pleased when the French repeated them. They then intimated, that they would fetch some cocoa-nuts, but they had scarcely left the ship's side, when one of them discharged an arrow, by which, however, no person was wounded.

[Page]The people were altogether naked, had long ears, bored, and curled short hair, which some of them had dyed red, and they had also white spots on their bodies. Their teeth were red, probably from the chewing of betel.

This island, which was named Bouka, appeared to be cultivated, and, from the number of huts that were seen, it probably abounds with inhabitants.—The cocoa-nut, and other trees, dispersed over a beautiful plain, was a sufficient temptation for landing; but the rapidity of the current prevented the possibility of it.

Two more islands were seen on the 5th, and, as the wood and water were expended, and disease reigning aboard, the Commodore resolved to land here, and, on the following afternoon, the ships came to an anchor. The casks were sent on shore, and tents erected for the sick, on a commodious spot, where there were four rivulets near together, and where wood for the carpenters and joiners use, as well as for burning, was very plenty; there were no inhabitants near the place, so that the sick had an opportunity of ranging the woods, fearless of any attack from the natives, and every thing seemed to conspire to render this spot the most eligible imaginable; but there was one great inconvenience, no fruit could be found.

Two huts were discovered on the bank of a rivulet, not far from the encampment, and a [Page] boat, near which were seen the remains of fires, some calcined shells, and the skeletons of some animals heads, which were taken for those of the wild boar. Some fresh bananas were found, which proves, that the natives had but lately left the place.

This island produces a large, blue crested pigeon, which has so plaintive a note, that the seamen mistook it for the cries of men towards the mountains.

Mons. Bougainville now relates an extraordinary incident. A seaman being looking for shells, found a plate of lead buried in the sand, on which the following letters were very visible. ‘HOR'D HERE
ICK MAJESTY's’ The mark of the nails with which the lead had been fastened appeared; and it is plain, that the natives must have torn off the plate and broken it.

This circumstance gave rise to a diligent search, and, at about six miles from the watering-place, the very spot was found where the English had formed their encampment. Several trees were seen which had been felled, and others which were sawn in pieces. A very large and conspicuous tree was found, on which the inscription had been nailed; it stood in the midst of a spacious place, and it appeared, that the plate had been pulled down but a very short time. There were other trees, to which [Page] the ends of ropes were fastened. One of the trees which had been cut down had put forth fresh twigs, apparently of the growth of four months. Mons. Bougainville mentions it as a very singular circumstance, that, amidst so many islands, he should happen to land on that so lately visited by a rival nation!

Diligent search was now made for food and refreshments, but almost in vain; for nothing could be found but a few cabbage-trees, and thatch-palms. No fish could be catched, and, though a few wild boars were seen, not one of them was taken. A small number of pigeons were indeed shot, the feathers of which were of green and gold.

It will be needless to mention the other products of this island, as the reader has already had an account of them in the narrative of the English voyages.

No time was now lost in the necessary repairs of the ships; and an equal division was made of the provisions, which now began to run extremely short. A third part of the late allowance of pease was taken off. From the Commodore to the lowest person on board, all fared alike: their situation, like death, banished all distinction.

On the 13th there was an eclipse of the sun, which was clearly seen, and the proper astronomical and nautical remarks made on it. The name of Port Praslin was given to this harbour, [Page] an inscription having been first buried under the spot where the eclipse had been observed.

The Etoile being a light vessel, and there being no stones to ballast her, after the provisions had been taken out, this important business was necessarily performed with wood; a fatiguing and unwholesome task, in so damp a country.

An insect of a most wonderful texture was found on this island, the body and wings of which appeared so much like the leaf of a tree, as scarcely to be distinguished from it, even on a nice inspection. When the wings are extended, each forms the half of a leaf, and when they are closed it is entire. The upper side of the body is of a brighter hue than the under parts; and it has six legs, the upper joints of which resemble parts of leaves. This curiosity was preserved in spirits, and is in the cabinet of the French King.

A sailor who was hauling the fishing-net, in search of a scarce fish called the hammer-oyster, having been bit by a snake, whose bite is poisonous, was cured in a few hours by a profuse perspiration, produced by taking flower-de-luce water and treacle.

Aotourou having remarked the progress of the cure, intimated, that at Otaheite there were sea-snakes, whose bite is mortal in every instance.

[Page]On the 22d repeated shocks of an earthquake were felt for about two minutes. The sea rose and fell several times, so that the concussions were felt on board the ships.

Notwithstanding the extreme bad weather which prevailed, the crews, divided into separate parties, went to the woods every day, in hopes to shoot some turtle-doves, and gather cabbage-trees and thatch-palms; but it generally happened, that they returned without any success, and wet to the skin. At length, however, they found some mangle apples, and a kind of pruens; but too late to be of much service, as they were now on the point of departure. A kind of ivy was successfully applied in the cure of the scurvy.

An immense cascade was seen, falling from numerous rocks into a hundred basons of water, and at once shaded and adorned by stately trees, some of which grow even in the reservoirs, is recommended by Mons. Bougainville as a subject fit to exercise the fancy of the boldest painter.—Why did not his limner make a drawing of it?

The situation of the ships companies now became so dreadful, that no more time could be lost.—In the afternoon of the 24th a favourable breeze enabled the ships to get out to sea.

Mons. Bougainville remarks, that this country must be NEW BRITAIN, and that the great bay must be the same which Dampier calls St. [Page] George's Bay; but that he had the happiness to land on a part of it where his wants could be supplied by the inhabitants.

A succession of islands having been seen in the offing, Mons. Bougainville named them after the officers.—The field-tents were now cut up, to make trowsers for the seamen, who had been repeatedly clothed during the voyage, to enable them to sustain the inclemencies of so many different climates. But the last change of cloathing was now delivered out, and at this period an ounce of bread was deducted from their scanty allowance. Their salt provisions were now so bad, as to be nauseous in a high degree; yet their starving situation impelled them to feed on them; but even at this melancholy period, no one yielded himself a prey to melancholy. The sailors, influenced by the example of the officers, employed every evening in dancing, dispelling, by their mirth, some of the pangs of hunger.—Happy Frenchmen! who could be thus mirthful, in the jaws of apparent destruction!

New Britain continued in sight till the beginning of August, when the ships being nearer the land than they had been before, several Indian boats came off, the crews of which were negroes, with woolly heads, which they had covered with white powder. They are tall and active, and wore no other cloaths than leaves round the middle. They held out something [Page] that had the appearance of bread, and invited the French to land; but they refused to enter the ships, though an attempt was made to conciliate their friendship, by presents of some pieces of stuff. They accepted what was given, and threw a stone from a sling in return; instantly retreating, with loud vociferations.

On the following day a larger number assembled along side the Boudeuse; a person, who had the appearance of authority, carried a red staff, knobbed at each end, in his hand. On approaching the ship, he held his hands over his head for a considerable time. The hair of these negroes was painted red; some of them were adorned with feathers, ear-rings made of the seed of some herb, or circular plates depending from their necks; others had the nose pierced, and rings ran through it; but the general ornament was a bracelet made of the half of a shell. The French were anxious to conciliate the esteem of these people, but in vain; they eagerly grasped at whatever was given them, but would make no present in return. The roots of a few yams were all that could be obtained from them. Two of their boats being observed approaching in the night, a rocket was fired, on which they instantly rowed off.

On the 31st a number of Indian boats attacked the Etoile with a volley of stones and arrows; but a single discharge of the musquetry [Page] got rid for ever of these troublesome companions.

On the 4th of August two islands were seen, which are conjectured to be the same which Dampier distinguishes by the name of Matthias and Stormy, or Squally, Island. On the 5th a third island was seen, and then the northern point of New Britain, which lies only forty one minutes south of the land.

On the 7th a flat island was seen, covered with trees, abounding with cocoa nuts, and certainly well inhabited, as appeared from the great number of houses that were seen on the shore. Fishing-boats in multitudes surrounded the island; but the fishermen took no notice of the ships. This received the name of the Isle of Anchorets. On the following day a prodigious number of small islands was seen, when Mons. Bougainville having escaped the most imminent dangers, in the endeavour to double this chain of islands, at length happily effected his point, in consequence of a breeze which still freshened with the rising sun.

He now continued to range the coast till he came within sight of two lofty peaks, to which he gave the name of the two Cyclops. On the 15th two high mountains were discovered on the continent, and two small islands near them.

On the 23d two other islands being discovered, an attempt was made to land, in the hope of obtaining refreshments; but this was found [Page] impracticable, but by the boats, the Commanding officer of which reported, that the islands were totally uninhabited, and that no fruits grew which were fit to be eaten.

This day the ships crews were twice alarmed; the first time with a report from aloft, that a range of breakers were seen a-head; but this proved to be only the rippling of a strong tide; the second alarm was from the fore-castle, where it was declared, that the bottom of the sea was visible under the ship's way. This shoal was perceived by the crew of the Etoile, but was easily escaped by both the ships. Monsieur Denys, first Master of the Boudeuse, died this day of the scurvy, to the infinite regret of the whole ship's company. At this time upwards of forty persons were ill of the same disorder, the progress of which was stopped by the plentiful use of wine and lemonade.

It was now thought necessary to stear a southerly course, in order to get clear of the islands by which they were surrounded. None of these islands appeared to be inhabited, though all of them were cloathed with verdure. During the following night they sailed out of this labyrinth, through a channel about three leagues in breadth. Early in the morning they doubled the southernmost of a number of small islands on each side of this channel, which was denominated the French Passage. On the 26th, in the morning, they passed the meridian for the fifth time, and [Page] early the next day had sight of a small island to the south-east; they likewise saw a steep hill, remarkably high, to which they gave the name of Big Thomas; near which are three small islands.

They had sight of several islands on the 27th and 28th, when Mons. Bougainville gave orders for a boat belonging to the Etoile to steer to the south-westernmost of these isles in search of anchorage, and to enquire if they produced any thing worthy of notice. The boat having landed on two islands, which neither produced any fruits, nor appeared to be cultivated, and indicated no signs of being inhabited, the ship was on the point of returning, when an Indian rowed up to the ship's boat, without expressing the least sign of fear or astonishment. The Frenchmen intimated, that they wanted food and liquor; on which he presented them with a kind of meal, and some water; in return for which they gave him a looking-glass, a handkerchief, and some other trifles, which he received with indifference, and laughed at the donors. It was conjectured, that this negroe had deserted from one of the adjacent islands which have been settled by the Dutch. The number of them were formerly seven, but they are now reduced to five by earthquakes. The crew of the Boudeuse took a turtle on this spot of not less than two hundred weight.

[Page]Early in the morning of the 31st our voyagers had sight of the island of Ceram, which runs in a parallel east and west, abounds in lofty mountains, and is partly cleared, and partly in its original state. A great number of fires were seen on this island, which seem to intimate that it is well peopled. Early in the morning, on the first of September, our adventurers found themselves at the entrance of a bay, on the banks of which they beheld a number of fires; they soon observed two boats under sail, constructed on the plan of those of Malay. A Dutch pendant was now hoisted, and a gun fired; but the Commodore confesses his error in this procedure, as the people at Ceram are at variance with the Dutch, whom they have almost totally routed from their island. Mons. Bougainville having been thus unsuccessful, through mistake, returned from the bay, and employed the rest of the day in plying between the islands Bonao, Kelang, and Manepo.

Some time before midnight, a number of fires attracted their attention to the island of Boero, where there is a Dutch factory, well provided with the necessary refreshments.

The above-mentioned Dutch factory is at the entrance of the Gulph of Cajeli, which the French had sight of at day-break. Their joy on this occasion is not to be expressed; for at this time not half of the seamen were able to perform any duty; and the scurvy had raged [Page] so violently, that no man on board was perfectly clear of it. What few provisions were on board were absolutely rotten, and stunk intolerably.

Thus circumstanced, their change of situation must have been rapturous indeed! From midnight the fragrant breeze had wasted the aromatic flavour of the plants, which abound in the Moluccas. ‘"The aspect (says our author) of a pretty large town, situated in the bottom of a gulph, of ships at anchor there, and cattle rambling through the meadows, caused transports which I have doubtless felt, but which I cannot here describe."’ Our Commodore hoisted Dutch colours, and fired a gun; but though several boats were sailing in the bay, none of them came along-side. In a few hours a periagua, rowed by Indians, advanced towards the ship, and the commanding officer enquired in Dutch who they were; but refused to go on board. Mons. Bougainville, however, proceeded under all his sails, and in the afternoon came to an anchor opposite the factory.

Two Dutch soldiers, one of whom spoke French, now came on board the Boudeuse, demanding the reason of the Commodore's entering that port, when he must know that the ships of the Dutch East India Company had an exclusive right to that privilege. He was answered, in brief, that necessity was the motive; [Page] that hunger must preclude the force of treaties, and that they would depart as soon as their wants were supplied.

The soldiers soon returned with the copy of an order from the Governor of Amboyna, who presides over the Resident at Boero, forbidding him to admit foreign ships into that port. The Resident, therefore, entreated Mons. Bougainville to declare, in writing, the cause of his putting in there; that he might transmit such declaration to the Governor of Amboyna, in justification of his own conduct.

This request being complied with, all difficulties were at an end; the Resident having performed his duty as a servant of the Company, was anxious to discharge the superior duties of humanity. The Commodore and his Officers visited him on shore, were received in the most friendly manner, and accepted his invitation to supper.

The Resident and his company beheld with equal pleasure and surprize the effects that hunger had on the appetites of the guests; nor were they willing to eat themselves, least they should deprive their now too happy visitants of their full share of their repast. Mons. Bougainville confesses, that he was supremely happy, because he had previously sent on board what would be an equal feast to both the ships companies. A contract was now made, that, while the ships should remain in that harbour, [Page] venison should be daily supplied to the crews, that eighteen oxen, a number of sheep and poultry, and a quantity of rice (to supply the place of bread) should he put on board. The Resident was likewise obliging enough to furnish the sick with a quantity of pulse from the Company's garden; but much could not be obtained, as it is not generally cultivated on the island.

The sick were now brought on shore, and the majority of the seamen were likewise indulged in walking about for their health and pleasure. The Commodore hired the slaves belonging to the Company to fill the water casks, and to carry the several necessaries on board.

Mons. Bougainville and his officers were gratified with the pleasure of stag hunting, and he mentions the deer of this country as most exquisite food. The Dutch originally transported them hither. This island is described as a delightful composition of woods, hills, plains, and well-watered vallies.

The town of Cajeli, and about fourteen Indian dwellings, formed the Dutch settlement. A stone fort, which the Dutch had originally erected, was accidentally blown up in the year 1689; since which time it has no enclosure but that of palisadoes, with a battery of six small cannons. About fifty white people are all that reside on the island, of whom a Serjeant and twenty-five men, commanded by the Resident, [Page] form a part. The negroes who reside in the interior parts of the country subsist by the cultivation of rice.

The Moors and the Alfourians are the genuine natives of this country; the former are protected by the Dutch factory, who endeavour to inspire them with the dread of all foreigners. These people are principally kept in awe by the influence of their own Chiefs, for whom the Dutch Resident professes a sincere regard. Dutch policy, in this, as in all their other settlements, is the same; by fomenting a jealousy among the Chiefs of their respective dependants, a plot is no sooner formed by one Chief, than it is revealed by another. The natives of Boero are not treated as slaves by the Dutch; their slaves being procured from the islands of Ceram, or Celebes.

Unlimited freedom and independence appear to reign among the Alfourians, who, residing on the mountains in the interior parts of the island subsist on the produce of their hunting, with fruits and sago. It is presumed they are not Mahometans, because they eat swines flesh. The principal people among the Alfourians pay occasional visits to the Dutch Resident; ‘"they would do as well (says our author) to stay at home."’

The chief products of this island are various kinds of wood, particularly black and white ebony; and there is a fine plantation of pepper. [Page] The fruits are pine-apples, citrons, lemons, bitter oranges, shaddocks, bananas and cocoa-nuts. Very good barley is likewise a produce of this country.

Parrots, and a variety of other birds, many of them extremely beautiful, abound in the woods. There is likewise the wild cat, whose bag under the belly serves for the conveyance of its young. Bats, and serpents of an enormous size, the latter of which are said to have a swallow capacious enough for the reception of a whole sheep. There is a snake too, which, posting itself on the trees, darts into the eye of the passenger who happens to look up, and the bite of this animal is certain death.

Crocodiles of an astonishing size reside on the banks of the rivers, devouring such beasts as fall in their way; and men are only protected from their fury by carrying torches in their hands. Mons. Bougainville asserts, that these crocodiles, which roam for prey in the night, have been even known to seize people in their boats.

The name of the Resident at Buero is Ouman; he is by birth a Batavian, and is married to a native of Amboyna. He lives in great elegance and splendour, and is attended by no less than a hundred slaves. Mons. Bougainville speaks of his politeness and hospitality in very high terms. After having twice regaled the French Officers in the ceremonious way, he [Page] bid adieu to all set forms, but his house was constantly open to them, as their own; they always found good viands and liquors, and our author thinks this was no inconsiderable degree of civility to persons who had so lately been on the point of starving.

The Resident's house is constructed in the Chinese taste, in the middle of a garden, which is intersected by a river: the house itself is a handsome building, and it is elegantly furnished. Its approach is through an avenue of trees, which are planted down to the sea-side. The wife and daughter were habited in the Chinese manner, and were no way deficient in the essential requisites of good breeding. Their chief employment consists in making nosegays, and selecting flowers proper for distillation.

The astonishment of Aotourou, at this first fight of an European settlement, may be more easily conceived than described. He regarded every object with an intenseness of curiosity scarcely to be satisfied; but he was particularly charmed with the hospitality of the Dutch. He supposed every thing freely given, as he did not see any thing returned by way of barter. Mons. Bougainville says, that he hehaved sensibly with respect to the Dutch, to whom he intimated the consequence he was of in his own country, and that his present voyage was merely pleasurable with friends whom he esteemed. His constant practice was to imitate the manners [Page] of the French, both in their visits, and in their rural amusements. The knees of this Indian being distorted, he attributed, to that circumstance, his not being taken with the Commodore on his first visit to the Resident, and actually desired some of the seamen to press their weight on his knees, to make them strait.—This, surely, is no great proof of that good sense which Mons. Bougainville has frequently hinted that Aotourou was possessed of!—This islander would frequently enquire if Paris was as grand a place as Boero.

Though the French were only six days on shore, the healthful air of the place had so far recovered the sick, that, by the help of the refreshments now ready to be put on board, it was very possible to perfect the cure at sea.

The sick people were conveyed to the ships in the morning of the 7th, and before evening every one was on board, in expectation of the land-breeze, by which, after much difficulty in weighing the anchor, they were enabled to sail about an hour before midnight, and got clear of the gulph of Cajeli before morning.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a recital of the incidents which occurred during his passage from Boero to Batavia, in which we shall trace him with all necessary exactness.

Having coasted the island of Boero, the isles of Manipa and Kilang were seen on the morning of the 8th, and on the 9th they had sight [Page] of the island of Xullabessic, where the Dutch have a factory, named Cleverblad, that is, the Clover-leaf. There is a garrison, consisting of twenty-five men, under the discipline of a Serjeant, and commanded by a person who holds no higher rank than book-keeper to the Dutch East India Company.

On the 10th the Commodore buried his taylor, who fell a sacrifice to the scurvy, encreased, when on the point of cure, by an excessive drinking of brandy.

On the morning of the 11th they had sight of the island of Wawoni, and in a few hours saw that of Button, the streights of which they entered on the following day, and observed a vessel of a square form, ranging the shore, and towing a periagua. The French ships were no sooner observed by this vessel, than she furled her sail, and concealed herself behind a small island. A French seaman, whom Mons. Bougainville had engaged at Boero, said, that the vessel in question was manned by a set of Indian pirates, who made a practice of taking prisoners, in order to sell them.

In the afternoon the ships sailed by a beautiful port on the coast of Celebes, the view of which land is delightfully variegated by mountains, hills, and vallies, and clothed with an exuberance of verdure. In a few hours afterwards the island of Pangasani was in sight, to the northward of which appeared the highest [Page] mountains of Celebes. Pangasani is a flat island, abounding in trees, and our author conjectures, that it produces spices; it is, however, certain, that it is well inhabited, from the number of fires that were seen on it during the night.

On the morning of the 13th the ships were surrounded with Indian boats, bringing parroquets, cockatoes, fowls, eggs, and bananas, which the natives sold for Dutch money, or exchanged for knives. These people were inhabitants of a considerable district on the mountains of Button, opposite the place where the ships lay at anchor. On this spot the land is cleared and cultivated, the property of different persons, being divided by ditches. Some of the fields are enclosed by hedges, and there are houses in these fields; besides which there are several villages.

The produce of the country consists in potatoes, yams, rice, maize, &c. and the bananas are deemed as good as in any part of the world. Pine-apples, mangle apples, cocoa-nuts, and citrons, are very plentiful. The natives are of a brown complexion, ordinary features, and of low stature. They profess the Mahometan faith, and speak the language common in the Molucca isles. They are very honest, though expert traders.—They offered Mons. Bougainville some pieces of coarse cotton cloth; but he does not say whether he dealt [Page] with them or not; he asked them for some nutmegs, which they said they procured from the island of Ceram, and in the neighbourhood of Banda; and his remark is, that the Dutch cannot supply them from those places.

Our author describes the coast of Pangasani as rising in the form of an amphitheatre, from the level of the coast, which he imagines is frequently overflowed, because the dwellings of the natives were observed to be situated on the slope of the hills. The people of Button consider the inhabitants of Pangasani as pirates, and each party is provided against the attacks of the other by a dagger, which is always worn, stuck in the girdle.

The ships sailed on the morning of the 14th, but coming to an anchor in a few hours afterwards, a number of periaguas surrounded the Boudeuse, one of which hoisting Dutch colours, the rest retreated, that she might come along-side. It appeared, that in this boat was one of the Chiefs of the country, to whom alone the Dutch permit the distinction of carrying their colours.

Our Commodore sailed again on the 15th, and in the afternoon of that day dispatched his barge after a boat which was seen in a large bay, with a view to procure a pilot; and the boat readily came, having an Indian on board, who, for thirteen shillings, readily engaged in the pilotage: but his intended services were rendered [Page] unnecessary, by the sun happening to shine with great lustre on a spot which directed their passing out of the channel.

As opposing winds and tides now obliged the ships to come to an anchor, the periaguas came off in great numbers, bringing pieces of cotton, articles of curiosity, and variety of refreshments. At the approach of evening the ships got clear of the narrow pass, and anchored in Boston Bay.

Mons. Bougainville gives an animated description of the passage he had just cleared. The coast of Button abounds in enclosures proper for the catching fish, while the rising grounds are bespread with habitations. The opposite shore is perpendicular; and after passing the galley, both sides are steep, hanging in some places over the channel. ‘"One would think (says our author) that the god of the sea had opened a passage here for the swelled waters, by a stroke of his trident."’—Might he not as well have said, that the great God of Nature is equally wise and wonderful in all his works?—The coast of Pangasani has two or three houses on it, though it is little else than a solid rock, yet well cloathed with trees.

The Indian pilot above-mentioned gave the best instructions in his power, respecting the mode of passing this gut; but he appeared totally unskilled in the European art of navigation. Another Indian, supposed to be the [Page] pilot's father, went on board the Boudeuse in the morning, and remained till the evening. They both drank plentifully of brandy, but would eat only bananas and chew betel, absolutely refusing to taste of the ship's provisions.

On the morning of the 17th, while the ships were under sail, the Indians came off in great numbers, bringing fruit, poultry, and eggs, which they sold so reasonably, that even the common seamen could possess themselves of those refreshments, in very great abundance, so that both the ships had the appearance of large poulterers shops, and capital fruiterers warehouses on a market day.

This morning five of the Orencaies, or Chiefs of Button, came off in a boat of the European form, with Dutch colours hoisted at its poop. These people were dressed in jackets and long breeches, with turbans, and each of them had a silver-headed cane, with the Company's marks on it. They gave Mons. Bougainville a Roe-buck, and received in return, each a quantity of silk stuffs. They paid many compliments to the French nation, freely drinking the health of his most Christian Majesty, and the king of Button, so freely, indeed, that they were, at length, obliged to be helped down the ship's side into their boats.

The Commodore enquired of the Orencaies, whether any spices grew on the island of Button; to which they replied in the negative, and were [Page] easily credited, on account of the weakness of the Dutch settlement, which is nothing more than a sew huts, built of the Bamboo cane, and enclosed with pallisadoes. The whole guard, on the part of the company, consists only of a Serjeant and three men. The coast opposite Button is enclosed, cultivated, and well-peopled; nor is the island itself less populous, or less fruitful.

In the morning the Indian pilot visited the Commodore, and informed him, that the southeast wind would blow freshest exactly at noon. This proved to be strictly true, and was a circumstance so well known to the natives, that all the boats which had surrounded the ship retired before the sun had gained his meridian altitude.

Mons. Bougainville, taking advantage of the pilot's advice, got out to sea with a fair wind, steering for the island of Saleyor, which he discovered on the 18th.—On this island the Dutch have a small settlement, the principal Resident at which is the book-keeper. This day at noon three islands were discovered, which were called North Island, South Island, and Isle of Passage; which last was so denominated from the ships passing near it, for the advantage of a safe navigation.

By day-light on the 19th they were within about a league of the coast of Celebes, which, in this part is described as one of the finest [Page] countries in the world. Immense herds of cattle graze on the plains, which are adorned with groves, while the coast is one continued plantation of the cocoa-nut tree. The plains are in most places cultivated and covered with houses, while the mountains behind them add dignity and ornament to the whole picture.

On this day Mons. Bougainville chased a Malayan boat, in the hope of obtaining a pilot acquainted with the coast; but she fled at his approach, nor even brought to, after he had fired several guns at her. He conjectures, that the Boudeuse was mistaken for a Dutch ship, and observes, that the generality of people on this coast are pirates, who are always made slaves of when they are taken by the Dutch.

The ships having, during the evening, steered between an island named Tanakeka, and three smaller isles, orders were given at midnight to carry all the sail possible, in order to come within sight of the isles of Alambai.

At midnight, between the 21st and 22d, a boat was observed advancing towards the ships; but, though guns were repeatedly fired she bore off, in the apprehension, as conjectured, that they were Dutch vessels.—Mons. Bougainville's observation is, that ‘"these people are more afraid of the Dutch, than of the firing of guns."’—And, indeed, this observation seems to be verified by another boat [Page] being equally studious to avoid them, a few hours afterwards.

In the afternoon of the 22d the north coast of Madura was seen from the mast-head, and a number of fishing boats were observed, some at anchor, and some employed in their business.—On the following morning four ships were seen, two of which hoisted Dutch colours, and one of them was spoke with by the Boudeuse, which proved to be a snow from Malacca, bound for Japara.

Mons. Bougainville now coasted the land of Java, the shore of which is level, but the interior country abounds in lofty mountains.

On the morning of the 26th the coast of Java appeared with the rising sun. In the afternoon the Commodore spoke with a Dutchman, who commanded a boat bound for the isles of Amboina and Ternate, who said that, according to his reckoning, he was then twenty-six leagues from Batavia.

Having come to an anchor for the night, the ships sailed early in the morning of the 27th, and, on the following night, came to an anchor, in the fear of having even past the port of Batavia; but having sight of the church of that town in the morning, they sailed into, and soon anchored in the road, happy to have, after so many toils, difficulties and dangers, reached a spot which they conceived would soon [Page] put a period to all their misfortunes, by ensuring them a safe arrival in Europe.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to recite such incidents as happened during the time he was at Batavia, and gives some particulars respecting the Molucca islands.

We searce know how to treat this subject with the delicacy with which it ought to be touched, as the readers of these volumes are already apprized of almost every interesting particular respecting Batavia; but we shall, with the utmost diligence, select such circumstances as our French historian has recorded, which have been either unknown to, or not treated of by the English navigators.

Mons. Bougainville, for reasons which would operate on every prudent Commander, resolved to make his stay at Batavia as short as possible; but the want of biscuit, a sufficient quantity of which was not baked, compelled him to stay longer than he had intended.

A Dutch officer came on board with a written paper, of which our Frenchman understood not a word: but the Cockswain having enquired who their visitants were, demanded a certificate, written and signed by the commanding officer. Mons. Bougainville, who had sent an officer on shore to wait on the Governor, declined to give any answer till his return. This Officer came back late in the evening with an account, that his Excellency was at his [Page] country-house, but that he had been with the Shebander, who promised to introduce the Commodore to the Dutch General, on the following day.

The heat of this climate requires, that visits should be made early in the morning: Mons. Bougainville therefore set out soon after day-break, and, after waiting on the Shebander, was by him conducted to the Governor General, who was then at one of his country residences about nine miles from the town.

The behaviour of this Chief of an important district was equally sincere and obliging: he approved of the conduct of the Resident at Boero, in his treatment of the French during the hour of their distress. He gave permission for the sick to be lodged in the hospital, and issued the proper orders for their being received. The furnishing of the necessary supplies was left to the Shebander, and when all matters of business were ended, the Governor asked the Commodore if he would salute the citadel. To this it was answered in the affirmative, on the condition that the salute should be properly returned. These preliminaries being adjusted, Mons. Bougainville went on board his ship, saluted with fifteen guns, and was complimented with the same number.

Considering the matter seriously, is not all this most egregious nonsense?—A Frenchman agrees to waste a cetain quantity of his Master's [Page] powder, provided a Dutchman will blow into the air, an equal quantity of the powder of their High Mightinesses, the States General!

The sick people were now sent to the hospital, twenty-eight in number, most of whom were troubled with the bloody flux, and the rest with the scurvy.

The officers having taken lodgings in the town, fixed a day for paying a visit of ceremony to the Governor, at his country-seat, called Jacatra; after which they visited, in form, an officer called Schout-by-Nacht, or Rear Admiral, who is a member of the Regency, and has a vote in every matter respecting maritime affairs. This gentleman lives with a degree of splendor that would not disgrace a Prince.

Mons. Bougainville mentions the theatre of Batavia, as an elegant building; but of the performances he was not qualified to judge, from a total ignorance of the language. His curiosity impelled him to take a view of the Chinese comedies, but of these, also, he could form no judgment but from sight. Exclusive of the exhibitions on the regular theatres, he says, that a kind of pantomine is daily performed, on scaffolds erected in the Chinese quarter of the city. It is a singularity of the Chinese comedy, that the characters of men are represented by women; nor is it unfrequent [Page] to see the actors entertain the spectators with a boxing-match.

Our ingenious voyager represents the neighbourhood of Batavia as elegant beyond description.—The neatness is all Dutch; the magnificence truly Parisian.—A clergyman of Batavia, Mr. Mohr, distinguished for his immense riches, and his extensive knowledge, has erected, in the garden of one of his country-houses, one of the most superb observatories in the world, and has furnished it with great variety of instruments of the construction of European artists. Our author observes, that he ‘"is doubtless the richest of all the children of Urania."’

The water of Batavia is of so bad a quality, that the people of fortune import Seltzer water from Holland, for their common drinking, at a most enormous expence. The houses of this city are built only one story high, on account of the frequent earthquakes, which would be of pernicious consequence to buildings of a lofty construction.

The riches of the Batavians are marked by the magnificent taste in which their houses are furnished; yet is the city said to be much inferior to what it was some years ago; and it is certain, that the rent of houses is not half as much as it was: yet will this place always be rich, through the refined policy of the Dutch, which makes it difficult for any man, after he [Page] has amassed a fortune, to transmit it to Europe: for any money intended to be sent to Holland, must pass through the hands of the Company, who charge eight per cent. for the care of sending it to Europe; exclusive of which, the current-money of Batavia would sustain a loss of no less than twenty-eight per cent. even if it could be smuggled out of the country.

The distinction of rank is observed in the strictest degree at Batavia. What the French call the Etiquette is never dispensed with. The gradation of rank is as follows, viz. the high Regency, the Court of Justice, the Ecclesiastics, the Company's servants, the sea officers, and those of the military.

There is no appeal from the decisions of the Court of Justice. This court, about twenty years since, sentenced to death the Governor of Ceylon, who had been convicted of most infamous oppressions in his government; and he was executed opposite the citadel at Batavia.

If any of the respective sovereigns of the island of Java offend against the established Dutch policy, they are put to death in the most inhuman manner. On these melancholy occasions, the unhappy sufferers are dressed in white drawers, and are never beheaded, from a conviction prevalent among them, that appearing in any other dress, or visiting the other world without their heads, would be productive of the most fatal consequences: nor do the [Page] Dutch dare to controvert these opinions, as the immediate consequence of such a procedure on their part would be a revolt of that of the Javanese.

The Dutch Company have an exclusive right to a large part of the island of Java.—The island of Madura did formerly belong to them, but the Chief of it revolted from their authority, and the son of this revolting king is at present the Governor of that very island, of which his father had been the Sovereign.

The Dutch, equally deep in every stroke of their politics, have seized the province of Balimburan, in consequence of the Sovereign of that district having revolted from their authority. It is asserted, that the English erected him a fort, and supplied him with arms and ammunition to combat that slavery, which he thought the more an indignity, because it was impelled by the mercantile world. After a war of two years, and after repeated battles, in the last of which the Javanese Prince and his family were made prisoners, the Dutch became final conquerors, and the routed Sovereign being lodged in the citadel of Batavia, soon fell a sacrifice to the grief that preyed on his mind. When Mons. Bougainville arrived at Batavia, it was in agitation to send the son and the other branches of this unhappy family to the Cape of Good Hope, in order that they might spend the remains of a wretched existence on the island of Roben. The several [Page] Chiefs of the different districts of the island of Java are surrounded with Dutch guards, so that they are Kings only in name. From these, however, the Dutch receive arrac, rice, sugar, coffee and tin; in return for which they supply opium, the sale of which is very profitable, from the great quantities consumed by the Javanese.

Our Commodore now proceeds to a description of the commerce of Batavia, and a recital of many particulars respecting the Molucca islands; but these particulars, or others so exceedingly resembling them, being recorded in many volumes of voyages, we shall pass them over in search of something really new, and respecting which our author appears to have been well informed.

Before the crews of the Boudeuse and Etoile had been ten days at Batavia, the diseases common to that climate began to attack them with all their fury. From a vigorous state of health the people were, in a few days, reduced to the brink of the grave; nor could the Commodore's utmost diligence enable him to transact his affairs with a proper degree of dispatch, as the illness of the Shebander himself prevented the acceleration of his business.

Every officer on board the Boudeuse began to feel the fatal effects of the climate; and, at length, Aotourou felt the direful influence of this pestiferous clime; and it is supposed, that [Page] nothing but the readiness with which he took the prescriptions offered him, could have saved him from the most fatal consequences of the contagion. For a long time after he left Batavia, he distinguished it by the name of Enoua Matè, the land which kills.

Mons. Bougainville now proceeds to a description of his leaving Batavia, his touching at the isle of France, and his return to his native country, of which we shall have occasion to say but little, as the run from Batavia to Europe is universally well known, and has been previously described in the course of these volumes.

The ships sailed on the 16th of October, 1768, and cleared the streights of Sunda on the 19th in the afternoon. By this time the crew were all perfectly recovered of the scurvy, but a few of them remained ill of the bloody-flux. On the 20th the ships were in sight of the isle of France, and on the 8th of November, the Boudeuse anchored in the port of that island; the Etoile, which had been unavoidably left behind, anchoring in the same port on the following day.

At this place the ships were repaired, and the Commodore left behind him on the island several persons, who desired to add to the numbers already in that colony.

The Commodore expresses his happiness that he was enabled, after so tedious a voyage, to [Page] enrich this colony with inhabitants and necessaries; but he laments in the most pathetic terms the death of the Chevalier du Bouchage, an Ensign on board the King's ship, whose abilities as an officer could be surpassed only by his virtues and accomplishments as a man.

Our author speaks, in the most lavish terms, of the forges for making iron, which are established on this island, and he even prefers them to those of Europe; how far he is justified in this preference, must be left to future navigators, or future artificers to determine.

Mons. Bougainville sailed from this place the 12th of December, 1768, leaving the Etoile behind him, to undergo some necessary repairs; and this ship did not arrive in France till a month after the Boudeuse. Without encountering any singular accident, our adventurers had sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th of January, and came to an anchor in Table Bay on the following morning.

Our author very judiciously omits a description of the Cape, which has been so often and so accurately described by our circumnavigators, and other voyagers: one circumstance, however, he fails not to mention, that they killed a quadrupede, named the Giraffe, which was seventeen feet in height, and that they took the young one alive, which measured seven feet. ‘"None of these (says our author) had been seen after that which was [Page] brought to Rome in the time of Caesar, and shewn there in the amphitheatre."’

Mons. Bougainville sailed from the Cape on the 17th, and came to an anchor off the island of St. Helena on the 4th of February, where he remained till the 6th, and then got under sail in pursuance of his voyage to France.

On the 25th of this month the Commodore joined the Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret: what passed in consequence of this junction the readers of these volumes are already acquainted with.

Nothing material happened from this time till they had sight of the isle of Ushant, when a violent squall of wind had nearly blasted all the blooming hopes of so fine a voyage. On the 15th the Commodore bore away for St. Maloes, which he entered on the following day, after an absence of two years and four months from his native country; during all which time he had buried only seven of his crew, a circumstance that will be deemed truly astonishing, when we reflect on the variety of dangers they had encountered; the amazing changes of climate they had experienced; the hair breadth perils they had escaped, and the estimated proportion of time that any man may be supposed to live, at any given age, when in full health, and breathing his native air. To what then shall we ascribe the unexampled success of Mons. Bougainville's circumnavigation, but to the benevolent [Page] interposition of that particular providence, the existence of which hath been lately so boldly, and with such apparent weight of argument, denied.

Thus have we traced, with the pen of fidelity, this ingenious historian, from the milder climate of France to the frozen regions of the Magellanic streights; and from those streights through the intense burnings of the torrid zone, back again to the benevolent influence of the European sun; and abating that vanity peculiar to the French, and that nationality, which, if criminal, is a crime arising from a noble and praise-worthy cause, we must confess, that his narrative is as much more philosophical and ingenious, as it is more pert and flippant than the narratives of our English adventurers! Mons. Bougainville has introduced, in the body of his volume, a narrative of the establishment of the Spaniards in Rio de la Plata; and also an account of the missions in Paraguay, and the expulsion of the Jesuits from that province: but as these recitals seemed to have no immediate connection with the Commodore's circumnavigation, we have not interrupted the narrative, thinking they would come in with more propriety immediately after the close of the voyage.

The river de la Plata takes a southerly course to the 34th degree latitude, where it is united with the river Uraguai, making one [Page] stream, which runs still southerly to the ocean. The Jesuits have advanced a false principle of geography, and other authors have fell into their errors, by supposing the river de la Plata to spring from the lake of Xaragés. This lake, which has been the subject of much enquiry, is now supposed to have no existence.

By order of the courts of Spain and Portugal, the Marquis of Valdelirais and Don George Menezés, undertook to determine the limits of possession of these two powers; and accordingly several Spanish and Portuguese officers, traversed this large district of America between the years 1751 and 1755. The Spaniards embarked on the river Paraguai, and the Portuguese proceeded from a settlement belonging to the Crown of Portugal, called Maragosso, situated on the interior boundaries of the Brazils, at about 12 degrees south latitude, and proceeded up the river Caourou, which, according to the maps of the Jesuits, is described as falling into the lake Xaragés. But how great was their surprize and disappointment at meeting in the 14th degree of south latitude, in the river Paraguai, without finding any thing to justify the supposition of the existence of the lake! Hence it was concluded, that the periodical inundations of the river over a considerable tract of the adjacent country, having been received in the low grounds, formed a [Page] body of water, which, by former navigators, was taken for the ideal lake.

The source of the Paraguai, or Rio de la Plata, is among the mountains, between the two oceans, and between five and six degrees south latitude, and it empties itself into the river of Amazons. The Uraguai arises in the Captainship of St. Vincent's, in the Brazils; and the Parana in the mountains to the east northeast of Rio Janeiro, whence it flows to the westward, and then changes its course to the south.

It appears, from the account of the Abbé Prevost, that Diaz de Solis first discovered the Parana in 1515, and called it after himself, but that in 1526 Sebastian Cabot named it la Plata, or of silver, on account of the many pieces of silver which he observed in the possession of the natives of the adjacent country. The fort of Espirutu Santo was erected by Cabot, who had scarcely time to see it completed before it was levelled with the earth.

In 1535, Don Pedro de Mendoza, great Cupbearer to the Emperor, sailed for the river de la Plata, and founded Buenos Ayres; but this undertaking proved extremely unsuccessful; and after Mendoza's death, the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, unable to defend themselves against the depredations of the Indians, and living in perpetual dread of famine, fled for sanctuary to Assumption, now the capital of Paraguai, which was built by the followers of [Page] Mendoza, soon became well inhabited, and, of course, considerably enlarged. Don Pedro Artiz de Zarara, Governor of Paraguai, rebuilt Buenos Ayres, upon an improved plan, in the year 1580, and it soon became the principal resort of ships navigating the South Seas; soon after which it was an episcopal see, and the place of residence of the chief magistrate. The situation of Buenos Ayres is computed to be in 34 deg. 55 min. south latitude, and 61 deg. 5 min. west longitude from Paris. The inhabitants, including negroes, do not exceed twenty thousand, notwithstanding which, the town covers a very large space of ground, owing to the generality of the habitations having no more than a ground floor, with spacious courtyards and extensive gardens. The public market is held in a grand square, the angles of which are formed by the Governor's palace, the town hall, the cathedral and the episcopal palace. There is no harbour at Buenos Ayres, so that ships of any considerable burden are obliged to sail to Encenada de Baragon, about ten leagues east south-east of the town, or else receive and deliver their freights by means of small boats.

Adjoining to the Jesuit's convent, there is a building, called the house for the exercises of women, where married and unmarried people, without the consent of their husbands or friends, sequester themselves for the space of twelve [Page] days, during which time various religious exercises are practiced, almost without intermission. There are holy ceremonies appointed for the slaves; and such of the negroes, as pay four reals per annum to the Dominicans, are admitted members of some religious community, are intitled to certain holidays, to hear mass, and a decent interment at the expence of the friars.

This community of negroes acknowledge St. Benedict of Palermo, and the Virgin for their patrons; and on the days dedicated to these saints they select two persons to represent the kings of Spain and Portugal, who are followed by all the negroes of the order, parading through the streets from the rising to the sitting of the sun, singing, dancing, representing battles, and repeating religious incantations.

The grounds near Buenos Ayres are extremely fruitful, producing all the real necessaries of life; but it is entirely uncultivated at only three leagues distance; and in crossing the plains scarce a hovel is to be met with; so that passengers are frequently under the necessity of sleeping in their carriages, and those who go on horseback are often, for many successive nights, exposed to the inclemency of the weather. Horses and black cattle abound in these plains, and the latter are frequently killed by travellers, who take away sufficient for a few meals, and leave the rest for the birds and [Page] beasts of prey. The only furious animals known here are wild dogs and tygers: the former, which are said to have been originally brought from Europe, are both fierce and numerous; and perhaps owing to their food, and the climate seem, as it were, greatly to have altered their species; the latter are of the usual kind, but are not very frequently met with.

In the neighbourhood of Buenos Ayres wood is so extremely scarce, that very little is to be found that will even serve for fuel, and what is used in erecting and repairing houses, or in refitting vessels, is transported from Paraguai.

The Indians inhabiting this part of America are of a copper complexion, seldom exceeding five feet in stature, and of a very forbidding aspect. Their Chief is distinguished by a thong of leather tied round his forehead, to which are fastened several plates of copper. The arms they use are bows and arrows, nooses and balls. These balls are about the circumference of a two pound cannon ball, and being received in leathern cups at the end of cords of about six or seven feet long, they throw them when on horseback, with such amazing force and dexterity, as to be almost at a certainty of killing an animal at the distance of three hundred yards.

Some years ago a number of delinquents, escaping the punishment they were sentenced to, retreated to the north of the Maldonadoes, [Page] where being joined by some deserters and Indian women, they have formed a community of desperadoes. They frequently plunder the Spanish settlements, and carry their spoils to the boundaries of the Brazils, where they receive, in exchange for them, fire-arms and clothes, from the Paulists, another desperate race of robbers, supposed to be between six and seven hundred in number, who removed from Brazil farther to the north-west about the sixteenth century; since which time they have continually traversed the adjacent country in parties; and such travellers as are so unfortunate as to meet with them, generally fall victims to their cruelty and rapine.

The governments of Tucuman and Paraguai, with the missions of the Jesuits, are dependent upon the Governor-general of la Plata, who, in all matters relating to the silver mines of Potosi, is under the jurisdiction of the Viceroy of Peru. A mint having been lately established at Potosi, the silver will not in future be brought from thence in the ore, but refined on the spot.

Two hundred carts, attended by three hundred men, go annually from Buenos Ayres to fetch salt from the lakes adjacent to the sea in forty-three degrees latitude; and the necessity of obtaining salt is the only motive that induces the Spaniards to travel so far south of Buenos Ayres, where the country exhibits a melancholy [Page] prospect of dreary and uncultivated wilds.

The principal commerce of Buenos Ayres is with Peru and Chili, to which province they send cotton, mules, some skins, and about four hundred thousand Spanish pounds weight of the Paraguai herb, or South Sea tea every year; great part of this last article is consumed by the labourers in the Peruvian mines; it being esteemed a most excellent preventative against the effects of the noxious vapours arising from those inexhaustible funds of treasure.

Notwithstanding there is but little trade at Buenoes Ayres, it is a place of such great riches, that the register ships frequently carry away a million of dollars each; and if they were inclined to extend their skin and fur trade, those articles alone would, undoubtedly, acquire them immense wealth.

Montevideo was built between forty and fifty years since, upon a peninsula, to the north of the river, and about ninety miles above its mouth. The town has a bay, affording safe anchorage, but in boisterous weather some skill must be exerted, to keep clear of a chain of hidden rocks off the east point of the bay, which are called Punta de las Carretas. The town of Montevideo affords every refreshment; and the air being particularly salubrious, renders it still more inviting to the sons of Neptune, who here find a happy renewal of that health and [Page] vigour, which, from various causes, must inevitably be impaired by a long residence on the stormy element.

The Jesuits took up their residence at Paraguay in the year 1580, and in the time of Philip the Third founded their celebrated missions, called indifferently by the Europeans Paraguai or Uraguai. These missions are thirty-seven in number; twenty-nine being on one side of the river Uraguai, and eight on the opposite shore.

The Jesuits undertook to convert the natives of this tract of America to the Roman Catholic religion, and in order to encourage them to pursue this very difficult task with a proper degree of spirit, they were rendered independent of the Governor's authority, and allowed an annual stipend of sixty thousand piastres for their necessary expences. And in order to indemnify the Crown for this expence, a tax of one piastre per head was levied upon all the Indians between the age of eighteen and sixty.

Notwithstanding the many and great obstacles which would have dispirited less determined men, the Jesuits, by a steady perseverance, the most ardent zeal, and a strict attention to the genius and disposition of these savages, at length, civilized their manners, implanted in their minds the principles of the Christian religion, [Page] and made them happy within themselves and useful to the community.

In the year 1757 the Spanish monarch having given up the colonies on the left shore of the river to the Portuguese, in exchange for Santo Sacramento, with a view to suppress the smuggling trade, the Indians of the ceded colonies, disgusted at being driven from their cultivated lands, took up arms against the Spaniards. Don Joseph Andonaighi, Governor-general of the province de la Plata, and Don Joachim de Viana, Governor of Montevideo, marched against, and entirely defeated them. Soon after this battle the insurrections being quelled, Viana left Buenos Ayres, and was accompanied as far as the Maldonados by seven Indian families, where they settled, leading a life of exemplary prudence and industry. The situation of these reclaimed people gives an idea of what the poets call the golden age: they knew no distinction of rank, were neither incumbered with riches, nor oppressed with poverty; and as all their wants were supplied from the warehouses appointed to receive the produce of the common labour, they had no incitement to use sinister and clandestine means to obtain private property.

The country in which the missions are situated, reaches about four hundred and fifty miles east and west, and about six hundred miles north and south; and the number of the inhabitants [Page] is computed to be three hundred thousand. There are immense forests of all kinds of wood, and extensive meadows, watered by innumerable small rivers and brooks, which produce pasture sufficient for upwards of two millions of cattle.

The country was divided into districts, over each of which two Jesuits were appointed to preside; one of whom acted as Rector, and the other as his Curate. The Indians lived in the most abject state of submission to their Rectors, who severely chastised them for misdemeanours, and annually appointed a number of inferior officers, called Corregidors, to take cognizance of petty offences.

Near the church are two large buildings; one of which was inhabited by a great number of girls, who were instructed in various occupations. The other building was occupied by young negroe men, who were brought up to various handicraft professions; and one department of this building was appointed to the teaching of music, sculpture, architecture, &c. The Rector's house stood between these buildings, and had communications with each, which he visited every day to see the provisions justly distributed, and the proper decorum in other respects strictly observed.

The entire expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions having been resolved upon, Don Francis Buccarelli was appointed to carry [Page] this design into execution; and he accordingly sailed for Buenos Ayres, arrived there in the beginning of 1767, and immediately sent the dispatches with which he was charged, to the Governors of Peru and Chili, and the commanders of Cordoua, Mendoza, Corrientes, Santa-Fe, Salta, Montevideo, and Paraguay. These dispatches were accompanied by letters, strictly enjoining the persons, to whom the dispatches from the Court were directed, not to open them till an appointed day. As it was a matter of doubt, whether the Indians would tamely submit to see Jesuits arrested in the colonies, all the preparations for carrying the King's orders into execution were conducted with the most profound secrecy. The time for accomplishing this grand design at length arrived, and the different Governors being previously instructed to open their letters, and to proceed according to their contents, with all imaginable dispatch.

The general execution began about two o'clock in the morning, when the Jesuits, with equal horror and astonishment, found their habitations invested by the Spanish troops.

They evinced a high degree of philosophical resignation and humility in quietly submitting to their fate, which they confessed was not so severe as their crimes deserved.

On the thirteenth of September a Cacique belonging to each colony, and all the corregidors, [Page] arrived at Buenos Ayres. These people were politically detached from their companions by the following stratagem, with a design of securing them as hostages, in case any resistance had been made. The Governor-general sent for them, under pretence of communicating the substance of the King's letters; and these deluded people were not informed of the events that had happened, till they received the account from the mouth of the Governor, who gave them a general audience, immediately upon their arrival; when the Governor informed them, that he came to free them from the slavery they had long groaned under, and directing them to one of the houses formerly occupied by the Jesuits, they were there properly provided for at the King's expence. The Jesuits had established other missions than those abovementioned to the south of Uraguay, and were making great progress southward of Chili, towards the island of Chiloé; but the unexpected turn of affairs in Europe utterly destroyed the work, the completion of which had been an object of great attention for a long series of years.

VOCABULARY of the Language of TAITI ISLAND.

[Page]Abobo, To-morrow.

Aibou, Come.

Ainé, Girl (fille)

Aiouta, There is some.

Aouererê, Black.

Aouero, Egg.

Aouri, Iron, gold, silver, every metal, or instrument of metal.

Aoutti, Flying fish.

Aouira, Lightning.

Apalari, To break or destroy.

Ari, Cocoa-nut.

Ateatea, White.

Ea, Root.

Eai, Fire.

Eame, Drink made of cocoa-nuts.

Eani, All manner of fighting.

Eivi, Little.

Eite, To understand.

Elao, A fly.

Emaa, A sling.

Emeitai, To give.

Emoe, To sleep.

Enapo, Yesterday.

Enoanoa, To smell well.

Enoo-te-papa, Sit down.

Enoua-Taiti, The country of Taiti.

Enoua-Paris, The country of Paris.

Eo, To sweat.

[Page]Eoe-tea, An arrow.

Eoe-pai, A paddle or oar.

Eonou. Turtle.

Eouai, Rain.

Eouri, A dancer.

Eouriaye, A dancing-girl.

Epouré, To pray.

Era, The sun.

Eraï, Heaven.

Ero, Ant.

Eri, King.

Erie, Royal.

Etai, Sea,

Eteina, Elder brother or sister.

Etouana, Younger brother or sister.

Etio, Oyster.

Etoi, A butcher.

Notes

*

M. Bougainville every where calls these islands the Isles Mal [...]u [...]es; but we shall call them by the name of Falkland's Islands, which was given them by our countryman, Strong, in 1689.

↵

*

This description will, of course, be found when we come to give an account of that voyage.

↵

*

Cape Fendu, in the original.

↵

†

Longue Rue.

↵

THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTISEMENT. TO THE READER.

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HAVING in the former part of this Collection given an authentic account of the proceedings and discoveries of the English navigators who have lately surrounded the globe; and also a copious detail of the voyage of a cotemporary navigator of another nation, who, jealous of the English designs, was commissioned to follow the same track. That the present undertaking may not want novelty to recommend it, I have procured, at a considerable expence, the journal of a new voyage to the northern part of the globe; a voyage which his Majesty, in a particular manner, has thought fit to patronize, and which was equipped with such care and circumspection, that nothing was found wanting during the course of it.

This voyage I have added by way of Supplement, without any additional expence to the subscribers; and have prefixed to it a brief recapitulation of the many attempts that have been made for the discovery of a north-east passage to China and Japan, and also have subjoined a like summary of the enterprizes set on foot by government, or undertaken by private adventurers, for discovering a communication with the great pacific ocean by a passage from the north-west.

[Page]These accounts are full of astonishing events, and wonderful descriptions of uncommon phenomena. In them we read of rivers and lakes of ice, bursting with imprisoned vapours; and of rocks, forests, beams of houses and buildings, splitting with a noise not less terrible than the loudest thunder.—Of brandy, Brine, and even spirits of wine, exposed to the open air, only for a few hours, freezing into a solid mass.—Of mountains of ice frozen in the sea one hundred fathom deep.—Of snow hills that never thaw.—And of winds that blister the flesh, and shrivel the skin like red-hot iron.

In this Supplement the distresses, dangers, providential deliverances, and unspeakable sufferings of those who have wintered in the dark and dreary regions of the north, are recounted with clearness and brevity; and, in the small compass of a few sheets, the contents of many volumes are comprized.

SUPPLEMENT, CONTAINING THE JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UNDERTAKEN BY ORDER OF HIS PRESENT MAJESTY, For making DISCOVERIES towards the NORTH POLE, BY THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPTAIN LUTWIDGE, IN HIS MAJESTY's SLOOPS RACEHORSE AND CARCASE.
To which is prefixed, An Account of the several VOYAGES undertaken for the Discovery of a North-East Passage to China and Japan.

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A Map of the [...]ICY SEA [...] which the several Communications with the Land Waters and other new Discoveries are exhibited.

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THE INTRODUCTION.

IT is fortunate for commerce, and the intercourse of nations, that there is implanted in man's nature a desire of novelty, which no present gratification can satisfy; that when he has visited one region of the earth, he is still, like Alexander, sighing for another to explore; and that, after having escaped one danger in his progress, he is no less eager to encounter others, that may chance to obstruct him in the course of his pursuits.

If the history of former hardships could have deterred men from engaging in new adventures, the Voyage, the particulars of which we are now about to relate, would probably never have been undertaken. The dreary regions that surround the poles are so little accustomed to feel the kindly influences of the enlivening sun, and are so destitute of the ordinary productions of the earth in happier climates, that little less than one whole quarter of the globe is, by its sterility, rendered uninhabitable by human beings, and but thinly occupied by a very inconsiderable number of the race of quadrupedes. The many and almost insuperable difficulties that must therefore be expected in traversing these forlorn desarts, where no relief is to be [Page] expected, but from the favourable interposition of that power, whose merciful providence extends to the remotest corners of the earth, are, upon reflection, enough to cool the ardour of the most enterprising, and to stagger the resolution of the most intrepid.

In the contention between powers, equally formed by nature to meet an opposition, it may be glorious to overcome; but to encounter raging seas, tremendous rocks, and bulwarks of solid ice, and desperately to persist in attempts to prevail against such formidable enemies; as the conflict is hopeless, so the event is certain. The hardiest and most skilful navigator, after exposing himself and his companions to the most perilous dangers, and suffering in proportion to his hardiness the most complicated distresses, must at last submit to return home without success, or perish by his perseverance.

This observation will be sufficiently justified, by a brief recapitulation of the Voyages that have been undertaken, with a view to the discovery of a North-east Passage to China and Japan.

The first who attempted this discovery was Sir Hugh Willoughby, with three ships, so early as the year 1553, the aera of perilous enterprizes. This gentleman sailed to the latitude of 75 degrees north, within sight, as it is imagined, of New Greenland, now called Spitsbergen; but by a storm was driven back, [Page] and obliged to winter in the river Arzena, in Lapland, where he was frozen to death with all his company. He left upon his table a concise account of all his discoveries, in which he mentions, having sailed within sight of a country in a very high latitude, about which geographers are divided; some affirming, as has been said, that it could be no other than New Greenland, afterwards discovered, and named by the Dutch Spitsbergen; others, that what he saw was only a fog-bank; and of this latter opinion is Capt. Wood, an able navigator, of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter.

To Sir Hugh Willoughby succeeded Capt. Burroughs, afterwards Comptroller of the Navy to Queen Elizabeth. This gentleman attempted the passage with better fortune, and returned full of hope, but without success. He passed the North cape in 1556, advanced as far north as the 78th degree, discovered the Wygate, or strait that divides Nova Zembla from the country of the Sammoyds, now subject to Russia: and having passed the easternmost point of that strait, arrived at an open sea, from whence he returned, having, as he imagined, discovered the passage so painfully sought, and so ardently desired. Some affirm, his discoveries extended beyond the 80th degree of latitude, to a country altogether desolate, where the mountains were blue and the valleys snow.

[Page]Be that as it may, the favourable report of Capt. Burroughs encouraged Queen Elizabeth to fit out two stout vessels to perfect the discovery. The command of these ships was given to the Captains Jackman and Pett, who, in 1580, sailed through the same strait, that had been discovered by Burroughs, and entered the eastern sea; where the ice poured in so fast upon them, and the weather became so tempestuous, that after enduring incredible hardships, and sustaining the most dreadful shocks of ice and seas, terrible even in the relation, they were driven back and separated; and neither Pett nor his ship or crew were ever heard of afterwards.

After this disaster and disappointment, the desire of visiting the frozen seas to the northeast began to abate among the English, but was assumed by the Dutch with an obstinate perseverance, peculiar to that phlegmatic nation. The first Dutchman we read of who made the attempt was John Cornelius, of whose voyage, in 1595, we have but a very imperfect account; he was followed however in 1606 by William Barrans, or, as some write, Barents, an able and experienced seaman and mathematician, who being supplied with every necessary for so hazardous a voyage, by the generosity and patronage of Prince Maurice, proceeded in the same course which had been pointed out to him by the English navigators; but having passed [Page] the Wygate, found the like incumbrances, and the like tempests which the English had experienced; and not being able to bear up against them, returned thoroughly convinced, that the wished-for passage was not to be attained in that direction. However, he traversed the coast of Nova Zembla, gave names to several promontories and head-lands, and planned to himself a new course to steer, by which he hoped to accomplish what he had failed in discovering, by following the steps of those who had gone before him.

In 1607, animated rather than discouraged by disappointment, he entered upon his second voyage, with the spirit of a man fully prepossessed with success. He had heard, that some of the whalers, who had now begun to frequent the North Seas, had, either by design or accident, advanced much farther to the northward than those who had been purposely fitted out upon discoveries; he therefore determined to steer to the northward of Nova Zembla, till he should arrive at the height of the pole, under which he was persuaded he should find an open sea; and, by changing his course to the southward, avoid those obstructions which had retarded his passage to the north-east.

In this hope he continued till he arrived on the coast of Nova Zembla, where, before he had reached the 77th degree, he was so rudely attacked by the mountains of ice, that every [Page] where assailed him, that not being able to withstand their fury, he was driven against the rocks, and his ship dashed to pieces. Barents and the greatest part of his crew got safe to land, but it was to experience greater misery than those underwent who perished in the attempt. They were obliged to winter in a country, where no living creature besides themselves appeared to have existence; and where, notwithstanding their utmost efforts to preserve their bodies from the cold, the flesh perished upon the bones of some of them, and others died of the most excruciating pains.

In this extremity, and notwithstanding the anguish they endured, those who survived had still the fortitude and ingenuity to frame a pinnace from the wreck of their broken ship, in which, at the approach of summer, they made sail for Lapland; but before they arrived at Colu, their Captain died, and with him the hopes of perfecting his discovery.

It was now the active season for naval enterprizes. Private adventurers began to fit out ships for the North Seas. Innumerable sea animals had been observed to bask upon the ice; the tusks of whose jaws were found to excel, in whiteness, the finest ivory, and their carcases to yield plenty of excellent oil. In the infancy of the whale fishery, these were pursued with the same eagerness, with which both the English and Dutch endeavour at this day to make the whales [Page] their prey, and perhaps with no less profit. In following these, many islands were discovered to which they resorted, and, in course of time, the seas that were so formidable to the first discoverers, became frequented at the proper seasons by the ships of every nation.

Foreign navigators, however, were more sanguine in their notions of a north-west passage, than of the existence of a passage to the north-east; and it was not till many unsuccessful trials had been made to discover the former, that the latter was again attempted. The celebrated Hudson, who discovered the straits that leads to the great western bay, which still bears his name; after he had exerted his skill in vain to find a passage westward, was persuaded at last to undertake a voyage in search of a passage to the north-east. This he performed in 1610, but being discouraged by the miscarriages of others, and the fatal issue that had attended their obstinate perseverance, on viewing the face of the country, examining the currents, and traversing an immense continent of ice, that stretched along the ocean, in a direction from east south-east to west north-west, he concluded, that no passage could be practicable in that direction, and therefore returned without making any other material discovery.

From this time till the year 1676, the prosecution of this discovery was totally neglected by the English; and though the Dutch whalers [Page] amused the world with wonderful relations of their near approach to the pole, yet little credit was given to their reports till the arrival of one John Wood, who had accompanied Sir John Narborough in his voyage to the South Sea, with a view to establish a new trade with the Chilians, and natives of that vast tract of country, reaching from the Straits of Magellan to the confines of Peru.

This able and enterprizing navigator, being himself an excellent mathematician and geographer, and reading in the Philosophical Transactions a paper, by which the existence of a north-east passage to the eastern or Indian ocean was plausibly asserted, and this exactly coinciding with his own notions of the construction of the globe, he was induced, by this and other reasons, to apply to King Charles the Second for a commission to prosecute the discovery; the accomplishment whereof, it was said, would add to the glory of his Majesty's reign, and immensely to the wealth and prosperity of his kingdoms.

Many about the Court of that needy Prince, hoping to share in the profits of the voyage, were earnest in prevailing with his Majesty to forward the design, who being himself fond of novelty, ordered the Speedwell Frigate to be fitted out at his own charge, manned, victualled, and provided with every necessary; while the Duke, his brother, and seven other courtiers, [Page] joined in the purchase of a Pink of one hundred and twenty tons, to accompany her, which [...]hey likewise manned and victualled, and furnished with merchandizes, such as were thought marketable on the coasts of Tartary or Japan; the countries they most probably would first fall in with after their passage through the North Sea.

These ships being in readiness, and commissions made out for their Commanders, Captain Wood was appointed to direct the expedition, on board the Speedwell, and Captain Flawes to bear him company on board the Prosperous.

On the 28th of May 1676, they sailed from the Buoy of the Nore, with the wind at south-west; and on the 4th of June cast anchor off Lerwick, in Brassey Sound, where they continued six days, to take in water and recruit their stores.

On Saturday the 10th they weighed anchor and continued their voyage; and on the 15th they entered the Polar circle, where the sun at that season of the year never sets. At noon the Speedwell broke her main-top-sail-yard in the slings, the first disaster that had happened, which, however, was easily repaired. The weather now began to grow hazey, a circumstance that frequently happens in the Polar regions, and darkens the air with the obscurity of night.

From this time till June 22, when they fell in with the ice in latitude 75 degrees 59 minutes [Page] north, nothing material occurred. On that day, at noon, they observed a continent of ice stretching to an imperceptible distance, in a direction from east-south-east and west-north-west. They bore away along the ice till the 28th, when they found it join to the land of Nova Zembla.

On the 29th they stood a [...]ay to the south, to get clear of the ice; but unfortunately found themselves embayed in it. At 11 at night the Prosperous bore down upon the Speedwell, crying out, ice upon the weather-bow, on which the Speedwell clapt the helm hard a weather, and veered out the main-sail to ware the ship; but before she could be brought too on the other tack, she struck on a ledge of rocks, and stuck fast. They fired guns of distress, but were not heard, and the fog being so thick, that land could not be discerned, though close to the stern of their ship; no relief was now to be expected, but from Providence and their own endeavours. In such a situation, no description can equal the relation of the Captain himself, who, in the language of the times, has given the following full and pathetic account.

"Here, says he, we lay beating upon the rock in a most frightful manner, for the space of three or four hours, using all possible means to save the ship, but in vain; for it blew so hard, that it was wholly out of our power to [Page] carry out an anchor capable to do us any service. At length we saw land close under our stern, to the great amazement of us all, which before we could not see for the foggy weather; so I commanded the men to get out the boats before our mast came by the board, which was done. I sent the boatswain towards the shore in the pinnace, to see if there was any possibility of landing, which I much feared, because the sea ran so high. In half an hour he returned with this answer, that it was impossible to land a man, the snow being in high cliffs, the shore was inaccessible. This was bad tidings; so then it was high time to think on the safety of our souls, and we went all together to prayers, to beseech God to have mercy on us, for now nothing but individual ruin appeared before our eyes. After prayers, the weather cleared up a little, and looking over the stern, I saw a small beach directly with the stern of the ship, where I thought there might be some chance of getting on shore. I therefore sent off the pinnace a second time, with some men in her to be first landed, but she durst not venture to attempt the beach. I then ordered out the long-boat with twenty men to land, who attempted it, and got safe on shore. They in the pinnace seeing that, followed, and landed their men likewise, and both vessels returned to the ship without any accident. The men on [Page] shore desired some fire-arms and ammunition, for there were many bears in sight. I therefore ordered two barrels of powder, some small arms, some provisions, with my own papers and money, to be put on board the pinnace; but as she put off from the ship's side, a sea overset her, so that all was lost, with the life of one man, and several others taken up for dead. The pinnace likewise was dashed to pieces, to our great sorrow, as by that disaster, one means of escaping from this dismal country, in case the Prosperous deserted us was cut off. The long-loat being on board, and the sea running high, the boatswain and some others would compel me and the Lieutenant to leave the ship, saying it was impossible for her to live long in that sea, and that they had rather be drowned than I; but desiring me when I came on shore, if it were possible, to send the boat again for them. Before we got half way to shore the ship overset, so making all possible haste to land the men we had on board, I went off to the ship again, to save those poor men who had been so kind to me before. With great hazard I got to the quarter of the ship, and they came down the ladder into the boat, only one man was left behind for dead, who had before been cast away in the pinnace; so I returned to the shore, though very wet and cold. We then hauled up the boat, and went up the land about a flight shot, where our men were [Page] making a fire and a tent with canvass and oars, which we had saved for that purpose, in which we all lay that night wet and weary. The next morning the man we left on board having recovered, got upon the mizzen-mast, and prayed to be taken on shore, but it blew so hard, and the sea ran so high, that tho' he was a very pretty sailor, none would venture to bring him off.

The weather continuing blowing with extreme fogs, and with frost and snow, and all the ill-compacted weather that could be imagined put together, we built more tents to preserve ourselves; and the ship breaking in pieces, came all on shore to the same place where we landed, which served us for shelter and firing. Besides, there came to us some hogsheads of flour, and brandy in good store, which was no little comfort in our great extremity. We now lay between hope and despair, praying for fair weather, that Captain Flawes might find us, which it was impossible for him ever to do while the weather continued foggy; but fearing at the same time that he might be cast away as well as we.

But supposing we never were to see him again, I was resolved to try the utmost to save as many as I could in the long-boat. In order thereunto we raised her two feet, and laid a deck upon her to keep the sea out as much as possible; and with this boat, and thirty men, for she would carry no more, I intended to row [Page] and sail to Russia, but the crew not being satisfied who should be the men, began to be very unruly in their mind and behaviour, every one having as much reason to save himself as another, some holding consultation to save the boat, and all to run the like fortune; but here brandy was our best friend, for it kept the men always fox'd, so that in all their designs I could prevent them. Some were in the mind to go by land, but that I knew was impossible to any man; neither had we provisions nor ammunition to defend us from the wild beasts; so the passage by land being impracticable, and no passage by sea to be attempted till forty men were destroyed, I will leave it to the consideration of any, whether we were not in a most deplorable condition, without the interposition of divine providence.

The weather continued still very bad, with fogs, snow, rain, and frost, till the 9th day of our being on shore, which was the 8th day of July, when in the morning it cleared up, and to our great joy one of our people cried out a sail, which proved Captain Flawes; so we set fire to our town, that he might see where we were, which he presently discovered, so came up, and sent his boat to us; but before I went off, I wrote a brief relation of the intention of the voyage, with the accident that had befallen us, and put it into a glass bottle, and left it in the fortification I had there built; so by twelve [Page] o'clock we all got safe on board, but left all on shore that we had saved from the ship; for we much feared it would prove foggy again, and that we should be driven once more on this miserable country; a country, for the most part, covered perpetually with snow, and what is bare being like bogs, on whose surface grows a kind of moss, bearing a blue and yellow flour, the whole product of the earth in this desolate region. Under the surface, about two feet deep, we came to a firm body of ice, a thing never heard of before; and against the ice-cliffs, which are as high as either of the forelands in Kent, the sea has washed underneath, and the arch overhanging, most fearful to behold, supports mountains of snow, which, I believe, hath lain there ever since the creation."

Thus far in Captain Wood's own words. He adds, that by the tides setting directly in upon the shore, it may be affirmed with certainty, that there is no passage to the northward. One thing remarkable in his relation, and which seems to contradict the report of former navigators, is, that the sea is there salter than he had yet tasted it elsewhere, and the clearest in the world, for that he could see the shells at the bottom, though the sea was four hundred and eighty feet deep.

Being all embarked on board the Prosperous, on the 9th of July they changed their course, and steered for England; and, on the 23d of [Page] August, they arrived safe in the Thames, without any remarkable accident intervening.

After the miscarriage of this voyage, on which the highest expectations had been formed, the most experienced navigators in England seemed to agree, that a passage by the north, or north-east, had no existence. They were the more confirmed in this error, for an error it is, by the reasons assigned by Capt. Wood, for changing his opinion on this matter; for, before he went upon the discovery, he was fully persuaded himself, and likewise persuaded many others, that nothing was more certain. When, however, he first saw the ice, he imagined it was only that which joined to Greenland, and that no solid body of ice extended farther from land than twenty leagues; in this persuasion he altered his course, and coasted along in the direction in which the ice lay, expecting, at every cape or head-land of ice, after running a certain distance, to find an opening into the Polar ocean; but after running two or three glasses to the northward in one bay, he found himself entangled in another; and thus it continued till his ship was wrecked. By this experiment, he found the opinion of Barents confuted, namely, ‘"that by stearing the middle course between Spitsbergen and Nova Zembla, an open sea might be attained, in which a ship might safely sail as far as the pole."’ From his own experience, [Page] he therefore pronounced, that all the Dutch relations were forgeries which asserted, that any man had ever bee [...] under the pole; verily believing, that if there be no land to the northward of 80 degrees, that the sea is there frozen, and always continues so; and grounding his opinion upon this remark, that if the body of ice which he saw were to be conveyed ten degrees more to the southward, many centuries of years would elapse before it would be melted.

To this positive assertion, however, may be opposed, the testimony of many credible persons, some of whom have themselves sailed beyond the 80th degree of north latitude, and others, upon evidence, whose veracity there is no reasonable cause to bring in question.

Among the latter, the testimony of Mr. Joseph Moxon, member of the Royal Society of London, must have considerable weight. In a paper which this gentleman caused to be printed in the Philosophical Transactions, is this remarkable relation.

‘"Being about twenty years ago in Amsterdam, I went into a public house to drink a cup of beer for my thirst; and sitting by the public fire, among several people, there happened a seaman to come in, who seeing a friend of his there, who he knew went the Greenland voyage, wondered to see him, because it was not yet time for the Greenland [Page] fleet to come home, and asked him, what accident had brought him home so soon? His friend (who was the steersman) answered, that their ships went not out to fish, but only to take in the lading of the fleet, to bring it to an early market. But, said he, before the fleet had caught fish enough to lade us, we, by order of the Greenland Company, sailed unto the north pole, and came back again. Whereupon, says Moxon, I entered into discourse with him, and seemed to question the truth of what he said; but he did assure me it was true, and that the ship was then in Amsterdam, and many of the seamen belonging to her ready to justify the truth of it; and told me, moreover, that they had sailed two degrees beyond the pole. I asked him, if they found no land or islands about the pole? He answered, no; there was a free and open sea. I asked him, if they did not meet with a great deal of ice? He told me, no; they saw no ice about the pole. I asked him, what weather they had there? He told me, fine warm weather, such as was at Amsterdam in the summer-time, and as hot. I should have asked him more questions, but that he was engaged in discourse with his friend, and I could not, in modesty, interrupt them longer. But I believe the steersman spoke truth; for he seemed a plain, honest, [Page] and unaffectatious person, and one who could have no design upon me."’

To authenticate this relation it has been observed, that under the poles, the sun in June being 23 degrees high, and having little or no depression towards the horizon, always, as it were, swimming about in the same elevation, might invigorate that part of the hemisphere with more heat than he does our climate; when he is, in the winter, no more than 15 degrees at the highest, and but eight hours above the horizon; in which space the earth has time to cool, and to lose, in the night, the influences of heat which it receives in the day.

Another report upon like evidence was made to King Charles the Second, by Capt. Goulden, who being a Greenland whaler himself, spoke with two Hollanders in the North Seas, that had sailed within one degree of the pole, where they met with no ice, but a hollow grown sea, like that in the Bay of Biscay.

A still more credible testimony is, that about the year 1670, application being made to the States General for a charter to incorporate a company of merchants to trade to Japan and China, by a new passage to the north east; the then East India Company opposed it, and that so effectually, that their High Mightinesses refused to grant what the merchants requested.

At that time it was talked of in Holland, as a matter of no difficulty to sail to Japan by the [Page] way of Greenland; and it was publickly asserted and believed, that several Dutch ships had actually done it. The merchants being required to verify this fact, desired that the journals of the Greenland squadron of 1655 might be produced; in seven of which there was notice taken of a ship which that year had sailed as high as the latitude of 89; and three journals of that ship being produced, they all agreed, as to one observation taken by the master, August 1, 1655, in 88 degrees 56 minutes north.

But a proof incontestible, is the testimony of Captain Hudson, who sailed in 1607 to the latitude of 81 degrees 30 minutes north, where he arrived on the 16th of July, the weather being then pretty warm.

Add to all these, that the Dutch, who were employed in 1670, in endeavouring to find a north-east passage, advanced within a very few degrees of that open sea, which is now commonly navigated by the Russians, and which would infallibly have brought them to the coasts of China and Japan, had they persevered in the course they were pursuing.

It does not appear, however, from any authentic accounts that we can collect, that any voyage, professedly for the discovery of a north-east passage, has been undertaken by either public or private adventurers in England, since that of Capt. Wood in the year 1670, till the [Page] present year: and it is more than probable, that if the Russian discoveries on the north of Asia had never taken place, the thoughts of finding a practicable passage from Europe in that direction, would have lain dormant for ever.

But the vast and enterprizing genius of Peter the Great, in forcing his subjects out of that obscurity in which they had long been involved, has opened to the maritime powers new sources of commerce, and furnished fresh motives for new enterprizes. From a people unacquainted with a vessel bigger than a bark, and who knew no navigation but that of their own rivers, that wonderful Prince not only taught them the use of ships, but instructed them in the true principles of building and equipping them. Nay, he did more; for after making himself known and admired throughout Europe, he conceived the design of opening a communication with the remotest parts of the globe, and discovering to the world new countries which no European nation had ever yet explored.

With this design, he planned one of the boldest enterprizes that ever entered into the heart of man; and though he did not survive to see it executed, the glory of the atchievement is wholly his.

The country of Kamschatka was as much unknown to his predecessors, as it was to the rest of the civilized nations of the earth; yet [Page] he formed the design of making that savage country the centre of the most glorious atchievements.

It was in the last year of this great Monarch's life, that he commissioned Capt. Behring to traverse the wild, and then almost desolate, country of Siberia, and to continue his route to Kamtschatka, where he was to build one or more vessels, in order to discover whether the country towards the north, of which at that time they had no distinct knowledge, was a part of America, or not; and if it was, his instructions authorized him to endeavour, by every possible means, to seek and cultivate the acquaintance of some European people, and to learn from them the state of the country at which he should arrive. If he failed in this, he was to make such discoveries as circumstances should present, and commit to writing the result of his observations for the use of his Imperial master.

To enter minutely into the particulars of Capt. Behring's journey and voyage, would carry us beyond the limits prescribed for this Introduction: let it suffice to say, that after surmounting incredible difficulties, and suffering hardships which none but a Russian could have survived, he executed his commission successfully, and returned to Petersburg in safety, after an absence of five years, in which time, besides his voyage by sea, he had travelled, in going [Page] and returning, eighteen thousand miles by land.

It is from the second enterprizes of this astonishing man, and from the subsequent voyages of the Russians, that we are able to ascertain the existence of a north-east passage; and it is from thence, and from the late voyage of Capt. Phipps, that, we think, we may fairly infer the practicability of it.

It was some time about the year 1740, that Capt. Behring embarked on his second voyage from Kamtschatka, of which all that we know is, that he sailed southward to the isles of Japan, and from thence eastward about 80 leagues. At that distance from Japan he discovered land, which he coasted north-west, still approaching to the north-east cape of Asia, which he doubled, and named Cape Shelvghenski, not daring to land till he arrived at the mouth of a great river, where, sending his boats with most of his crew on shore, they never more returned, being either killed or detained by the inhabitants, which made his discovery incompleat; for not having men sufficient left to navigate the ship, she went on shore on an uninhabited island, where the Captain unfortunately died.

From this voyage, however, we learn that the sea, from the north-east cape of Kamtschatka, is open to the isles of Japan, and from a subsequent account of Russian voyages, published [Page] in the Philosophical Transactions, from a paper communicated by the celebrated Euler, it appears, that they passed along in small vessels, coasting between Nova Zembla and the continent, at divers times in the middle of summer, when those seas were open. The first expedition was from the river Oby, latitude 66 degrees north, longitude 65 degrees east from London, and at the approach of winter, the vessels sheltered themselves by going up the Janiska, the mouth of which is marked in our maps in latitude 70 degrees north, and in longitude 82 degrees east; from whence the next summer they proceeded to the mouth of the Lena in latitude 72 degrees north, and in longitude 115 degrees, into which they again retired for the winter season. The third expedition was from the mouth of this river, to the farthest north cape of Asia, in 72 degrees of north latitude, and in 172 degrees of east longitude from London. Thus the Russians having passed between the continent and Nova Zembla, and sailed as far as the easternmost north cape, and the English and Dutch having repeatedly sailed through the straits that divide Nova Zembla from the continent, nothing can be a plainer demonstration of the reality of a north-east passage, than the sum of the voyages here enumerated, when added together. The English and Dutch sail to Wygatz, or the strait of Nova Zembla; the Russians sail from [Page] Wygatz to the north cape of Asia; and Behring from the north cape to Japan. This is an incontrovertible demonstration; yet it is obvious, that this course can never be practicable to ships employed in trade. The Russians, by taking the advantage of an open sea and mild weather, in three years time accomplished but part of a voyage, which, by the Cape of Good Hope, may be made in less than one. Who therefore would run the hazard of so desperate a passage, for the sake of reaping imaginary advantages by an intercourse with savages, who, for aught we know, have nothing to exchange for European commodities, but the skins of bears, or the bones of monsters.

But tho' the passage to the northern countries of the east was known to be impracticable to European navigators in this direction, it was worthy the greatness of a maritime people, to endeavour to determine the possibility of attaining the same end by another course.

The miscarriage and death of Barentz, and the shipwreck of Capt. Wood, had left the question undetermined, whether the regions adjoining to the pole are land or water, frozen or open sea. The advantages from this discovery, besides the glory resulting from it, had the decision terminated in favour of navigation, would have been immensely great. To have opened a new chanel of commerce at a time when our trade is languishing, would have revived the [Page] drooping hopes of our manufacturers, and retained at home the numerous emigrants, who, for want of employment in their own country, are seeking new habitations, and new means of living in remote settlements, of the certainty of which they have no experience.

It must be acknowledged to the lasting honour of the noble Lord who presides at the head of the admiralty board, and who patronized the undertaking, that the means to render it successful, was in every respect proportioned to the importance of the discovery.

The vessels that were made choice of were the properest that could be devised. Bomb ketches are in the first instance stoutly built, and not being over large, are best adapted for navigating seas that are known to abound with shoals and covered rocks: these vessels, besides their natural strength, were sheathed with plank of seasoned oak three inches thick, to fortify them against the shocks and pressure of the ice, that, in their progress, they must infallibly encounter. They were, besides, furnished with a double set of ice poles, anchors, cables, sails and rigging, to provide against the terrible effects of the severe and tempestuous weather, that frequently happens in high latitudes, even in the middle of the most temperate seasons.

Nor was his Lordship less careful to provide for the comfortable subsistance of the men, than for the preservation of their lives, by his [Page] wise directions in equipping their ships. His first care was, to issue orders for killing and curing a sufficient quantity of beef and pork in the best manner possible, that their provisions might be good and fresh; and his next, to cause one hundred buts of porter to be brewed with the best malt and hops, that they might have proper drink to fortify them against the rigour of the climate they were about to pass. Their pease, oatmeal, rice and molossus, were all provided with equal care, and when all things were in readiness, the beer was stowed in the holds, and the vacancies filled up with coals, which served as ballast, that firing might not be wanting to warm and dry them when cold, or wet with labour, or with watching. Add to this, that a double quantity of spirits were put on board, with a large proportion of wine, vinegar, mustard, &c. &c. and what, we believe, was never before thought of in the fitting out of any King's ships, a considerable quantity of tea and sugar for the sick, in case any should be seized with that dreadful disorder, which rendered ship provisions loathsome to Capt. James's men, who were constrained to winter in Charlton Island in 1632. These men fell sick and had sore mouths, and could neither eat beef, pork, fish, nor potage; the Surgeon was every morning and evening obliged to pick their teeth, and cut away the pieces of rotten flesh from their gums, yet they could eat [Page] nothing but bread pounded in a mortar, and fried in oil, on which they subsisted for several months. In case of accidents of this kind, and that tea should fail to answer the purposes of nourishment, a quantity of portable soup was likewise provided. And to compleat the whole, a stock of warm cloathing was laid in, consisting of six fearnought jackets for each man, two milled caps, two pair of fearnought trowsers, four pair of milled stockings, and an excellent pair of boots, with a dozen pair of milled mitts, two cotton shirts, and two handkerchiefs.

Thus equipped and provided, the command of the Race Horse was given to the Hon. Constantine Phipps, as Commodore, and that of the Carcarse to Capt. Skiffington Lutwych; the first mounting eight six pounders and fourteen swivels, burthen three hundred and fifty tons; the latter four six pounders and fourteen swivels, burthen three hundred tons.

Thus being premised, let us now proceed to the Journal of the Voyage.

[Page]

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO DISCOVER THE NORTH EAST PASSAGE; UNDER THE COMMAND OF THE HON. COMMODORE PHIPPS, AND CAPT. SKIFFINGTON LUTWYCH, IN HIS MAJESTY'S SHIPS RACE HORSE AND CARCASE BOMBS.

ALL things being now in readiness, the officers on board, and the men paid their bounty-money of three pounds per man, according to his Majesty's royal proclamation, for the encouragement of those who should voluntarily enter to undertake the voyage. On the 3d of June 1773, the Commodore made the signal to weigh; but previous to their departure, the Carcase having been judged too deep to navigate those heavy seas through which she was to pass, the Captain obtained leave from the board of Admiralty to re-land ten of her compliment of men, and to put ashore six of the eight six-pounders with which she was equipped, with a quantity of provisions, proportioned [Page] to the number of men that it had been thought proper to discharge.

On Friday the 4th being off Sheerness, the wind west by north, and a fresh breeze, they took their departure, and continued their voyage without any material occurrence happening till Tuesday the 15th, when the Commodore made the signal to lie to. They were then off Brassey Island, and many fishing-boats from Shetland being in sight, the men were invited on board, and some fish purchased of them at a cheap rate.

On the 17th they took a new departure from Shetland, but the day following the fog thickened so much, that it almost approached to total darkness. During the continuance of the fog, the Commodore kept firing guns and beating drums, to prevent the Carcase from losing company. As it was impossible that one could see the other at a ship's length, it was found the more necessary to repeat and return the firing, lest they should run foul of each other before they could be apprized of their danger. About five in the morning the mist cleared up, and about nine the Commodore being in sight, made the signal to the Carcase to steer north-east. They were then in latitude 60 degrees 52 minutes north by observation; the north end of Shetland Island bearing north by west one half west, seven or eight leagues.

On the 17th they observed a sail to the north-east, which the Commodore brought to, and [Page] spoke with. The breeze fresh, the weather hazy, and the wind variable, the Carcase carried away her main-top-mast studding sail yard; which, however, was very soon supplied. Latitude this day by observation 62 degrees 53 minutes north.

Friday the 18th, being in the latitude of 65 degrees 9 minutes north, the cloathing allowed by the Government, of which notice has already been taken in the Introduction, was delivered out, and officers as well as men received their full proportion. This day the weather continued as before.

Saturday the 19th the weather varied to every point of the compass, the Commodore brought to, and spoke with the Carcase. Made sail about three in the morning, and at nine a large swell. Tacked and stood to the eastward. Latitude 66 degrees 1 minute north; longitude from London 33 minutes west.

Sunday the 20th they pursued their course to the eastward, with the wind north-west, but variable; high breezes and clear air. They were now within the Polar circle, and at midnight had an observation of the sun, and found their latitude 66 degrees 52 minutes north. Sounded on board the Commodore with a lead of one hundred weight, and a line of seven hundred and eighty fathom, to which was fastened a thermometer of Lord George Cavendish's construction. They found no bottom, [Page] but the water was eleven degrees colder at that depth than on the surface. The Carcase sounded with four hundred and fifty fathoms only.

Monday 21, light breezes and cloudy weather. They observed a whale on the north-east quarter, the first they had yet seen in the north seas. The weather now began to set in severe; the nights cold and the days cloudy. The Commodore observing a whaling snow with Hamborough colours flying, fired a shot, and brought her to. She happened to be homeward bound with seals, and Mr. Wyndham, a gentleman of fortune, who had embarked on board the Commodore, with a view to prosecute the voyage, finding nothing but foul weather and heavy seas, to gratify his curiosity, and being withal unable to endure the sea sickness, took passage on board the Hamburgher, in order to return home; and having taken leave of his friends, by wishing them a happy voyage, the Snow's boat took him on board about seven in the morning, and at eight the Commodore and Carcase pursued their voyage.

Tuesday 22, the articles of war were read on board the Carcase. The weather began to be piercing cold; they had reached the 70th degree of north latitude, in a course nearly north, being only 14 minutes to the eastward of London; and from their leaving Shetland to this day, they had seen nothing remarkable; nor had any accident befallen either of the

[Page]

SPITSBERGEN or NEW GREENLAND

[Page] ships worth relating, except that of now and then snapping a rope, or breaking a yard; incidents easily repaired. This day it poured with rain; the air was thick, and the rain froze as it fell. Saw a large ship to the north-west, standing southward, but wanting no information that she could give, they pursued their voyage without speaking to her.

Wednesday 23, the rain continued; the weather hazy; heard three guns fire at a distance, but saw no ship or other object. The whales are here in no great plenty, and few ships appear in the open sea in pursuit of them. They generally at this season frequent the bays and creeks near the shore, and only break away when they are pursued or wounded.

On Thursday the 24th, the Commodore changed his course to east north-east; and on the 25th they were in latitude 74 degrees 7 minutes north, and in 8 degrees 32 minutes east longitude from London. Served out to the ship's company plenty of mustard, pepper, vinegar, &c. The weather extremely cold and variable. At eight in the evening thick fog; at two in the morning fresh breezes; at eight clear weather; at eleven squally; and at noon calm, with sleet and snow.

On Saturday the 26th, at midnight, they had an observation, and found themselves in latitude 74 degrees 17 minutes north; fresh gales, [Page] sometimes rain, sleet, and snow; at seven in the morning clear weather and an open sea.

Sunday 27, light airs from the southward, and cloudy weather; much warmer than the preceding day. It is remarkable, that the vicissitudes of heat and cold are more frequent here than in the more southerly latitudes. It often changes from temperate to extreme cold; and that suddenly.

It should seem likewise, that the ice frequently changes its place in this latitude; or that it is more solid near land than in the open sea; for, on the 23d of June 1676, Capt. Wood, being more to the eastward, fell in with ice right a-head, not more than a league distant. He steered along it, thinking it had openings, but found them to be bays. He sounded, and found ground at one hundred and fifty-eight fathom, soft green oar. In some places he found pieces of ice driving off a mile from the main body in strange shapes, resembling ships, trees, buildings, beasts, fishes, and even men. The main body of ice being low and craggy, he could see hills of a blue colour at a distance, and valleys that were white as snow. In some places he observed drift wood among the ice. Some of the ice he melted, and found it fresh and good. This navigator never could advance farther to the north; but in seeking to penetrate the ice was ship-wrecked, as has been already related in the Introduction. He therefore judged [Page] the ice impenetrable, and that land or ice surrounded the pole. Our navigators found also much wood in this latitude floating about the ships, and saw great flocks of birds.

Monday 28, the weather altered; the wind west. Fresh breezes, with rain and sleet. Latter part thick fog.

Tuesday 29, being in latitude 78 degrees north, and in longitude 6 degrees 29 minutes east from London, came in sight of land, when the ships brought to, and the Captains held a consultation concerning their future course. The appearance of the land lay from east-south-east to north-east; and this day they spoke with the Marquis of Rockingham, Greenlandman, who, by their reckoning, were then in latitude 79 degrees 40 minutes north, though by that of the Commodore, their latitude was only 78 degrees 3 minutes. This difference, it it probable, arises from not making the proper allowance for refraction in this high latitude. The Greenlandman presented each of the Commanders with a deer and a half, which they found well-flavoured venison, though not over fat. He likewise informed, that he had just come from the ice, and that the day before, three whalers had been crushed to pieces by its closing upon them suddenly.

Wednesday 30, pursued their course. Cloudy weather. Half past four in the morning sounded, one hundred and twelve fathoms soft [Page] blue mud. At this time Black Point, so called from its dark appearance, bore north-east by east three quarters east, at the distance of seven or eight leagues. At half past seven, in the morning, saw two sail in the north-west quarter. At half past twelve tacked and stood to the east. Sounded, and found ground at one hundred and fifteen fathom.

Thursday July 1, light breezes and clear weather at midnight: the sun as bright as at noon day. Black Point east one half south, distant seven leagues. At three in the morning made Charles's Island, and at nine saw a sail to the westward whaleing; they were then in latitude 78 degrees 18 minutes north, by observation. Sounded, and found the same depth as before.

Friday 2, light airs and moderate weather. Lay to and took the altitude of a mountain, which they named Mount Parnassus; found it from the level of the sea to be three thousand nine hundred and sixty feet high, covered with snow, and at a distance resembling an ancient building, with something like a turret a-top. The foot of this mountain, with the hills adjoining, have sometimes a very fiery appearance, and the ice and snow on their sides resembling trees and shrubs, glissen with a brilliancy that exceed the splendor of the brightest gems. When this happens, a violent storm generally [Page] succeeds. Here they shot some sea fowl, but of an oily taste.

Saturday 3, proved a perfect calm. They spoke with a Hollander, who foretold, that a degree or two farther north was the utmost extent of their progress this season. Having doubled Cape Cold, they anchored in fifteen fathom water, about three miles from the land, and sent the boats ashore for water, which they found in abundance, pouring down in little streams from the rocks. At five in the afternoon, by the mean of four azimuths, the variation was found to be 18 degrees 36 minutes west. Sounded, and found only sixty-five fathoms, soft brown mud. Mount Parnassus east-north-east three or four leagues.—Among other reasons which Capt. Wood gave for wishing to be employed on the discovery of the north-east passage, one was, that he might have an opportunity of approaching the pole, in order to settle an hypothesis, which he had long framed, whereby the inclination of the magnetical needle under the horizon, in all latitudes and in all longitudes, with the variation of the compass, might be exactly determined. This navigator imagined two magnetical poles to exist: and that, by approaching the one, he should be able to determine the action of the other. It does not appear, that he ever explained his hypothesis; and there never has been but one man, whose name was Williams, since his [Page] time, who pretended to know any thing of the matter.

Saturday 4, light breezes and hazey weather. Sounded, and only twenty fathoms deep; rocky ground. Hacluit's Headland, or the northermost point of Spitsbergen, bearing north by east seven leagues. Many whalers in sight. Latitude by observation 79 degrees 34 minutes north, longitude from London 8 degrees 10 minutes east. Thermometer forty-seven.

Monday 5, at two in the afternoon sounded, and only fifteen fathom water; rocky ground. Thick fog. The Race Horse fired guns as signals to keep company, which were answered by the Carcase. A dreadful crackling was heard at a distance, which proved the dashing and grinding of the loose pieces of ice against each other, which is heard at many leagues distance. Hacluit's Headland south-east by south, distance six or seven leagues.

Tuesday 6, proved very foggy; the breezes slight, and islands of ice beginning to appear. At three in the afternoon the Commodore hauled up from a large body of packed ice, and the fog thickening, both ships kept firing volleys of small arms, to prevent their losing company. At half past ten in the evening, the extremes of the ice stretching from north-west to east-north-east, the Commodore bore away; and at half past twelve lost sight of it. At half past one in the morning heard a violent [Page] surf to the south-east. At two tacked and stood to the westward. At half past five the fog gathering, they began firing volleys of small arms. At six saw the ice stretching from east by south, to north by east; and at seven was within sight of land. At ten Cloven Cliff stood east-south-east, distant about five or six leagues.

Wednesday the 7th, the weather cloudy. They found themselves beset among the loose ice, which increasing continually, gave them incredible trouble. Observing that it thickened to the eastward, they hauled up, and stood to the westward; but in tacking, they were in danger of running foul. It was with difficulty they could keep any course, for the driffs of ice came so thick, as to whirl the ships about, as if in a whirl-pool.

Thursday 8, the weather still remaining cloudy, and the wind variable, both ships still were entangled in the ice; and the Carcase being driven to leeward, hoisted out her long-boat to tow up with the Commodore. But the ice closing very fast, it was impossible for the boats to live. Orders were then given to tack and stand to the southward; but the ships not being able to make head against the accumulation of ice that continually gathered round them, were under a necessity of applying to their ice-anchors and poles, in order to warp through it. At half past eight in the evening, the ice beginning [Page] to open, they again hoisted out their boats, and with difficulty towed the ships round a cape of ice projecting from the main body, and at last got clear. At ten the boats were hoisted on board. In extricating themselves from this dangerous situation, the Race Horse had her best bower-anchor snapt in the shank, close to the stock, and the Carcase lost her starboard bumpkin and head-rails.

It frequently happens, that ships beset among the ice in the manner above related, perish by being dashed to pieces against the solid fields of ice, or crushed by the broken pieces crowding upon one another, and rising so fast about the ship, as to exceed the height of her sides, and then there is no escaping. They were told by some experienced seamen, that the ice rises out of the sea as high sometimes as mountains; and that several of these mountains, by striking together and coalescing, form these islands of ice that are frequently seen in the lower latitudes, driving up and down the sea as the wind and tides direct them.

The greatest danger to be apprehended, is, however, from the loose ice; for the whalers often moor their ships to the solid fields of ice, that at certain seasons seem to rest upon the earth, and appear fixed to it, and there find the best fishing. In such situations it often happens, that little or no loose ice is to be seen; yet presently upon a change of wind, or

[Page]

A View of the Whale Fishery.

[Page] the blowing of a storm, it shall pour in upon them so suddenly, that they sometimes perish in it. It is not possible to account for the astonishing quantity that will gather in this manner in less than an hour's time.

Though it seems to be agreed, that many of the largest fields of ice are frozen to the depth of the sea in which they are found, and that they are bedded on the solid earth, yet it is equally certain, that they are often rent asunder by the raging billows; and that in breaking, they produce the most terrifying noise in nature; nay, it is asserted, that the clashing of the pieces of loose ice against each other, on any extraordinary agitation of the waves, is attended with a roaring so loud, that a man who is near it can hardly hear the sound of his own voice.

Friday the 9th, they hauled up to the westward, and lost sight one of the other; but about nine next morning they came in sight, and joined company. The weather being now piercing cold, the people had an additional quantity of porter and brandy delivered to them; two quarts of porter and a pint of brandy being now every man's daily allowance.

Saturday July the 10th, the breeze fresh, and the weather cloudy. They sailed between numberless pieces of ice, among which they saw several whales, but none of the whalers in pursuit of them. The ice now becoming solid and [Page] compact, they found it impracticable to continue their course. And the discovery of a passage to the pole in that direction (upon holding a consultation) appearing impracticable to every officer on board of both ships, the Commodore, at seven in the evening, hauled close to the wind; and the Carcase, as soon as she could extricate herself, followed his example. The weather continuing foggy, with rain and snow, the sailors were almost worn out with turning and winding; and although they used the utmost precaution in working through the narrows, yet they could not always avoid striking against the mountains that every where surrounded them. During this night's work, they steered a hundred different courses, to follow the channels.

Sunday 11, having worked out of the ice, they sailed along the main body, which appeared perfectly solid and compact, without any passage or inlet. This immense mass of ice extended north-east, as far as they could see from the mast-head; and, no doubt, might be a continuation of that in which they were engaged a few days before. The sea was now tolerably clear, for they met with no more fields, and only a few detached islands. At half past one in the morning they saw the land from south by west, to south-south-east. At three in the morning they tacked; Cloven Cliff bearing south-south-east six miles. At seven [Page] tacked again. At eight the Commodore bore away, and the Carcase stood after him. Cloven Cliff south one half west, two or three leagues, latitude 79 degrees 56 minutes north.

Monday 12, at eight in the evening Cloven Cliff bearing west-south-west four or five miles, they sounded in fifteen fathoms water, and found a rocky bottom. Saw several English and Dutch Greenlanders at anchor in the Norways: That being their rendezvous to the northward, they never chuse to proceed farther. Here they found the current setting so fast to eastward, that they were forced to come to an anchor to keep from drifting on the ice; the swell from westward being so great, that had that happened, it would of consequence have staved the ships. At five in the morning a breeze from north-north-east springing up, they weighed, and made sail. At eight Hacluit's Headland west-south-west one half west, six or seven leagues, at noon latitude 80 degrees 2 minutes north.

Tuesday 13, the weather being clear and calm, and a strong easterly current setting in, at eight in the evening they came to with their stream anchors and hausers in forty fathoms water; but at nine a breeze springing up from the eastward, they weighed, and next day came to an anchor in Smearingburgh Harbour. Cloven Cliff east one half south one mile. West [Page] point of Voogle land north-north-west one half west, distant one mile and a half; soundings fifteen fathom sandy bottom.

Here they remained between five and six days to take in fresh water, during which time our journalist was employed in surveying the country, which to a stranger had a very awful and romantic appearance.

The country is stoney, and as far as can be seen full of mountains, precipices and rocks. Between these are hills of ice, generated, as it should seem, by the torrents that flow from the melting of the snow on the sides of those towering elevations, which being once congealed, are continually increased by the snow in winter, and the rain in summer, which often freezes as soon as it falls. By looking on these hills, a stranger may fancy a thousand different shapes of trees, castles, churches, ruins, ships, whales, monsters, and all the various forms that fill the universe. Of the ice-hills there are seven, that more particularly attract the notice of a stranger. These are known by the name of the seven ice-burgs, and are thought to be the highest of the kind in that country. When the air is clear, and the sun shines full upon these mountains, the prospect is inconceivably brilliant. They sometimes put on the bright glow of the evening rays of the setting sun, when reflected upon glass, at his going down; sometimes they appear of a bright blue, like sapphire, and sometimes like the variable [Page] colours of a prism, exceeding in lustre the richest gems in the world, disposed in shapes wonderful to behold, all glittering with a lustre that dazzles the eye, and fills the air with astonishing brightness.

Smearingburgh harbour, where they landed, was first discovered by the Dutch. Here they erected sheds and conveniences for boiling the oil from the fat of the whales, instead of barrelling it up to be boiled at home. Here also, allured by the hope of gain, they built a village, and endeavoured to fix a colony: but the first settlers all perished in the ensuing winter. The remains of the village may be traced to this day; and their stoves, kettles, kardels, troughs, ovens, and other implements, remained in the shape of solid ice long after the utensils themselves were decayed. Our voyagers were told, that the Russians have lately attempted the same thing, and that ten out of fifteen perished last winter in this second attempt.

Where every object is new, it is not easy for a stranger to fix which first to admire. The rocks are striking objects: before a storm they exhibit a fiery appearance, and the sun looks pale upon them, the snow giving the air a bright reflection. Their summits are almost always involved in clouds, so that it is but just possible to see the tops of them. Some of these rocks are but one stone from bottom to top, appearing like an old decayed ruin. Others [Page] consist of huge masses, veined differently, like marble, with red, white, and yellow, and probably, were they to be sawed and polished, would equal, if not excel, the finest Egyptian marble we now so much admire. Perhaps the distance and danger of carrying large blocks of stones, may be the reason that no trials have been made to manufacture them. On the southerly and westerly sides of these rocks grow all the plants, herbs, and mosses peculiar to this country; on the northerly and easterly sides the wind strikes so cold when it blows from these quarters, that it perishes every kind of vegetable. These plants grow to perfection in a very short time. Till the middle of May the whole country is locked up in ice; about the beginning of July the plants are in flower, and about the latter end of the same month, or beginning of August, they have perfected their seed. The earth owes its fertility, in a great measure, to the dung of birds, who build and breed their young here in the summer, and in the winter repair to more favourable climates.

The plants that are most common in Spitsbergen are scurvy-grass and crows-foot; there are besides small house-leak, and a plant with aloe-leaves; an herb like stone-crop; some small snake-weed; mouse-ear; wood-strawbery; periwinkle; and a herb peculiar to the country which they call the rock-plant. The leaves of this plant are in shape like a [Page] man's tongue, above six feet long, of a dull yellow colour. The stalk is round and smooth, and of the same colour with the leaf; it rises tapering, and smells like muscles. It is an aquatic, and rises in height in proportion to the depth of water in which it is found. There are other plants and herbs, but these are the chief. Of flowers, the white poppy seems the principal.

The rocks and precipices are full of fissures and clefts, which afford convenient harbour for birds to lay their eggs, and breed their young in safety. Most of these birds are water-fowl, and seek their food in the sea. Some, indeed, are birds of prey; and pursue and kill others for their own sustenance, but these are rare. The water-fowl eat strong and fishy, and their fat is not to be endured. They are so numerous about the rocks, as sometimes to darken the air when they rise in flocks; and they scream so horribly, that the rocks ring with their noise.

There are a few small birds like our snipes, and a kind of snow-bird, but different from that found about Hudson's bay. The gentlemen shot some of the water-fowl, but they were strong and ill-tasted.

The ice-bird is a very beautiful little bird, but very rare. He is in size and shape like a turtle-dove, but his plumage, when the sun shines upon him, is of a bright yellow, like [Page] the golden ring in the peacock's tail, and almost dazzles the eye to look upon it.

The other inhabitants of this forlorn country are white bears, deer, and foxes. How these creatures can subsist in the winter, when the whole earth is covered with snow, and the sea locked up in ice, is hardly to be conceived. It has been said, indeed, that when the ocean is all frozen over, and no sustenance to be procured in this country, they travel southerly to the warmer climates, where food proper for them abounds in the immense forests of the northern continent. But whoever considers the vast distance between Spitsbergen and the nearest parts of the northern continent, will be as much at a loss to account for the subsistence of these creatures in their journey, as in the desolate region where they undoubtedly remain. The bear is by far the best accommodated to the climate of which he is an inhabitant. He is equally at home on land and water, and hunts diligently for his prey in both. In summer he finds plenty of food from the refuse of the whales, sea-horses and seals, which is thrown into the sea by the whalers, and cover the shores during the time of whaling; and they have besides a wonderful sagacity in smelling out the carcases of the dead, let them be ever so deeply buried in the earth, or covered with stones. The dead therefore that annually are buried here may contribute, in some degree, [Page] to the subsistence of a few of these creatures in winter; but the question will still recur, how the race of them subsisted before the whale-fishery had existence, and before men found the way to this inhospitable shore. Disquisitions of this kind, as they are beyond the reach of human comprehension, serve only to raise our admiration of that omnipotent Being to whom nothing is impossible.

These creatures, as they differ in nothing but their colour and size from those commonly shewn in England, need no description.

The foxes differ little in shape from those we are acquainted with, but in colour there is no similitude. Their heads are black, and their bodies white. As they are beasts of prey, if they do not provide in summer for the long recess of winter, it were, one would think, almost impossible for them to survive; yet they are seen in plenty, though, by their subtlety and swiftness, they are not easy to be catched.

The Dutch seamen report, that when they are hungry they will feign themselves dead, and when the ravenous birds come to feed upon them, they rise and make them their prey.

But the most wonderful thing of all is, how the deer can survive an eight months famine. Like ours they feed upon nothing that can be perceived, but the vegetables which the earth spontaneously produces; and yet for eight months in the year, the earth produces neither [Page] plant, herb, shrub, or blade of any kind of grass whatever. They are, besides, but thinly cloathed for so severe a climate, and what seems still worse, there is not a bush to be seen to shelter them, within the distance that any man has yet discovered. The means of their subsistence must therefore remain among the secrets of nature, never to be disclosed, as no human being can ever live here, so as to be able to trace these creatures to their winter's residence.

Amphibious creatures abound the most about the sounds and bays of Spitsbergen, and they seem best adapted to endure the climate. These are the seals, or sea dogs, and morses, or sea horses; of which the whalers avail themselves, when disappointed in compleating their lading with the fat of whales.

The seal is sufficiently known; but the sea-horse, as it is a creature peculiar to high latitudes, is therefore more rare. It is not easy to say how he came by his name; for there is no more likeness between a sea-horse and a land-horse, than there is between a whale and an elephant. The sea-horse is not unlike the seal in shape. He has a large round head, larger than that of a bull, but shaped more like that of a pug-dog without ears, than any other animal we are acquainted with. He tapers all the way down to the tail, like the fish we call a lump, and his size is equal to that of the largest sized ox. His tusks close over his under jaw, like [Page] those of a very old boar, and are in length from one foot to two or more, in proportion to the size and age of the animal that breeds them. His skin is thicker than that of a bull, and covered with short mouse-coloured hair, which is sleeker and thicker, just as he happens to be in or out of season when he is caught. His paws, before and behind, are like those of a mole, and serve him for oars when he swims, and for legs to crawl when he goes upon the ice, or on shore. He is a fierce animal, but being unweildy when on land, or on the ice, is easily overcome.

These animals are always found in herds, sometimes of many hundreds together, and if one is attacked, the rest make a common cause, and stand by one another till the last gasp. If they are attacked in the water, they will fight desperately, and will even attempt the boats of their pursuers, if any of them are wounded, and not mortally. Some of them have been known to make holes in the bottom of the boat with their tusks, in defence of their young. Their eyes are large, and they have two holes in the upper part of the neck, out of which they eject the water, in like manner as it is ejected by whales.

Though the sea about Spitsbergen is full of fish, yet they rather appear to be designed by Providence for the sustenance of one another, than for the food of man. The mackarel, of [Page] which there are no great plenty, seem not only to be the most wholesome, and the most palatable, but also the most beautiful. They seem to be a different species to those caught upon our coasts. The upper part of the back is of a vivid blue; the other part as low as the belly of a gem-like green on an azure ground. Underneath the belly the colour is a transparent white, and the fins shine like polished silver. All the colours glow when alive in the sea with such a richness, that fancy can hardly form to itself any thing in nature more beautiful. Almost all the other fish on this coast are of an oily nature, and of a very indifferent flavour.

The saw, or sword fish, is remarkable not only for the oddity of his shape, but also for his enmity to the whale. This fish takes his name from a broad flat bone, in length from two to four feet, which projects from his nose, and tapers to a point. On each side, it has teeth like a comb, at the distance of a finger's breadth asunder. He is also furnished with a double row of fins, and is of astonishing strength in the water. His length from ten to twenty feet. He seems to be formed for war, and war is his profession. The conflict betwixt him and the whale is dreadful, yet he never gives over till his sword is broken, or he comes off victorious.

The whale is a harmless fish, and is never known to fight but in his own defence. Yet [Page] when he is exasperated, he rages dreadfully. Though from his magnitude, he may be called the sovereign of the seas; yet, like other sovereigns, he is liable to be vexed and hurt by the meanest reptiles. The whale's louse is a most tormenting little animal. Its scales are as hard as those of our prawns; its head is like the louse's head, with four horns, two that serve as feelers, the other two are hard, and curved, and serve as clenchers to fix him to the whale. On his chest, underneath, he has two carvers, like scythes, with which he collects his food, and behind these are four feet, that serve him for oars. He has, moreover, six other clenchers behind, with which he can rivet himself so closely to his prey, that he can no otherwise be disengaged, but by cutting out the whole piece to which he is joined. He is jointed on the back like the tail of a lobster, and his tail covers him like a shield when he is feeding. He fixes himself on the tenderest parts of the whale's body, between his fins, on his sheath, and on his lips, and eats pieces out of his flesh, as if eaten by vultures.

They found no springs of fresh-water in Spitsbergen; but in the valleys, between the mountains, are many little rills caused by the rain and melting of the snow in summer; and from these rills the ships are supplied. Some are of opinion, that this water is [Page] unwholesome, but they are more nice than wise. The whaling people have drank of it for ages, and have found no ill effects from the use of it. Ice taken up in the middle of these seas and thawed, yields also good fresh water.

On board the Race Horse, Dr. Irvine, the gentleman who received the premium by a grant of parliament, for his discovery of an easy process for making salt-water fresh at sea, tried many experiments at Spitsbergen, and in the course of the voyage; the result of which will appear at a proper time. That gentleman had formed a project for preserving flesh-meat fresh and sweet in long voyages, but it did not answer in this.

In calm weather they remarked, that the sea about the islands appeared uncommonly still and smooth; that it was not suddenly moved at the first approach of blowing weather; but that when the storm continued, the waves swelled gradually, and rose to an incredible height.—These swelling waves successively follow one another, and roll along before the wind, foaming and raging in a frightful manner, yet they are thought less dangerous than those that break short, and are less mountainous.

They observed likewise, that the ice that rested on the ground was not stationary, but that it changed place; and they learnt also, that in some seasons there was no ice, where this season they were in danger of being embayed. [Page] There does not, however, from thence appear the least reason to conclude, that any practicable passage to the Indian ocean can ever be found in this direction; for were it certain that the seas were always open under the pole, yet great bulwarks of ice evidently surround it, sometimes at a less, and sometimes at a greater distance. Moreover, were it possible that chance should direct some fortunate adventurer to an opening at one time, it would be more than a million to one, if the same opening were passable to the next who should attempt it.

There are many harbours about Spitsbergen, besides that of Smearingburg, where ships employed in the whale fishery take shelter in stormy weather; and there are some islands, such as Charles's Island, the Clifted Rock, Red-Hill, Hacluit's Headland, &c. that serve as landmarks, by which seamen direct their course. These islands are full of the nests of birds; but their eggs are as nauseous as the flesh of the fowls that lay them. The sailors sometimes eat them, but they are filthy food. Even the geese and ducks on the neighbouring islands eat fishy and strong.

The air about Spitsbergen is never free from isicles. If you look through the sun beams transversely as you fit in the shade, or where you see the rays confined in a body, instead of dark motes, as are seen here, you see myriads of shining particles that sparkle like diamonds; [Page] and when the sun shines hot, as it sometimes does, so as to melt the tar in the seams of ships when they lie sheltered from the wind, these shining atoms seem to melt away, and descend like dew.

It is seldom that the air continues clear for many days together in this climate; when that happens, the whalers are generally successful. There is no difference between night and day in the appearance of the atmosphere about Spitsbergen, one being as light as the other, only when the sun is to the northward, you may look at him with the naked eye, as at the moon, without dazzling. The fogs here come on so suddenly, that from bright sun-shine, you are presently involved in such obscurity, that you can hardly see from one end of the ship to the other.

While our journalist was busy in making his observations, all belonging to the ships were differently engaged in one employment or other; some in taking in water, some in fishing, some in hunting, some in handing the sails, and spreading them out to dry, some in scrubbing the ship, and some in viewing the country. The Commanders and officers, with Mr. Lyon, Mr. Robinson, &c. busied themselves in making observations, being furnished with an apparatus, that is said to have cost at least one thousand five hundred pounds. From such a set of instruments, in the hands of the ablest [Page] observers, the nation can boast, some very considerable discoveries in the phenomena of the polar regions may be expected. They landed their instruments in a small island, in Vogle Sound, and had several opportunities during their stay of using them to advantage. Having erected two tents, the Captains from the fishery frequently visited the observers, and expressed their admiration not only at the perfection of the instruments, but likewise at the dexterity with which they were accommodated.

The ice began to set in a-pace, yet the weather was hot. The thermometer from fifty-six in the cabin rose to ninety in the open air. It was still ten degrees higher on the top of a mountain to which it was carried. The island on which the experiments were made, they called Marble Island, from the rock by which it is formed. Having watered, and finished their observations, the ships prepared to depart.

Monday July the 19th, the Commodore made the signal to weigh; at two in the afternoon the ships were under sail, and as soon as they had made their offing, stood to the eastward. At three they tacked and steered northward; and before four were again entangled among the loose ice, through which they sailed, directing their course along the main body, which lay from north-west to south south-east.

Tuesday the 20th, they continued their course along the ice, but could discover no opening, [Page] though they searched every creek, and left no bay or turning unexamined. This day they observed what the sailors call a mock-sun, a phaenomenon well enough known in this climate. Hacluit's Headland bore south-west one half south forty-six leagues; the weather cloudy, with rain; excessive cold. Thermometer 37 degrees 46 minutes.

Wednesday the 21st, the severity of the weather increasing, an additional quantity of brandy was served out to the people, and every comfortable refreshment afforded them, that they themselves could wish or require. The course of the ice lay this day north-east.

Thursday 22, nothing remarkable.

Friday the 23d, they saw land from east by south, to south-east by south. At four in the morning, Hacluit's Headland bore south-east ten leagues; the wind variable, and the weather cold, with sleet and snow. Thermometer 40 degrees.

Sunday 25, they had gentle breezes, with cloudy weather, and were engaged among some pieces of ice, separated from the main body, which kept them continually tacking and luffing. At length they entered among mountains and islands of ice, which came upon them so fast, that it was with the utmost difficulty they could proceed; the Carcase having several times struck against them with such violence, as to raise her head four feet out of the water. They [Page] now imagined, from the solidity and extent of these islands, that the late strong gales had caused a separation from the main body, the Commodore therefore changed his course with a strong gale to the eastward; in the morning the weather became moderate.

Monday 26, at seven in the morning, they came in sight of Red-hill, a small mount which commands an open plain, known by the name of Deers-field, by reason of its fertile appearance, it being the only spot on which they saw no drifts of snow. To the eastward lies Muffin's Island. Here they sounded, and found forty five fathom water; rocky ground. Capt. Lutwich sent out the long boat, with orders to sound along the shore, and to examine the soil. This island is about a mile long, very low, and looks at a distance like a black speck. Though the soil is mostly sand and loose stones, and hardly so much as a green weed upon it, yet it is remarkable for the number of birds that resort to it in summer to lay their eggs, and breed their young; and these not of one kind only, but of many different sorts, as geese, ducks, burgomasters, ice-birds, malamucks, kirmews, rotgers, and almost every other species of birds peculiar to the climate; insomuch, that the eggs were so numerous, and lay so thick upon the ground, that the men who landed found it difficult to walk without filling their shoes.

[Page]While the crew of the boat, ten in number, with their valiant officer at their head, were examining the island, after having sounded the shores, they observed two white bears making towards them, one upon the ice, the other in the water. Major Buz, for that was their officer's travelling title, like Falstaff, was always the boldest man in company over a cup of sack, and minded killing a bear no more than killing a gnat; but seeing the bears approach very fast, especially that which came in the water, he ordered his men to fire while yet the enemy was at a distance, as he did not think it prudent to hazard the lives of his little company in close fight. All of them pointed their muskets, and some of the party obeyed orders; but the greater part judging it safer to depend upon a reserved fire, when they had seemingly discharged their pieces, pretended to retreat. The Major, a full fathom in the belly, endeavoured to waddle after his companions; but being soon out of breath, and seeing the bear that came in the water had just reached the shore, thought of nothing now but falling the first sacrifice. His hair already stood an end; and looking behind him, he saw the bear at no great distance, with his nose in the air snuffing the scent. He had all the reason in the world to believe it was him that he scented, and he had scarce breath enough left to call to his men to halt. In this critical situation he unfortunately dropt his gun, [Page] and in stooping to recover it stumbled against a goose-nest, fell squash upon his belly into it, and had very nigh smothered the dam upon her eggs. The old saying is, misfortunes seldom come alone. Before he could well rise, the enraged gander came flying to the assistance of his half-smothered consort, and making a dart at the eye of the assailant, very narrowly missed his mark, but discharged his fury plump upon his nose. The danger now being pressing, and the battle serious, the bear near, and the gander ready for a second attack, the men, who had not fled far, thought it high time to return to the relief of their leader. Overjoyed to see them about him, but frighted at the bear just behind him, he had forgot the gander that was over his head, against which one of the men having levelled his piece, fired and he fell dead at the Major's feet. Animated now by the death of one enemy, he recovered his gun, and faced about to assist in the attack of the second. By this time the bear was scarce ten yards from him, and beginning to growl, the Major just in the instant was seized with a looseness, dropt his accoutrements, and fell back, that he might not be in the way of his party, to impede the engagement. In the hurry he was in, for in a man of such valour we must not say the fright, he entangled his buttons, and not being able to hold any longer, he filled his breeches. The crew in an instant had brought down the bear, [Page] and now it was time for their leader to do something great. Having recovered his arms, and seeing the poor beast groveling on the ground, and growling out his last, like a ram in a pinfold, making a short race backwards in order to redouble his force, he came with nine long strides forwards, and with the strength and fierceness of an enraged bull, thrust his lance full four feet deep in the dying bear's belly. And now, says the Major, cocking his hat, have not I done for the bear bravely! The sailors, who are always in a good humour upon such occasions; but Captain, said they, you have but half done your work, you have another bear to kill yet. The Major, whose situation began to be troublesome, content with the honour he had already acquired, my lads, said he, as I have been the death of one bear, sure six of you may kill the other; so ordering four of them to row him on board, he left the remaining six to kill the other bear.

On this island two bears were killed, and a sea-horse. The sea-horse made a desperate defence, being attacked in the water; and had there been only one boat engaged in the combat, he certainly would have come off victorious; but the crew of the Race-horse having learnt that there were bears and sea-horses on this little spot, were willing to share in the sport of hunting them, as well as in the pleasure of tasting their flesh. They accordingly [Page] landed in their boats, and came in good time to assist in pursuing the conquest. It happened, however, that their ammunition being almost spent, one great bear came up to revenge the death of his fellows, and advanced so furiously, growling and barking, that he put the whole company to flight, and some of them, it is said, had no great reason to laugh at the Major.

On sounding the shores they remarked, that when the north islands bear north forty-five east, seven or eight leagues, and Red-hill east by south five miles, there is generally from twenty-five to thirty fathom hard ground; but that closer on shore, when Red-hill bears east one-fourth south about one mile, it increases to one hundred and fifteen fathom, with soft black mud. The current about one mile an hour to the north-east.

Tuesday 27, the air being perfectly serene, and the weather moderate, the fishes seemed to enjoy the temperature, and to express it by their sporting. The whales were seen spouting their fountains towards the skies, and the fin fish following their example. They likewise this day saw dolphins; the whole prospect in short was more pleasing and picturesque than they had yet beheld in this remote region. The very ice in which they were beset looked beautiful, and put forth a thousand glittering forms, and the tops of the mountains, which they could see like sparkling gems at a vast distance, had [Page] the appearance of so many silver stars illuminating a new firmament. But this flattering prospect did not continue long. By an accurate observation, they were now in latitude 80 deg. 47 min. north; and in longitude 21 deg. 10 min. east from London; and in sight of seven islands to the north, to which they directed their course.

Wednesday 28, they had fresh easterly breezes, which, from moderate weather the day before, changed to piercing cold. At midnight the west end of Weygate straits bore south by east, so that they were now in the very spot where Barentz had supposed an opening would be found into the polar sea. Yet so far from it, they could discover nothing from the mast-head, but a continued continent of solid ice, except the islands already mentioned. On this ice, however, there were many bears, some of which came so near the ships as to be shot dead with small arms. These bears are very good eating, and where no better is to be purchased, the whalers account them as good as beef. They are many of them larger than the largest oxen, and weigh heavier. In many parts of their body they are musket proof, and unless they are hit on the open chest, or on the flank, a blow with a musket ball will hardly make them turn their backs. Some of the bears killed in these encounters weighed from seven to eight hundred weight; and it was thought, that the [Page] bear that routed the sailors on Muffin's Island, could not weigh less than a thousand weight. He was, indeed, a very monster!

Thursday 29, sailing among innumerable islands of ice, they found the main body too solid for the ships to make the least impression upon it, and finding no opening, the Commodore resolved to send a party under the command of the first Lieutenant to examine the land, which at a distance appeared like a plain, diversified with hills and mountains, and exhibited in their situation a tolerable landskip.

On trying the water, it was less salt than any sea water they had ever tasted; and they found likewise, that the ice was no other than a body of congealed fresh water, which they imagined had been frozen in the infancy of the earth.

Tuesday 30, the weather being clear, they ran close to the main body of the ice, and the sun continuing to shine, made them almost forget the climate they were sailing in, but it was not long before they had reason for severe recollection. In coasting along, they observed many openings, and were in hopes, from their distant appearance, that a passage might be made between them; but upon trial it was found, as the Dutch fishermen had foretold, that these appearances were deceitful. At one in the morning fine clear sun-shine, they sounded in sixteen fathom water, and found small stones at bottom. They were then about four [Page] miles from the north-east part of the northernmost land; the easternmost land in sight, distant about five or six leagues.

Saturday 31, at midnight, the easternmost land in sight lay east-north east one half east, which they could not make out to be an island. They rather judged it to be a continent, but found it impossible to determine with certainty, as it lay beyond their reach. At nine in the morning the Carcase hoisted out her cutter, and filled her empty water-casks with water from the ice. On this ice he great quantities of snow, and as soon as a pit is dug, it fills with fine soft clear water, not inferior to that of many land springs. At noon they sounded in ninety five fathoms, the ground soft mud. This day a bear came over the ice to visit them, the first they had seen since they left Muffin's Island. They saluted him with a volley of small arms, and he returned the compliment, by turning his back upon them. Their longitude was this day 21 degrees 26 minutes east, by time-keeper. Thermometer forty-five.

Sunday August 1, proved a day of trial. Lying too among the close ice, with the loose ice driving fast to shore, the Commodore was desirous of surveying the westernmost of the seven islands, which appeared the highest, in order to judge, from the prospect on the hills, of the possibility of proceeding farther on the discovery. With this view they carried out [Page] their ice-anchors, and made both ships fast to the main body, a practice very common with the fishing ships that annually frequent those seas. Of the reconnoitring party, were the Captains, the second Lieutenants, one of the mathematicians, the pilots, and some chosen sailors, selected from both ships. They set out about two in the morning, and sometimes sailing, sometimes drawing their boats over the ice, they with difficulty reached the shore, where the first objects they saw were a herd of deer, so very tame, that they seemed as curious to gaze at the strangers, as the stranges were pleased to see them; for they came five or six together so near, that they might have been killed with the thrust of a bayonet; a proof that animals are not naturally afraid of man, till, by the fate of their associates, they are taught the danger of approaching them; a proof too, that animals are not destitute of reflection, otherwise how should they conclude, that what has befallen their fellow animals, will certainly happen to them, if they run the like risque. The gentlemen, however, suffered only one of these fearless innocents to be fired at, and that was done by a sailor when they were absent on observation.

On this island they gathered some scurvy-grass, and in many places they could perceive the sides of the hills covered with the verdure on which these deer undoubtedly fed.

[Page]After having ascended the highest hills on the sea-coast, and taken a view of the country and the ocean all round, the gentlemen descended, and about five in the afternoon embarked again on their return to the ships, at which they arrived safe about ten, after an absence of twenty hours. They were greatly disappointed by the haziness of the weather on the tops of the mountains, which confined the prospect, and prevented their taking an observation with the instruments they had carried with them for that purpose.

There is here a small variation in the journals of the two ships; that kept on board the Commodore making the distance between the island and the ships near twenty miles; the other only five leagues, which might easily happen, as the ships shifted their stations with the main body of ice, sometimes driving north-west, sometimes the contrary course, as the wind and tides happened to sit.

Their situation now began to be serious, and it was discovered too late, that by grappling to the ice, as practised by the Greenlandmen, they had endangered the loss of the ships, the loose ice closing so fast about them, that they found it absolutely impossible to get them disengaged; and there was, besides, great reason to fear, that one or both would soon be crushed to pieces. Great minds are ever most distinguished by their expedients on the most alarming [Page] occasions. The Commodore set all hands to work to form a dock in the solid ice, large enough to moor both ships; and by the alacrity with which that service was performed, the ships were preserved from the danger of immediate destruction.

The ships being thus far secured, the officers, pilots, and masters, were all summoned on board the Commodore, to consult on what further was to be done in their present unpromising situation; when it was unanimously agreed, that their deliverance was hopeless; and that they must either provide to winter upon the adjacent islands, or attempt to launch their boats into the open sea, which was already at a considerable distance; for the loose ice had poured into the bay in which they were at anchor with so much rapidity, and in such astonishing quantities, that the open sea was already far out of sight. Before any thing farther was undertaken, the men were ordered to their quarters, that they might refresh themselves with sleep.

While their Commanders preserve their fortitude, the sailors never lose their courage. They rose in the morning with as much alacrity and unconcern, as if they had been sailing with a fine breeze in the British Channel.

August 2, it was now thought adviseable to make one desperate attempt to extricate the ships, by cutting a channel to the westward into [Page] the open sea. The scooping out the dock with so much expedition, by a party only of one ship, raised high expectations of what might be performed by the united labours of both the crews. No body of men ever undertook a work of such difficulty with so much chearfulness and confidence of success, as the sailors observed on this occasion. Their ice-saws, axes, sledges, poles, and the whole group of sea-tools, were in an instant all employed in facilitating the work; but after cutting through blocks of solid ice from eight to fifteen feet deep, and coming to others of many fathoms, that exceeded the powers of man to separate, that was laid aside as a hopeless project; and another more promising, though not less laborious, adopted in its room.

On the 3d of August, after the men had again refreshed themselves with sleep, it was resolved to fit up the boats belonging to both the ships with such coverings as were most easy to be accommodated, and of lightest conveyance; and by skating them over the ice, endeavour to launch them in the open sea. Could this be effected, they hoped, that by sailing and rowing to the northernmost harbour of Spitsbergen, they might arrive at that island, before the departure of the last ships belonging to the fishery for Europe.

While the boats were getting ready for this expedition, a second party were dispatched to [Page] the island, with orders to take the distance as exact as it was possible to the nearest open sea. As all the people belonging to the ships were not to be engaged in these services, those who were unemployed diverted themselves in hunting and killing the bears, that now, attracted perhaps by the savory smell of the provisions dressed on board the ships, came every day over the ice to repeat their visits. Several of these were killed occasionally, and this day they fought a sea-horse, in which engagement the second Lieutenant of the Carcase signalized his courage in a most desperate rencounter, in which, however, he succeeded, though his life was in imminent danger.

On the 4th the carpenters, &c. were still employed in fitting up the boats. The pilots, who the day before had been sent to make observations on the islands already mentioned, made their report, that the nearest water they had seen was about ten leagues to the westward; that in their passage they had met with great numbers of spars or pine trees, floating about the island, some of them of considerable size, with the bark rotted off, and the bodies much worm-eaten; that there was neither tree nor shrub to be seen growing on any of the seven islands, nor upon any land that they had yet discovered in that latitude, nor for ten degrees farther south, and that the trees they had seen must therefore have come from a great distance.

[Page]Though there is nothing now in this observation, the like being annually observed by all the navigators who frequent those seas in the summer, and who collect their wood from those drifts, yet the country from whence they proceed has hitherto been thought a mystery. But it being now certain, that many of the great rivers that flow through the northernmost parts of Russia, empty themselves into this sea; and that there is an open communication throughout the different parts of it at different seasons of the year, there seems very little reason to doubt, but that those trees are torn up by land floods, and are precipitated into the sea by the rapidity of the streams.

It has indeed been objected, that all the wood that is found floating in this manner about the islands in high latitudes, is to a piece barked and worm-eaten; and that if these trees were torn up and precipitated into the sea in the manner above supposed, some of it would appear sound and unbarked, as in its first state. To this it may be answered, that were the course of the tides to run as constantly to the northward, as the course of the rivers runs into the sea, this objection would be unanswerable. But the very reverse is known to be the fact; and that neither the winds nor the tides tend to the northwards for any considerable part of the year; so that from the time these trees enter the ocean, it must, in the ordinary course of things, be many [Page] ages before they can reach the latitudes in which they are now found. Because, if they are driven northwards by the strength of a storm from the south, they will be driven in another direction by the next storm that happens from another quarter; and all the while the calm continues, they will be driven to and fro by the tides, which, as has been observed, seldom set long to the north, therefore, being in continual motion for ages, or being cast upon the shore by tempests, or high tides, and lying there exposed to the air, till tempests or high tides return them again to the ocean, they will, in a long progression of time, be reduced to the state in which they are constantly found. This solution is, however, offered with diffidence. The fact is certain, of much wood being annually found about the islands in question; and it is now of little importance from whence it proceeds, as a passage by the north east to China will probably never more be sought.

On the 5th they had gentle breezes; but about four in the morning small sleet. The ice still surrounding them, and appearing to grow more and more solid and fixed, those who had till now retained hopes that the south-east wind would again disunite its substance, and open a passage for their deliverance, began to despair, as the wind had blown for twenty four hours from that quarter, from which alone they could have relief, and not the least alteration to be [Page] perceived. The men, however, were as joyous as ever, and shewed not the least concern about the danger of their situation.

Early in the morning, the man at the mast-head of the Carcase gave notice, that three bears were making their way very fast over the ice, and that they were directing their course towards the ship. They had, without question, been invited by the scent of the blubber of the sea-horse killed a few days before, which the men had set on fire, and which was burning on the ice at the time of their approach. They proved to be a she bear and her two cubbs; but the cubbs were nearly as large as the dam. They ran eagerly to the fire, and drew out from the flames part of the flesh of the sea-horse that remained unconsumed, and eat it voraciously. The crew from the ship, by way of diversion, threw great lumps of the flesh of the sea-horse which they had still left, out upon the ice, which the old bear fetched away singly, laid each lump before her cubbs as she brought it, and dividing it, gave each a share, reserving but a small portion to herself. As she was fetching away the last piece they had to bestow, they levelled their muskets at the cubbs, and shot them both dead; and in her retreat, they also wounded the dam, but not mortally. It would have drawn tears of pity from any but unfeeling minds, to have marked the affectionate concern expressed by this poor beast, in the [Page] dying moments of her expiring young. Tho' she was sorely wounded, and could but just crawl to the place where they lay, she carried the lump of flesh she had fetched away, as she had done the others before, tore it in pieces, and laid it down before them, and when she saw that they refused to eat, she laid her paws first upon one, and then upon the other, and endeavoured to raise them up. All this while it was pitiful to hear her moan. When she found she could not stir them, she went off, and when she had got at some distance, looked back and moaned; and that not availing her to entice them away, she returned, and smelling round them, began to lick their wounds. She went off a second time, as before, and having crawled a few paces, looked again behind her, and for some time stood moaning. But still her cubbs not rising to follow her, she returned to them again, and with signs of inexpressible fondness, went round one and round the other, pawing them, and moaning. Finding at last that they were cold and lifeless, she raised her head towards the ship, and, like Caliban in the tempest, growled a curse upon the murderers, which they returned with a volley of musket-balls. She fell between her cubbs, and died licking their wounds. If what is related by a voyager of credit in the last century be true, the filial fondness of these animals is no less remarkable than the maternal. The young ones, [Page] says he, keep constantly close to the old ones. We observed that two young ones and an old one would not leave one another, for if one ran away, it turned back again immediately, as soon as it did hear the others in danger, as if it would come to help them. The old one ran to the young one, and the young one to the old one; and rather than they would leave one another, they would suffer themselves to be all killed.

Friday the 6th, the weather calm, but foggy, and the winds variable; they discovered that the drift of the ship, with the whole body of ice, inclined fast to the eastward; and that they were already embayed in the very middle of the seven islands. They therefore sent off the pilots of both ships, with a party of sailors, to the northernmost island, to see what discoveries could be made from the promontories there. They returned at night, after a fatiguing journey, with a dismal account, that nothing was to be seen from thence but a vast continent of ice, of which there was no end; and that the thought of wintering in such a situation was more dreadful, than that of perishing by instant death.

Saturday 7, the wind set in north-north-east, veered to the north; to the north-east and east, piercing cold. This day the boats were all brought in readiness on the ice, fitted with weather cloaths about thirteen inches above the [Page] gunnels, in order to keep off the cold as much as possible, if by good fortune they should be enabled to launch them in an open sea. This day was employed chiefly in boiling provisions to put in the boats for the intended voyage; in delivering out bags to the men to carry their bread, and in packing up such necessaries as every one could take along with him; for now every man was to be his own porter, the necessary provisions and liquors being found load enough for the boats, and twenty-five days bread load enough for each man. This being adjusted, when night approached they were all ordered on board to sleep.

Thursday 8, at six in the morning all hands were ordered to turn out, and a detachment of fifty men from each ship, headed by their respective officers, were appointed to begin the hard task of hawling the launces along the ice. The bravest and gallantest actions performed in war, do not so strikingly mark the true character of a sea Commander, as the readiness and alacrity with which his orders are obeyed in times of imminent danger. Every one now strove who should have the honour to be listed in the band of haulers, of whom the Commodore took the direction, leaving Capt. Lutwych to take care of both the ships, that if any favourable turn should happen in the disposition of the ice, he might make use of the remaining part of both the crews to improve it. [Page] Upon a general consultation of officers, previous to this undertaking, it had been agreed, and an order issued accordingly, that no person on board, of whatever rank, should encumber himself with more cloaths than what he wore upon his back. Upon this occasion, therefore, the officers dressed themselves in flannels, and the common men put on the cloaths which the officers had thrown off. It was inconceivably laughable to see these motley bands yoked in their new harness; and, to say the truth, there was not one solemn face among the two companies. That headed by the Commodore drew stoutly for the honour of their leader, and that headed by their Lieutenants had their music to play to them, that they might dance it away, and keep pace with the Commander in chief. Indeed the officers who headed them were deservedly beloved as well as their Commanders, particularly Lieutenant Beard, whose steady and uniform conduct in times of the greatest danger, cannot be sufficiently admired or applauded. Neither swayed by passion, nor disconcerted by the sudden embarrassments that often intervened, his conduct was always calm, and his orders resolute. He never was heard, during the whole voyage on the most pressing emergencies, to enforce his commands with an oath, or to call a sailor by any other than his usual name; and so sensible were they of his manly behaviour, that, when the ship was paid [Page] off at Deptford, they were only prevented by his most earnest request from stripping themselves to their shirts, to cover the streets with their cloaths, that he might not tread in the dirt in going to take coach.

In six hours, with the utmost efforts of human labour, they had only proceeded a single mile; and now it was time for them to dine, and recruit their almost exhausted spirits. As the Commodore had laboured with them, it was in character that he should dine with them also; and an accident happened that made it necessary for him so to do. The Cook, with his mates, (who were bringing the Commodore and the officers their dinners under covers) to keep out the cold after coming from a warm fire-side, had made a little too free with the brandy bottle before they set out, and before they had got half way to the lances, the liquor began to operate; the Cooks were sometimes very near boarding each other, sometimes they hauled off, and sometimes steered right a-head. At length coming to a chasm, or parting of the ice, which they were obliged to leap, down came the master Cook, with dish, cover, meat and all; and what was still worse, though it was not then thought of much value, the Commodore's common service of plate, which the Cook carried for the officers to dine on, fell in the chasm, and instantly sunk to the bottom. This accident brought the Cook a little to himself, and [Page] he now stood pausing whether he should jump down the gulph after the plate, or proceed to the Commodore to beg mercy and make his apology. His mates persuaded him to the latter, as the Commodore was a kind-hearted gemman, and would never take a man's life away for a slip on the ice. Besides, it was a great jump for a fat man, and Commodore, they were sure, had rather lose all the plate in the great cabin, than lose Cookie. Comforted a little by this speech, the Cook proceeded, but let his mates go on first with what remained, to carry the tidings of what befell the rest. When the Commodore had heard the story, he judged how it was with them all. But where is the Cook, said he to the mates? He's crying behind, an please your Honour. In the mean time the Cook came up. Cook, said the Commodore, bring me your dinner. I will dine to-day with my comrades. My dinner! Ay, a pound of the flesh next my heart, if your Honour likes it. The promptness of the reply shewed the sincerity of the Cook's good-will, and pleased the Commodore better than a feast upon turtle He dismissed him with a smile, and partook with the officers in what was left, who made up their dinners with a mess from the common men.

They had just begun to renew their labour, when word was brought, that the whole body of ice had changed its situation, and was moving [Page] to the westward; that the ships were both a-float; and that the ice was parting. The joy which this news diffused through the two companies of hawlers is easier to conceive than express. They instantly shook off their harness, ran to assist in working the ships, and once more to resume their proper employments. When they arrived at the ships, Captain Lutwych, who was no less beloved by his men than the Commodore, had by his example and his judicious directions done wonders. Both ships were not only a-float, with their sails set, but actually cut and warped through the ice near half a mile. This ray of hope, however, was soon darkened; the body of ice suddenly assumed its former direction to the eastward, and closed upon them again as fast as ever. While the ships remained in the ice dock, they were lashed together for their greater security, but now being launched and a-float, the ice pressed upon them with such weight, that it was every moment expected that the hawser would break that held them together; orders were therefore given, that the hawser should be slackened, and the ships released.

For the remainder of the evening, and till two in the morning, the drift continued eastward, and all that while the ships were in danger of being crushed by the closing of the channel in which they rode. They had now drifted two miles to the eastward; the men were [Page] worn out with fatigue in defending the ships with their ice-poles from being engulphed; and now nothing but scenes of horror and perdition appeared before their eyes. But the Omnipotent, in the very moment, when every hope of deliverance from their own united endeavours had relinquished them, interposed in their favours, and caused the winds to blow, and the ice to part in an astonishing manner, rending and cracking with a tremendous noise, surpassing that of the loudest thunder. At this very instant the whole continent of ice, which before was extended beyond the reach of sight from the highest mountains, moved together in various directions, splitting and dividing into vast bodies, and forming hills and plains of various figures and dimensions. All hearts were now again revived, and the prospect of being once more released from the frozen chains of the north inspired the men with fresh vigour. Every officer and every idler on board laboured now for life. The sails were all spread, that the ships might have the full advantage of the breeze to force them through the channels that were already opened, and to help them, like wedges, to rend the clefts that were but just cracking.

While the major part of the crews were employed in warping the ships with ice-anchors, axes, saws and poles, a party from both ships were dispatched to launch the boats. This was [Page] no easy task to accomplish. The ice, though split in many thousand pieces, was yet frozen like an island round the lances, and though it was of no great extent, yet the boats were of a weight hardly to be moved by the small force that could be spared to launch them. They were besides, by the driving of the ice, at more than five miles distance from the ships; and at this time no channels of communication were yet opened. But Providence was manifest even on this occasion; for the island on which the lances stood, parted while the men were hauling them, and by that lucky circumstance they were launched with great facility, without the loss of a man, though the ice cracked, as it were, under their feet.

The people on board had not been able to force their way with the ships much more than a mile, when the party in the lances joined them. And now, excited by what curiosity or instinct is not easy to determine, several bears came posting over the ice to be spectators of their departure, and advanced so near the ships, that they might have been easily mastered, had not the men been more seriously employed.

This day they altered their soundings from thirty to fifty fathoms, and from fifty to eighty and eighty-five fathoms.

The breeze continuing fresh from east-south-east and east, the ice seemed to open as fast as it had before closed when the wind blew [Page] westerly, and from the north; a strong presumptive proof of land to the eastward, which stopping the current of the loose ice in driving from the north and west, closes it in course, and renders it compact. On the contrary, when the wind blows off the land, and the current sets to the sea, the loose ice being no longer opposed, disperses itself again in the ocean, where it again floats, till the same cause produces the same effect. If therefore the land which our voyagers saw on the 30th, and which they could not determine with certainty to be an island, should, upon some future occasion, be discovered to be a continent, then the closing of the loose ice so suddenly about the seven islands, and its crouding one piece upon another to a great height, when violently agitated by tempests from the north or west, will be fully and naturally accounted for.

Tuesday the 10th, about two in the morning, the fog being thick, and the weather calm, and the men very much fatigued, they were ordered to their quarters, to refresh themselves with sleep. It was, besides, very cold, and much rain fell; and as the wind was variable, they could make but little progress. The ice, in the morning early, seemed rather to close upon them, than to divide; and being apprehensive for their boats, they attempted to hoist the lances on board, but that belonging to the Carcase, being either too unweildy, or [Page] the men too much fatigued to effect it, they slung her to the ship's side.

About eight the breeze sprung up fresh from the north-east, exceedingly cold, but opening the ice to the westward. They then made all the sail they could, driving with the loosening ice, and parting it wherever it was moveable with their whole force. Towards noon they lost sight of the Seven Islands. And in a very little while after, to their great joy, Spitsbergen was seen from the mast-head.

Wednesday 11, the men who, with hard labour, cold and watching, were much dispirited, on the prospect of a speedy deliverance, and seeing the ice no longer adhere in immoveable bodies, began, after a little refreshment, to resume their wonted chearfulness. They had not till the second closing of the ice, after the attempt to dig a passage through it had proved ineffectual, and that the hauling the lances had been tried with little better success, discovered the least despondency. But when they had exerted their utmost efforts, and Providence, which at first seemed to second their endeavours, appeared to have forsaken them; when their pilots had filled their minds with the terrors of their situation; and their officers had given the ships and their most valuable effects over for lost, the men then began to reflect on the hardships they were likely to suffer, and to be impressed with the sense of their common [Page] danger. Their apprehensions, however, were but temporary, and the moment they were released from their icey prison, and that they were within sight of a clear sea, their sorrow was changed to mirth, and their melancholy to rejoicing. Festivity and jolity took place of abstinence and gloomy apprehensions; and before they arrived at Spitsbergen, there was not a sailor on board with a serious face.

The ice that had parted from the main body, they had now time to admire. As it no longer obstructed their course, the various shapes in which the broken fragments appeared, were indeed very curious and amusing. One remarkable piece described a magnificent arch so large and compleatly formed, that a sloop of considerable burden might have sailed through it without lowering her mast; another represented a church with windows and pillars, and domes; and a third, a table with icicles hanging round it like the fringes of a damask cloth. A fertile imagination might here find entertainment enough; for, as has already been observed, the similitude of all that art or nature has ever yet produced, might here be fancied.

They continued working all this day through the loose ice. Hacluit's Headland bearing south thirty-nine west, and in their course saw a Dutch Greenlandman in the south-west quarter.

Thursday the 12th, they cleared the ice, and bore away with all sails set for the harbour of [Page] Smearingburg, in which they had before cast anchor. At two in the afternoon they anchored in North Bay, the north part of Vogle Sound bearing north forty-five east, distance about four miles. At half after four the Commodore made the signal to weigh; and at half past nine, came to an anchor in their former station, where they found four Dutch Greenlandmen lying in readiness to depart. These Dutchmen acquainted the Commodore, that all the English fishing ships set sail on the 10th of July, the day to which they are obliged by contract, to stay to entitle their owners to receive the bounty-money, allowed by Parliament for the encouragement of that fishery.

About the same time the greatest part of the Dutch set sail likewise from Spitsbergen, on their voyage home; but it is a practice with these last, to take it by turns to wait till the severity of the weather obliges them to leave the coast, in order to pick up such men as may by accident have lost their ships in the ice; and who, notwithstanding, may have had the good fortune to save their lives by means of their boats. This is a very humane institution, and does credit to the Dutch Government. Did the British Government bear an equal regard for individuals, so many valuable subjects would never be suffered to migrate, as now annually hire ships to convey themselves to seek their fortunes in new settlements. It is estimated, [Page] that twelve thousand at least are yearly shipt off from Ireland, and not many less from England and Scotland, yet no measures are thought necessary to be taken to retain them at home.

The turn of waiting at Spitsbergen falls annually to the lot of about five Dutch ships, who are obliged to send out their boats daily in search of their unfortunate fellow subjects; some of these boats have themselves suffered severely, and have been detained seven or eight days by severe weather in these excursions, to the great anxiety of their friends.

The day of our voyagers return to Smearingburg Harbour being fine, the Commodore ordered a tent to be raised on the lower point to the south-west, where there was a level plain for the space of two miles, and where all the mathematical apparatus were again taken on shore for a second trial.

They found, on the examination of the vibration of the pendulum, that it differed from that at Greenwich by Harrison's time-keeper, only two seconds in forty-eight hours; which time-keeper, at their arrival at Greenwich, varied only one second and a half from the time-pieces at the observatory there. Mr. Robinson, who was articled to Commodore Phipps, from Christ's Hospital, and who does honour to that noble foundation, was particularly careful to note the result of all the observations that were made in this high latitude.

[Page]The ovens were also here taken on shore, and a considerable quantity of good soft bread baked for the refreshment of the men.

Hacluit's Headland, of which mention has been frequently made in the course of this voyage, is an island on the north-west point of Spitsbergen, about fifteen miles in circumference, on which is found plenty of scurvy-grass; and in the valleys, some of which extend from two to three miles, there is store of other grass in summer, on which the deer is supposed to feed.

The people were now fully employed in overhauling the rigging, tarring the ships sides, taking in water, peying and securing the masts, and in preparing the ships for pursuing their voyage upon discovery; or, if that was found impracticable, for returning home.

On the 16th, two of the Dutch ships weighed anchor, and sailed away in company.

On the 17th, vast pieces of broken ice, supposed to have fallen from the Icebergs, came floating into harbour. When these pieces, which are undermined by the continual agitation of the sea in stormy weather, lose their support, they tumble with a crack that surpasses the loudest thunder; but they were told, that no other thunder was ever heard in this latitude.

The activity and enterprizing spirit of the Russians already noticed, begin to manifest itself every where, and it is not improbable, but [Page] that the maritime powers may one day or other have cause to repent their emulation in contributing to aggrandize the naval power of that increasing people. The dominions of the Russian empire, are situated to command the trade of the universe; they are now actually erecting a yard for building ships at Kampschatka, to improve their discoveries from that quarter, and to open a trade from thence to China. They have attempted to settle colonies, as our voyagers were told, on the southernmost districts of Spitsbergen, and those of the new settlers, who survived the first winter, were preparing to encounter the rigour of the climate in a second. This can only be done by way of experiment, to try if a settlement is practicable, for those now sent are said to be criminals.

During the six days which the ships anchored here to make observations, take in water, refresh the men, and refit, our journalist made several excursions to the adjoining islands, where the birds appeared in astonishing numbers; it being the season for bringing forth their young, and teaching them to fly, and to dive.

Of all the birds that breed in these islands, the burgermaster is the largest, and the most ravenous; he is so called by the Dutch, from his size and his authority, as he holds all the other birds in subjection. His bill is long and crooked, rather like that of the stork, than that of the hawk, and is of a yellow colour. [Page] He has a red ring about his eyes; is web footed, but has but three claws on each foot. His wings are of a beautiful pearl colour, edged with white; his back a silver grey; his body white as snow, and his tail of the same colour, which when he flies he spreads like a fan. He builds his nest very high in the rocks, inaccessible either to bears or foxes. He preys upon all the other birds, and eats the carrion of fish or flesh, or whatever comes in his way. His cry is horrible, and when he screams, the mallemuch, a bird as large as a duck, is so much intimidated, that she will sink down, and suffer him to devour her without opposition.

Our journalist found it very dangerous to pursue his way over the hills and precipices in this rugged country. The clefts on the mountains are like those in the ice frequently impassable; but they are abundantly more hazardous, being sometimes concealed under the snow, so that a traveller is engulphed before he is aware. Many have been entombed in these clefts, and perished in the hearing of their companions, without a possibility of relief. To a contemplative mind, however, even the deformities of nature, are not unpleasing, the wisdom of the Creator being manifest in all his works.

On the 19th of August the ships unmoored, and on the twentieth they cleared the harbour. They found the tide to flow north-east and [Page] south-west, and to rise three feet seven inches perpendicular height.

On the 22d they again found themselves beset with loose ice. They were then in latitude 80 degrees 14 minutes north, longitude 5 degrees 44 minutes east.

On the 22d they had a heavy sea from the south-west quarter.

On the 23d the Carcase, being a heavier sailer than the Race Horse, lost sight of the Commodore, and fired a six-pounder, which was answered. In the evening they came in sight, and pursued their course with favourable weather, and without any thing worthy of notice happening till

September 5, when, being clear and calm weather, the Commodore sounded, and found ground with seven hundred fathoms, very soft mud. The people were employed eight hours in heaving up the lead with the capstan. At three in the morning the sun risen, took the amplitude, and found the variation to be 22 degrees 53 minutes west.

September 7, at five in the afternoon, they had heavy squalls, with rain; at seven in the morning moderate weather. This day, in 60 degrees 15 minutes west, they found their longitude, corrected by observation of sun and moon, to be 5 degrees 59 minutes east. Longitude by time keeper 4 degrees 45 minutes east; a very remarkable difference.

[Page]The ships pursued their course home in company together, with high seas and variable weather, till

Sept. 11, when, at half after ten, the night dark, and the weather moderate, the wind all at once veered to the southward, and a strong gale with a great sea came on. The ships parted, and never more came in sight till they met off Harwich, on the English coast.

Our journalist being on board the Carcase, can now only relate what happened to that sloop, till her arrival in the River Thames.

When the gale came on, the Commodore's lights not appearing, the Carcase fired a six-pounder, but that shot not being returned by the Race Horse, it was concluded, that the Commodore was at too great a distance to hear the signal. At four in the morning the gale increasing, they close reefed the top-sails, and employed all hands in lashing and securing the boats and booms, and preparing to withstand the threatening storm. At this time they were in lat. 57 deg. 44 min. north; the Naze of Norway bearing south eighty-eight east, distant thirty-one leagues.

Sunday, September 12, fresh gales, with frequent showers of rain; handed gib and stay-sail; at two in the afternoon hard squalls and violent showers of rain; handed fore and mizen top-sail; saw a sail to southward standing to eastward; cloudy and obscure sky; at ten at [Page] night came on suddenly a very heavy squall; handed all the top-sails; strong gale, with severe showers of rain. At midnight blowing a violent storm of wind, reefed and handed the main-sail and fore-sail; lowered down the lower yards, balanced the mizen, and laid the ship too under it, with her head to the westward; the sea making a free passage over the ship. Shipped such heavy seas, washed all the provisions and casks that were lashed on the deck, over board; kept two pumps continually going; obliged to skuttle the boats, to prevent their being washed over-board. At four in the morning shipped such heavy seas, as washed all the booms and spars that had been with all possible care secured on the deck, over-board. The ship mostly under water. No sight of the Commodore; under great apprehensions for his safety, as his vessel laboured much more than ours. At this time one of the mates, the carpenter, and a fore-mast-man, were washed over-board. The carpenter, a very careful sober man, who was in the waste, securing the hatches and stores, was washed in and out at the ports three times, before he could secure himself. At ten in the morning rather moderate. Set the mizen-stay-sail; swayed the lower yards up, and set the courses. At half past eleven, strong squalls and heavy [...]sts; handed both courses; and settled the [...] yards.

[Page]September 13, strong gales and squally. Continually shipping heavy seas. At three in the afternoon rather more moderate; set reef courses; swayed up the lower yards, and set the main-top-sail. The ship now making no water; at seven in the evening set fore-top-sail and gib; very heavy sea from south-west quarter. At eight in the evening moderate and cloudy; let the third reef out of the main-top-sail; sounded thirty-five fathoms fine brown sand. At one in the morning light airs, hazey weather, and great sea. Wore ship, and stood to westward. At four fresh breezes, with rain. At half past eight saw a sail to eastward; supposing it the Commodore, made the private signal, and fired a six-pounder. At nine bore down upon her, and brought her to. She proved a Hollander from Archangel, bound to Bremen. Course south forty-two west, latitude fifty-six deg. four min. north.

September 14, strong gales, and cloudy; under reef courses. At two in the afternoon moderate; set main-top-sail. At three set fore-top-sail; a great sea from westward. At seven in the evening moderate and cloudy. Out the third reef of the main-top-sail; uncertain weather; squally, and at times much rain; at three great fog. This day, at noon, Flamborough-head south forty-six west, distance thirty leagues.

[Page]September 15, light breezes, and clear weather; out all reefs, and swayed up the lower yards. At four in the afternoon saw a sail to south-east; bore down, and brought her to. She proved to be a Prussian fisherman, had been ten days from Edinburgh; hoisted out the small cutter; the second Lieutenant went on board of her, and bought a fine cargo of fish. At five the boat returned; we hoisted her on board, with plenty of mackarel and herrings. Made sail, and stood to south-west; sounded every half hour; found from thirteen to fifteen, and eighteen fathoms, fine brown sand, mixed with black shells. At seven in the evening took the first reef, and hauled in the top-sails; fresh gales, and cloudy. At two in the morning deepened in water to twenty fathom. Took in second reef of the top-sails; tacked ship, and stood to north-west. At five in the morning got into fifteen fathom; and at seven into ten. At nine in the morning close reefed the top-sails, and at ten handed them; very fresh gale, and violent rain.

September 16, rather more moderate; set the main-top-sail; squally, with rain; a confused sea from west-north-west. At five in the afternoon soundings from five to twelve, from twenty-seven to thirty-two and thirty-four fathoms, fine brown sand, black specks, fresh gales, and cloudy. At eight took in first and second reefs of top-sails; at eleven at night [Page] close reefed the main and fore-top-sail, and handed the mizen; fresh gales, and cloudy weather. At four in the morning shoaled water to twenty-two fathoms; brown sand and broken shells. At five saw several sail to north-west; fired, and brought one of them to. At eight shook the first and second reefs out of the top-sail; hove down upon a sloop, which came from Gravesend; took on board the master, as a pilot to carry the ship through Yarmouth Roads; put on board one man in his room, and ordered his vessel to follow us. Stood to the southward.

September 17, fresh breezes, and cloudy weather; kept the lead going every half hour; found our sounding from ten to twelve fathoms, fine brown sand. At six in the afternoon fresh gales; close reefed the main-top-sail; soundings from ten to sixteen fathom; broken shells and large stones. At seven close reefed the main-top-sail; kept a light in the poop-lanthorn for the sloop. At ten strong gales; handed the top-sails; laid her to under the main-sail; handed the fore-sail. At eleven at night got into five fathom; but deepened to eight, nine, and ten fathom, brown sand. Lost sight of the fishing vessel; fired several guns, and made a signal in the mizen-shroud. On setting the fore-top-sail stacil, it blew to pieces; bent a new one. A violent gale of wind; shipped a great quantity of water. At four rather moderate; [Page] set the fore-sail. At midnight set close; reefed top-sails. At half past six tacked; at seven saw the fishing vessel; bore down and spoke with her, who had split her main-sail in the night. At ten saw the land bearing south-west by west, and south and by west. At eleven being clear and moderate weather, shook all the reefs out of the top-sails, and set the top-gallant-sail; saw Cromer light-house, bearing south 55 degrees west, distance five leagues.

September 19, fresh breezes and clear weather; bent the sheet-cable, and hauled a range of the best and small bower-cables; bent both buoy ropes and buoys to the anchor. At five light breezes and fair; tacked and stood to the southward. At six tacked and stood to the north-west. Cramer north-west and by north four miles; light breezes, and pleasant weather; handed in top-gallant-sails, and handed the main-sail. At seven in the evening, to our great joy, saw Yarmouth Church, bearing south-west. At ten at night came to anchor with the best bower in twelve fathom, fine sand and clay; veered out to half a cable, and handed all the sails. Winterstone Ness lights bore south and by west four miles. At two in the morning fresh breezes and cloudy. At half past four weighed, and made sail. Employed in working from Winterstone Ness lights, to Yarmouth Roads, making several tacks. At [Page] seven in the morning set top-gallant-sails; at nine came to an anchor in Yarmouth Road, with best bower in seven fathoms water; sand and clay. Yarmouth church south fifteen west, distance two miles. Came on board a pilot to carry the ship to the Nore.

September 20, fresh breezes and clear weather; sent down top-gallant-yards, and got every thing clear for striking tokens. At five in the afternoon moored the ship. Yarmouth church west-south-west two miles.

September 21, fresh gales and cloudy, with frequent rain. At four in the afternoon sent down top-gallant-mast. At eight in the morning sent the long-boat on shore for water. We were this day visited by several of the inhabitants of Norwich and Yarmouth, who were genteelly entertained by the officers, but we could get no intelligence of the Commodore.

September 23, dark cloudy weather. At six in the evening swayed up the top-mast, and lower yards; the wind veered to north-west, we prepared to unmoor. Fresh gales, with frequent flashes of lightning. At seven in the morning set on top-gallant-mast, and began to unmoor. At eight veered away upon the best bower, and took up the small bower-anchor. At nine weighed and made sail. At ten got up the top-gallant-yards, in company with several ships.

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[Page]Saturday 25, at five came to an anchor in eleven fathoms. Orford light-house east by south four miles. This day some religious books were distributed among the sailors, which had been sent on board by some pious person for their particular perusal.

Sunday 26. At six in the evening came to with the best bower in seven fathoms water; Balsey church west by south. At two in the morning weighed, and came to sail; Harwich lights north-west by west. To their great surprise, saw the Race Horse at anchor. Hoisted out the cutter, and Capt. Lutwidge waited on the Commodore, from whom he learnt, that in the storm of the twelfth they had all their boats washed over-board; and, to ease the ship, were obliged to heave all their guns over-board, except two. Came to anchor; Harwich church north-west.

Monday 27, at two in the afternoon weighed, and came to sail in company with the Race Horse. At eight in the evening came to in the Swin. At five in the morning weighed, in company as before. Turning up the Swin at half past nine, came to; Whitaker Beacon north-north-east one mile.

Tuesday 28, fresh breezes and cloudy weather. At half past three weighed, and came to sail. At half past six came to with the best bower in six fathom water; Shoe Beacon north-west. At half past five weighed, and came to [Page] sail. Working to windward at eleven in the forenoon, the Commodore's boat came on board, with orders to proceed to Deptford. At noon came to at the Nore with the best bower.

Wednesday 29, light breezes and fair weather. At half past five weighed, and made sail. Employed in working up the river. At half past ten came to with the best bower in the gallions, in three fathoms water. Woolwich church north by south one half east. At noon a hoy came along-side for the gunner's stores.

Thursday 30, employed most of the afternoon in getting out the guns, and gunner's stores. At nine in the evening weighed, and came to sail. At ten run foul of a large transport, and carried away the lar-board mizen-shrouds, and part of the channel. At one in the morning came to anchor at Deptford. Warped along-side the Bedford Hulk, and moored. At six unbent the sails, and began to unrig.

Thus ended a voyage, which seems to have determined the question so much agitated concerning the navigation to the north pole, and proved what Captain Wood had before asserted, that no passage would ever be found practicable in that direction.

From the quantities of ice which that navigator met with in latitude 76 north, longitude [...] east, he concluded indeed erroneously, that [Page] the 80th degree would bound the passage towards the poles, and that from thence the polar region was either a continued continent of solid ice, or that land filled up the intermediate space.

It has been found, however, that those seas are navigable as far as between the eighty-first and eighty-second degrees of latitude; and it may possibly happen, that in some future years, they may be found navigable a degree or two farther: but it may now with certainty be concluded, that a course under the pole can never be pursued for the purpose of commerce.

We have already shewn incontestibly, that the north sea communicates with the eastern sea, and that the passage to China and Japan may be performed with difficulty by a north-east course, by watching the opportunity, when a few days in the year the north sea is open. But who would think of exposing a ship's company to the hazard of being frozen to death in a tedious, uncertain, and dangerous passage, when a safe, certain, and, one may say, speedy passage at all times lies open before them.

From Behring's discoveries to the east of Japan, and from the continent he there met with, there seems reason to believe, that the land seen by Commodore Phipps to the eastward of the Seven Islands, might be a continuation of that continent. In that case it is not improbable, but that either that continent may join to the western part of America, or that it may extend southward, [Page] and form a part of that continent so much sought after in the southern hemisphere.

A small premium of two or three thousand pounds secured by Parliament, to be paid to the owner or owners of any Greenland fishing ship, that should be fortunate enough to discover such a continent to the eastward or northward of the Seven Islands, might possibly have a better effect, than many expensive expeditions fitted out solely for the purposes of such discovery. This, by a trading nation, were it only to improve the science of geography, would surely be well bestowed.

It is true, indeed, that the reward secured by parliament for the discovery of a north-west passage, has not yet been attended with that success, with which the promoters of the bill had flattered themselves and the public, from the libera ispirit with which it was granted.

The Hudson's Bay Company, though bound by their charter to further and promote the discovery, were generally suspected, from interested motives, to oppose and discourage every attempt to accomplish it. And Captain Middleton, who in 1740 was sent in a king's ship upon that service, returning without success, was publicly charged with having received a bribe of five thousand pounds to defeat the undertaking, and by his report to discourage any farther attempts in pursuit of it. This charge was strongly supported, and generally [Page] credited. And Mr. Dobbs, by whose interest Captain Middleton was employed, had the address to prevail with the then ministry, to preclude any future scheme of private corruption, by promoting the public reward already mentioned.

The preamble to the act will state this matter in the true light it sets forth, ‘"That whereas the discovery of a north-west passage through Hudson's Streight to the western ocean would be of great benefit and advantage to this kingdom, and that it would be of great advantage to the adventurers to attempt the same, if a public reward was given to such persons as should make a perfect discovery of the said passage; it is therefore enacted, that if any ships or vessels belonging to his majesty's subjects shall find out and sail through any passage by sea between Hudson's bay and the western ocean of America, the owners of such ships or vessels shall be entitled to receive as a reward for such discovery the sum of TWENTY-THOUSAND POUNDS."’ And as a farther encouragement to prosecute this discovery, and to prevent obstructions from interested persons, it was enacted, ‘"that all persons, subjects of his Majesty, residing in any place where the said adventurers may come in the prosecution of this discovery, shall give the said adventurers all assistance, and shall no way obstruct, [Page] molest, or refuse the said adventurers reasonable succour in any distress they may fall into in the prosecution of this discovery."’

Such was the encouragement, and such the liberal reward that was and is secured by parliament to the fortunate discoverers of a north-west passage to the great pacific ocean; a passage which, it is generally believed, would open a trade with nations on the northern continent of America, wholly unknown to the maritime powers of Europe, and supposed, from their situation, to abound in commodities equally rare and precious with those of any other country under the sun.

The fair prospect of acquiring fame by enlarging commerce, the hope of obtaining the parliamentary reward, and the desire of exposing the dis-ingenuity of Captain Middleton, were incitements sufficient to prevail with Mr. Dobbs to sollicit the equipment of two ships for another voyage, which he made not the least doubt would find out the passage so long sought for in vain, and by the advantages attending the discovery, exceed the most sanguine expectations of the adventurers.

The command of this expedition was given to Captain Ellis, who, on the 31st of May, 1746, passed Yarmouth in the Dobb's Galley, accompanied by the California Sloop, and convoyed to the north sea by the Loo man of war. But in proportion as Mr. Dobbs had flattered the avarice of the adventurers who were to share in the reward, and had elated himself with the thoughts of triumphing over the disgrace of Captain Middleton, so it happened, that when the ships returned without having effected any one thing of consequence, the chagrin of the former for having advanced their [Page] money on a visionary project, and the mortification of the latter in not being able to support his charge, were increased by every circumstance that could aggravate the disappointment. Captain Middleton now triumphed in his turn, and no ship from England has since been induced to undertake the voyage, notwithstanding the greatness of the reward.

It is now, however, believed, that Government have in contemplation another voyage to the north, to which that of Captain Phipps was only the prelude; but there is reason to conclude, from what has already been said of these latter attempts, and from the ill success of former undertakings, that the discovery of a north-west passage is not the sole object in view. The figure of the earth, the phenomena of the winds, the variation of the compass, and the attraction of the magnet, are points yet unsettled, of infinite importance to navigation; and it is not impossible, but that a more careful examination of the polar regions may lead to the solution of problems, that have hitherto baffled the enquiries of the ablest navigators.

A very slender acquaintance with the difficulties and hardships attending northern discoveries, will fully account for our knowledge of the countries surrounding the pole being still very imperfect. A brief recapitulation of the sufferings of those to whom we are most indebted for our information, will not, we hope, be thought an improper conclusion to a voyage solely undertaken with a view to enlarge it.

The first who conceived the idea of exploring the northern regions was Sebastian Cabbot. That enterprizing navigator, long before Magellan thought of a passage to the pacific ocean [Page] by the south-west, had made two voyages, with a view to direct his course to the same sea by the north-west. In these voyages, he discovered Newfoundland, the coast of the Esquimeaux Indians, and had penetrated as far as the 64th degree of latitude, when a mutiny among his men, or rather an obstinate refusal to proceed any further, obliged him to return; yet he died in the persuasion that a passage in that direction certainly existed, and that he should have found it but for the opposition of his crew.

The next, who, prepossessed with the same notion, undertook a voyage for discoveries towards the north, was Sir Martin Forbisher. He discovered Greenland, and in the latitude of 62 deg. north, passed a streight, which, though it still holds a place in our maps, has never been found navigable since. He made two other voyages, discovered many bays and capes, to which he gave names, but returned without attaining the principal object of his voyage, though, like his predecessor, he asserted the certainty of its existence to his latest hour.

To him succeeded Sir Humphry Gilbert, who in 1583 traversed the coast of Labradore, entered the mouth of the great river St. Laurence, and, surrounding the island of Newfoundland, laid the foundation of the cod fishery, which has been prosecuted with immense advantage to his country ever since.

The rapid progress of discoveries in the southern hemisphere, which about this time were attended with vast profit to the adventurers, re-animated cotemporary navigators to prosecute, with more ardour than ever, their enterprizes towards the north. The more the [Page] pacific ocean became known, the firmer the belief prevailed, that a passage into it by way of the north must certainly exist, and that whoever could discover it, would not only immortalize his name, but enrich his country.

The merchants of that time were no less eager to embark their money, than the navigators were to hazard their persons in any new project, where the hope of gain appeared to be well founded. A company therefore of wealthy persons in London agreed to join a company of merchants in the west, and to sit out two ships for the discovery of a passage, which all agreed was practicable, though none could tell readily where to find it. To the command of this expedition Captain John Davis was strongly recommended as an able navigator, and of a bold and enterprising spirit. Accordingly, on the 7th of June, 1685, he set sail from Dartmouth, in the Sun-shine of fifty tons, and accompanied by the moon-shine of thirty-five tons, having on board both vessels forty-two hardy seamen. On the 19th of July they were alarmed by a mighty roaring, which was the more terrible, as the fog was so thick, that they could not see each other at a ship's length. It proved only the crackling of the islands of ice, which was not then very well understood. On the breaking up of the fog they discovered land, which, from its horrid appearance, they named the land of desolation. On the 24th they were in 64 deg. 15 min. north, the sea open and the weather moderate. In this latitude they discovered land, and conversed with the natives, who appeared to be a harmless hospitable people, polite in their manners, neatly habited, and not ill favoured. These friendly people, observing that the English [Page] admired their furs, went up in the country to bring down more, with which they traded with much simplicity. To an adjoining hill Davis gave the name of Mount Raleigh, from which he took his departure on the 8th of August, and on the 11th doubled the southernmost cape in view, to which he gave the name of the Cape of God's Mercy, and entered a streight, which bears the name of the Discoverer to this day. In this streight he sailed sixty leagues, and on the 14th went on shore, and found evident signs of human inhabitants, being met by a pack of dogs (twenty in number) that expressed their joy, as if their masters had been returned after an interval of absence. One of those had on a leathern collar. The Captain was highly pleased with the promising appearance of the new streights, and consulting with the master, agreed to report, upon their return home, that they had found the wished-for passage to the western sea.

The weather changing from temperate to excessive cold, on the 20th it was resolved to set sail for England. On the 12th of September they fell in with the land of Desolation, and on the 30th of the same month entered the port of Dartmouth, without the loss of a man.

The account Captain Davis gave to his owners was so well received, that other merchants were desirous of joining in a second expedition, and accordingly he was again employed, and furnished with a much greater force.

On the 7th of May he sailed from Dartmouth in the Mermaid, of 120 tons, in company with the Sun-shine and Moon-shine as before, and an additional pinnace of thirteen tons, called the North Star.

[Page]In the latitude of 60 degrees north Captain Davis divided his force, ordering the Sun-shine and North Star to seek a passage between Greenland and Iceland, while the Mermaid and Moon-shine continued their course to the streight as before. In the latitude of 64 degrees, and longitude 58 deg. 30 min. north from London, they fell again in with the land, and met the same people with whom they had traded the former year. Overjoyed to meet, they renewed their acquaintance, and while the English was preparing a pinnace to facilitate their discoveries, the natives came in numbers to carry on trade. As soon as the pinnace was fitted for sea, Captain Davis dispatched her to examine the inlets on the coast, and to trace their course up the main land; but that was productive of no essential discovery.

Though the natives attended them with an obsequious diligence, yet on their kindling a fire in their manner, and using some strange ceremonies, Captain Davis supposing them to be using idolatrous sorceries, first thrust the priest into the smoke, and then encouraged his men to tread out the flame, and to spurn the reeking coals into the sea. Unable to bear the insult, the natives for the first time began to shew resentment. They seized the boat from the stern of the Moon-shine, cut the cable belonging to the Mermaid, made prize of the implements that lay upon the shore, and, in short, declared open hostilities against the aggressors, who in return discharged their artillery among them, which instantly dispersed them.

No civilities, however, that could be shewn them, after the indignity offered to their priest, could ever after reconcile them, and the year following they found an opportunity to take a [Page] severe revenge. In the mean time one of them being made prisoner, was taken on board the Mermaid; who, after recovering his fright, trimmed up his darts, repaired his fishing tackle, picked okam, and set his hand to any thing he was set about; and, after a time, became a very pleasant companion on board.

On the 17th of July, in latitude 63 degrees 8 min. north, they fell in with a continent of ice, very high, like land, with bays and capes, and, till they examined it closely, could not be convinced that it was a mere congelation. They coasted it till the 30th, when the weather became so tempestuous and foggy, and withal so cold, that the shrouds, ropes, and sails were frozen and glazed with ice; and the men, who the year before found the sea open and the weather temperate, became so dispirited, that in an orderly manner they addressed their Commander, and intreated him to consider their present situation, to have regard to his own life, and the preservation of theirs; and not, through boldness and an indiscreet zeal for a hopeless discovery, leave their widows and fatherless children to blacken his memory with bitter curses. Moved with their pitiable representation, he discharged the Mermaid with those who were most desirous of returning home, and proceeded in the Moonshine to prosecute his voyage. Changing his course to recover the opposite shore on the 1st of August, in latitude 66 deg. 33 min. north, and longitude 70 degrees west, he discovered land, without either ice or snow. On the 2d they cast anchor in a fine road, and in a day or two were visited by the natives, who came to traffic. On the 14th they set sail to the westward, and on the 16th changed their course to the southward. [Page] On the 18th they discovered a high promontory to the north-west, which having no land to the south, recovered their hopes of a free passage.

On doubling the Cape, they found the land trending away to the south in broken islands, and coasting along till they arrived at a fine opening, in latitude 57 degrees, they sailed ten leagues, with woods and lawns on each side, abounding with deer and game of every kind. Here they staid till the 1st of September, and then set sail, coasting along to the northward, where they were again flattered with the hopes of a passage, by observing a strong current rushing in between two lands to the westward, which they were very desirous of approaching, but the wind blew directly against them.

On the 6th, returning to their former station, five of the crew fell into an ambuscade; for having ventured on shore unarmed in their boat, they were suddenly assaulted from the woods, two of them killed upon the spot, two grievously wounded, and the fifth made his escape by swimming, with an arrow sticking in his arm. The same evening a furious storm arose, which lasted till the 10th, in which time they in a manner unrigged their ship, and were about to cut away her masts by the board, the cable of their sheet anchor parted, and they every moment expected to be dashed upon the rocks, and to be made a prey by the savage cannibals of the country; but the storm abating, and the sea growing calm, they recovered their anchor on the 11th, and made sail for England.

About the beginning of October they arrived at Dartmouth, where they found the Sunshine, but the North Star having parted company in a hard gale on the coast of Greenland, was never more heard of.

[Page]This undaunted mariner had yet [...] to undertake a third voyage, and then [...] as the 73d degree of north latitude [...] deserted by his companions, was [...] return in great distress to his [...] ▪ Upon h [...]s return he wrote a letter to his [...] him, that he had found [...] open [...] lat [...] 73 degrees north, and [...] b [...]oad, and concluded from thence that the passage was [...].

[...] He sailed April the [...] to Davis's Streights, [...] latitude 52 degrees north [...], where on the [...] of November [...] ship was frozen in, and being scantily provided with provisions, the crew mutinied, and in the end most barbarously contrived, as the writer expresses it, to turn the Captain, the [...]arpenter, and all the sick men out of the sh [...]p, who were never more heard of. After wh [...] [...] leaders [Page] [...] determined to make the best of their way for England; but in their passage home not a few peri [...]hed, and those who survived [...].

But notwithstanding this disaster, and that it w [...] [...] that the Captain and all w [...]o were loft [...] were either drowned starved, or murdered, the progress he had ma [...]e in [...] encouraged other [...]

The [...] who adventured was Captain B [...] ton, a man of gre [...] [...], courage, and exp [...]. [...], Prince [...], and having passed [...] St [...]ght, [...] a different [...] of Captain Hu [...]on, leaving his [...] [...]th-west.

[...] two hundred leagues [...] in a large continent, which, from [...], he named New [...] the westward, [...] Port Nelson, [...]

In 1615 Captain W [...] Bassin undertook the [...] of the extremity of that sea into w [...]ch Davis▪s Streights opened a passage, and he so far succeeded, as to determine its extent, and to [...]scover an outlet marked in our maps, by the name of Sir Thomas Smith's Sound, which is proudly the only communication between [Page] our northe [...]n bays and the great pacific ocean, which nature has provided, in order to maintain a general circulation, without wh [...]ch [...] is hardly possible to conceive, that the equi [...] of the globe could for a [...] be preserved.

In 1619 Captain John M [...]nk, at the [...] of his Danish Maj [...]sty, underto [...] [...] and arrived safe at Cape [...], where, though the tackle of the ship was [...], tha [...] the ma [...]iners [...]uld [...] the ropes yet next [...] it was so [...], that they were forced [...]. He [...] Hudson's [...]tre [...]ght in the month of July, and was forced to winter in latitude [...] degrees 20 min. north, on an island that still retains his [...]me; but the hardships he endured almost [...] belief. In May, 16 [...]0, he found himself alone in a cave dug in the earth, scarce alive, and almost morally certain, that all his mar [...]ners were dead. As soon as the weather would permit he crawled forth, and found, of a [...]l his crew, only two left. By removing the snow, they found some fresh herbs underneath, [...] by eating them, recovered from the scurvy. Unable to navigate their ships, they abandoned her to the savages, and, by a wonderful provid [...]nce, got safe to Norway in the Pinnace. Being a man of uncommon resolution, he was still [...]citous to perfect a discovery, which had [...]ed the researches of so many able navigators, and to acquire glory, by accomplishing that which they had failed to attain. He as [...]ed the existence of such a passage so con [...]ntly, and laid down the method of finding it so plausibly, that he had persuaded the merchants of Norway to raise a joint stock to defray the expences of a second voyage; but applying [Page] to the King for h [...]s permission and pro [...], [...] known sufferings, [...] his former voy [...], M [...] told him, he had already been [...] many of his subjects, and [...] to seek to murder [...] Monk gave a quick reply, [...]

Capt. [...]ke [...] and Capt. James were the [...] engaged in this discovery; the [...] in a King's frigate, victualled for eighteen months, the other in a small vessel of seventy ton [...], built at Bristol on purpose; victualled and equipped by private adventurers.

Captain [...] departed in the spring of 1631, [...] all the western bays uncovered by former [...], examined the westermost part of Huds [...]n's Bay, and returned in 1632. He pub [...]shed a pompous account of his discoveries, which, however, was never much regarded.

On the [...] of May, 1631, Captain James set [...] from the Severn's mouth, and on the [...]th of June cleared Hudson's Streights, where he found himself so pestered with broken [...], to [...] it out of his power to prosecute his [...] to the north-westward, as he had [...]; he therefore ordered his master to steer west south-wes [...], and on the 27th of July, after [...]staining most dreadful shocks, found [...] so fast among the ice, that notwithsstand [...]ng it blew a hard gale, and all [...], she [...]ed no more than if she had [Page] been in a dry dock. It was now that the men first began to murmur, and the Captain himself was not without his fears [...] should here be frozen [...] and obliged [...] in the middle of the [...]. By an observa [...] [...]ch they made upon the ice, they found that they were in latitude [...]8 deg. 54 min. [...].

On the 5th of next month to their great joy the ice opened, and on the 6th they were again [...] clear sea. On the 1 [...]th, seeing some break [...] [...], and loo [...]ing to clear them, the ship [...]uddenly struck upon the rocks, and received three dreadful shocks, but the swell heaved her [...], and on pumping she made no water.

They were now [...]bered with rocks, as [...] had been with ice, and in the most [...] [...]ation that can be conceived, and so [...] two nights and two days, every mo [...] expecting to be dashed to pieces. On the [...] clearing up they saw land from the north- [...]est to the south-east by east, with rocks and [...]kers. On the 16th they weighed and made [...], when a storm arose and drove them within [...]ght of Port Nelson. On the 17th they stood to the southward. On the 20th they made land, [...] 67 degrees north, where they cast anchor, and call'd it the Principality of South Wales.

Having weighed, on the 27th they set sail, [...] the evening came in sight of higher land.

On the 29th they saw a sail, which proved to be Captain Fox, already mentioned. They [...] together, and, after exchanging mutual [...], parted.

Captain James kept coasting along the shore [...] make discoveries, and Captain Fox made the [...] of h [...]s way for England.

The Captain now began to think of a con [...]nt place to winter in. In this attempt [Page] they met with so many disasters, that at last having no hope left, they began to prepare themselves to make a good end of a miserable life. On the 10th they lost their shallop, tho' lashed to the ship by two hawsers, and to their inexpressible grief their boat was almost rendered irreparable.

Winter now be [...] to set in a pace, the nights long, the days close and foggy, the seas rough, and nothing but s [...]oals and broken land to navigate. Added to all these the men began to sicken, an universal de [...]ection to prevail, and in proportion [...] their distresses increased their strength to [...] up against them grew less every day.

On the [...]th of November, being in latitude 5 [...] [...] north, they [...] in with an island, from [...] [...]mpossible to depart. The [...] were quite worn down with fatigue, the [...] not to be [...]led, the ropes [...], and the deck knee deep in snow. In [...] condition they built a [...] on shore for the sick, and in this tent they kept fires continually burning night and day, but the [...] fast, that beer, and even sp [...]r [...]ts, froze by the fire-side.

The suffering of the Captain and crew from the latter [...] of October when they landed, t [...]ll the 2d of July, when they departed, are hardly to be parelle [...]ed.

This was the last voyage that was undertaken for the discovery of a north-west passage, till that of Captain Middleton, already related. From all which, and the opinion of Captain James after his re [...]urn, there is great reason to [...], that what we have said of a north-east passage is likewise true of a passage by the north-west, that it most certainly exists, but will never be found prac [...]cable for mercantile purposes.

Information about this book

Title statement

An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators; including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers. ... In four volumes.: [pt.4]

Henry, David, 1710-1792.

Publication

Publisher

University of Michigan Library

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, Michigan

Date

2008 September

ID [DLPS]

004799404

ID [ESTC]

T2892

ID [DOCNO]

CW102001200

ID [TCP]

K021793.004

ID [GALEDOCNO]

CW3302001760

ID [CONTENTSET]

ECHG

ID [IMAGESETID]

0204000304

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Source

— An historical account of all the voyages round the world, performed by English navigators; including those lately undertaken by order of His present Majesty. The whole faithfully extracted from the journals of the voyagers. ... In four volumes., Henry, David, 1710-1792..

Extent

4v.,plates : maps ; 8⁰.

printed for F. Newbery,. London :: 1773-74.. (Anonymous. By David Henry.) (Published in 48 weekly parts (Roscoe).) (Vols.1 & 2 are dated 1774, 3 & 4 1773.) (John Marra's 'Journal of the Resolution's voyage' (1775) and John Rickman's 'Journal of Captain Cook's last voyage .. A new edition' (1785) were apparently intended to accompany this as volumes 5 and 6 of a six volume set.) (Reproduction of original from the British Library.) (Roscoe, A218) (Sabin, 31389) (English Short Title Catalog, ESTCT2892.) (Electronic data. Farmington Hills, Mich. : Thomson Gale, 2003. Page image (PNG). Digitized image of the microfilm version produced in Woodbridge, CT by Research Publications, 1982-2002 (later known as Primary Source Microfilm, an imprint of the Gale Group).)

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