THE rich cargo of the annual ship from Ma­nilla to Acapulco, has ever been the ob­ject which private adventurers to the South Seas have had in view; while, on the other hand, the annual ship from Acapulco to Manilla has been the pursuit of the ships of war. This difference has arisen from the different constitution of the two ships; for the galleon, when she sets sail from Manilla, being deep laden with a variety of bulky goods, (such as Chinese silks and ma­nufactures, vast quantities of Indian stuffs, calli­coes, and chintz, besides the minuter articles of goldsmiths work, embroidery, &c. wrought at Manilla by the Chinese,) she has not the con­veniency of mounting her lower tier of guns, but generally carries them in her hold. Her hands too are as few as are consistent with the safe na­vigation of the ship, that she may be the less en­cumbered by the stowage of provisions; so that being but weakly manned, and indifferently pro­vided for defence, she is thereby more exposed to the attacks of small privateers, and more easy [Page 2] to be made their prey; and, though she does not contain so great a treasure as the other, yet she is sufficiently rich to recompense the under­takers, and to enrich the captors, her cargo be­ing generally estimated at three millions of dol­lars.

But the ship from Acapulco making her re­turn chiefly in silver and gold, and having little or no bulky goods on board, as her cargo lies in less room, her lower tier is always mounted be­fore she leaves the port, and her crew is aug­mented with a supply of sailors, and with one or two companies of foot, which are intended to reinforce the garrison at Manilla. Besides, there being many merchants who take their passage to Manilla on board the galleon, her whole number of hands on her return is usually little short of 600 fighting men; so that she is more than a match for such small privateers as are generally sent upon hazardous expeditions, and a prize only for a royal ship of war; and has therefore never been attempted by any other.

The voyage we are now about to relate was purposely fitted out with a view to intercept the Manilla ship at the instance of Dampier, in con­cluding of whose character (from reading the accounts written by himself) we were led into an error, which the present voyage, written by Captain Cooke, has enabled us to correct. The ill success that attended the voyage to the South Seas, under the immediate command of Dam­pier, of which a brief relation is given in the first [Page 3] volume of this work, was so far from discourag­ing that enterprizing officer from pursuing his favourite project of making prize of the Manilla ship, that, after his return, when he had wearied the merchants of London with fruitless solicita­tions, he repaired to Bristol, where his represen­tations were better understood, and where they were attended with better effect. By his solid remonstrances he prevailed upon nineteen of the principal merchants and gentlemen of that city to unite and form a company, for the pur­pose of fitting out two private ships of war, to shew what advantages might be derived from a well-conducted enterprize against the Spaniards in the South Seas: and it may, perhaps, be attri­buted to his judgment and experience, that they were more properly adapted to the service on which they were to be sent, and were better pro­vided against every accident to which they might be exposed, than any privateers that ever were fitted out before them. Add to this, that their crews were furnished with better regulations, and subjected to stricter rules, and under severer penalties, than men listed to go on hazardous adventures are generally willing to submit to.

Their principal officers were gentlemen of experience, or highly interested in the success of the voyage; being the first subscribers, and the chief promoters of the undertaking; and these also were assisted with a second set of officers, equally able and experienced, who, in case of accidents, were ready to supply the places of those who might be disabled.

[Page 4]But, besides being awed by penalties from trespassing the articles of agreement that were signed by every man on board from the highest to the lowest, they were likewise encouraged by rewards to behave gallantly; every common sailor who should lose a limb in time of action being entitled to a douceur of 30l. and so in proportion to officers according to their respec­tive ranks: yet, notwithstanding all these pre­cautions, we find them ever ready to mutiny.

The two ships, thus fitted up and regulated, were called the Duke and Dutchess; the first, of 300 tons, 36 guns, and 183 men, was com­manded by Woodes Rogers; the other, of 270 tons, 30 guns, and 151 men, by Captain Ste­phen Courtney.

Captain Rogers, who commanded in chief, was a bold, active man, an indefatigable officer, one who would not give up his opinion readily to others, nor be flattered by other people's giving up their opinion, without being convinc­ed, to him. He had been, according to Har­ris, a large sufferer by the French, and was na­turally no great friend to that nation; but his most singular quality, and that which indeed recommended him to this command, was a pe­culiar art he had of maintaining his authority, and at the same time preserving his influence, over his seamen; an art, or gift rather, in which Captain Dampier was remarkably deficient.

Captain Courtney was a man of birth, for­tune, and of many amiable qualities; he con­tributed [Page 5] largely to the expence of the voyage, and took a share in it to superintend the ma­nagement, and to interpose and qualify the dif­ferences that might arise in the course of a te­dious and dangerous navigation; being a person of an admirable temper, and remarkable for moderation in all his decisions, in which almost all men were ready to acquiesce.

Besides these two gentlemen, who were first in command, Dr. Thomas Dover (the same, who, about forty years ago, so effectually re­commended the use of quicksilver in a little book, entitled Dr. Dover's Last Legacy to his Country, that ladies as well as gentlemen of rank and fortune bespangled the floors and carpets with quicksilver, and scattered their diamonds wherever they met to dance, or to play) was second Captain on board the Duke; and Cap­tain Edward Cooke, our author, was second to Captain Courtney.

Dover was a considerable contributor to the voyage, but he was of a rough ungovernable temper, seldom pleased with either measures or men; but incapable of forming any party to support his own notions, because no party could ever be brought to approve them.

Captain Cooke was an able and experienced seaman, had been twice taken prisoner, and twice released by the enemy, and now embarked his All in this bottom with a view to make one effort more to gain a fortune.

Captain Dampier, who projected the voyage, [Page 6] was made pilot on board the Duke to direct it. Of him the reader has already heard enough in the former volume of this Work; and from the character of the leaders it is natural to infer, that they were choice in the appointment of their in­ferior officers, and that even the common men were not of the meaner sort.

The general instructions of the owners were, first, to repair to Ireland to take in provisions, and then to proceed with all possible expedition to the South Sea; if luckily they met with any prizes by the way, they were either to send them home or to America, as should best suit; they were ordered by all means to keep together, and to act in concert; to undertake no enter­prize of consequence without first deliberating the matter in a general council of officers in both ships; to be particularly careful in assisting each other in every circumstance of necessity; and that in giving relief in times of danger, or in supplying provisions or water in case of want, they should be as one ship, and that on no pre­tence the one should be suffered to want while the other had any thing to supply; but, as they were to share alike in all advantages, they should share alike too in all sufferings.

Thus fitted out and thus instructed, and the officers of both ships being provided with legal commissions to cruise against her Majesty's ene­mies, the French and Spaniards, in the South Seas, on the first of August, 1708, they un­moored from King-road, and on the 4th of the [Page 7] same month cast anchor at the Cove in Cork, where they continued victualling, and adjusting their men, changing some and enlisting others, among whom were many foreigners, till the first of September, when they sailed in company with the Hastings man of war, having first a­greed, in case of separation, to meet at Ma­deira, there to take in wine and brandy for the remainder of the voyage.

[Here it is necessary to apprize the reader, that, as there are TWO very authentic accounts of this voyage, one written by Captain Rogers, and one written by our author, we shall endea­vour to reduce them into ONE, by supplying from Captain Rogers what is wanting in Cap­tain Cooke, and shall, contrary to the method pursued in Harris, continue the narrative in the person of Captain Cooke, though sometimes we may be obliged to use the words of Captain Rogers. And this being premised, we will now proceed:]

On the 10th of September, says Captain Cooke, we spied a sail, which we chaced and came up with. She happened to be a Swede, bound for Cadiz; and though from several cir­cumstances there was reason to suspect that she had contraband goods on board, yet it being difficult to prove it, and we being in haste, dis­missed her. This caused a mutiny on board the Duke, headed by the boatswain and three in­ferior officers, who persuaded the men not to give her up. Captain Rogers confined the au­thors [Page 8] of this disorder, in which there was not one foreigner concerned. He put ten of the mutineers in irons, a sailor being first soundly whipped for exciting the rest to join him; others less guilty he punished and discharged; but the chief officers continued armed, fearing what might happen, the ship's company seeming too much to favour the mutineers. They had af­terwards a great deal of trouble with these fel­low, who did more mischief when in irons than before, by stirring up the men to release them, pretending that they suffered in the cause of the crew, and therefore the crew ought to rise and release them. This determined the Captain to make some examples, but not to irritate too much; he therefore began by removing the boatswain from his office, and appointing ano­ther in his room, without intending any thing further. But on the 14th this intestine storm rose higher than ever; for then a sailor, with the best part of the ship's company at his heels, went up to the Captain, and demanded the boatswain out of custody. With this man the Captain desired to speak alone, and when he came upon the quarter-deck, the officers seized him, and caused one of his chief comrades to whip him. Thus by different corrections of the like kind, the officers on board the Duke broke the combination, and allayed the tumult. The boatswain they sent home in the Crown Gal­ley in irons; the other prisoners they released upon their humble submission; such among [Page 9] them as were petty officers they restored to their commands, and all on board were forbidden to disobey or reproach them: and thus ended an insurrection, which, had it succeeded, would have put a stop at once to the farther prosecu­tion of the voyage.

On the 15th, finding ourselves to the south­ward, and at the same time somewhat to the eastward of Madeira, we changed our place of rendezvous, and bore away for the Canaries.

On Saturday the 18th, at five in the morning, we saw a sail right a-head, to which we gave chace. About ten, we came up with, and took her, being a small Spanish bark bound from Te­neriff to Fuertaventura, with several men and women passengers on board, and laden with sundry sorts of goods. Next day we bore away for Oratavia-road, where we stood off and on, and sent away the prize's boat with one of our owner's agents, a priest, and the master of the prize, to treat about the ransom of her, and to get wine, provisions, and other necessaries, for the refreshment of both the ships. About eight next morning, a boat came from the town, with a letter from the English merchants residing there, wherein they expostulated with us for making prize of the bark, alledging that there was a free trade agreed to in these islands be­tween her Majesty of Great Britain and the Kings of France and Spain, so religiously ob­served by the latter, that they had caused an English ship taken there by a French privateer, [Page 10] to be restored; and farther, representing the danger that might arise to themselves, living by permission in an enemy's country, if the bark was not immediately given up, for which repri­sals would be made on them; as also, that we should be answerable at home for interrupting the settled commerce. This letter was signed by the Consul and three capital merchants. Our Captains immediately returned for answer, that, having no instructions relating to the Spanish vessels trading among those islands, they could not justify the releasing of the ship on their bare opinions, without some order or proclamation of her Majesty, the English being protected there only on anchoring ground, and the bark being taken in the open seas; that, in case Mr. Van­brugh, the owners agent, was not restored, they would carry away all the prisoners they had; and, if they apprehended any detriment to the factory, they might ransom the bark, and seek their redress in England. They desired dispatch, there being no time to lose; and, upon sending back Mr. Vanbrugh, they would release the pri­soners. At night another letter came in answer to theirs, from the Consul, importing, that the English men-of-war were civilly received there, and never committed any hostilities; and that it was strange we should insist on ransoming any Spaniards, who were never made prisoners in England, or elsewhere; and the Governor there delivered up to him any English prisoners that were brought in by Spanish privateers; where­fore [Page 11] he insisted, that those in our custody should be dismissed, and the bark discharged, accepting a present of wine in return. With this from the Consul at the city of Laguna, came another letter from the merchants at Oratavia-port, much to the same purport, only offering to pay to the value of 450 pieces of eight, the sum de­manded for the bark, in wine, brandy, sugar, oil, barley, and greens, to prevent incensing the na­tives against them, not doubting but that repa­ration would be made them in England. Our Captains replied, by threatening to cruise among the islands to avail themselves for their loss of time, and to cannonade the town of Oratavia, unless they received instant satisfaction. On the 22d, at four in the morning, we stood in for the shore, making a clear ship; but, soon after, we saw a boat coming with our owners agent, and Mr. Cross, one of the English merchants, bring­ing five buts of wine, and other refreshments. We lay off the town, took the goods out of the prize, sold the bark to Mr. Cross, and put the prisoners on board her. Thus ended this trou­blesome business, which being unanimously ap­proved of at a council of officers of both ships, they proceeded on their voyage; and, seeing a sail to the westward, gave chace to her, but, night coming on, lost her.

On the 24th we crossed the Tropic of Cancer, and, the Sunday following, performed the cere­mony of dipping the men of both ships who had [Page 12] not crossed it before; a ceremony that causes a good deal of mirth among the common men.

On the 30th we passed by Santa Lucia, one of the Cape de Verd islands, and by eight in the morning came in fight of St. Vincent, and about eleven came to an anchor in ten fathom water within the rock.

As we knew the island not to be inhabited, we were not a little surprized to see some people on shore; and, in order to learn who they were, and what their business was, I armed the pinnace, and went on shore, when we found them to be Portuguese come from the island of St. Anthony to catch turtle, who told us we might here wood and water.

This island lies in lat. 16 deg. 55 min. N. and in 25 deg. 36 min. W. long. from the meridian of London. There are on it Guinea-hens, hogs, and goats, and about the shore plenty of fish. In the woods there are spiders as large as little birds, whose webs are not easily broken through, being woven with a substance nearly as strong as ordi­nary thread.

The Cape Verd islands are eleven in number, St. Anthony, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, St. Nicholas, Sal, Bona Vista, Mayo, St. Jago, Fogo, Romes, and Brava; and take their general name from a promontory on the African shore. They belong to the Portuguese, but are not all inhabited.

While we lay at St. Vincent's, new disturbances arose among the men in relation to plunder; for [Page 13] here they had an opportunity of trading, and therefore every man wished to have something to exchange. The effects taken in the late prize occasioned a general murmur throughout both the ships; to put an end to which, and to fix the people in a firm resolution of doing their duty, we determined to settle the matter at once, by framing such articles, as, without giving our owners any ground of complaint, might inspire the seamen with courage and constancy, and make them as willing to obey as their officers were ready to command. It cost some trouble to adjust the articles; but that was fully com­pensated, by their effectually answering the pur­pose. And now, having composed all differences, the men again chearfully returned to their duty, all but two or three of the Duke's men, who made their escape on shore; among whom was their linguist, who probably had no mind to be left behind; but, having staid beyond his leave of absence, and paid no regard to the orders that were sent him to repair on board, it was thought proper, by way of example, to depart without him. Accordingly on the 7th of October we unmoored, and, on the 8th, after lying by all night for our consort, we set sail together for the coast of Brasil. But on our passage thither, some fresh disputes arose among our men; and, after various consultations to accommodate the differences, it was resolved, that Mr. Page, who was our second mate, should be sent to serve on board the Duke, and Mr. Ballet to come from [Page 14] the Duke to serve on board the Dutchess in his room. This was not to be effected without force, Page refusing to obey the order; and when it was on the point of being put in execu­tion, he resisted; but, being overpowered, and carried on board the Duke, he was there charged with mutiny. He desired to go to the head, for a necessary purpose, before he made his de­fence, and was permitted so to do; when he instantly jumped over-board, with the design of getting back again to the Dutchess, but was taken up, tried, and punished, which put an end to the disturbance for that time.

On Wednesday the 27th we crossed the Line, and on Sunday the 14th of November saw land at a great distance, and at noon made Cape Frio, on the coast of Brasil. On the 18th we anchored before Islo Grande, and on the 19th moored our ship in ten fathom water. Here one of our men going from the ship without leave, giving the first Lieutenant foul language, and threatening soon to be revenged, was put in irons; and his messmates and confederates de­manding his release, or desiring to share in his punishment, seven voluntarily went into irons.

On the 21st I went on shore in the pinnace with a present to the Governor, and to acquaint him we were friends. At our first landing they fired several shot, taking us for French; but afterwards made an apology, and received us civilly. On the 23d two of the mutineers were whipped, and put in irons again. On the 24th [Page 15] four of the eight men in irons were released, on their submission; and two men went on shore, designing to leave the ship, and, having bar­gained with a canoe to carry them to the main, they were by mistake put ashore at a distant part of the island, where, finding themselves on an uninhabited coast, they began to relent; and, after staying a night in the woods, where they were terrified with the roaring of wild beasts, they came in sight of the ship, and made signs of repentance, humbling themselves in the most suppliant manner, and on their knees, with their hands lifted up, endeavouring to move compas­sion. After some time the boat went off, and brought them on board, where they were con­fined in irons till the next day, and then ordered to be flogged and released.

On the 25th two Irish landmen stole away from the Duke, and secreted themselves in the woods, in like manner as the two seamen had done from the Dutchess. About four next morning the watch on the quarter deck spied a canoe, and hailed her to come on board; but the rowers not answering, but striving to escape, the Duke's pinnace pursued the canoe, fired into her, and mortally wounded one of the Indian rowers. He that owned and steered the canoe was a friar, and had a quantity of gold on board, which, after running the canoe ashore, he had just time to hide before the Duke's pinnace reached the land. A Portuguese, who was in the canoe, and who had no gold to lose, would not follow [Page 16] the friar; but, on the contrary, knowing the English to be friends, called the Father back, who, upon his return, was carried with the wounded Indian on board the Duke, where the poor man was dressed by the surgeon, but died in a few hours. The officers in both ships were very sorry for this unfortunate accident, and en­tered their protest against it, and caused the man to be buried on shore in a very solemn manner. The friar, however, who had lost his gold, was not to be appealed, but threatened to seek for justice in Portugal or England.

In towing the ship about the easternmost part of the island, we spied the Duke's two men waiting tor a canoe to carry them over to the main; and two of our Lieutenants manned the boat, and, landing some men in a convenient place to get behind them, to prevent their es­caping to the woods, they rowed to the place where the fellows were seen to lurk. When they found themselves beset, they endeavoured to fly; but, being intercepted, they were brought on board, put in irons, and sent to their own ship, where they were afterwards severely pu­nished.

On the 27th the principal officers on board both ships went in their pinnaces to the town of Angra dos Reys on the main, carrying the ships music along with them. They were kindly re­ceived and entertained by the Governor and Fa­thers, who with their servants are the principal inhabitants, there not being more than 50 or 60 [Page 17] low-built houses in the place. They have a guard-house, where, at our landing, we were received by the Governor, with about 20 men under arms, and treated with a dinner, sweet­meats, and rum. The Governor and Fathers desired we would go to see their Franciscan monastery and church, that day being a festival with them, and the people coming from the plantations in the country to celebrate it. We complied; and, at their request, our musick, con­sisting of trumpets, hautboys, and violins, played in a gallery belonging to the church, and assisted in heightening the solemnization, to the no small satisfaction of the Fathers. After divine service we likewise joined in procession with them, and accompanied them from the church in the even­ing, every one carrying a large wax candle in his hand, according to the custom of the coun­try on such occasions. The procession being closed, we were conducted into a great hall, and treated by the Fathers with an elegant supper of fish, sweet meats, and fruits of various sorts in the highest perfection. At our coming away, they gave us some vollies with their small arms, and we returned the compliment by a flourish of trumpets, &c.

Fifteen days journey up the country there is said to be a very rich gold mine; and it was not long since the French plundered a bark with 800 weight of gold-dust on board, which it was bringing from the mine. Some men of credit told me, that the mines here are more [Page 18] profitable than even Mexico or Peru; but that the Tapoyars, who inhabit the inland plains, are an unconquerable race of men, taller and strong­er than the Portuguese, and not to be brought to labour. The Brasilian women are very fruitful, have easy labours, retire to the woods, where they are delivered alone, and return no more till after a certain time allotted for purification.

On tuesday the 30th of November we weighed anchor; but a tornado coming on, we tacked, and stood under the island till its fury abated. On the 1st of December both ships sailed out of the bay, and pursued their course to the southward till the 21st, without meeting with any remarkable occurrence; but on that day a young man fell from the mizen-top-sail yard, and fractured his skull.

On the 23d we made land, which I supposed to be Falkland's Island, in lat. 51 deg. 25 min. S. by estimation.

On the 24th, as we ran along shore, the land looked like some part of England, having seve­ral good bays and vallies, but believe it to be wholly uninhabited.

On the 5th of January, 1709, we had a vio­lent gale of wind at north-west, and very bad weather. At two in the afternoon we reefed both courses, then lowered our fore yard, and lay by till five, at which time our waste was filled with water, and we expected the ship to sink every moment: got down our fore-yard as [Page 19] well as we could, and loosed the sprit-sail to wear the ship, which at last we accomplished; but in wearing we thought we should have foun­dered with the weight of water that was in her waste. Thus we scudded before the wind, the Duke following, and at nine shipped a sea in the poop, as we in the cabbin were going to sup­per. It beat in all the cabbin-windows and bulk-head, and hove the first Lieutenant half­way between the decks, with several muskets and pistols that hung there, darting a sword that was against the bulk-head of the cabbin through my man's hammock and rug, which hung against the bulk-head of the steerage; and, had not the bulk-head of the great cabbin given way, all we who were there must inevitably have been drowned before the water could have been dis­charged. Our yaul was staved on the deck, and it was a wonder that many were not killed with the shutters, the bulk-head, and the arms, which were driven with a prodigious force; but Providence delivered us from this and many other dangers; only one man or two were hurt, and some bruised; but not one rag of dry cloaths was left us, our chests, beds, and bedding, be­ing all soaked in sea-water. Next day the storm abated, and we continued our course, coasting very far to the south, where we endured much cold, by which many of our men were greatly affected, insomuch that a third part of both ships companies fell sick, occasioned, as I sup­pose, by their being long wet and cold. We [Page 20] were now in lat. 61 deg. 48 min. S. long. from Falkland's Isles 18 deg. 5 min. W.

Monday 17, by a good observation I found that we were got round Cape Horn, Terra del Fuego, and the Straits of Magellan, and to the northward of Cape Vileria. On the 19th I reckoned we were to the northward of Port St. Stephen on the coast of Patagonia in the Great South Sea.

On Monday the 31st, at eight in the morning, made the Island of Juan Fernandes, where we designed to wood and water. In the afternoon Capt. Dover went off in the Pinnace to get some provisions, and in the evening saw a fire ashore, which made us conclude there were ships in the road, as we were assured the island had no inha­bitants: we therefore made the signal for the boat to return, and she accordingly came on board about twelve at night.

Tuesday Feb. 1, we rowed and towed into the great bay, and came to an anchor in 50 fathom water. All this day we had a clear ship expect­ing a rencounter; but were much disappointed, when, instead of a valuable prize, we discover­ed only an odd figure of a man, who had been the sole resident on the island for more than four years. His name was Alexander Selkirk, a Scotchman, who had been Master of the Cinque­ports, the ship that accompanied Dampier in his voyage to the South Seas, and was, as Dampier said, one of the best men in her. Captain Ro­gers immediately agreed with him to be his mate.

[Page 21]It was this man who made the fire in the night when he saw our ships, which he judged to be English. During his stay here, he saw several ships pass by; but only two came to an anchor. As he went to view them, he found them to be Spaniards, and retired from them; upon which they shot at him. Had they been French he would have submitted, but chose to risque his dying alone on the island rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniards, because he appre­hended they would either murder, or make a slave of him in the mines; for he feared they would spare no stranger that might be capable of discovering the South Seas. The Spaniards had landed before he knew what they were, and they came so near him that he had much ado to escape; for they not only shot at him, but pur­sued him to the woods, where he climbed to the top of a tree, at the foot of which they charged their pieces, and killed several goats just by, but went off again without discovering him. He told us, that he was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, and was bred a sailor from his youth. The reason of his being left here was a difference between him and his Captain, which, together with the ship's being leaky, made him willing rather to stay here, than to go along with him at first, and when he was at last willing to go his Captain would not receive him. He had been at the island before to wood and water, when two of the ship's company were left upon it for six months, till the ship returned, being [Page 22] chaced thence by two French South Sea ships. He had with him his cloaths and bedding, with a firelock, some powder, bullets, and tobacco; a hatchet, a knife, a kettle, a bible, some practical pieces, and his mathematical instru­ments and books. He diverted and provided for himself as well as he could; but for the first eight months he had much ado to bear up a­gainst melancholy, and the terror of being left alone in such a desolate place. He built two huts in Piemento-trees, covered them with long grass, and lined them with the skins of goats which he killed with his gun as he wanted, so long as his powder lasted, which was but a pound, and that being almost spent, he got fire by rubbing two sticks of Piemento wood toge­ther upon his knee. In the lesser hut, at some distance from the other, he drest his victuals, and in the larger he slept, and employed himself in reading, singing psalms, and praying; so that he said he was a better Christian while in this solitude than ever he was before, or than, he was afraid, he should ever be again.

At first he never eat any thing till hunger constrained him, partly for grief, and partly for want of bread and salt, nor did he go to bed till he could watch no longer. The Piemento wood, which burnt very clear, served him both for fire and candle, and refreshed him with its fragrant smell. He might have had fish enough, but could not eat them for want of salt, because they occasioned a looseness, except crayfish, [Page 23] which are as large as lobsters, and very good. These he sometimes boiled, and at other times broiled, as he did his goat's-flesh, of which he made good broth. He kept an account of 500 that he killed while there, and caught as many more, which he marked in the ear and let go. When his powder failed he took them by speed of feet, for his way of living and continual ex­ercise cleared him of all gross humours, so that he ran with wonderful swiftness through the woods and up the rocks and hills, as we per­ceived, when we employed him to catch goats for us. We had a bull-dog which we sent with several of our nimblest runners to help him to catch goats; but he distanced and tired both the dog and the men, caught the goats, and brought them to us on his back. He told us that his agility in pursuing a goat had once like to have cost him his life. He pursued it with so much eagerness that he catched hold of it on the brink of a precipice of which he was not aware, the bushes hiding it from him; so that he fell with the goat down the precipice a great height, and was so bruised with the fall that he narrowly escaped with his life; and, when he came to his senses, found the goat dead under him. He lay there about twent-four hours, and was scarce able to crawl to his hut, which was about a mile distant, or to stir abroad again in ten days. He came at last to relish his meat without salt or bread. He had a constant sup­ply of good turneps, which had been sown there by [Page 24] Captain Dampier, and have now overspread some acres of ground. He had good cabbage from the cabbage-trees that grow wild upon the island, and seasoned his meat with the fruit of the Piemento-trees, which is the same as Jamai­ca pepper, and smells deliciously. He found also a black-pepper, called Malageta, which was very good to expel wind and strengthen the sto­mach. He soon wore out all his shoes and cloaths by running in the woods; and at last, being forced to shift without them, his feet be­came so hard, that he ran every where without difficulty; and it was some time before he could wear shoes after we found him; for, not being used to any so long, his feet swelled when he came to wear them again. After he had con­quered his melancholy, he diverted himself some­times with cutting his name upon the trees, some­times with contrivances to vary and increase his stock of tools, and sometimes in clear evenings in counting the stars. He was at first much pestered with cats and rats that had bred in great numbers from some of each species which had got ashore from ships that put in there to wood and water. The rats gnawed his feet and cloaths while he slept, which obliged him to cherish the cats with his goat's flesh, by which many of them became so tame, that they would be about him in hundreds, and soon delivered him from the rats. He likewise tamed some kids; and, to vary his diversions, would now and then sing and teach them to dance; so that

[Page 25] by his natural flow of humour, and the vigour of his youth, being now but 30 years old, he came at last to conquer all the inconveniences of his solitude, and to be very easy. When his cloaths were worn out, he made himself a coat and a cap of goat's skins, which he stitched to­gether with little thongs of the same that he cut with his knife. He had no other needle but a nail; and, when his knife was worn out to the back, he made others of some iron hoops that were ashore, which he beat thin, and ground upon stones. Having some linnen cloth by him, he sewed himself some shirts with a nail, and stitched them with the worsted of his old stockings, which he pulled out on purpose. He had his last shirt on when we found him on the island. At his coming on board us, he had so much forgot his language for want of use, that we could scarce understand him; for he seemed to speak his words by halves. We offered him a dram; but he would not touch it, having drank nothing but water since his being there; and it was some time before he could relish our victuals. He could give us no account of any other product of the island than what we have mentioned, except some black plumbs, which are very good, but hard to come at, the trees which bear them growing on high mountains and rocks.

The officers that went first on shore were in­vited to his retreat; but the way to it being very rugged and intricate, only a very few of [Page 26] them had curiosity enough to visit it, He had conceived an irreconcileable aversion to an offi­cer on board the Cinque Ports, who, he was in­formed, was on board the Duke; but, not be­ing a principal in command, he was prevailed upon to wave that circumstance, and to accom­pany Captain Dampier, for whom he had a friendship. He was very useful while the ships staid at Juan Fernandez, in supplying them with fresh provisions, and in facilitating the business of taking in wood and water. He said, he had seen snow and ice in July, which is the middle of winter in that climate; but the months of September, October, and November, are incon­ceivably pleasant; the air being perfumed with a fragrance that cherishes and revives the spirits, and has a wonderful effect upon animals, as well as men, which Selkirk remarked by their play­wardness and plumpness. He particularly di­rected us to a plant not much unlike feverfew, of a most grateful and cordial scent, with which we strewed the tents of the sick, who were there­by much comforted, and their cure facilitated. We gathered many bundles of it, dried them in the shade, and sent them on board.

On the 13th of February, a general council of officers was held on board the Duke, when many necessary regulations were agreed to, for the maintenance of order, discipline, and secrecy; among which, two inspectors were appointed from on board the Duke, to take account of all p [...]s taken by the Dutchess; and the like [Page 27] number from the Dutchess, to register such as should be taken by the Duke.

While we continued in this bay the carpen­ters fitted up the pinnaces, the frames of which were ready prepared at Bristol, at our first set­ting out.

On the 14th the pinnaces were launched, and having each a gun fitted to her prow, were tried in the bay, to see how they would sail, being in­tended to serve as small ships of war, to examine the harbours where the large ships could not venture to approach the shore. And now, hav­ing all things in readiness, we began to prepare for our departure, all our sick men being re­covered, except two who died, and were buried on the island.

On the 15th we cleared the bay, and pursued a northerly course till the 24th, when we crossed the Tropic of Capricorn, and shot some Tropic birds about the size of a partridge, with only a single feather in their tails, but that very long, and very taper. We had now the sea as smooth as a pond; and, having little to do, we ordered the men to attend prayers regularly twice a day, prohibited gaming, to prevent the artful from taking advantage of the simple; and imposed a penalty against swearing, by which that vice was almost excluded the ship's company.

On Monday the 28th I ordered three of our men to be put in irons, for cutting the meat in the steep-tub, and hiding it; and on the 2d of [Page 28] March, Captain Courtney caused them to be whipped and pickled, by way of example.

On Thursday he 14th of March, Captain Rogers, Captain Dover, and Captain Dampier, came on board the Dutchess; and concluded, that the strict, observation of Lent having pre­vented the Spaniards from trafficking in those seas, the most eligible plan would be to bear away under an easy sail for Lobos, and there to supply ourselves with boats to land at Guaya­quil; but in the afternoon saw a sail, gave chace, and took her She came from Guayaquil, and was bound for Cheripe to load flour, and had been out 16 days. The crew were all Indians, except one Spanish passenger. They had no­thing on board but about 50 l. in money to pay for their cargo, and told us, that part of the new town of Guayaquil had lately been burnt; that the Jesus Maria, formerly a man-of-war, was coming from Lima to be there rebuilt; that another large ship was expected from Panama at Payta; and that they had heard nothing of any English men-of-war or privateers being in those seas.

On the 16th we made the island of Lobos, and in the evening anchored in the road. It lies in lat. 6 deg. 5 min. S. about 16 leagues from the continent, is barren, and affords neither wood nor water; but there is good riding for ships, and harbours proper for repairing and careening. Here the prize was fitted up, and it was agreed, that I should go out in her with 35 men, to cruise [Page 29] in company with the Dutchess; and with that view she was new named, and called The Begin­ning Galley.

On the 26th, at day-break, we saw a ship standing to the southward, and soon came up with her. She was a bark of 50 tons, bound from Guayaquil to Truxillo, with timber and cocoa-nuts. It was agreed, that Captain Courtney should stand in with her in the night; and that I should continue to cruise till farther orders, which on the 27th I received, and the same even­ing came to an anchor by the Duke and Dutch­ess in Lobos-Road. Next day, the prisoners be­ing examined, reported, that a ship of 36 brass guns was expected from Lima with the Viceroy of Mexico and his mother on board; and that they were bound to Panama. Upon this intelli­gence it was resolved in full council to cruise in quest of this ship, and if she escaped to attack Guayaquil.

While the Duke lay at Lobos, the carpenters built a large boat to land men, in case of an at­tack; and, having made all necessary prepara­tions, and the sick men from both ships being put on board the last prize, which was called the Increase, our first Lieutenant was ordered to command the Beginning Galley; and on the 31st of March we left Lobos, and agreed to cruise six leagues to the windward of the Saddle of Payta, as the most likely station to succeed in our enterprize.

On the 2d of April we fell in with a large [Page 30] ship, of 400 tons, from Panama, heavily laden with dry goods, commanded by Captain Morel, and thought to be one of the largest merchant-ships in all those seas. He had 50 or 60 blacks on board, besides several passengers.

The next day we took another prize of small value, having only about 90 or 100 l. in plate, and a small quantity of timber. She was of 50 tons burthen, commanded by Juan Perezillo Bastillo, who told us that a bishop was coming by sea from Panama to Lima with 200,000 pieces of eight, and a considerable quantity of family plate; but no ship appearing in sight from the 3d to the 9th, it was then upon con­sultation agreed to call in the cruisers, and to attempt the conquest of Puna and Guayaquil. This resolution being taken in council, it was next debated, who should command in chief on shore; and, after a warm contest, it was at length agreed, that Captain Rogers and Captain Court­ney should each command a company of seamen, and Captain Dover a party of landmen; that Captain Dover should give the word of command the first night, and the other two Captains take their turns.

On Sunday the 10th, Mr. Vanbrugh, the owner's agent, was removed from the council, and Mr. Samuel Hopkins was chosen in his room; the charge against him was founded on killing the Indian, as already mentioned, and engaging to vote with Captain Rogers upon all occasions. Captain Dover likewise charged [Page 31] him with insolence, and with disobeying or­ders.

On the 12th, the attack of Guayaquil was finally settled, and the whole fleet set sail for that harbour. Some new regulations were framed, and fresh encouragement proposed to animate the men to behave resolutely.

The three commanding officers selected each their respective parties, Captain Dover the ma­rines, and the Captains Rogers and Courney two parties of sailors, 75 men in each; Cap­tain Dampier commanded the artillery, and was to form a body of reserve, to act as occasion should offer. The whole number employed in this service amounted to 238 effective men. The care of the ships and prizes was at the same time entrusted to the Captains Cooke and Fry, who, besides a small complement of sailors, had 226 Indians and blacks on board.

Friday 15. Saw a sail near the shore, and, having little wind, the Duke's boat commanded by Captain Fry, and ours by myself, made di­rectly for her, going off in such haste that nei­ther of us had the swivel guns we used to carry, nor our full complement of men. The Duke's boat nearing her first, she put out Spanish co­lours, fired a gun, and hoisted her Spanish flag at the main-top-mast head. The Duke's boat then lay by for us to come up. We saw she was French-built, and, by the description the prisoners had given us, concluded it must be the ship we had been so long cruising for, which [Page 32] was to carry the Bishop. Our ships being almost out of sight, and the Spaniards so near the coast, we resolved to lay her on board on each bow, and accordingly fell to it. The dispute was hot for a long time, we keeping a constant fire, and the enemy returning it, who killed two of Captain Fry's men, besides wounding one of his and two of mine. One of the killed was Mr. John Rogers, our second Lieutenant, and brother to Captain Rogers. The Duke's boat, finding the enterprize desperate, bore away; and some time after we did the like: but Cap­tain Fry having put some of his men aboard of us, given us some powder and shot, and taken in our wounded, I made again to the chace, re­solving to keep her from the shore, and, rather than fail, to clap her aboard. The Spaniards, perceiving our design, edged off to sea, and we followed them. Our ships came up apace, and the Dutchess having fired a shot or two, she struck her colours, and surrendered. The men begged for good quarter, and we promised them all civility. This ship came from Panama, and was bound for Lima, to be fitted out for a man of war. There were 70 blacks, and many pas­sengers, with a considerable quantity of pearls, on board: the lading consisted of bale goods, and some things belonging to the Bishop; but they had set him, with his attendants, ashore at point St. Helena, from whence he was to go by land to Guayaquil. While the French possessed this vessel, she was called La Lune d'Or. She [Page 33] was of 270 tons burden, and commanded by Don Joseph de Arizabella.

Saturday 16. Took a small bark laden with hides and some flour, and buried our Lieute­nant, being all much concerned for the loss of so good an officer.

Sunday 17. All things being now in order, our men went aboard the two barks in order to land, and Captain Fry and I took charge of the ships, prizes, and prisoners.

Monday 18. At one in the morning, being near the island Santa Clara, our two barks with the land forces left us.

Tuesday 19. The boats rowed with 45 men towards the island Puna, and came to a grap­pling close under the land, out of sight of the look-outs. We seized the Governor of the island, and sent our carpenter and two or three hands along the shore, to cut all the bark-logs, and canoes in pieces, for fear they should get away and alarm the town of Guayaquil.

Thursday 21. I sent the Beginning a-head, for fear of danger, who, seeing a vessel riding close under point Arena, fired two swivel guns at her; but found nobody on board. She was a new Spanish bark going to load salt, and had nothing in her but a few jars of water. At five in the afternoon the transports rowed for the town of Guayaquil, and at eleven at night were so near as to hear one centinel call to another for fire to be brought. Perceiving we were dis­covered, we rowed over to the other side, and [Page 34] saw a fire made where the centinels talked, and soon after many lights all over the town. We heard them likewise ring the alarm-bell, and fire several volleys; and we observed them to light a fire on the hill to give the town notice of our being come up the river. Hereupon the boats came to a grappling, when such a hot dis­pute arose among some of our chief officers, that they were heard ashore; the officers differ­ing in their opinions, whether to land immedi­ately, or stay till morning; however, at last it was agreed, that, since we did not know the ground, it was best to stay till day-light.

Friday 22. Our forces being all joined, we sent a flag of truce, with the Captain of the French-built ship, and another prisoner, to the Corregidor, who asked him our number, which the Captain magnified. The Corregidor suggested that we were mere boys; but the Captain re­plied, he would find we were men, for we had fought him bravely in our open boats, though he had killed one of the Commander's brothers, and wounded and killed others; and therefore advised him to agree for the ransom of the town.

Saturday 23. The pinnace went up the river after some vessels, and brought six of them to anchor by our barks; and we also took posses­sion of two new ships, of about 400 tons each. We then went ashore with a flag of truce, and the Governor came on board to agree about the ransom of the town and ships; but this not [Page 35] being then concluded, he promised to meet the Captain at seven in the evening, but was not so good as his word.

Sunday 24. The Governor came off again to treat, and our Captains would have seized him for having forfeited his word; but he al­ledging that it was incompatible with his com­ing with a flag of truce, was set ashore again, and all things were made ready for the attack. Accordingly the men landed, and, being com­manded to proceed, they went on with so much bravery, that the Spaniards fired only their first volley and fled, our people pressing and pursu­ing them to their cannon, which they soon de­serted, the gunner only, who was an Irishman, standing by them till he was wounded in four places, of which wounds he soon after died. Our men then marched in a body through both towns, drove out the enemy, and, placing three guards in the three churches, set fire to five or six houses adjoining to the wood, lest the enemy should annoy our guard, which was within pis­tol-shot. All this night they kept firing out of the woods at our centinels, but did them no harm. In the mean time the Dutchess's pin­nace, commanded by Lieutenant Connely, went up the river, landed at every house, took the plate, and what else of value they found, and had some skirmishes with the enemy, in which one of our men was wounded.

Monday 25. In the night one of our centi­nels shot another belonging to us, who was go­ing [Page 36] from his post, and did not answer when challenged three times; our first Lieutenant's pistol went off by his side, and wounded him in the leg; and another of our men was also shot through the foot by one of our own people: moreover, our surgeon cut off a man's arm who had been hurt by one of our grenadoe shells, which broke in the bark when fired out of the cohorne. The afternoon was spent in shipping off provisions from the town, and disposing all things in case of an attack in the night.

Tuesday 26. A flag of truce came to treat concerning ransoming the town, which was at last agreed on for 30,000 dollars. We were to have three hostages, and to stay at Puna till they could raise the money.

Wednesday 27. The hostages came on board; and we took down our Union flag, and hoisted a flag of truce, firing a gun for a signal that the Spaniards might come into the town, and that no farther hostilities should be committed on either side.

Thursday 28. Our barks weighed with the beginning of the ebb, the Duke's pinnace making the best of her way down to the ships; and the float, after going ashore to fetch off the great guns, weighed also, and fell down the ri­ver.

Friday 29. Captain Rogers came aboard, and gave us an account that they had taken, plundered, and ransomed the town of Guaya­quil; that three of our men had been killed, [Page 37] two by our own people, and one by the Spa­niards, and four wounded, that the inhabitants, whilst treating, had carried off their money and plate, retiring to the woods, and leaving their guns, four whereof were taken, with a consi­derable quantity of meal, pease, sugar, brandy, and wine, all which was coming down in the barks. This day Hugh Tidcomb, who was shot by his fellow-centinel, died. At four in the afternoon, spied a sail standing up the river with the tide of flood: we sent both ships boats after her, and before night they brought her in. She was a small Spanish bark from Cheripe, having on board 330 bags of meal, 35 hundred weight of sugar, some onions, quinces, and pomegranates. This, with the six barks, and two great ships ransomed by the town of Guayaquil, made fourteen prizes taken in those seas.

Sunday 30. Captain Rogers went aboard the French built ship to carry her up to Puna, in hopes of disposing of her cargo and some of the blacks, who only served to eat up our provi­sions; as also to bring down what water and provisions could be got; Captain Courtney being gone there before on the same account.

Monday, May 1. A boat came down from the town with part of the ransom, whereupon most of the prisoners were set on shore.

Thursday 5. Captain Rogers returned with the French-built ship, the Spaniards having brought none of her cargo; but they had paid [Page 38] 24,000 dollars, part of the 30,000 ransom; upon which, the Governor of Puna, one of the hosta­ges, was discharged, but the others kept.

Friday 6. In the afternoon the Duke and the prizes joined us, when we were seven sail in all. A boat came down with about 3000 dollars more, in money and plate; and the men told us, that the other 3000 dollars would soon come, and 12,000 more to purchase goods: but this we supposed to be a trick to keep us till the men-of-war should come from Lima; whereupon we made all possible dispatch to get out of the bay, kept three of the hostages, and sent the pri­soners ashore. The Beginning, being of no other use, since we had better vessels, we sold to the Spaniards for the value of 50l. in pearl, gold chains, &c. and put the prisoners aboard, but kept pilots, and a man that could speak English, the President of Panama's son, and the hostages. The weather being very hot, some of our men fell into fevers; and in a few days we had near 100 sick, and among the number Capt. Court­ney.

Sunday 8. Sailed with a small breeze at N. W. At noon it began to blow fresh; but nothing material happened till the 13th, when, believing ourselves near the longitude of the Gallapagoes, where we designed to water, fit our ships, and refresh our men, we lay by from six in the even­ing till four the next morning, for fear of run­ning by those islands in the night.

Monday 16. Mr. Hopkins, Lieutenant of the [Page 39] marines, and one of the doctors of the Duke, died.

Tuesday 17. Saw land, being one of the Gal­lapagoe islands. Next day the Duke's boat went on shore to seek for water, but could find none in any of them, tho' Captain Cowley, in his voyage round the round, says there is good water in one of them; but we missed the place.

The 20th, 21st, and 22d, we spent in plying among the islands, where the boats found abun­dance of turtle, large rock-fish, and guanos. These last named creatures are larger here than those in other parts of the West Indies, and are of several colours and sizes. They are eaten by the seamen, and reckoned good meat, though their deformity made me loathe them.

Thursday 26. Captain Rogers and Captain Dover came aboard the Dutchess, and, after holding a council, it was resoled to run in for the island of Plata to water, and so come off again, for fear of meeting with two French ships, one of 60, and the other of 46 guns, and the Spanish men-of-war, which, we were told, would be shortly in search of us. Some days before this we lost Mr. Hatley, who was in one of the prizes, with five or six white men, four blacks, and an Indian, having on board little or no pro­visions or water, and no boat; and we never more heard of them.

Monday 30. The officers of the Duke came aboard, to consult about the properest place to ca­reen and water at; and 'twas agreed to go to the [Page 40] island Gorgona, to see whether any Spanish ships were there, and from thence to Mangla, where are some indians, enemies to the Spaniards, who, it was said, would supply us with swine and fowls, good water, turtle, plantains, and other refreshments.

Wednesday, June 1. Some of our men were told, that a conspiracy was forming on board the galleon among the prisoners and blacks. We examined the Spaniards, who protested they knew nothing of it; then put matches between the fingers of two blacks, making them believe we would burn them to the bone if they would not confess. They owned there had been a talk of killing the English among the Indians and blacks, but they believed it was not in earnest; however, they were dispersed into several ships to break, the combination.

Sunday 5. Saw a sail right-a-head of us, chaced, and at eight in the evening came up with her, fired a chace-gun, and she struck. The vessel was of about 80 tons burden, bound from Panama for Guayaquil, was laden with iron and other merchandize, and had two wo­men and several passengers of note on board, one of whom was going Governor to Baldivia, whose name wa [...] Don Juan Ca [...]do [...]o, and who had been not long before taken on the other side by the Jamaica cr [...]ers.

Monday 6. Made the best of our way for Gorgona; and at three in the afternoon next day, the Duke with the galleon came to an an­chor [Page 41] in that harbour. Same day saw a sail bear­ing down towards the island, till spying the gal­leon in the offing, she stood to the westward. I went out in the pinnace well-manned, and at noon took and brought her to an anchor. She was a bark of 50 tons, called El Soldado, came out of a small port the night before, and was bound for Guayaquil, to load salt, brandy, &c. She had in her in gold chains and money to the value of 5 or 6 hundred pounds, designed to pur­chase her cargo.

Monday 13. Held a full council on board the Duke, and resolved to careen our ships here as soon as possible. Here we continued till Sunday, August the 7th; and in the mean time plundered a settlement on the main, right oppo­site the island, set most of our prisoners on shore on the continent, and brought seven beeves, 14 hogs, some poultry, about 50 bushels of Indian wheat, and a few goats on board: at the same time a black born in Jamaica, who spoke very good English, and had been taken with some Jamaica-men eight years before, came over to us in a canoe. Captain Morel, too, formerly com­mander of the galleon, brought some money and fruit, and a merchant or two, who bought some of our blacks. During our stay at this island, Captain Rogers, Captain Courtney, myself, and some other officers, underwent much fatigue in fitting up the Marquis, for which ship we were forced to get entirely new masts and yards, make most of the sails, and a great deal of new cor­dage. [Page 42] The smith also made much new work; as did the carpenters, sail makers, riggers, and rope-makers, who all came to help us from each ship.

The 6th of August, I received my orders to command the Marquis, carrying 20 guns, 60 white men, and 16 blacks; and, the ships having taken in their loading from the prizes, and all our business being over at the island of Gorgona, we weighed anchor at 10 in the morning, and ran to the north of the island: but the masts of the Marquis being new and heavy, and a great weight of goods between decks, I found she proved crank, and sailed dull upon the wind; so that the Duke and Dutchess were fain to spare a great deal of sail for me to keep up with them.

Friday 12. Held a consultation about send­ing the Marquis and a bark laden with bale-goods directly for India, to save provisions and gain time; but this was opposed by Captain Courtney, and others, in regard to the Marquis, which being a good vessel, might be of great use in case we should meet with the Manilla ship, or the men-of-war we supposed were look­ing for us.

Thursday, August 18. At six in the morning saw a sail a-head, gave chace, and the Dutchess soon coming up with her, and firing a few guns, she struck, being a bark of about 70 tons, bound from Panama to Troxillo, with merchants goods, passengers, and blacks, on board. The master told us, he had been detained three months at Panama by an embargo, which being taken off [Page 43] upon advice that we were going to the island of Juan Fernandez, he had set sail. Enquiring what ships were out in quest of us, the prisoners said, they had advice at Panama of five or six ships being ordered after us, two of them French, of 48 guns each, and some Spanish, of the like force, and good sailors. They could tell no other news, than that the whole coast was alarmed.

August 19. The Duke and Dutchess fired some vollies to exercise their men. Next day we fell in with land about a league to the lee­ward of Tacames, ran within a league of the shore, and on the 24th cast anchor in the bay, from whence the Dutchess sent her pinnace ashore for water, but could get none. Tacames is a village of only seven houses and a church, standing in a bay, about seven leagues to the northward of Cape Francisco. The houses are built of split bamboes, and covered with Pal­meto-leaves, standing on stilts or posts; and, in­stead of stairs, they have a piece of timber cut in notches to ascend by. The men employ themselves in killing wild swine with bows and arrows, and striking fish with their lances, at both which they are very dexterous. The wo­men have only a piece of baize tied about their middle, and carry their children at their backs. They are under the authority of the Spanish priests, and are not permitted to trade without their licence.

On the 27th. They received a letter of leave, [Page 44] and our boats went ashore to the houses for cattle; and on the 28th and 29th continued trading and watering till we had sufficiently supplied the ships. In return for the civility of these Fathers, I sent as a present to the church at Tacames four large images, one of which was the Virgin Mary with our Lord and Saviour in her arms; and I believe Captain Rogers and Captain Courtney also gave something to adorn their church. On Wednesday the 31st of August we set sail, the wind being at S. W.

Thursday, Sept 1. Saw abundance of water-snakes, one of which was coming up the side of our ship, and our men beat it off. The Spa­niards say, there is no cure for such as are bit by them; and one of our blacks happened to fall under that misfortune, and died, notwith­standing the utmost care was taken by our sur­geons to recover him.

On Wednesday, Sept. 7. Made one of the Gallapagoe islands. On the 10th, stood close in for the head-land, sending our boat on shore for water and turtle. At night our boat came aboard, bringing 13 turtle, some weighing 200 weight; the other boats got near 50 each; and the Dutchess's several land-turtle, but no water. Our men saw several jars, and some of the wreck and rudder of a vessel, and should have guessed it to be the prize, Captain Hatley, lost when here before, but the rudder was too small for her.

Wednesday 14. The Dutchess, Marquis, and small prize, weighed, ran out, and lay by for the [Page 45] Duke, which could not get out for want of wind. On the 15th, set sail in the morning; and, con­sidering the sun was directly over our heads, the weather was cold, occasioned, as I believe, by the southerly winds, which are coldest in those parts.

Thursday, Sept. 22. The Marquis kept the pump continually going, having sprung two leaks, not being well caulked at Gorgona; there­fore weared her on the other tack, and stopt one leak, but could not find the other, being about the stern. Weared again, and stood to the west­ward.

Friday 22. At a consultation on board the Duke, it was agreed to steer to the islands Ma­rias, for a convenient place to refit, wood, and wa­ter; then to cruise in quest of the Manilla ship, which was large, and of great value, being re­ported by the Spaniards to be worth 2,000,000 sterling.

On the 3d of October. Cape Corientes ap­peared, bearing N. E. 10 leagues; and on the 4th in the morning we made the islands called Tres Marias, at the distance of about 16 leagues; but could not fetch them till the 6th, when we got under the lee of one of them. I lay off with the ship, and sent the boat ashore for water and turtle; but neither the one nor the other was to be got, because of the surff.

Before our coming to this place, we discover­ed the white rock, formerly mentioned by Dam­pier, and took it for a ship; on the sight of which the Dutchess let go the bark she had in tow, tel­ling [Page 46] her to make the best of her way to the middle island; under the lee of which both the Duke and Dutchess came to an anchor on the 7th and 8th; and I might have been there as soon, had I not seen the bark six or seven leagues to lee­ward. It was fortunate that I came in time to relieve her, otherwise she must have perished, having neither wood nor water on board, and not being able to make up against the wind and current to reach the land. I bore down to her, supplied her wants, and took her in tow till the 20th in the morning, when the middle island bearing north, distant about seven leagues, we saw a sail coming from the island before the wind, which proved the Dutchess, who came in search of us, and was glad to find us safe; brought us some water and turtle, and told us there was game enough in the island, if we could bear up to it. Captain Courtney took us in tow, to help us in the sooner, having cleaned his ship's bot­tom before he set sail to come to our assistance.

On the 11th, I came to an anchor, after much trouble and fatigue in plying so long against the wind and current. Seven of Captain Rogers's best blacks this day left him, and ran away. We continued in this bay till

Monday the 24th, when a general council was held, at which it was resolved to cruise off Cape St. Lucas for the Manilla ship, all our ships be­ing now very well fitted, wooded, watered, and provided with turtle. Several warm debates hap­pened in council among our chief officers; and, [Page 47] Captain Dover quitted the Duke, and went on board the Dutchess, by his own free choice. I endeavoured to accommodate these differences, but to no purpose, which gave several of us great concern.

The islands of Tres Marias, where we anchor­ed, abound with animals of various kinds, and the shores with fish; among these the sea and land turtle may be accounted of most use to na­vigators. Of the sea-turtle there are various sorts; as the green, which are the sweetest and best; the hawk's-bill, which are very good; and the logger-head, which the sailors never re­fuse when the others are not to be caught. The method of taking them is by turning them, and when they are on their backs, they appear as in the Plate, fig. 1.

The land-turtle lives constantly ashore, feeds upon grass, moves very slow, and, when an enemy approaches, covers itself under its shell, squatting close to the ground, from which it is not easily discernible, appearing like a bare patch without verdure. The shells of these animals are so hard, that a man may tread upon them without hurting them. Their flesh is very good and nourishing. They will live five or six weeks without food, and appear to be never the worse. They lay round eggs, about the size of a hen's, and are very good to eat. Some of the sea-turtle taken in the bay where we anchored had 200 eggs in them. Our men liv­ed almost wholly upon turtle, and their eggs, from the time they went first to the Gallapagoes [Page 48] till their departure for the East Indies, saving their ship-provisions till their run across the South Seas. For the land-turtle, see fig. 2.

At these islands our men caught plenty of the fish called old wives. They have very small mouths, large eyes, a high fin on the back, and shaped as you see fig. 3. The colour of the body is a deep blue; the fins of a lighter colour, tipped with yellow. Others are of an ash colour on the back, and white under the belly.

The rock-fish we caught in the island of Tres Marias were large, had great mottled fins, yellow backs, red bellies, and red and black tails. See fig. 4.

Another fish our men caught was the cavallo, in shape not much unlike the dolphin, with a large bright eye, black back, white belly, a long streak from his gills to the middle of his tail, and is about the size of a mackarel. See fig. 5.

A small fish we found there, about six inches long, was very delicious; the back of an indigo blue, a deep yellow streak running from the gills to the tail, the belly white, and the tail forked. It seems peculiar to these islands, and wants a name. See fig. 6.

Of the animals, the racoon was the most plen­tiful. It has a large black eye, whiskers and nose like a pig, tail and feet like a rat, a brownish fur on his back, and a white belly. See fig. 7.

Of the venomous creatures, the scorpion is the most noxious; its tail is jointed with a small sting at the tip; it has two claws like those of

[Page 49] the lobster; and its head and feet have a near re­semblance to those of the same fish. See fig. 8.

Among the singing-birds found in those islands, the cardinal bird was seen in greatest abundance. It is a very beautiful bird, with scarlet feathers, and on its head the male has a tuft of the same colour. They are of the same kind with those we call the Virginia Nightingale; but the Spaniards call them cardinal birds, from their scarlet feathers. See fig. 9.

Among the vegetables we found the Mag­ney-plant, or silk-grass, of which the Indians make ropes, sails, sacks, and all their curious netting. It also yields a liquor of which they make wine, honey, and a good balsam. The liquor as it comes from the plant is as sweet as sugar; after standing it becomes a wine, and will intoxicate powerfully. It has thick juicy leaves, not unlike those of the houseleek, but grows up to a considerable height in the form represented by fig. 10. And, when it has stood about six years, the Indians cut out the middle leaves, leaving the heart of the plant hollow, which of itself fills with the juice, and is every morning during the season taken out and preser­ved. Of this juice the Spaniards make spirits; and it is so universally used in one shape or other by the Spaniards and Indians in New Spain, that the duty arising from it in one year is said to have amounted to 110,000 pieces of eight at the port of Angels alone.

[Page 50]The prickly tree found on those islands is esteem­ed a great curiosity. The trunk of it is angular, and covered with prickles; is of a pale green, and yields a gum which the druggists call euphor­bium, which is said to be powerful in removing pains in the head. It grows about 12 feet high, in the form represented in the plate, fig. 11.

These were the principal peculiarities observ­able in the animal and vegetable tribes at the islands of Tres Marias.

On Tuesday, Oct 2, at two in the afternoon, we weighed, and set sail for Cape St. Lucas, where we spread ourselves for fear the Manilla ship should pass by unseen. The Duke cruised about two leagues to the southward of the Dutchess, the Dutchess in the middle, and the Marquis two leagues to the northward of her. Place of rendezvous six or seven leagues in sight of Cape St. Lucas.

Nov. 1. The Marquis sprang two great leaks, and broke the collar of the fore-stay, which obliged me to wear the ship to fix the stay, and then hauled up after the other ships, and stop­ped the leaks.

Tuesday 2. All the officers and men on board the Marquis signed an instrument, oblig­ing themselves to stand by the articles agreed to by the companies of the other ships.

Nov. 4. I spoke with Captain Courtney, and changed stations with him, he having better boats than mine to send ashore for water and [Page 51] turtle; or, in case of seeing the Manilla ship, to prevent her sending the passengers ashore with their wealth. The 10th, the Duke and Dutchess having spoken with each other, changed stations, the Duke going in for the shore, and the Dutch­ess off to the outward station.

Nov. 22. Captain Rogers informed me, that the bark and his boat had been in with the shore, and had spoken with the natives, who seemed very civil, and had pearl and some grain to dis­pose of; and that there was wood and water enough. Nothing material happened till

Dec. 13, when we had a consultation on board the Dutchess, to enquire into the stock of provisions on board the ships, and found by the accounts given in, that only three months meat at short allowance, and two months bread, re­mained unexpended; and, as there was no ap­pearance of the Manilla ship, though the usual time of her coming was elapsed, it was agreed to make all possible dispatch in fitting up the ships, in order to make the best of our way across the Pacific Ocean, that we might take the advantage of the trade-winds to carry us to Guam on our return home. In pursuance of this resolution, I was ordered into harbour, as the Marquis want­ed more considerable repairs than either of the other two, and the Duke and Dutchess pro­posed to cruise a few days longer, while I was getting forward to be in readiness to accompany them to Europe.

On the 14th, I bore away for Puerto Segura, [Page 52] and on the 15th entered the harbour at mid­night.

On the 16th proceeded to business, my first orders being to return again to cruise as soon as possible; but these orders were afterwards coun­termanded, it being absolutely necessary that all the ships should rendezvous together before their final departure from the American coast.

This place is inhabited by about 200 Indians, living in huts made of boughs of trees and reeds, built like a bower, with a fire in the middle, round which they lie and sleep. They all go naked, only the women have short petticoats made of silk grass, or else of pelicans or deers skins. The men are straight, and well limbed; live by fishing and hunting, and value knives, scis­sars, nails, or iron, beyond gold and silver. They have long black hair, and are of a dark brown complexion. The women are very ordinary, and employ themselves in gathering and grinding corn, and in making fishing-lines. They are very honest and very civil. They assisted in fit­ting up the ships, and took nothing away but what was given them. Our people at their first coming got some pearls among them, but I ne­ver could see any afterwards. I made signs for them to bring gold; but they pointed up to the mountains. They use bows and arrows, and even the boys are so dexterous as to kill birds flying with them.

Dec. 22. Being busy about our repairs, at 10 in the morning heard some guns firing in the [Page 53] offing: I bent my sails to hasten to the assistance of my consorts, but the sea breeze coming on rendered it impossible; whereupon I ascended an adjacent hill, and saw our ships engage and take the Manilla ship, which we had been so long expecting,

The account Captain Rogers gives of the en­gagement is as follows:

—We now return to Captain Cooke in the Marquis.

Sunday 25. At eight in the morning, being two leagues off Cape St. Lucas, we saw a sail dis­tant about seven leagues, which we concluded to be the ship we were in pursuit of. The Dutch­ess was two leagues to the westward, and we both gave chace. At noon the enemy bore south, distant about five leagues. At 12 at night, the Dutchess got along-side, and began to engage her. Captain Courtney fought her bravely about four glasses, and then lay by to secure his masts, and knot his rigging, which were much wounded and shattered. Our ship not being so [Page 57] good a sailor as the Dutchess, could not come up.

Monday 26. As soon as it was day, we saw the Spaniard's flag, and knew him to be the Ad­miral of the Manilla. At eight we perceived the Duke coming out to us. At two in the after­noon we got alongside the enemy; but the wind shifting, could fetch no nearer than about half musket-shot to leeward of her. She then fired two shot at us, and we returned a broadside and vollies of small arms, beginning the combat with three cheers. When we had fought two glasses, the Dutchess came up under her stern, and raked her fore and aft, and then fell astern again, we still continuing hot at her for five glasses: then weared, and stood to the west­ward, to fetch nearer up to her; for firing so many guns had laid us to leeward. The Dutch­ess went up, and engaged again very briskly for half an hour, and then stretched a-head of her. We could perceive many shot in her be­tween wind and water. At five we tacked, and raked her fore and aft with our starboard broad­side, then weared under her stern, and did the same with our larboard broadside; and firing several vollies while we loaded our larboard guns again, gave her the other broadside. By this time it grew dark, and we fell a stern, to speak with the Dutchess, and to get more ammunition, having but three rounds of shot for most of our guns left. At eight I went on board the Dutch­ess, and found her much disabled in her masts [Page 58] and rigging, and had seven men killed and wounded. Capt Courtney and I agreed to be yard-arm and yard-arm with the enemy in the morning, he to lie on the bow, and I on the quarter; and if he boarded, I was to clap him aboard, and enter my men over him. Being supplied with more ammunition, I returned on board the Marquis, both of us keeping close under the chace's quarter, and firing guns all night, to annoy the enemy, and to give the Duke notice where we were. Before day the Duke joined us. The chace, mistaking him for her consort, had made signals all night, and had edged away to meet him, otherwise the Duke could not have come up, there being but very little wind, and that contrary.

Then we all three agreed to fall upon the ene­my at once, as soon as it was light; but while we lay athwart her hawse, those guns that missed the enemy flew through the Duke's masts and rigging, which obliged him to change his station, and to draw up along-side close aboard her, where he kept up a constant fire of round shot, all other shot proving ineffectual, because of the strength of the ship's sides, which no other shot would penetrate; and as none of the Spaniards appeared in sight, but all kept to close quarters, it was in vain to make use of small arms, except now and then, when a man appeared to observe our situation, and to keep an eye upon their en­sign. In this manner, the Dutchess lying upon her hawse, the Duke along her broadside, and [Page 59] the Marquis athwart her stern, we kept pelting her for four glasses; and, in the mean time, the Duke received a shot in his main-mast, which much disabled it; and, in shifting, both he and the Dutchess came back close under the enemy, and had like to have been all aboard her. The Duke, in endeavouring to recover his station, received a fire ball, which lighting upon his quarter deck, blew up a chest of arms and car­touch-boxes, all loaded, and several cartridges of powder in the steerage, by which means Mr. Vanbrugh, our agent, and two others, were very much burnt; the Dutchess going to lash to the enemy, was forced to cast off, and get clear, for fear of being set on fire. The enemy fired at us all three at once, but slowly, seldom missing our masts and rigging, and sometimes hulling us. After lying near half an hour along the chace's side, the Dutchess lay by to stop her leaks, and secure her fore-mast, being very much disabled, having 25 men killed and wounded, and the sails and rigging much shattered. Captain Rogers some time after lay by to secure his mast. Then I lay athwart the enemy's hawse till I had fired three broadsides, some odd guns, and several vollies; then gave another broadside and some vollies into her stern. The Duke came up again, and fired several guns, and both fell a-stern the chace, keeping under sail, and standing to the westward. We knotted some of our rigging, and stopt our leaks made with twelve pounders. Our main-mast was disabled also, the sails and [Page 60] rigging much shattered; but the enemy, aiming to disable my masts, I had the good fortune to have only my second mate, and some others, blown up with powder. The ship was once set on fire by the enemy's stink-pots, but we soon put it out. About eleven I wore the ship, and designed to have attacked the enemy again; but, seeing the Duke and Dutchess lying by, the one with a waift in his ensign, and the other with a Spanish jack, the signals to speak with one another, I brought to. Captain Courtney came on board of me, and we both went on board the Duke; where we considered the condition the three ships were in, their masts and rigging being much damaged in a place where we could get no recruit; that if we en­gaged her again we could propose to do no more than what we had already done, which was evident did her no great hurt, because we could perceive few of our shot entered her sides to any purpose, and our small arms availed less, there being not a man to be seen above board; that the least thing in the world would bring the Duke's main-mast, and likewise the Dutch­ess's foremast, by the board, either of which by its fall might carry away another mast, and lay us a perfect butt for the enemy, having nothing to command our ships with; so that by his heavy guns he might either sink or take us; that, if we went to board him, we should run a great hazard in losing a great many men with little hope of success, they having above treble the number on board to oppose us, and there [Page 61] being now, in all our three ships, not above 120 men fit for boarding, and those but weak, having been very short of provisions; so that, if we had boarded her, and been forced off, or left any of our men behind, the enemy by that means would have known our strength, and then gone into the harbour, and took possession of the prize in spite of all we could do to pre­vent it. Besides our ammunition was very short, having only enough to engage a few glasses longer. All this being seriously considered, and knowing the difficulty we should have to get masts, and the time and provisions we must spend before we could get them fitted, we re­solved to forbear attempting her farther, since our battering her signified little, and we had not strength enough to board her; therefore, we a­greed to keep her company till night, and then to lose her, and make the best of our way into the harbour to secure the prize we had already taken. We engaged first and last about seven hours, during all which time they had on board the Duke but eleven men wounded, among whom was the Captain for the second time, who had part of his heel-bone struck out with a splinter, and all under his ancle cut above half through with the same; on board the Dutchess, they had eleven killed, and more than that number wounded; and on board us only two men scorched with gun-powder. The enemy's was a brave, lofty, new ship, named the Vir­ginia, and this the first voyage she had made. Her burden was 900 tons, and her complement [Page 62] of men 450, besides passengers, 150 of whom were European pirates, who, having now got all their wealth on board, were resolved to defend it to the last. The gunner, who had a post at Manilla, was an expert man, and had provided for her defence with great skill. He had filled up all the space between the guns with bales to secure the men. We shattered her sails and rig­ging very much, shot away her mizzen-yard, and killed two of her men out of her tops, which was all the damage we could see done, though we could not place less than 500 shot in her hull. Thus ended our attempt.

These large ships are built at Manilla, of ex­cellent timber that will not splinter; and their sides are thicker and stronger than those of ships of the same burden constructed in Europe. Had we been together at first, and boarded her, we might, perhaps, have taken her; but, after her netting and close quarters were fixed, she valued us but little. We might, indeed, have burnt her, at the expence of one of our ships; but that was objected to, not only from a principle of huma­nity, but because we had goods of great value on board all our ships.

The enemy had heard at Manilla, that there were two ships fitted out at Bristol to cruise in the South Seas, and that Captain Dampier was to be their pilot; they had, therefore, provided for their own defence accordingly. However, to do them justice, they fought gallantly; and, had the two ships been together, it is more than pro­bable, that neither of them had been taken; [Page 63] but as it happened, had not our unreasonable squabbles prevented our sailing out together, the chance would have rather been in our fa­vour: yet this miscarriage, instead of leading to a reconciliation, served only as a foundation for new disputes.

On the 1st of Jan. 1710, we returned again into port, and determined to hasten home with all possible dispatch. The first thing of conse­quence was to discharge our prisoners, and to provide for their voyage to Acapulco; and this being dispatched, we applied to the settling of our own affairs. We spent our time till the 7th in repairing the damage our ships had received from the enemy, in taking in wood and water for our voyage to the East Indies, and in taking an account of the goods and stores on board the prize: and it was no small satisfaction to find as much bread on board the prize as with our own stock would serve us, at short allowance, during our long run to Guam.

About this time a warm contest arose about appointing a Commander of the Manilla ship, which was looked upon as a trust of no small consequence. Captain Dover, being an owner, desired he might command in chief on board her. Captain Rogers and several officers of the council contended, that, as Captain Dover was wholly unacquainted with the navigating part of the business, the command should be given to Captain Fry, or myself; but, as I had already the command of the Marquis, I declined any [Page 64] farther charge, and voted for Captain Dover; at the same time recommending Captain Fry and Captain Stretton to act under him; against which Captain Rogers and his officers entered their protest. However, on the 9th of January, at a full council, it was carried against them, and voted by a great majority, that the Captains Fry and Stretton should both act in equal post in the sole navigating the Batchelor Frigate (for that was the name now given to the Manilla prize), and in fighting her, if occasion should require, under Captain Dover, who at the same time was restrained from interrupting them in their business, but charged to be careful of what was in the ship, and to see that nothing was acted on board contrary to the interest of the owners and captors. The matter being thus qualified, the nominal command given to Cap­tain Dover, and the executive power vested in the naval officers, Captain Rogers withdrew his pro­test, and the council proceeded to the choice of the inferior officers, appointing Alexander Sel­kirk master, and Joseph Smith, chief mate: they also agreed to furnish her complement of men, by selecting 30 from the Duke, 25 from the Dutchess, and 13 from the Marquis, which, with 36 Lascars taken on board her, formed a tolerable crew of more than 100 mariners. This business being thus fully settled, and the island of Guam pitched upon as the place of rendez­vous in case of separation, on the 10th of Janu­ary we weighed anchor, and ran out at midnight. [Page 65] At 12 the next day Cape St. Lucas bore north, distant about five leagues. We steered away for some days S. W. by S. till we got into the trade-winds, and then our course was uniform.

All the natives of California that we saw dur­ing our stay at Puerto Seguro did not amount to 300. They had large limbs, were very straight and tall, and of a much darker complexion than any other people that we had met with in the South Seas. Their hair was long, lank, and black, and hung down upon their hips. The men were all stark-naked; but the women had a covering about their waists made of the silk-grass already mentioned, fringed and knotted. All of them that we saw were old, and miserably wrinkled; perhaps they concealed from us their maidens, for reasons that need not be explained. The language of the natives was guttural, very harsh, and unpleasant. They seemed to covet nothing that we had, except axes, saws, and knives; and even these they did not attempt to steal. Their huts were low, and wholly made up of branches of trees; and seemed rather a kind of temporary coverings than settled dwel­lings. While we lay in port they subsisted chiefly on fish; and though they neither made use of nets or lines, yet they had a method of striking them with lances that was very dexte­rous, and at which they were very expert. They were besides most excellent divers, and instead of canoes made use of rafts. They were very civil and inoffensive; and were observed to pay [Page 66] great respect to one among them, whose head was adorned with feathers very artificially com­bined, and who probably was their wizard, or cunning man. Some of them had strings of pearls, and party-coloured shells so prettily in­termixed, that, though we had glass-beads, and other showy trinkets, yet they paid no sort of attention to any of them; but prized their own ornaments above every thing but cutting instru­ments. Their arms are bows and arrows, in the use of which their boys were so expert as to shoot birds flying by way of amusement. They grew very familiar with us while we staid, and came frequently to gaze at the men as they cut wood and filled water, but never offered to assist in any thing like labour. They get fire like other Indians, by rubbing two sticks together, which kindle almost instantaneously.

From this harbour we departed but very slen­derly provided, having but little live-stock, and hardly any liquors but what were found in the prize. As soon as we were out of sight of land, we were all put to short allowance, officers and men: to the latter four-and-twenty ounces of flour, four pounds of meat, and two gallons of water, to a mess of five men in 24 hours. But in a few days, the Batchelor made a signal to give us some bread, they having found a large quantity concealed, with some sweet-meats. We had 500 weight for our share, the Duke 1000 weight, and the Dutchess as much; in return for which we sent back to the prize some casks [Page 67] of flour, and a barrel of English beef; and the like present was returned from the other ships. From this time till the 10th of March nothing remarkable happened.

On that day we made the island Saraua, one of the Ladrones, and the same evening came in sight of Guam, distant about three leagues. Next day we came to anchor in the port of Umatta, at about a mile distance from the houses, in lat. 13 deg. 30 min. N. by estima­tion; long from Cape St. Lucas, 100 deg. 19 min. W. We went in with French and Spanish colours, that they might not suspect us to be enemies. Several of their boats came about our ships; but none would venture on board, till being off the anchoring-place, one was sent by the Spanish Governor, desiring to know who we were, and what we wanted. We presently dispatched our interpreter with a letter, purport­ing, that we were subjects of Great Britain, and driven by necessity to stop at those islands to purchase provisions and other necessaries; that, if our wants were supplied with civility, we should pay generously; but, on the contrary, if our re­quest was denied, we should proceed to act ac­cording to the laws of war. To this letter we received a very obliging answer from the Spa­nish Governor. Don Juan Antonio Pimental, and were furnished with hogs, oxen, rice, maize, poultry, and other necessaries in a more plentiful manner, and at a cheaper rate, than we could ex­pect. We continued at Guam till the 21st of [Page 68] March, during which time reciprocal civilities daily passed between the officers on board and the gentlemen of the island; and we parted per­fectly satisfied with each other's behaviour. We found the variation in these parts only half a point to the eastward, though in our run across the Great South Sea, we had it 12 degrees: the reason I take to be, the unevenness of the globe, and its unequal mixture of much matter differ­ing in itself as to the magnetical quality; as hav­ing large and stoney mountains, spacious vallies, deep seas, long continued continents, with migh­ty scattered rocks of load-stone, iron mines, and other magnetical substances.

The natives of Guam are of a dark com­plexion, but not so black as the Indians of Cali­fornia. They are in general the largest and best limbed men I ever saw, and some of them hairy, and very strong. The women are straight and tall, and in the neighbourhood of the Spaniards go decently cloathed; but in the remote parts of the island they go quite naked. They are said to be man-eaters, and to have no settled way of worship, but every one pays a kind of adoration to they know not what. The island is plentifully supplied with cattle, and might be made the gar­den of the world, if the Spaniards were not as idle as the Indians; but as nature spontaneously produces sufficient for sustenance, they avail themselves but little of cultivation. Of all the works of art for which the Indians are re­markable, the paroas, or boats, of this island [Page 69] are certainly the most wonderful, as they ex­ceed in swift sailing every other vessel yet seen throughout the world. We were assured upon the best authority, that they will sail 20 leagues an hour; and the Captain of the Spanish guard said, he would lose his head if they did not per­form it.

On Tuesday, March 21, 1710, we were un­der sail, and steered away W. by S. with mode­rate gales from the N. N. E. which continued so for some weeks; but about the middle of April the blowing weather came on, and conti­nued till the 27th of that month, during which time most of our main-shrouds, several of our stays, most of our running-ropes, and the miz­zen gears, gave way, so that the yard came by the board, and by its fall wounded the first Lieutenant, so that we feared he never would have recovered. Most of our sails too were split; but, being supplied with new shrouds by Captain Rogers, and with other ropes by Cap­tain Courtney, I bent new sails; but found the ship very leaky. The Duke and Dutchess too suffered much by the tempestuous weather, and the Batchelor split her sails; but being other­wise stoutly built and rigged, nothing but run­ning against a rock could hurt her. I had no conception of meeting with such boisterous wea­ther so near the Line, which proved as bad as that we encountered in surrounding Cape Horn, with this difference only, that the one was in­tensely cold, and the other intolerably hot. And [Page 70] being now crossed by variable winds, sometimes lying by, sometimes scudding before the wind, and unable to pursue our direct course, our pro­visions began to fail, and on board of us rats rose to a very high price. The ships were be­sides leaky, and our men began to sicken with excessive labour and hard living. A general council was therefore called to consider what was best to be done in our present condition, when it was agreed to make the island of Talao, that of Ternate, or, if neither of them could be reached, then to put into some part of Min­danao.

On Tuesday, May the 2d, we observed a ring about the sun, and were apprehensive of more bad weather. In the night we passed by Talao without seeing it; and Captain Dampier, who had been twice in these seas before, gave out, that, if we could not reach Ternate, it would be impossible for us to get refreshment on the coast of New Guinea, which proved true; yet it was with the greatest difficulty the men could be prevailed upon to submit to short allowance.

Monday the 8th, having had tempestuous weather, we perceived that a strong current had set in to the eastward; and to our astonishment we found the land in sight to be Cape Noba, a promontory at the east end of Gilolo, bearing S. S. E. distant 15 leagues. Perceiving now that we could not get to the island of Ternate, nor to that of Mindanao, we resolved to make the best of our way through the straits of Gi­lolo: [Page 71] but, notwithstanding our utmost efforts, we continued sailing among a cluster of islands, most of them uninhabited, but all capable of producing spices, during the whole month of May, without being able to avail ourselves of any of their refreshments, On the 20th of May we came in sight of the island of Ceram, as we then thought, but afterwards found it to be the island of Bouro.

On the 25th, we came in sight of a low island right-a head of us, and about noon ob­served an opening, which, when we came near, we found to be a passage between two little islands that almost joined. They were very full of green trees, and by the sea-side we beheld many groves of cocoa-nut, plantain, and other fruit-trees, that exhibited a very pleasant ap­pearance.

In a capacious bay we likewise took notice of a little town, and saw several inhabitants passing and re-passing along the shore. We sent in our boats for provisions and pilots, and the Duke and myself turned up towards the village, but on sounding found no ground. The natives in­formed us, there was a bank opposite a cer­tain land-mark, on which we might anchor. A­bundance of people came off with Indian wheat, cocoa nuts, yams, potatoes, papas, poultry, and several beautiful birds, which they exchanged for knives, scissars, and other toys, being very civil, and to all appearance honest. They are Mahometans, of a middle stature, and tawney; [Page 72] but the women are fairer than the men, having very long, lank, black hair; their mouths, lips, and noses remarkably small. The women were decently covered; but the men in general were naked. These islands were named Camhava and Wanshut; but, not answering our purpose, we agreed to steer for Bonton, where we arrived on Monday the 29th of May; and, the same day, Captain Dampier, Mr. Connely, and Mr. Van­brugh, went with a present to the King of Bon­ton, at the same time requesting him to supply us with provisions, and to send us a pilot to carry us to Batavia.

On the 30th, a paroa came from the King with one of his nobles on board, and a pilot to carry us into harbour. He put on an air of im­portance, and asked, How we dared to come to an anchor there, without leave from the Great King of Bonton? However, he brought each Commander a piece of his country-cloth, a bottle of arrack, some rice in baskets, as a present from the King; as also a letter from the officers we had sent on shore, giving an account, that they had been well received, and that the town where the King resides was large, walled, fortified, and defended after the European manner with a number of heavy cannon. Another present was returned, and five guns fired by every ship at the messenger's going off; at which he seemed very well pleased. Our people trafficked with the natives for poultry, maize, pompions, pa­pas, lemons, Guinea-corn, &c. and gave them in [Page 73] exchange knives, scissars, old cloaths, and old nails. The people were civil; but our officers making a longer stay than they intended, we began to suspect that the Moors had detained them; for they are very treacherous. However, we heard from them every day; and at length the Dutchess's pinnace came down with Lieu­tenant Connely, who told us, they had purchas­ed four last of rice, which cost 600 dollars; and that Mr. Vanbrugh was detained for the payment of the money. The next morning it came, and was equally distributed among the four ships, some great men coming to deliver it, and re­ceive the money.—The town of Bonton is very populous, and by it runs a fine river, but is barred so that ships of burden cannot approach it. About 50 islands are tributary to this king, who gives audience in a chair of state covered with scarlet-cloth, and is always attended by a guard of nine men, armed, after the European manner, with musquets and scymitars. He has, besides, four or five slaves, who sit at his feet, and are ready whenever he commands to do the most servile offices. The petty princes and great men sit on his left hand, and the strangers stand before him.

Wednesday, June the 7th, all the provisions and necessaries which this town could supply being brought on board, and the officers who went to wait upon the King, returned, the signal was given to weigh, and at four in the afternoon we set sail without a pilot, there being none to be [Page 74] had on this island. Captain Dampier pretended to be acquainted with the passage, and mentions the same in his book, but now he remembered nothing of it but the story.

On Friday the 9th, we came in sight of Solayo, lying close to the island of Celebes, and in­habited by Malayans, who are tributaries to the Dutch. Between the south-end of Celebes and the island of Solayo, are three small low islands, and the best passage is between that which lies next to Solayo, and a little one lying to the northward of it. It is very dangerous going to the south­ward of Solayo, the Dutch never daring to at­tempt it.

On the 10th we made prize of a country pa­roa, and brought the Master on board the Dutchess. He was a Malayan belonging to Ma­cassar, bound thither, came last from Bonton, and undertook to pilot us to Batavia for a good reward, provided we would promise to keep the matter a secret from the Dutch, to both which conditions we very readily agreed; and the man performed what he undertook with great skill and fidelity. We passed through the straits of Salango, having always from five to seven fa­thom water in our passage; then steering to the westward, our pilot's boat attended us till we were through the last strait, and then bore away towards Macassar.

On Tuesday the 20th of June, 1720, accord­ing to our reckoning, we came to an anchor in Batavia road; but with the Dutch it was Wed­nesday, [Page 75] June 21; for we had lost 18 hours in going round to the westward, and they had gained six in sailing to the eastward, which made a whole day difference between our account and theirs. The reason is, that a ship sailing to the westward, and so following the course of the sun, makes every day something longer than in any fixed station it would be. Thus in every 15 degrees she removes to the westward from the meridian from whence she first set out, she gains an hour; in 90 degrees, six hours; and in 360, which compose the whole circumference of the globe, she will find a whole day short in her reckoning, according to the account of the place she arrives at. The contrary happens to the ship that sails eastward; for, as she advances a­gainst the course of the sun, she loses so much of every day, which is thereby shortened, and becomes less than 24 hours, by consequence los­ing an hour in every 15 degrees, and consequent­ly will be a day before the account of the place she arrives at. By this it appears, that the ship which sails round the world westward, loses a whole day, and that which performs the same voyage eastward gains a day. So we having made the greater part of the circumference, and the Dutch at Batavia the other part the contrary way, our loss and their gain made up the twenty-four hours; and thus we came to differ a day.

When we came to an anchor, the Dutchess fired thirteen guns to salute the Dutch flag; but [Page 76] it being night, the Commandant did not then an­swer; but in the morning sent his boat to make an apology, and then fired gun for gun with every ship. Soon after this friendly salute taken on both sides, the Commanders went on shore; and, after waiting upon the Shebander, were introduced to the Governor, who received us with civility, examined our commission, and en­quired much concerning the success of our voyage; but, not being King's ships, would not permit us to heave down in the States dock at Orerest, but gave us leave to careen at the island of Hern, which is at no great distance from the other, and allowed us some Malayan caulkers to assist in stopping our leaks.

As the Marquis was in the worst condition, she was ordered to be laid down first; but upon examination she was judged unfit to proceed upon the voyage; and therefore was unladen and put up to sale. We then hove down the Duke and Dutchess, and found their sheathing much worm-eaten; but otherwise not much da­maged: the Batchelor wanted no repairs but in her rigging. The weather was extremely hot during our stay at this city: many of our men and officers fell sick; and I was among the num­ber. The master of the Duke, the gunner of the Dutchess, and several of the common men, fell a sacrifice to this unfriendly climate. One Read, a young man belonging to the Dutchess, venturing to swim, had both his legs snapt off by a shark, which at the second bite, before we [Page 77] could get him on board, cut him in two in the middle, and put an end to his misery. During our stay, though we had the run of the markets, we found it very difficult to procure salt provi­sions, to lay in a stock to serve us till we should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope, and therefore were obliged to purchase live cattle, and to kill and pickle them ourselves. All manner of traf­fic, except for provisions, was prohibited with the natives or inhabitants of the city, upon the severest penalties, to avoid every occasion of dispute with the East-India Companies of both nations: and, having settled all our affairs in a very amicable manner, new rigged our ships, and disposed of the men belonging to the Mar­quis among the other ships, we began on the 15th of September to prepare for sailing, when I was appointed second Captain in the Dutchess, and Mr. Ballot, master; Capt. Pope, first Lieutenant of the Duke, and Mr. Selkirk, master; Capt. Dampier, second Captain in the Batchelor, and Mr. Knolman, master.

On the 20th we repaired on board; but be­fore we were ready to sail, it was the 14th of October; when, about six in the morning, we weighed anchor; but in the afternoon the sea-breeze took us, and we were forced to return.

On the 19th we made sail with a fresh breeze, and at two in the afternoon came to an anchor off Java-head, when two English gentlemen came off to us, to demand the release of a man who had concealed himself, unknown to the [Page 78] officers, on board the Batchelor, and who was given up without opposition. In the mean time, while the gentlemen were in conversation with the officers, a party from the ship went off with their boat to buy fowls, for which they gave in exchange knives, toys, and other trifles, which the natives value more than money.

On the 23d the gentlemen took their leave; and the party who went off to truck for fowls having reported that there were buffaloes in abundance to be had for shooting, another party were sent off to bring some on board; but they returned without success. They came in sight of whole herds, but so exceeding wild, that the moment they saw the appearance of a man, they all took the alarm, and fled to the woods with so much swiftness, that it was impossible to come within musket-shot of them. One of the party, who had ventured to follow them into the woods, was surprized by a tyger, who was within less than a hundred yards of him before he thought proper to make his retreat; and was pursued by the creature so close, that, had he not reached the water, he must have been devoured. His companions fired more than twenty shot at the tyger before he went off, which he did at last, though sorely wounded.

We staid here till the 26th, when we made sail, and about noon Java-head bore E. by N. distant about seven leagues. From hence to the Cape of Good Hope we met with nothing re­markable; and, on the 30th of December, came [Page 79] to an anchor in Table-bay, in seven fathom wa­ter. We saluted the fort with nine guns; and they returned seven. As soon as the ships were moored, the Captains and principal officers went ashore to pay their compliments to the Gover­nor, by whom they were honourably received. The place and people have been so often de­scribed already, that we shall not disgust the reader with useless repetitions.

During our stay here, we employed the time in victualling, watering, and refitting our ships, for the remaining part of our voyage home. The Duke, commanded by Captain Rogers, had been leaky ever since her departure from Cali­fornia; and, notwithstanding all that could be done both at Batavia and this place, it could not be stopped; but what was remarkable, in a few days after we left the Cape, it stopt of it­self.

Here we had an opportunity of writing to our owners, by means of an East-India ship just rea­dy to sail when we arrived. In the letter we ac­quainted them with our having made prize of a small Manilla ship, and of our having her in our possession; and also, that we intended to take the advantage of returning home in company with the Dutch East-India fleet, who were hourly expected, which would occasion us to tarry till the latter end of March, when it was imagined they would be ready to sail.

On February the 22d, the Dutch fleet arrived, being in all 12 sail. We saluted the Admiral at [Page 80] his coming with seven guns, as did likewise the fort. There were at this time in the harbour 17 Dutch ships, and six English. The town was crowded, and many of our men were ill. Mr. Vanbrugh, the owners chief agent, died, as did Mr. Appleby, mate of the Duke, and seve­ral others. We began to be impatient; and found it necessary to begin to furnish ourselves with provisions as early as possible, as every thing began to increase in price as the town began to fill. The Batavia fleet was soon followed by four ships from Ceylon. Six came from that island; but near Madagascar met with such a violent storm, that some were forced to cut away their main-masts, and throw over some of their lee-guns, having much water at the same time in their holds. The four came into the Cape much damaged, and believed the other two had foundered at sea. Several English Indiamen ar­rived also in the road; as also a Portuguese ship from Rio de Janeiro on the coast of Brasil, bound for Mezambique, to take in slaves.

At length, on April the 6th, all the homeward bound ships being ready to sail, we weighed in the morning, and sailed with a small breeze of wind at E.S.E. and by noon came to an anchor at Penguin island, the east end of the island bear­ing south-westerly. At three we sailed again, being in all 25 sail of English and Dutch, all good ships, under the command of Admiral Peter de Vos. At six the Cape of Good Hope bore S. by W. half W. distant about seven [Page 81] leagues; and thus, having taken our depar­ture, we proceeded on our voyage April the 23d, which being Sr. George's-day, and the an­niversary of her Majesty of Great Britain, the Duke and Dutchess saluted each other with drums, trumpets, and other formalities, in ho­nour of the day; and in the evening the respec­tive Captains gave an entertainment, of which all the officers on board partook.

August 3, 1711, we made the island of St. Helena, in lat. 16 deg. S. It lies 1000 miles at least from any land, and is not more than 10 leagues in length, and about eight in breadth, surrounded with rocks, and elevated above the sea by towering mountains, that look at a dis­tance like lofty buildings rising to the clouds. These mountains are covered with wholesome herbs and plants; and the vallies are so fruitful, that they yield an increase of whatever is sown in them an hundred-fold. The Portuguese first discovered this little spot accidentally, as they were ranging along the coast of Africa, in order to find their way to the East-Indies. It was then uninhabited; and, according to their custom, they set some live goats and swine on shore, which multiplied to that degree, that ever since there have been enough to supply the ships that touch at that island with seasonable refreshment. The Dutch first inhabited, and afterwards aban­doned it, and removed their settlement to the Cape of Hood Hope. The English then took possession of it; when the Dutch, who did not [Page 82] think it worth keeping before, returned, fell upon the English, and drove them out. The Dutch in their turn were expelled by the Eng­lish, who have now been long in possession, have erected a very strong fort for their security, and built a town near the little bay, where ships generally anchor in their way to and from the East Indies. It is of infinite use in relieving the sailors from that dreadful distemper the sea­scurvy; for, as it naturally produces lemons, oranges, and other fruits, and as greens and roots are planted in abundance, those who are languishing under the last stage of the scurvy are frequently recovered by the use of those re­freshments without any other physic. It would be delightful living in this island, were it larger, or more frequented; but the confinement in so small a place in the middle of a vast ocean so remote from all communication with the rest of the world, renders the residence there so lonely, that it has rather the appearance of living in exile than in a land of freedom. And indeed, what makes it still more uncomfortable, our own ships find so much better entertainment at the Cape than can be expected in this little spot, that many of them store themselves there so plentifully, and recover their sick men so effec­tually, as not to be under the necessity of touch­ing at St. Helena, whereby not only the resi­dence of the inhabitants is rendered more dull, but their means of subsistence is very much re­strained; for as they have nothing to depend [Page 83] upon but their traffic with the ships that call to refresh, every one that passes by without touch­ing is a diminution of their profits: so that in fact the people have little or no encouragement to continue there, and many of them make heavy complaints. Indeed, the surrounding sea, that abounding in fish is a considerable help, and the fertility of the soil, which is sure to re­ward the pains of the cultivator, exempt them from famine; but for cloaths and all other con­veniences, their dependance is upon strangers.

On the first of May we took our departure from this island, and on the 7th made the island of Ascension, which is still uninhabited. As the springs, which were discovered by Dampier, lie remote from the shore, very few ships attempt to water, or indeed stop at Ascension; some indeed, who are in want of fresh provisions, fish here for turtle, of which there are great plenty all round the coasts.

Nothing remarkable happened in the course of our voyage till May the 27th, when two of our Dutch sailors died, and were decently buri­ed according to the custom of the sea.

About this time all the flag-ships struck their flags, the Admiral hoisted a broad pendant, and all the other ships did the same. This was done with a view to deceive the enemy, that in case any cruisers should come in sight, they might take us for a squadron of Dutch men of-war.

On the 12th, a mutiny happened among our men; and two Dutchmen who were the ring-leaders [Page 84] were whipped and put in irons. For some days we had but little wind, being in the calm latitude, which we reckon from 22 deg. to 28 deg. N.

June the 13th, the Dutch Admiral made the signal tor each ship to keep the Line, and we blacked our ship to make her look the more like a Dutchman.

On the 15th, in the morning, the Admiral made the signal for all the English Commanders, and some of the Dutch skippers, to come on board him, where we were sumptuously entertain­ed at Dinner, and the frank humour of the Dutch­men made the company jolly before we parted.

June 23, a Dutch ship being in distress fired several guns; upon which the whole fleet shor­tened sail. Her damage being soon repaired, the signal was given to continue our course, and we took the Batchelor in tow, being a heavy sailor, and forced to croud the canvass to keep company; but, it blowing hard the next day, we were forced to cast her off.

On the 26th, the Batchelor's pinnace had her back broke, by the ship's running over her; but the men that were in her were all miraculously saved, by means of the hawser which they were carrying from our ship to take her in tow▪ In the evening the King William Indiaman took her in tow, and next morning cast her off.

On the 28th, being got into the latitude o [...] 51 deg. N. we had thick foggy weather, with [Page 85] the wind at south, which [...] several days, and all the white the Adm [...] [...]ept firing two guns every hour, and each ship in the fleet an­swered with one. This was done to keep the fleet together, and it answered the purpose very well; for when the fog dispersed, and the wea­ther came clear, there was not one ship missing. The Dutch convoy, however, took care after­wards to be well paid for his waste of powder.

Nothing remarkable happened till the 12th of July, when the Donnegall Indiaman lost her fore-top mast, and made the signal for the fleet to shorten sail. Being now in near 60 deg. N. la­titude, we had no might, but cold drizzling wea­ther; yet nothing to compare to the cold in the same latitude in going round Cape Horn south­ward; for there the cold was so intense that many of our men sickened; and yet we were here and at Cape Horn much about the same time of the year, allowing for the difference of the two climates.

On the 14th, we came in sight of Bera, and spoke with a Danish ship bound to Dublin, who told us the war still continued, and that he had spoke a day or two before with a Dutch squa­dron of 10 men of war, and three victuallers, lying off Shetland to wait for us; so that by keeping between that and Fair Island, we could not possibly miss seeing them. Next day we came in sight of them, when all the fleet sa­luted the Commodore, and he made the signal for all the Commanders to come aboard of him [Page 86] for failing orde [...] ▪ The Captains Courtney and Dover went accordingly, and were courteously received, and given to understand, that they might be supplied with whatever provisions they stood in need of, on paying for the same, he hav­ing brought victuallers from Holland for that purpose. We lay off Shetland some days, and caught ling and cod in abundance, during which time the Shetlanders came off to us, and brought fowls and sheep, which we purchased at much cheaper rates than of our Dutch victuallers.

We were now very sickly, having been more than three months in our passage from the Cape to this place; and we were besides very peevish and quarrelsome among ourselves; now that we came near home, jealousies arose about embezzle­ments. The agents had been to the Duke to demand the gold, plate, pearl, and jewels, on board; and they were returned not very well satisfied with their reception. But, while these disputes were at their height, orders were given to set sail. In the mean time letters were dis­patched to London and Amsterdam, acquainting the owners with our progress, and present situa­tion, and desiring their instructions to regulate our future proceedings. Before we left Shetland we took four hogsheads of beer on board from the Dutch Commodore, which served us till we arrived on the 23d in sight of Holland, in the evening of which day we came to an anchor in the Texel road.

On the 27th, we received a general letter from [Page 87] our owners, dated, Bristol, june 6th, 1711, in which they acquainted us, that the East-India Company were incensed against us, and had ap­pointed a secret committee to inspect their char­ter as to privileges; and that they were resolved to take all advantages, in case of the least in­fringement on what they pretended to be their ex­clusive right of trading to the East-Indies. This letter likewise recommended the greatest caution on our part with regard to the Dutch East-India Company; or from that Company as well as from our own, they had reason to fear all pos­sible obstruction. It was therefore most strictly enjoined, that neither officer nor sailor should, on any pretence whatever, be suffered to take any goods on shore; nor were we to allow any stranger to come on board to purchase the least trifle; for that, if any such thing should be proved, the whole cargo would be forfeited.

It was a great relief to us, when, on the 5th of August, Mr. Hollidge, one of our principal owners came on board us; for, though we kept the strictest watch, it was hardly possible to pre­vent the sailors from running things ashore in the night. On this gentleman's arrival, it was judged necessary to draw up a short account of our voyage from the journals of the respective Commanders, and an affidavit was made to the truth of it. In this memorial we set forth, that we went out as private men-of-war, and not as trading ships; and that no sort of merchandize was shipped on board our ships at any of the [Page 88] islands or ports we touched at in the East Indies, nor any traffic carried on there, other than for necessaries and provisions for the ships and ships company. To this all the officers and most of the seamen voluntarily swore and set their hands. We continued in Holland, without any remark­able event, till the 30th of September, 1711, when we sailed from the Texel, under convoy of her Majesty's ships, Essex, Canterbury, Med­way, and Dullidge, and anchored in the Downs on the 2d of October. On the 13th, the Duke and Dutchess came up to Eriff, where the Batchelor had been moored some time before: and here all the ships continued till they were unloaded. The produce of the cargo, and the treasure brought home in these ships, were suppos­ed to amount to between 3 and 400,000 l. for, after all charges of convoy, agency, law-suits, embezzlements, of which great complaint was made, and of every kind of thievery practised in such cases, the nett profits, that were after­wards fairly divided, amounted to 170,000 l.

Among the disasters that befel the adventurers in this voyage, that of losing Mr. Hatley, with his little crew, near the islands of Gallapagoes, was most to be deplored; yet, though his death was supposed to be certain, having little or no provisions on board, and still less water, after the conclusion of the war, he returned home, to the astonishment of all who knew him. It then appeared, that, when he parted company with the Duke, having no resource, he made directly

[Page 89] for the main; and, falling in with Cape Passao, his little crew almost famished, and himself in a miserable weak condition, he formed the resolu­tion, with the consent of his people, to surren­der themselves prisoners to the enemy; but, un­fortunately, the enemy to whom they surren­dered were not the civilized Spaniards, but a mixed breed of Indians and Mulattos, who bore an implacable hatred to all white men, from a rooted aversion to the Spanish tyranny. These wretches used their helpless prisoners barbarous­ly, tied their hands behind them, and lashed them to posts, where they half-fleed them with whips; and most certainly would have tortured them to death, had it not been for the interpo­sition of their priest, to whom these half-heathen converts pay great respect. Being, by the hu­manity of this good Padre, rescued out of the hands of those barbarians, and conveyed to a Spanish settlement, Mr. Hatley was received with kindness, and used with much civility; and, when peace was declared, was set at li­berty, and assisted to return to his country, where he afterwards engaged in a second expe­dition to the same seas, and again fell into the hands of the same enemy.

We have not yet been able to learn the future proceedings of the officers who conducted this enterprize. It is more than probable, that, hav­ing enriched themselves by the voyage, they re­tired and lived private. We find, indeed, a Mr. Cooke engaged in a succeeding voyage, [Page 90] but it does not appear that it was the Captain Cooke of whose voyage we have just given an account. Mr. Hatley, indeed, who fell into the hands of the Spaniards, was employed as second Captain under Shelvock, and of him we shall have occasion to speak largely hereafter.

CAPTAIN John Clipperton (or, as some write, Clippington) was born at Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk; and his friends being most of them sea-faring people, he was from his infancy bred up a mariner. His disposition naturally inclining him to ramble, he embraced every opportunity to embark in new voyages, and there was hardly a corner of the earth which he had not visited before he was thirty years of age. When he was made choice of to take the command of the expedition of which we are now to give an account, he was esteemed, and that perhaps justly, the most ex­perienced seaman of his time. He had been frequently in the East and West Indies; had been in the Northern and Mediterranean Seas, and had once surrounded the whole globe. He was that Clippington, who, in 1704, with a bark, of only 10 tons, two masts, two square-sails, two pattararoes, and 21 men, left Cap­tain [Page 92] Dampier on the coast of Mexico; and, af­ter insulting Rio Leon, where he took two Spanish ships at anchor, one of which was ran­somed for 4000 pieces of eight, and after visit­ing the gulph of Salinas, where he cleaned and refitted his little bark, undertook to sail in her from that coast round half the globe; a great part of which he performed in a track never be­fore attempted, pursuing his course in the 18th degree of north latitude, which former naviga­tors had pursued after each other in the 13th; and, in that direction, he reached the Philip­pines in 54 days, without seeing land, or meet­ing with any cross accident to interrupt his passage. While he was embarrassed among those islands, there came off a canoe with a friar on board, to enquire concerning so uncommon a vessel, the like of which was never seen before in those seas. He detained the friar till his crew were furnished with fresh provisions, and then re­leased him.

From the Philippines we steered to Pulo Con­dore, where he expected to have met with an English settlement; but, to his great mortifica­tion, he there learnt, that, some time before his arrival, the English had been all murdered by their Indian guards. Upon this melancholy news, he bore away for Macao, a port in the pos­session of the Portuguese, near the mouth of the river Canton, in China, already frequently men­tioned, and lately made famous by the arrival of some Russian adventurers from Kampschatka, [Page 93] who, by that navigation, have confirmed the reality of a north-east passage to the coasts of China. At this Port he arrived, where Shel­vock affirms that near half his crew were hang­ed for pirates, that the rest escaped, some to one place, and some to another; that Clipperton himself being deprived of his little boat, found means to get on board an English East India­man at Canton, and arrived in England in 1706.

Clipperton was a blunt, rough, free-spoken sailor, had not much the air of a gentle­man, and therefore never affected it; was free and easy among his seamen; and, though he was passionate, he was soon appeased, and, if in the wrong, ever ready to acknowledge his error, and to repair any injury his hasty temper be­trayed him to commit. He had a strict regard to what he thought his duty, and was not to be diverted from the principles of moderation, which ever inclined him to acts of mercy and humanity towards those over whom the chance of war gave him the superiority. Having re­turned almost destitute from his first voyage round the world, he settled in the north of Ire­land, to which retreat he was traced, after more than twelve years retirement, and persuaded to undertake this second voyage, as a means to re­pair his broken fortune.

The success that had attended the voyage of the Duke and Dutchess to the South Seas under the command of Captain Rogers, had revived the [Page 94] spirit of privateering, which, by former miscar­riages, had been reduced to a very low ebb. Dampier, as has already been noticed, was un­able, with all his skill and all his experience, to persuade the London merchants to engage in a second expedition into those seas, after having failed in the first, and was obliged to apply to Bristol to raise a new company of adventurers to second his views; but such is the nature of man­kind, that emulous, not to say envious, of the success of others, they are ever ready to croud the road that has led to fortune, without consi­dering how unfit they are to undertake the jour­ney. The owners of the Duke and Dutchess had been particularly careful to make choice of gentlemen, not only of ability, to conduct the voyage which proved so successful, but who also had confidence in, and friendship for, each other; and yet, with all this care and caution, it was with the greatest difficulty in the world that they were persuaded to keep together, and to act in concert. On the contrary, the Commanders in the present expedition, were gentlemen of oppo­site tempers, opposite views, and already, before they set out, engaged in opposite parties; it was therefore very unlikely that two such Com­manders should unite in one common interest, or that the one should share the danger where the other was to reap the glory. The event will shew, that the miscarriage of this enterprize was not more owing to the mistakes in the voyage, than in the wrong setting out.

[Page 95]The impatience of the undertakers was so great, and their confidence of making themselves rich by the plunder of the Spaniards so certain, that, unwilling to trust to an eventual rupture between Great Britain and Spain, they took oc­casion, from the war that then subsisted between the Emperor and Spain, to apply to the Imperial Court for a commission to carry their plan of hostilities into execution. With this view, hav­ing equipped two stout ships, the Success and the Speedwell, it was thought necessary to find out some gentleman who had served on board the royal navy, that might take upon him the com­mand of the expedition, and be able to act with propriety in a joint commission, wherein Flemish soldiers and English sailors were to be united in the same design.

For this difficult task no man was thought more fit than Captain George Shelvock, who had been bred from his childhood in the royal navy, had been thirty years in the service, and arrived at the rank of First Lieutenant of one of his Majesty's ships of war, which he had borne with great reputation; was in his person and behaviour a fine gentleman, and was confessedly a very expert and able seaman. He was, besides, of quick parts, ready speech, and very winning address, but withal rather too sensible of his own accomplishments. This gentleman the un­dertakers thought themselves happy in having found; and they accordingly not only invested him with the command, but entrusted to him the [Page 96] grand business of the commission, and for that purpose he received instructions to repair to Ostend with the Speedwell, and there, as soon as the commission was obtained, to take on board the complement of Flemings that were to give countenance to the undertaking; and to join the Success in the Downs, which there lay ready un­der the command of Capt. Mitchel. On this oc­casion the names of the ships were changed; the Success was called the Prince Eugene, and the Speed­well the Starenberg, in compliment to the Prince and the Imperial Prime Minister. Capt. Shelvock was, besides, instructed to lay in such a stock of wines and spirituous liquors, as he should judge sufficient for the use of both ships in a voyage where such refreshments would be absolutely necessary, and without which the climate of Cape Horn could hardly be endured.

In this business, however, the Captain gave some disgust. He was either too extravagant, too ostentatious, or too remiss; and the voyage which the owners had so much at heart, was thought already to have suffered by unnecessary delay. But, what was still worse, the Flemish soldiers, 90 in number, commanded by their own officers, had hardly arrived in the Downs before they became so insolent, that it was presently dis­covered, that the scheme of their acting in con­cert with English sailors was utterly impracti­cable: so that after all this delay and ex­pence, the commission was returned, the Flemish soldiers discharged, and a new plan formed, [Page 97] which gave the first occasion to those dissentions that in the end proved the ruin of the voyage.

Captain Shelvock's management had much lessened his credit, and his friends were unable to support his interest. The reason for his ad­vancement no longer existed; and it was found, that the discipline to which he had been accus­tomed on board the royal navy, was not the dis­cipline to be practised on board privateers. It was necessary, therefore, as the circumstances of things were changed, war with Spain declared, and no extraordinary accomplishment required, to look out for an officer to take the command, who had experience in the business in which he was to be employed; who knew the western coasts of America, and was acquainted with the genius of the people with whom he was to con­tend, as well as the tempers of those with whom he was to attack.

On this new regulation, the character of Cap­tain Clipperton was called to mind. He was known to some of the owners, and strongly re­commended by other merchants, as of all men then living the fittest to be entrusted with the conduct of such an expedition. The owners, who had already expended more than 15,000 l. began to consider their own interest without re­spect to persons; and, therefore, they sought out and invested Captain Clipperton with the chief command, continuing Captain Shelvock Com­mander of the Speedwell, and appointing Cap­tain Mitchell second to Captain Clipperton, and [Page 98] Captain Hatley second Captain to Shelvock. The ships were restored to their former names, an English commission procured for the Command­ers, and every thing prepared while the ships lay in the Downs for their immediate departure.

The instructions given to the respective Com­manders were, in substance, the same with those given to the Commanders of the Duke and Dutchess, strongly recommending unanimity. But this precaution proved wholly useless. The expedition wore an unfortunate aspect from the beginning. The ships were obliged to lie three months at Plymouth, waiting for a wind. Fac­tions were in the mean time formed, in which the crews as well as the Commanders were involved. Captain Shelvock highly resented the affront that had been offered in depriving him of the chief command; and Captain Clipperton, being a boisterous man, having himself strong passions, and not having art to conceal them, knowing Captain Shelvock's prejudices, nothing but dissention and discord prevailed. Every post brought the owners fresh complaints; and every post carried fresh reproofs to the Commanders. In this humour the parties continued while the ships lay at Plymouth. At length,

On the 13th of February, 1719, the Success, of 36 guns, and 180 men, commanded by Cap­tain Clipperton, and the Speedwell, of 24 guns, and 106 men, of which Captain Shelvock was Commander, sailed with a fair wind; but, by an [Page 99] unaccountable over-sight, the Speedwell had on board the whole stock of wine and brandy, and the Success the greatest share of other stores.

For several days they had fresh gales, squally, with rain, and the Success was often obliged to shorten sail for the Speedwell. Captain Shel­vock tells us, that he complained to Captain Clipperton of the crankness of his ship, and de­sired him to send for his wine and brandy, that he might strike down some of his guns into the hold, which would enable him to sail much bet­ter than he did: but this, it seems, was neglect­ed; a proof that Clipperton had no intention to desert the Speedwell, though it was a slight, which Shelvock could not but resent. On the 19th, a violent storm arose, which obliged both ships to take in their top-sails. The gale in­creasing, the Success made a signal for the Speed­well to bring to; which Captain Shelvock readily obeyed; and, by eleven at night, both ships were under bare poles. On the 20th, in the afternoon, the storm abated, and Captain Clipperton made sail, steering S. by E. where­as Captain Shelvock, according to his journal, stood north west; so that from this day they never saw each other, till they met in the South Seas by mere accident. Here then pro­perly begins the history of Captain Clipperton's voyage round the world. He was now at sea without liquors, and without his consort. The first place of rendezvous appointed by them, was the Canary Islands; and, therefore, he sail­ed [Page 100] thither, and arrived at Gomera on the 5th of March. Having taken in some wine and re­freshments, for which he had great occasion, he continued cruising at the Canaries ten days for his consort; but, missing her here, he continued his voyage to the next place of rendezvous, at the Cape de Verd or Green islands.

The former islands, called by the ancients the Fortunate Islands, from their fertility and tempe­rate air, were discovered by the Spaniards in 1402, who named them the Canaries, or the Islands of Dogs, because no other creatures were found on them. They are eight in number. The Great Canary is the largest, is far distant from the others, and contains 9000 inhabitants. It is the seat of the Bishop, the Inquisition, and of the Council Royal. There is a mountain on the Teneriff, called the Pike of Teneriff, which, according to the common opinion, is the highest in the world. It may be distinctly seen at sixty leagues distance. It is three days journey to the top of it, which, except in the months of July and August, is always covered with snow. Fero is one of the largest, but so dry, that there is not one drop of fresh water to be found in it, except in a few places by the sea-side: but Pro­vidence has furnished a supply to remedy that inconvenience; for there grows all over this island a sort of tree, which is pretty large, and full of leaves, that are always green, and co­vered with a little cloud that wets the leaves by its dew, so that a fine clear water distills from [Page 101] them into little pails, which the inhabitants set to catch it. This water falls in such quantities, that it not only abundantly supplies the necessity of the people, but it is sufficient also to water the cattle. The Canaries in general are very fertile, and abound with wine that is transported into all parts of the world. On the right-hand of those islands, about 100 leagues off, the ma­riners very often perceived an island named St. Baranora, inhabited, they say, by Christians; but no man can tell of what denomination they are, nor what language they speak. The Spa­niards have often attempted to enter it, but could never find the way; which has raised an opinion in the people, that it is an inchanted island.

On the 21st they saw St. Vincent's, and the next morning anchored in the bay. Here they spent ten days cruising in hopes of meeting with their consort, but in vain; which so disheartened the crew, that Capt. Clipperton found it diffi­cult to persuade them to continue the voyage for the Straits of Magellan, without wine or brandy to keep up their spirits in that uncom­fortable navigation. Some are of opinion, that these islands were called Green Islands from the Green Cape of Africa, over-against which they lie; others, because the sea that surrounds them is so covered with a green herb, that you can hardly see the water; nor can ships sail through it, but with a stiff gale of wind. It produces berries, much like white gooseberries; [Page 102] but without taste. Nobody can tell how it grows; for there is no ground where it stoats upon the water, and it cannot come from the bottom, the sea being in many places unfathom­able.

On the 1st of April they left St. Vincent's, and on the 29th of May they had an observa­tion, and found themselves in lat. 52 deg. 15 min. S. being then off Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance of the Straits of Magellan. The next day they entered the Straits, and sent their pinnace on shore on the main, to a fresh-water river, which was at this time frozen up. They saw large flocks of geese and ducks, but very shy. The surgeon's mate, by some accident, was left on shore; and next morning, when brought aboard, was near dead with cold. They anchored at Queen Elizabeth's Island, and found great plenty of smallage, which was of infinite service to those sick of the scurvy. They eat it raw, boiled it in their soups, and kept the juice of it in bottles. They met with plenty of wild-fowl and shell-fish, filled their casks with water, and continued their course. On the 22d they anchored in a fine bay, which, from its depth, they called No-bottom Bay. The trees were high, loaded with snow, and exhibited a most astonishing prospect. On the 29th came a canoe, with four Indians. They were of a middle stature, dark com­plection, their faces broad and round, low fore­heads, black hair very lank and short, with no [Page 103] cloathing, except a piece of skin to cover their middles. What seemed most remarkable, was a circle round their wrists, of a bright azure. It seems these savages are extremely jealous of their women; for, notwithstanding all that could be said to them, they would not permit a wo­man, who was of their party, to come on board. Bougainville, and the English voyagers who lately passed the Straits, make the same observa­tion. Capt. Clipperton ordered them bread and cheese, and a dram of brandy, though it was very scarce. The former they eat very heartily, or rather greedily; but the latter they could not be prevailed upon to taste. They had bows and arrows, and some fishing-tackle along with them. After about two hours stay, they rowed ashore, making signs that they would come again. The next day the pinnace was sent ashore, and returned in the evening with the Indian canoe laden with muscles, which the Indians had ex­changed for bread, knives, and other trifles. In the beginning of the month of July they found the weather moderate. These natives were a harmless people: one of the crew, being left on shore, lived with them two nights and a day, and was very kindly treated by them; which shews, that, if they are well used, they are not treacherous. All this time their ship's company were very sickly, and scarce a day passed but some one or other died. On July 8 they buried their master-gunner. They caused a strong plank to be driven at the head of his [Page 104] grave, on which was the following inscription: ‘"Mr. William Pridham, gunner of the Success, deceased July 7, 1719, in this Strait, and lies buried here."’ On the 20th Capt. Mitchell and Lieut. Davidson went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego, in order to make discovery of the passage that a French Tartan is said to have went through into the South Sea, May 1713, and to see if there was any anchoring beyond Cape Quad. On the 29th they returned, having found the passage, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go that way. They found likewise several good bays to the north-west of Cape Quad to anchor in. The Indians brought them a seal, which they broiled and roasted, and said it eat like venison.

August 1, they resolved to prosecute their voyage thro' the Straits, which, with much dan­ger and difficulty, they accomplished. Aug. 18, they arrived in the South Seas, but so weak, that it was impossible to undertake any thing immediately; they therefore steered directly for the island of Juan Fernandez, the third and last place of rendezvous, where they arrived Sept. 7, and searched diligently in hopes of finding some token of the Speedwell, but to to manner of purpose. According to his instructions, Clip­perton continued to cruise a full month, and, before he took his departure, ordered an inscrip­tion to be cut on a remarkable tree fronting the landing-place; so that it was impossible for any ship's crew to come ashore, and not see [Page 105] it. The inscription thus: ‘"CAPTAIN JOHN W. MAGEE, 1719."’ This William Magee was surgeon on board the Success, was well-known to Capt. Shelvock, and all the ship's company, and therefore his name was made choice of rather than the Captain's, for a blind in case the inscription should be read by the Spaniards. Here the sick were set ashore, and every means used for their recovery; but the very thoughts of being without any cordial to comfort them, dejected them excessively. The weather was changeable; abundance of rain fell; and they had also some hard gales of wind. They took goats in plenty, which not only served them for the present, but likewise in­creased their sea store, having salted a great number with salt they found on the island ready-made. They likewise wooded and watered, and cleaned their ship, ready for action in the South-Seas, where it was now visible they were to cruise alone; for Clipperton was of opinion the Speedwell was lost; or at least he gave out so, to pacify his company, who were continually cursing Capt. Shelvock for running away with their liquors. One thing remarkable was, the beauty and fertility of this island, added to the stories they had heard of others, tempted four of Clipperton's men, with a view of remaining there, to betake themselves to the mountains, where two of them were made prisoners by the goat-hunters, who were forced to fire at them several times before they would surrender.

[Page 106]October 7, they prepared to sail; and, in the mean time, Captain Mitchell went on shore, to set up a cross already cut for that purpose, at the foot of which he buried a bottle, in which was contained a letter for Captain Shelvock, direct­ing another place of rendezvous, and some pro­per signal to know each other by at sea. At eight in the morning they weighed from the island of Juan Fernandez, and left their two men in possession of it, of whom more hereafter.

After leaving this island, Captain Clipperton sailed northward, till he was in the parallel of Lima, where he intended to act, though he was now in a very indifferent condition, having lost thirty men since his passing the Equator; and the remaining crew expressing some uneasiness in relation to plunder, he caused a paper to be fix­ed to the main-mast, which was assented to by the whole ship's company.

On October 25, they gave chace to a small vessel, and took her. Being their first prize, she was an ill omen of their future success. She was a show of 40 tons, laden with sand and rubbish for manure, had seven Indians and two negroes on board; and all the captors could find worth taking, was two jars of eggs, as much treacle, and a couple of pieces of eight in ready money. The next day, they met with a ship called the St. Vincent, of 150 tons, laden with wood from Guiaquil, with two friars, sixteen Indians, and four negroes aboard. On the 30th, they took a large ship called the Trinity, of 400 tons, taken [Page 107] by Captain Rogers when he plundered Guiaquil ten years before. She had a great many passen­gers on board, and a cargo of considerable value.

On Nov. 2, they took another prize, of 70 tons, with the Countess of Laguna and several other passengers on board, a great deal of money, and upwards of 400 jars of wine and brandy, articles very much wanted. Captain Clipperton desired the Countess to make her choice, either to stay on board the prize, or accept of the ac­commodations they were able to afford her on board the Success. She chose the former; and the Captain sent an officer with strict orders to suffer nobody to enter her cabbin but her own domestics: he likewise appropriated a part of the wine and brandy found on board the prizes for the use of his seamen, to whom, no doubt, it was a welcome refreshment.

He had already detached several officers, and above a third part of his company, to take care of his prizes; and yet was as eager to take more, as if, instead of a privateer weakly manned, he had commanded a squadron of ships of war. On the 12th he discovered, at some distance, a Lon­don-built pink, of 200 tons, laden with wood, named the Rosario, the Master of which being a very cunning fellow, soon saw the error that Clip­perton had committed, and resolved to take ad­vantage of it. He guessed, by the number of prizes, that many men could not be sent on board his ship; and, having about a dozen pas­sengers, he directed them, under the command [Page 108] of a French boatswain, to hide themselves in the hold, with orders, on his making a certain signal, to seize as many of the English as came down; assuring them, that he, with the ship's company, would be able to manage the rest. As soon as the ship struck, Captain Clipperton sent Lieu­tenant Serjeantson, with eight men, to take pos­session of her; who, as soon as he came on board, ordered all that appeared into the great cabin, and placed a centinel at the door of it. Think­ing every thing secure, and not in the least ap­prehensive of danger, he with some of his men went into the hold to see what was in the ship; on which the passengers, who were concealed, sallied out, knocked most of them down, and the French boatswain, coming behind Mr. Ser­jeantson, knocked him down likewise, and then ordered them to be all bound. The Spaniards in the great cabin secured the centinel; and, hav­ing thus recovered their ship, made instantly for the shore, where their own company and the prisoners were all in equal danger of perishing; which the Captain no sooner perceived, than he ordered the English to be unbound; and, by good fortune every man escaped upon the rocks, against which the Spaniard in his eagerness had run his vessel, and against which she was dashed to pieces. Lieutenant Serjeantson and his peo­ple were secured, and sent prisoners to Lima. The Viceroy of Peru was no sooner acquainted with this gallant action, than he ordered a new ship to be built at Guiaquil for the Captain, and [Page 109] taxed the traders towards the expence of her, intending this as a reward for the service he had rendered the public, and hoping thereby to en­courage others to behave as nobly. On the ar­rival of the prisoners at Lima, they were closely examined; and one of them gave a full account of every thing he knew, particularly of the two men left upon the island of Juan Fernandez, and of the bottle with a letter in it; upon which, the Viceroy ordered a small vessel to be fitted out, to fetch both the one and the other, which was accordingly performed.

It was not till the 20th that Captain Clipper­ton perceived that his last prize was retaken; when, considering what was best to be done, he prudently determined to set his Spanish prisoners at liberty, as well to save provisions, which, at that time, he could very ill spare, as that their good usage might be speedily known, and re­turned to such of his men as were in the enemy's power.

Accordingly, on the 27th, they came to an anchor with all their prizes, at the island of La Plata, and, in his way, took another prize, call­ed the Cayetan, of 200 tons, having on board 40 negroes, and 30 Spaniards, most of them passen­gers. Here the Captain began seriously to con­sider how he should make the most of this ex­pedition for his owners, as well as himself, and his company. He knew that all the coast was alarmed; and that two men of war, one of fifty, and one of thirty guns, were fitted out on pur­pose [Page 110] to take him: he was sensible, that the goods he had on board were not likely to be ransomed in that part of the world; and that they would prove mere drugs, if brought into this; and therefore laid all these things toge­ther; and, reflecting on a proposition made by Captain Woods Rogers, to send a cargo of such prize-goods to Brazil, he resolved to try the experiment; and, accordingly, he fitted out the bark in which he took the Countess of La­guna; mounted her with eight guns; and, putting on board of her thirteen Englishmen, and ten negroes, with what provisions and other necessaries he could spare, he sent her with a cargo of European commodities, valued at 10,000 pounds, for Brazil, under the command of Captain Mitchell, his second in command. As soon as he was gone, the Captain parted with all his other prizes, presenting them to the Spa­nish prisoners, after taking out of them what he thought valuable, and detaining only the Captain of one of them for his pilot, and all the negroes; after which he sailed from that island, in order to cruize in his former station.

December 12, they saw a sail about five in the evening, and, at seven, took her. She was called the Rosary, and laden with provisions. The launch and pinnace were all the next day employed in bringing on board the cargo, and having got out of her as much as they could stow, they cut her main-mast by the board, lest [Page 111] she should overset, and so let her go. The pri­soners informed them that the men taken by the Rosario were sent to Lima by land. On the 27th they looked into Guanchaco bay, and found two ships at anchor. They fired a shot at each, but they made no return. Sending then their boats aboard, they found them abandoned, and could discover nothing left, except some bread, and a few jars of water. They hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour's interval, hoping they would have come aboard to ransom their ships. They were answered from shore; but no boat coming, they waited till next day, and then set them on fire.

It was now resolved to bear away for refresh­ment to the Gallapagos islands, where they might remain unmolested till the alarm of their being in those seas should be over; and, ac­cordingly, put their design in execution. On January 9, 1720, they anchored on the north side of the Duke of York's island, immediately under the Equinoctial, where they found good water, and cleaned their ship, which confirms the account given by Captain Cowley, though Captain Rogers could not find the place.

On the 21st of January they observed a sail, and about eleven at night came up with her; and, on firing of their first gun, she struck. She was called the Prince Eugene, and had on board the Marquis de Villa Roche, and all his family, who were going to Lima.

On February 26th, a Spaniard dying of a [Page 112] wound he had received at the taking this ship, the Marquis desired he might be buried accord­ing to their ceremonies; which was granted. When the office for the dead had been perform­ed, and the corpse thrown over board, with a large bag of ballast tied at his feet, the Spaniards crying thrice, as their custom is on such occa­sion, Bon Voiage, i. e. a good voyage, the body, to the admiration of every one, presently floated, and continued floating as far as they could see it; which the Marquis concluded to be an ill omen, and declared that some surpris­ing accident would be the consequence.

On March 8, a priest, who was on board the Prince Eugene, desired leave to go on shore on the island of Velas; which was granted, on his promising to persuade the inhabitants to drive some black cattle to the shore, in order to ex­change them for what goods they liked best. On the 16th, he returned with four head of black cattle, some fowls, and fruit, as a present to the Marquis; but at the same time declared, that the Governor would not suffer the inhabi­tants to trade. He said, Captain Mitchell had been ashore there, and had shot some of their cattle; but that 200 men appearing under arms, they had forced him to retire. The next day some letters from the Marquis were intercepted, very little to his honour, since they tended to stir up the people to surprise, and secure the boat when it came next ashore to water. Upon this, Captain Clipperton confined him for some [Page 113] days; yet, on the 20th, he allowed both the Marquis and his lady to go ashore, leaving their only child as an hostage.

On April 14, the Marquis, his lady, and the Governor, came aboard; and, an agreement be­ing made for their ransom, the lady and child were sent on shore, and the Marquis only re­mained as an hostage. In this transaction Clip­perton appears to have been outwitted by this nobleman, who basely broke his word, and pro­voked the crew for trusting him. On April 20th, they anchored in the gulph of Amapala; and, not being able to water there, repaired to the island of Tigers, where they did it with great ease. On June 4, they sailed to Gorgona on the same errand, and were well supplied. On the 24th, they made prize a second time of the St. Vincent, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber and cocoa-nuts. On August 11, they anchored, with their prize, at the island of Lobos de la Mar, where they set up tents on the shore, scrubbed and cleaned their ship, and where the crew talked over their affairs, till they began to think them desperate. Sometimes, they reflected on the Captain, for pretending to remain in these seas without their consort; at other times, they blamed him for giving in to the Spanish Marquis's project for ransoming his ship, which, they believed, would never be performed: and, now-and-then, the ship's corporal, one James Roch, a bold, busy, [...]ntriguing fellow, threw in some sly insinuations, [Page 114] that, if they must go through such hardships, it was better they should do it for their own sakes, than for other peoples; and one Joseph Maynard, the boatswain's mate, pushing things still further, a plot was at last formed for seizing the Captain, the rest of the officers, and run­ning away with the ship. They likewise agreed, that, when their design was brought to bear, the officers should be set on shore on the island of Lobos, and all who afterwards opposed them shot without mercy. This wicked combination, however, was happily discovered, the two ring­leaders severely punished, and the rest pardoned; by which wise conduct the conspiracy was sup­pressed. On the 17th they took a fishing-boat, with a large quantity of salt-fish well cured; but found the St. Vincent, which they had left at an anchor under the island of Lobos, driven ashore, and sunk: here they put thirty-eight Spanish prisoners on board the fishing-boat, and sent them away.

Nov. 1, they entered the bay of Conception, where, missing a prize that outsailed them, they bore away for Coquimbo, and took a ship laden with tobacco, sugar, and cloth, in their passage. On the 6th, in the afternoon, they opened that harbour, where they saw three men of war lying, with their top-sails loose; and these no sooner spied them, than they cut their cables, and stood after them. The Success hauled close on a wind, and the prize did the same; upon which the Spanish man of-war that sailed best gave [Page 115] chace to the latter, and took her. The other two ships crouded all the sail they could to come up with the Success, but she outsailing them, made her escape. In the Spanish prize they lost their third Lieutenant, Mr. James Milne, and twelve of their best men. The Captain who took him was the famous Don Blas de Lesso, Governor of Carthagena, when attacked by Ad­miral Vernon. Don Blas treated his prisoner a little roughly at first, being enraged to find he had missed the English privateer, and only re­taken a Spanish prize; and, in the first transport of his passion, struck Mr. Milne on the head with the flat of his sword; but, when he came to himself, he sent for him, and, finding him stripped by his soldiers, generously asked his pardon, ordered him a new suit of cloaths, and kept him for some time on board his ship. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid or his passage to Panama, where he gave him a jar of brandy, and another of wine, for his sea-stores, put 200 pieces of eight in his pocket, and sent him to England. This unlucky acci­dent of losing their prize revived the ill humours among Clipperton's men, who did not indeed plot again, but became exceedingly dejected. On the 16th they saw another sail, and gave chace, which, after a few guns fired on both sides, bore away, being a clean ship, and left them, which proved a lucky escape; for this was likewise a ship of force, fitted out to take Capt. Shelvock, and commanded by one Fitz­gerald, [Page 116] who, knowing this was not Shelvock's ship, and doubting what strength she might be of, had no great stomach to engage her. These repeated disappointments, as they broke the spirits of his crew, so they had a very bad ef­fect on Capt. Clipperton himself, who began now to betake himself to drinking; and, as this vice generally grows upon people under misfor­tunes, he drank at last to such an excess, that he was hardly ever quite cool or sober. It was chiefly owing to this unhappy practice, that he fell into many errors in his future conduct. They were now in want of provisions, and they resolved to continue cruising to the north, to seek a supply. In this cruise they had but in­different success; and, therefore, on the 27th, they set ashore their Spanish prisoners, and then determined to go once more to the Gallapagos in order to refresh. In their passage to these islands, they began to suspect some error in their log-line; and, upon measuring, found it three fathoms too short.

On the 4th of December, they lost their pur­ser; and the same day found themselves very near the Gallapagos islands, but could find no anchoring-place, nor any fresh-water, though they had found a fine road on their first visit, which gave Shelvock occasion to charge Clipper­ton with want of skill; they therefore made the best way they could to the Isle of Cocoas, where they hoped certainly to get some fish, fowl, and cocoa-nuts, most of their people being very sick [Page 117] and weak. On the 17th in the morning they came in sight of it, which filled them with in­expressible joy. On the 18th, all that could be spared went on shore to build a kind of booth for the reception of their sick, who were all con­veniently lodged. The Captain opened here the last cask of brandy for the use of the ship's com­pany, and gave every man a dram a day; and, on New-Year's-day, he allowed a gallon of strong beer to every mess; and, by having here plenty of nourishing food and much ease, the crew began to recover, and were able to wood and water, though with much difficulty.

On the 17th of January, 1721, the Captain made the necessary dispositions for sailing; but, when they came to muster the men, there were no less than eleven missing, three Englishmen, and eight negroes, who chose rather to remain in this unfrequented island, than continue ex­posed to dangers and fatigues on board, and to their living constantly at short allowance.

On the 25th, they arrived on the coast of Mexico, where, discovering a sail, they sent their pinnace to give her chace; to whom she instantly struck. She proved to be Jesu Maria, commanded by Capt. Shelvock; and the account he gave was, That he had no more than forty men alive, the rest being all dead, or dispersed; that he had lost the Speedwell at Juan Fernan­dez, where they built a bark out of the wreck; that they had coasted along Chili and Peru, till they came to Pisco, near Lima, where they took [Page 118] this prize; that they had no regular command among them; that they had chosen a quarter­master, carrying every thing by a majority of votes; and that they had quite broken their ar­ticles with their owners, and had shared all among themselves.

On the 27th, Captain Shelvock came aboard, being sent for by Captain Clipperton and the agent, to give an account of his transactions. The boat brought Mr. Dod, Lieutenant of ma­rines, having been used very ill for his attach­ment to the owners; at least so he asserted, and was firmly believed by Captain Clipperton, and his officers. The next day Captain Shelvock sent on board them six chests of pitch and dam­mer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper: Captain Clipperton spared him twenty-four quarter-deck guns, some great shot, a com­pass, and a few other necessaries: his people purchased cloaths, shoes, hats, and other neces­saries; and Mr. Hendric the purser, and Mr. Dod, continued in the Success, designing never more to sail with Shelvock.

In the beginning of March, both time and place favouring, they determined to attempt the Manilla ship, before she entered Acapulco.

On the 13th, they again met Captain Shel­vock, and, at a general consultation, agreed to make the attempt jointly. But, previous to the signing this agreement, it was proposed by Cap­tain Clipperton to form a joint stock, to bury all former miscarriages in oblivion, and again to [Page 119] act in concert for the good of the owners. This proposition was rejected by Captain Shelvock and his people, who did not care to part with what they possessed; upon which Captain Clip­perton and his company, perceiving there was nothing to be expected from their consort, and that they were too weak of themselves to effect their purpose, determined to sail directly to the East-Indies, and instantly put their resolution in execution, without waiting for or consulting Captain Shelvock.

The run from the coast of Mexico to the island of Guam, they performed in fifty-three days; and, May the 13th, anchored in the road of Umatta,—from whence they sent their pin­nace ashore, with a flag of truce, in order to obtain some provisions, which met at first with a favourable reception, being told that, if they behaved civilly, and paid honestly, they should be furnished with what the island could afford. Soon after the launch arrived, and brought on board some cattle, bread, sugar, greens, palm-wine, and brandy, from the Governor, with a large quantity of chocolate. In return for which, his health was drank by the whole ship's crew, under a salvo of seven guns: this was the last act of civility that passed between them.

On the 18th of May, their prisoner, the Mar­quis de Ville Roche, went ashore, in company with the agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having previously agreed with the Governor about his ransom. Our launch was employed [Page 120] six days in bringing wood, water, and provision aboard; during which time, the Governor de­sired he might have some arms and ammunition in exchange: accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four pair of pistols, besides cutlasses, long swords, and daggers. The 25th, they received a letter, in which the Governor demanded the Marquis's jewels, some consecrat­ed plate, and two negroes, being Christians, and subjects to the King of Spain; as also a certificate, under the Captain and officers hands, that peace was proclaimed, detaining Mr. God­frey and Mr. Pritty till all this was performed. The Captain returned for answer, that the Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili, declared there was peace between Eng­land and Spain; but, withal, assured the Go­vernor, that, if he did not, in twenty-four hours, send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine islands.

After this declaration, hostilities commenced on both sides. The people on shore had raised a battery from whence they fired at the pinnace. The ship ran a-ground between two fires, one from the battery over their heads, and another from the ship in the harbour. In endeavouring to get their ship off, they ran foul of the rocks. The enemy fired so warmly with stones and shot, that they suffered extremely in their hull and

[Page 121] rigging. They had three men wounded, be­sides the misfortune of losing Mr. Davidson, their first Lieutenant, who was an honest man, and a good officer.

In this emergency, the Captain being over­come with liquor, the officers signed a paper in­demnifying Mr. Cook for taking upon him the command. They cleared away the hold, ready to start their water, to make the ship lighter; and got their upper and lower-deck guns forward, to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on the rock.

During the last twenty-four hours, they had happily only one man wounded; but the ship was wretchedly torn and mangled between wind and water. The 30th, at six in the afternoon, the ship floating, they cut away the yawl, she being sunk with the shot; the other boats were much da­maged; they hove to their small bower, then cut it away, and the other two hawsers, and sent their pinnace a-head, to tow the ship off. Just as they got afloat, the enemy fired so smartly from the new battery, that their shot raked them through between wind and water, killing one of their people, and wounding two others. They lost both their bow-anchors and cables, the stern and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of their lower-deck guns, and nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed, and six wounded, having stood for no less than fifty hours a fair mark for the enemy to fire at; and, if they had not got clear, it was believed they would have been sunk before [Page 122] morning. At ten in the forenoon they brought to, and began to splice their rigging, not a rope of which escaped a shot. Their carpenters were employed in fixing the masts and yards, and the rest of their people in fixing the rigging. At six in the afternoon they took their departure, leav­ing Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty in the hands of the enemy. This was certainly one of the worst errors committed by Clipperton; for he should never have quitted the Marquis, without having the ransom in his hands.

On the 24th of June, they were in sight of the Bashee Islands; and, on the last day of the month, they saw the island-shoals of Prata.

On the 1st of July, they fell in with other islands, and passed several boats that were fishing, though no such islands are laid down in any chart. They anchored under one of these islands, and dispatched their pinnace for intelligence; but not being able to learn their course to Macao, nor to get a pilot, they determined to sail for Amoy; before which port they arrived on the 5th in the evening, but were afraid to enter it in the night, and therefore plied off and on till day-light. They took notice of a great number of snakes in the sea, which were brought down by the ri­vers that empty themselves on that coast. In the evening of the 6th of July, they entered the port, and were well pleased to find themselves once more in a place where they might hope to obtain refreshments, and to be able to repair the [...]r ship; but they were no sooner anchored in [Page 123] this port, than they had 10 custom-house officers put on board them. The first thing these cus­tom-house officers demanded was, what the ship was reputed to be, and what business she had there. Captain Clipperton answered, the ship belonged to the King of Great Britain, and that she put in there by stress of weather, in order to obtain provisions and necessaries. Next morn­ing, the men mutinied, and insisted on being immediately paid their prize-money. Mr. Tay­lor, to whom we are indebted for this account, interposing, one Edward Boreman told him, he had best desist, unless he had a mind to have a brace of balls through his head. Mr. Cook, who commanded in the affair of Guam, and who succeeded Mr. Davidson as First Lieutenant, now demanded thirty shares, in right of his office; in which he was supported by the men. Captain Clipperton, and the rest of the officers, seeing the turn things were likely to take, were very desirous, that some allowance should be made to the officers that were taken prisoners, and to Mr. Hendry and Mr. Dod, who joined them from the Speedwell: but the men would hear of no such allowances. Whilst these disputes lasted, some took it into their heads to go ashore, without asking leave; and, when Captain Clip­perton would have corrected them, the whole company declared on their side, and prevented it. After this, all things fell into confusion: the men refused to work till they had their prize-money; and, upon complaint, a guard of [Page 124] soldiers was sent on board, with a peremptory order from the Mandarin to Captain Clipperton to comply.

On September 16, the distribution was made; and no allowance being reserved for such as were taken prisoners, the representatives of those who were dead, or the two gentlemen who had serv­ed on board the Speedwell, the prize-money of a fore-mast-man was 419 dollars. According to this distribution, the owners share in ready mo­ney, wrought silver, gold, and jewels, amounted to between 6 and 7000 l. sterling, which Cap­tain Clipperton caused to be immediately put on board a Portuguese East-Indiaman, called the Queen of Angels, Don Francisco la Vero Com­mander, which ship was unfortunately burnt at Rio Janeiro, on the coast of Brasil, June 6, 1722. So that of these effects the owners received no more, the charges of salvage deducted, than 1800.

On September 30, they weighed anchor from the bay of Amoy, which lies in the province of Tonkin, after having paid, under the article of port charges, the most exorbitant sum of 1700 dollars; and then proceeded to Macao, in the road of which they anchored, Oct. 4. As soon as Capt. Clipperton entered the port, he saluted the fortress; which compliment being returned, he went on shore, and found there the Captain of the Portuguese man-of-war, who had undertaken to carry what belonged to the owners to Brasil. The mutinous crew found themselves at a loss [Page 125] here, the Portuguese Captain declaring absolute­ly in favour of their Commander; and, there­fore, Captain Cook, and another officer, took passage to Canton, to consult Mr. Winder, su­percargo to an East-Indiaman, and son to one of the principal proprietors, as to the measures which should be taken about carrying the Suc­cess home; and, upon their return, the ship was surveyed, condemned, and sold for 4000 dollars: but Capt. Clipperton, to shew his opinion of her, agreed with the persons who bought her, for his passage in her to Batavia; a plain indication, that there was no danger of her foundering at sea. The ship being sold, every man thought himself at liberty to shift as well as he could, and to use his best endeavour to save what little was left him. They were, by this time, satisfied, that Captain Mitchell, his crew, and cargo, were all gone to the bottom, or else fallen into the hands of the Spaniards; which was to them pret­ty much the same thing; and, therefore, what they had now in possession was all they had to expect. Twenty of them, however, who had agreed to give six dollars a-piece for a passage in a Chinese vessel to Canton, were taken by a pirate, and most of them lost all their effects. After a short stay at Macao, Mr. Taylor, the chief mate, got safe to Canton in an armed boat, for which he, and the rest of the English sea­men that staid with him, paid 20 dollars a-head: and when they arrived, they were well received, and promised all imaginable assistance towards [Page 126] getting home. There were, at this time, several ships there ready to sail. The Captains of these vessels being solicited by the factory to take Captain Clipperton's men on board, they met, and agreed to carry them to Great Britain for five pounds a man; and accordingly they all paid their money. Mr. Taylor arrived safely at Batavia in the month of December, sailed from thence to the Cape of Good Hope in February, came to St. Helena in March, and, in May 1722, arrived in London. The rest of the ship's com­pany returned, some sooner, some later, as op­portunities offered; but, as for Capt. Mitchell, who was sent to Brasil with a small crew, he was never heard of, and most probably was destroy­ed on the island of Velas, where he went ashore for the sake of getting fresh provisions.

Captain Clipperton sailed in the Success, after she was sold, as a passenger, from Macao to Ba­tavia; from whence he procured a passage home in a Dutch East-India ship, and arrived, in the beginning of July, 1722, at Galway, in Ireland, where he died in less than a week of a broken heart.

Thus ended the unfortunate voyage of Cap­tain Clipperton; that of Captain Shelvock re­mains to be related.

WE have already given an account, in the introduction to the preceding voyage, of the motives that influenced the owners to under­take it, and of the difficulties and discourage­ments that attended the first setting out. It re­mains now only to relate the proceedings of Captain Shelvock, the second in command, who has himself been very circumstantial in laying before the public the following particulars.

On the 13th of February, 1719, we sailed from Plymouth, in company with the Success, of 36 guns, Captain John Clipperton, who, in consideration of his knowledge of the coasts and customs of Chili, Peru, and Mexico, was to act as chief of the expedition.

On the 15th, I came under his lee, complain­ed of the crankness of my ship, and desired him to send for his wine and brandy, which he neg­lecting, lost his sea stock of liquors; for we never saw any thing of each other till about two years afterwards.

[Page 128]Thursday 19, a storm arose, and about mid­night a sea drove in our quarter and one of our stern dead lights. For a considerable time we were under apprehensions of foundering; a succession of prodigious seas drove over us; and in this melancholy state, the chain pump was the only means of our deliverance.

February 20, we had no sight of the Success, and at midnight set the top-sails and stood to the north-westward.

This storm so terrified my ship's company, that no less than 70 of them were resolved upon bearing away for England, there to make com­plaint against the ship. But, on the 23d, per­ceiving their discontent, I ordered them all on deck, and used what arguments with them I was master of, to encourage them to proceed; but all I could say was but to little purpose. They continued in their resolution to clap the helm a weather; and grew to that height of insolence at last, that I was obliged to call upon my officers to assist in bringing the mutineers to reason. For this end most of them appeared armed; and the sight of this so startled the ringleaders, that they very submissively begged I would forgive them; as I did, upon promise for the future to behave as became them. After this, seeing them inclin­ed to be tractable, I ordered them some brandy, and they drank to our prosperous voyage. But the very next evening, Simon Hatley, my second Captain, had like to have thrown every thing in­to confusion, by telling me upon deck, before [Page 129] most of the ship's company, that he had private orders from one of the chief of the gentlemen adventurers, and Captain Clipperton, to take the charge of the ship upon himself. I asked him, if he had a private commission too? but to this he returned nothing but expressions of contempt. This unseamanlike behaviour, immediately after my separation from my consort, laid me under a necessity of behaving with all possible circum­spection, to prevent our being divided into par­ties, which would infallibly frustrate the ends of our expedition.

We had a very tedious passage to our first place of rendezvous, the Canary Islands; and did not arrive there till the 17th of March, where having finished our cruise without any thing remarkable, except taking an open boat with salt, and wine, hearing nothing of the Success, on March the 29th, we took our departure from the island of Ferro, in hopes of meeting with Captain Clip­perton among the islands of Cape de Verd, and we took our prize along with us. But in our passage, my people began again to murmur; and one Turner Stevens, my gunner, very gravely made a proposal to me, in the hearing of all the other officers, to go a cruising in the Red Sea; for, said he, there can be no harm in robbing those Mahometans; but, as for the poor Spaniards, continued he, they are good Christians, and it would, doubtless, be a sin to injure them. Upon this, I ordered him under confinement; and the man, after that, having threatened, in a [Page 130] very outrageous manner, to blow up the ship, I, at his own request, discharged him as soon as we arrived, together with my chief mate, who had likewise been guilty of many and great misde­meanors.

On the 14th of April, we made the Isle of May; and, running along shore, saw a wreck, which we were told was the Vanzittern Indiaman, Cap­tain Hide, who three weeks before had been cast away. I endeavoured to avail myself of this ac­cident, to supply the necessaries we stood in need of; but could procure nothing but two or three sheathing-boards. At this place I sold our prize for 150 dollars to the Governor; and filled all our water casks, and gave my ship a very good heel. Six of my people having deserted, I ap­plied in vain to the officer on shore to deliver them up to me; but, threatening the Master of a Portuguese ship to make reprisals, he brought me off two of them, which happened to be the best. They fell on their knees, and asked par­don, assuring me the Commander on shore had seduced them, his design being to send the bark I sold him on the Vanzittern's wreck, where he said they might all make their fortunes; so I lost the other four.

Finding I could neither hear of the Success, nor get what might be serviceable to us in this place, and having read in Frezier's voyage, that in the island of St. Catherine's, on the coast of Brasil, in latitude 27 deg. 30 min. S. every thing might be had that we stood in need of, I [Page 131] concluded it would be best for me to put in there.

April 20, we sailed from the Isle of May, having wrenched the drum-head of our cap­stane in weighing anchor, which took us up the remainder of the day to repair. We were 55 days in going to St. Catherine's, during which little remarkable happened; except that on June the 5th we saw a ship stemming with us, and spoke with her. I ordered the five-oar'd boat to be hoisted out, and sent Captain Hatley in her, to enquire after news, and gave him money to buy us tobacco. The Success, amongst other things, had got our stock of tobacco, and had made what the seamen call a west-country famine on board of us. When Hatley returned, he told me she was a Portuguese from Rio Janeiro, and bound to Fernambuco. Instead of tobacco, which he said the ship had none to dispose of, he had laid out my money in china ware, sweet-meats, and the like; and, upon my expressing my dissatisfaction at his having squandered away my money in so silly a manner, his answer was, that he had laid out his own in the same manner. My reply was, I did not like his proceedings.

On Friday, June 19, we made the island of St. Catherine's; and at ten the next morning anchored in ten fathom water, the island of Gall bearing E. N. E. distant two leagues, and the eastermost point of St. Catherine's E. and by S. distant four leagues. The first thing I did, was to send the carpenter on shore, with all the [Page 132] people that could be useful to him in felling of trees, and sawing them into plank, and to order the cooper and his crew to trim the casks, and fill them with water. Those who remained on board, I employed in different services. Mean while the inhabitants came off to us every day with the product of the place, which we pur­chased with salt.

On July 2, we were alarmed, at break of day, by the appearance of a large ship at anchor four or five miles below the place where we lay. I sent an officer in the launch, well manned and armed, to see what he could make of her, and put my ship into the best posture of defence I could. About noon my launch returned, and brought word that this ship was the Ruby, for­merly an English man-of-war, and now one of M. Martinet's squadron; that she came from the South Seas, and was commanded by M. la Jon­quiere; that he, his officers, and seamen, to the number of 420, were all French; and tho' in the Spanish service, they had not the least de­sign to molest us. My Lieutenant became thus punctually informed, by a direct breach of or­ders in going aboard, and his temerity might have cost me very dear; for, had they been ene­mies, I should have lost 23 of my best hands; but their return confirmed the truth of his story: yet it was a great misfortune, that I had not, to the best of my knowledge, one man of expe­rience or capacity sufficient to enable him to per­form the common duty of an officer.

[Page 133]The next day, the Ruby turned up towards us, and the Captain sent one of his lieutenants and a priest, to assure me of his friendship, and to desire I would dine with him, which I did, and met with a very handsome reception, with offers of what money I would have upon my bills on London, or in general any thing else his ship afforded. He informed me that the Spa­niards in the South Seas had advice of our two ships, and that they talked of fitting out some men of war to receive us.

About this time there was a report spread, that Hatley had taken a bribe of the Master of the Portuguese we met on the 5th of June, or had robbed him of 80 or 100 moidores, had given ten to his cockswain, and six to each of his boat's crew, not to divulge it. I charged him with what had been said against him; his answer was, He had done nothing he was asham­ed of, or that he could not justify. All I could do was to protest against him, and I gave the protest to Captain Clipperton in the South Seas.

July 6, M. la Jonquiere, accompanied by several of his officers and passengers, came to dine with me; but in the midst of our enter­tainment, my boatswain took it into his head to create a disturbance, because he had not been invited into the cabbin as a guest. He first as­saulted Betagh the Captain of marines, and then Mr. Adams the surgeon. This outrage, which was supported by a party he had formed, being, by the help of my officers and the French [Page 134] gentlemen, pretty well quieted, M. la Jonquiere declared, that, if they persisted in their disobe­dience, he would see the ringleaders punished by carrying them home in irons; and as they grew a little quieter, he expostulated with them, and appealed to themselves, whether they did not think it monstrous for people to behave themselves in such a manner.

The next morning I was informed, that the authors of the disturbance were most of them sorry for what had happened the night before, attributing the whole blame to the boatswain, and the effect of too much liquor. I was glad to hear this, and therefore passed it all over with only threatening how I would manage them, if ever they were guilty of the like again. I had resolved to punish the boatswain in the severest manner; but I was prevailed on not to do it, he, in very humble plight, asking my pardon, and begging I would not use any severity to­wards him. He said it was drink that had made him mad, and withal desired I would give him leave to go home in the French ship. This I willingly agreed to, he being a very odd sort of a fellow, and always incensing the people against the number of officers, whom he termed Blood­suckers.

July 15, we saw a great ship plying into the harbour's mouth; but when she discovered us, she made the best of her way out again. This possessed M. la Jonquiere with a notion of her being our consort, and put him into a hurry to [Page 135] be gone. Accordingly, when night came on, he weighed, and went to sea the next morning, and at his departure saluted me with five guns. Three Frenchmen, belonging to me, went away with him; but I had two Frenchmen, and one Morphew, an Irishman, in lieu of them.

During all this, our carpenter went on but slowly in the woods; and at last, when we came to case the stern all over with thick plank, we could find, to my great astonishment, no nails fit for that use. I was now told, that the first carpenter, and his crew, had sold most of the stores before the ship came to Plymouth, which was before I commanded her.

July 25, a large ship came in, called the Wise Solomon, of St. Malo's of 40 guns, and about 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, and bound to the coasts of Chili and Peru to trade. She was the same ship we saw coming in before, and had spoke with the Ruby at sea. This gentleman, I soon perceived, notwithstand­ing a little forced civility at his first arrival, was a designing mercenary man, and full of all the conceit and vanity ascribed to his nation.

Desiring him to spare me some nails, he readi­ly answered he would; but, at the same time, gave me to understand that he could not afford them for less than 32 dollars a hundred, which sum I was fain to give him; I likewise bought of him 60 cheeses, and 300 weight of butter; so that it happened well for me, that I had some money from one of the Ruby's people. This [Page 136] done, I now thought of making a quick dis­patch from this place, when there came a letter from my ship's company to me, with articles an­nexed to it for the immediate division of prize-money, which they said they were resolved to in­sist on, alledging that they knew by woeful ex­perience how they were used on board the Duke and Dutchess, that they were never paid one tenth of their due, and that they had been well informed what a paymaster a certain gentleman would make, if ever their fortunes should fall into his hands. They were so very importunate with me to comply with their articles, that both myself, and all my chief officers, thought it would be best and most adviseable to sign their papers with them, rather than run the risque of their proceeding, when they should get out to sea, to acts of piracy. As soon as they had gained their point, they expressed great satisfaction, and promised to be always ready to hazard their lives in any undertaking I should think condu­cive to the ends we were fitted out for.

August 3, there came in here the St. Francisco Xavier, a Portuguese man-of-war, of 40 guns, and 300 men, from Lisbon, bound to Macao in China, commanded by Captain la Riviere, a Frenchman. I made no doubt but that Captain Hatley's affair would be reported to this gentle­man, and, therefore, I told Hatley, that I ex­pected he would go and vindicate himself to the Portuguese Captain, to prevent any disturbances [Page 137] that might arise on his account. To which he readily replied he would.

Hatley, at his return, told me, the Captain seemed to be angry with him for thinking he could harbour any ill thought of a gentleman bound on a voyage, which, to his knowledge, could hardly fail of answering the largest expec­tations.

August 6, three of my men deserted, and the mate and his party went up to the Portuguese plantations in search of them. It being almost mid­night, the inhabitants took the alarm, and plant­ed themselves in ambuscade to destroy them as they came back. No sooner had they returned into the boat, than they heard them rushing out of the woods, crying, ‘"Kill the dogs, kill all the English dogs."’ This outery was in­stantly followed by a volley of small arms, which wounded three of my men, two through the thigh, and another through the arm.

I sent a letter of complaint, by Hatley, to the Captain of the Portuguese man-of-war in the harbour: but Hatley, at his entrance into the ship, was furiously assaulted by Emanuel Mansa (the Captain of the island), crying out, This was the man who had committed so many insolencies towards them, and that this was he who had burnt one of their houses, and had made it a common practice to abuse and affront him with the op­probrious name of cuckold. Upon this excla­mation, the ship's company sided with Mansa, and fell upon Hatley, and would certainly have used both him and his boat's crew very severely, [Page 138] had not the Captain and his officers, with much difficulty, prevented it; for the Portuguese sea­men were exasperated to that degree, that it is more than likely they would have murdered him, had they not been timely hindered.

The Captain, in his answer to my letter, ex­pressed his sorrow for what had happened, said the people were without law, and that it was out of his power to punish them; that they were wild and lurked in the woods; and that in seeking revenge, it would only expose my men to butchery. He asked my pardon for the ill usage my officer had met with on board his ship; but withal gave me to understand, there could be no greater provocation to the people of that na­tion, than that which Hatley was accused of by Mansa. That his ship's company had got Hat­ley amongst them before he knew any thing of the matter, and that he was obliged to call his priest to his assistance, before he could get him out of their hands, and in a very hand­some manner touched upon Hatley's story. I made no long stay after this disaster, but took our departure from the northernmost point of St. Catherine's on the 9th of August; and on the 19th, Mr. La Port, my third Lieutenant, broke his leg.

From the time we left St. Catherine's, till now, we had for the most part squally weather. As we advanced to the southward, my people's stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air to that degree, that the allowance which the go­vernment gives in the navy was not sufficient to [Page 139] satisfy their hunger. Some of my officers, in particular Mr. Betagh, my Captain of marines, who had been formerly a purser of a man-of-war, and a man whom I had a great regard for, was the champion for an addition of allowance at my table; for he told me he had orders from the adventurers to eat with me; and what was my table, if I did not eat better than the cook? He did not stop here, but urged by his intemperance, and finding me unwilling to squander away our provisions, without knowing when or where we might get any more, he at length had the inso­sence to tell me publicly, that the voyage should be short with me, which he often repeat­ed. I should have had reason to fear it, had he been capable of commanding; but, for his pu­nishment, I excluded him both from my mess and the great cabbin. Upon this, finding I was in earnest with him, and fearing some heavier pu­nishment, he sent me a letter, asking my pardon for what he had done; upon which I again re­stored him in a handsomer manner than he after­wards deserved, as will appear by the sequel.

Between St. Catherine's and the river of Plate, the whales, grampusses, and other fish of mon­strous bulk, are in such numbers, that I cannot see why a trade for blubber might not be carried on here. I may venture to affirm, it is a safer navigation than that carried on to the northward, and I am apt to believe here is a greater certainty of success in making up a cargo.

Sept 19, about midnight I perceived the wa­ter to be discoloured all at once, and upon heav­ing [Page 140] the lead, we found ourselves in 26 fathom water; this done, I stood off again to sea, but we did not deepen our water in the running of five leagues. This seems to be a bank very near the entrance of the straits of Magellan. I had a fine opportunity of going through these straits: but Captain Clipperton in his plan pretended, out of the abundance of his judgment and expe­rience, that the straits of Le Mair would be the best navigation for us, though he himself passed through the straits of Magellan. From this I might have conjectured, that he, who never was fond of having a consort with him, designed to make use of this as a likely expedient to sepa­rate himself; for he was a man that would do any thing, though ever so dishonest or inhuman;—[a reflection, however, that carries more of ma­lice than of truth on the face of it.]

Sept. [...], the fog clearing up, we had a full, but melancholy prospect, of the most desolate country that can be conceived, seeming no other than continued ridges and chains of mountains, one within another, perpetually buried in snow. Towards noon we were becalmed within three [...]gues of the mountains called the Three Bro­thers, so named from their equal height, near resemblance, and proximity to one another. Till now, we had not been sensible of any helps or hin­drances by currents; but this afternoon we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the straits, and just as we had gained somewhat more than the mid-passage, the northern tide came rushing [Page 141] upon us with a violence equal to that of the tide which had brought us in, and, to our great asto­nishment, drove us out of the straits again at a great and extraordinary rate, notwithstanding we had a fresh and fair gale with us at N. W. Upon the shifting of this tide to windward, there arose such a short, and, while it lasted, so hollow a sea, and so lofty withal, that we alternately dipped our bowsprit end, and poop lanthorns, into the wa­ter. Our ship laboured in the most alarming manner, and became insensible of the guidance of her helm; but at midnight the tide shifted, and we put through the straits without seeing the land on either side, and in the morning had a very good offing to the southward. We had found it very cold before we came this length, but now we began to feel the extreme of it. The bleak westerly winds of themselves would have been sufficiently piercing, but they were always attended with drifts either of snow or sleet, which, continually beating on our sails and rigging, cased the masts and every rope with ice, so that there was no handling them. It was common with us to be two or three days together lying to under bare poles, exposed all the while to the assaults of prodigious seas, much larger than any I had ever observed before. The winds reign­ing thus tempestuously, without intermission, in the western board, we had stretched away into lat. 61 deg. 30 min. S. where we were in con­tinual dread of falling foul of islands of ice, and [Page 142] where we found the variation to be 22 deg. 6 min. to the north-eastward.

October 1, as we were furling the main-sail, one William Camell cried out, that his hands were so benumbed, he could not hold himself; but before those who were next to him could lay hold of him, he fell into the sea, and the ship making fresh way, and the sea running high, we lost sight of him before we could bring to. In­deed, one would imagine it impossible that any thing could live in so rigid a climate; and, truly, we saw neither fish nor bird, except one soli­tary albitross, which accompanied us for seve­ral days, and hovered about us, till Hatley con­cluding, in a gloomy fit, that the company of this melancholy bird brought us ill luck, resolv­ed to destroy him, in hopes we might then have better weather.

October 22, at eight at night, we carried away our fore-top-mast, and rigged another next morning. We crept by very slow degrees, after we had ventured to tack and stand to the north­ward, in hopes to weather our way into the Great South Seas; and indeed it may be averred, that from the time we passed the straits of Le Mair, till we had the first sight of the coast of Chili, we had been continually distressed by the winds, and discouraged by bad weather.

Nov. 14, we saw the coast of Chili, distant 10 leagues, lat. by observation 47 deg. 28 min. S.

Being now arrived on the confines of the Spa­nish settlements, we found ourselves under an [Page 143] absolute necessity of contriving some means by which we might recruit our wood and water. We had but seven buts of water remaining, and a much less proportion of wood. I thought it would be best for us to go first to Narborough's island, and accordingly directed our course to that place.

Nov. 21, at seven in the morning, we had soundings in 28 fathom water, of fine grey and black sand. But here we found a wild road, which could not be deemed fafe for us—[Here Capt. Shelvock laments it as a great misfortune, that he could not reach Juan Fernandez, in la­titude 33 deg. 30 min. S. without stopping: tho' at the same time it is plain, that he lost more time in searching for a nearer place of re­freshment, than the direct passage to that island would have taken him up. But the imputation he would throw upon Clipperton is applicable only to himself: he never intended to act under him; and all his excuses are mere shifts.]

Surrounded with doubts and apprehensions, says he, lest we should be obliged to advance too far on these coasts, without a competent stock of provisions, one Joseph de la Fontaine, a French­man, assured me, that, if I would go to the island of Chiloe, which was at that time a little to the northward of us, there was no place for our pur­pose like it in all the South Seas; that the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, the first on the island itself, and the second on the continent, were rich [Page 144] places; that the former was the usual place of residence of the Governor, and that at the latter there was a wealthy college of Jesuits; and that there were considerable magazines kept up, which were always well stocked with provisions of all kinds.

On these considerations I formed a resolution of going to Chiloe; and on the 30th of Novem­ber we entered the channel, with an intent to surprize and attack the towns of Chacao and Ca­libuco: but, immediately after we had come to, the windward tide made out with prodigious ra­pidity, which instantly caused a great sea; and the wind increasing at the same time, the chan­nel all about us appeared like one continued breach. In the midst of this our ship laid a great strain upon her cable, which unfortunately part­ed, and we lost our anchor. We passed by two commodious bays; and, at length, we rounded a point of land out of the tide's way, where we were commodiously sheltered from all inconveni­ences; and, the next morning, I sent my second Lieutenant to make a discovery of the towns of Chacao and Calibuco, and, at the same time, Captain Hatley, to find out a watering place for us. He soon returned again, and brought with him an Indian, who gave us hopes of a sufficient supply of all we wanted, but afterwards came in the evening to tell us, the country was forbidden to supply us with any thing The Lieutenant not being yet returned, this information made me [Page 145] apprehend the enemy had taken him, and by that means had learned who we were.

December 3, there came to us a Spanish offi­cer, in a piragua rowed by eight Indians, who was sent by the Governor to be informed who we were. As soon as we had a sight of the piragua, I hoisted French colours, and, when the Spaniard came on board, I told him, we were a homeward-bound French ship, called the St. Rose, and that my name was le Janis le Breton. Under this notion he staid with us all. night, and next morning departed, not seeming to suspect us. I wrote to the Governor by this gentleman, signifying that I wanted a supply of provisions to carry me back to France, desiring him to assist me in what he could; and received for answer a complaint against the violences of our men, in killing their sheep, and driving away their cattle, by which I knew that they had seen my Lieutenant. But I was in despair of ever seeing him, or the people who were with him, any more. I therefore sent a message to the Governor, that provisions I wanted, and provi­sions I must have, and that very speedily; and that all the forces of Chacao, Calibuco, Carel­mapo, or Castro, should not frighten or deter me from supplying myself. Soon after, there came a piragua with a message, signifying, that if I would send an officer to Chacao, he would treat with me. But I gave him for answer, that I would treat no where but on board my own ship; and farther, that it was now too late, since [Page 146] I had already dispatched 80 men to take all they could find.

Soon after the pinnace arrived, which I had so long given over for lost, with all her crew; but they were so terrified, that I had no hopes of their being fit for service in any reasonable time. The officer had no excuse for not return­ing as soon as he had got a sight of the town, but that the tide hurried him away at unawares, and that in the fright he had forgot he had a graplin in the boat to come to with, till the tide had shifted. I said but little to him; and only made the officer sensible of his mismanagement, which had been the ruin of the advantageous views I might have had, in taking either Chacao or Calibuco.

December 16, we had now our decks full of live cattle, such as European sheep, hogs, gua­nicces, poultry in abundance, and hams, &c. as also a good quantity of wheat, barley, pota­toes, maize, or Indian corn; and, in short, I com­puted that I had added four months provisions to what remained of our English stock, and that without the least hindrance or molestation from the enemy.

December 17, we began to unmoor, and at noon we weighed, and sailed out with the wind at W. S. W. The night before we departed, one of our men made his escape into the woods. It was beyond all dispute that this fellow would give a full account of us. This, added to the ill conduct of my Lieutenant, together with the [Page 147] contrary execution of all my orders, by those officers whom I had hitherto entrusted in affairs of importance, made me despair of ever having any thing done to the purpose; and on this oc­casion, I could not forbear reflecting on the mis­management of some gentlemen in England, who blindly made use of their interest to prefer per­sons to posts for which they were utterly unfit.

I sailed from Chiloe with a design to go straight to the island of Juan Fernandez, but was prevented by my people, who were possessed with notions of vast advantages to be made by going to the port of Conception. It was our Frenchman, who had been so instrumental in our Chiloenian attempt, who was the cause of this. Finding his accounts hitherto tolerably just, they once more listened to him; and every one of my ship's company, who could say any thing at this juncture, did not fail to speak his mind some­what insolently; particularly William Morphew, one of the men I had out of the Ruby, and who had been in these seas several years, took upon him to tell me, that it could not signify much whether we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez; that I was a stranger here, but that the Frenchman and himself were so well acquainted with these seas, that every body hoped I would be advised and go to Con­ception, and not put a mere punctilio to orders in the balance against a certainty of success, if we were so happy as to arrive at that port in time. Considering now how easily they might be [Page 148] brought to throw off command, and how little I should be able to help myself, alone, as I might be said to be, if they came to that ex­tremity, I complied with them, and resolved to spend two or three days in going to Concep­tion; and, on December the 23d, we came abreast of the Teats of Bio Bio, and in the even­ing arrived in the bay, from whence I ordered the boats, well manned and armed, to go up in the night to surprize what ships or vessels might be in the harbour, and to make what observations they could concerning the place.

About noon, Captain Hatley returned in the pinnace, and informed me he had taken the So­lidad d'Anday, of 150 tons, the only ship in the road or port, lately come from Baldivia, laden with timber; had no body on board except the boatswain, an old negroe, and two Indian boys. He took also a small vessel of about 25 tons, near the island of Quiriquine, which belonged to a priest who had been gathering fruits, and was now made a prisoner in her, together with four or five Indians. This vessel we found very useful, and called her the Mercury, being well built, and ready upon all occasions to look into port. There was another small vessel that passed within pistol-shot, but Capt. Hatley never once offered to follow her, or bring her to. Hatley, truly, said, he did not mind her, though his boat's crew all agreed she was full of men. This vessel was bringing advice of us from Chiloe. I [Page 149] did not fail to reprimand him for this, but to what effect!

Dec. 26, the priest being very solicitous to ransom his bark, he left my ship in the morning, and, in my pinnace rowed by Indians, went ashore to get money for that purpose. At noon, Mr. Brooks, first Lieutenant, brought down the ship we had taken, and anchored her about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of her had not been on board above two hours before he gave me in­formation of a vessel laden with wine, brandy, and other valuable things, bound to the island of Chiloe, lying at anchor in the bay of Herradura, about two leagues to the northward of us. Thi­ther I ordered Mr. Randall, our second Lieu­tenant, with the boatswain of the Solidad, and 25 men, to go; with positive orders not to set a foot on shore, or make any hazardous attempt whatever. But the next evening they returned with a dismal story, that they went into the bay, and finding the vessel hauled dry on shore, the officer ordered his people to land, and bring a­way what they could out of her; but their ca­reer was soon stopped; for they had no sooner got upon the bank, than they discovered the enemy rushing out furiously upon them. They all escaped except five, who were overtaken in shoal water, and they all agreed that those five were cut to pieces. The Spaniards came down upon them, preceded by 20 or 30 horses a-breast, linked to each other. These were two deep; then came the enemy, mounted, and lying upon [Page 150] their horses necks, driving the others before them. They were not once seen to sit upright in their saddles, except when there was no danger, or to fire their musquets. This new addition to our misfortunes quite dispirited the greatest part of my ship's company. Nothing was now heard but murmuring, and damning the South Seas, and declaring that, if this was making their for­tune, they had better have staid at home and begged about the streets; but just as I was ex­postulating with Mr. Randall, who conducted this unfortunate undertaking, I was agreeably surprized with the sight of a large ship, which we saw coming about the northernmost point of the island of Quiriquine. It was almost dark, and she could not perceive what we were, so that she stood towards us without fear. As soon as she approached near enough, I hailed her, to which she returned no answer, and I fired into her. This was no sooner done, than she came to, and called for quarter. She was called the St. Fermin, came from Callao, burthen about 300 tons, and laden with sugar, melasses, rice, coarse French linnen, and some cloths of Quito, together with a small quantity of chocolate, and about 5 or 6000 dollars in money and wrought plate. I sent Mr. Hendry (the agent for prizes) to inspect her lading, and to order every thing he could find valuable out of her, and the ship's company sent their agent likewise. In the after­noon they returned, and brought all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, &c. that were in [Page 151] her; and also all the rice, with a large quantity of sugar, melasses, and chocolate, and about 7000 weight of good rusk, with all her eatables, and stores.

Don Francisco Larrayn, her Captain, desired to ransom his ship, to which I willingly consent­ed, and suffered him to go in his own launch to raise money for that purpose.

Dec. 30, there came a boat with an officer and a flag of truce, who brought word, that three only of our people in the skirmish at Har­radura were killed, the other two wounded, and in a fair way of recovery, and that the boat had brought advice of us, as I suspected, from that island. The officer brought me seven jars of very good wine, a present from the Governor, and a letter full of civility, but written with a great deal of craft. He desired to see my com­mission, and then he would treat with me ac­cording to the laws of arms.

January 1, Captain Betagh went to Concep­tion with a copy of my commission, the declara­tion of war, &c. and soon after he returned with a Flemish jesuit, a Spanish lawyer, and an English­man and a Scotchman. The jesuit assured me he was only come to pay his respects to me, and to do his utmost to promote the affair of the ransom, and bring it to an immediate conclusion. Therefore the first thing I did, was to shew my commission to the Englishman, who read it in Spanish. The jesuit then told me, that the Cap­tains of the St. Fermin and Solidad had re­solved [Page 152] to give me 12,000 dollars for the ransom of both the ships, and the Mercury included, instead of 16000 dollars which I had insisted on for the St. Fermin only. To this I positively answered, that all their persuasions, artifices, and pretences, should never make me agree with them. We had taken in the St. Fermin, ten large silver candlesticks, each of them weighing above twenty-five pounds sterling. The holy father, in a suppliant manner, represented to me that they were a legacy to his convent, and hop­ed I would make no dispute of so noble a charity as it would be to put them into the possession of those for whom they were designed. I offer­ed to let him have them for their weight in dol­lars, which, considering the great price they pay in those parts for the fashion of wrought plate, was a very advantageous offer. But he said they never bought any thing for sacred uses; and that, as the workmen put a great deal of al­lay into plate, it would be difficult to determine the different values of the dollars and the candle­sticks; so, after a deal of needless dispute and entreaties, both about this, and the ransom of the ships, the jesuit and the rest affirming that the Captains of the St. Fermin, &c. were not able to raise above 12,000 dollars, there was nothing done.

Two days passing without news from the Go­vernor, I began to be certainly convinced they had something else in view more than the accom­modation of the ransoms; but on January the [Page 153] 4th, my two wounded men came on board, and with them brought a letter, importing, that, as he had now sent back the prisoners, he hoped no difficulty would remain to prevent my send­ing on shore all the prisoners belonging to him.

January 6, the morning passed away without any news from the town. I now began to make preparations for sailing, and in those preparations spent the greatest part of the day. There being no appearance of any boat coming off to us, I ordered the St. Fermin to be set on fire. Her cotton sails being loosed, made a prodigious blaze. I had already set fire to the Solidad, to quicken their motions; and now, having con­cluded the treaty, I immediately got under sail, much chagrined at the loss of so many days without reaping any advantage. I was afterwards informed, that, if they had thought I would have destroyed the St. Fermin, they would have given even 20 or 30,000 dollars to have saved her; for she was one of the best sailers and the best fitted out ship of any of the Peruvian traders. I now directed our course to the island of Juan Fernandez, taking the Mercury with us.

January 8, the sea was all day perfectly red, appearing as if vast quantities of blood had been thrown into it, and curdled by the water. This, the Spaniards say, is occasioned by the spawn of prawns, which must certainly be a mistake. In our passage, the plunder was sold before the mast, by the ship's company's agent, at very extrava­gant [Page 154] prices. At the same time the account of every thing being taken, and the value of the shares calculated, the ship's company desired me to let them have their dividend, according to the articles at St. Catherine's, which request I could not withstand. The prize-money and plunder amounting to ten pieces of eight per share, was thereupon distributed; and all the bales of coarse cloth, bays, linnen, ribbons, lace, silk, and several other sorts of mercery wares, were equally divided, half to the owners, and half to the ship's company.

Jan. 11, at six in the morning, we saw the island of Juan Fernandez, and from that day till the 15th I kept standing off and on the shore for my boats, which were a fishing, who not having hitherto discovered any marks whereby we might conclude that Clipperton had been here, I thought it proper to render my coming hither serviceable in some respect, and therefore sent the Mercury on shore to stop her leaks, while the boats continued catching fish, of which we salted as much as filled five puncheons. At length, going on shore to make a nicer search, some of my men accidentally saw the word MAGEE, which was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, and CAPT. JOHN cut out under it up­on a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join with him again,—[This [Page 155] reflection may with great justice be retorted on the writer himself, and can in no shape affect Clipperton who followed his instructions in the most scrupulous manner.]—However, being by this confirmed in the certainty of Clipperton's arrival, I directly made the best of my way, and sailed to the northward.

Jan. 21, having a design to look into Copiapo as I went along shore, I sent Mr. Dodd, second Lieutenant of Marines, with eight men, as a rein­forcement to the Mercury's crew, and the next evening they left us steering in for the land, whilst I kept a proper offing, to prevent our being discovered. The next day the officer re­turned and told me, he had looked into the port, but could see no shipping there, upon which I made him sensible of his error, and sent him to the right place, which was about six leagues to the northward of us, and ordered him to be ready to look into Caldera by day-light the next morning. They did so, and saw nothing; but, instead of making use of the land wind to come off to me, they kept along shore, till the sea breeze came on, and could not come to me till the morning after, by which means they hinder­ed me almost a whole day and night's sailing; and in this vexatious manner were my orders al­ways executed!

Feb. 5th, I dispatched Mr. Brooks a-head to discover if there were any shipping at Arica, and next day, I had a sight of the head land of A­rica, and the island of Guano, with a ship at an­chor [Page 156] on the northern side of it, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the ship was too warm for her, and there­fore made all possible haste to get up to her with our ship. When I came into the port, I found her already taken, and that the Mercury only went accidentally adrift. This prize was called the Rosario, of about 100 tons, laden with cor­morants dung, which the Spaniards call guana, and is brought from the island of Iquique, for the culture of the agi, or cod-pepper, in the vale of Arica. There was no white face in her but the pilot, whom I sent to see if her owner would ransom her. At seven o'clock in the morn­ing I received a letter from the owner, expres­sing his poverty, and declaring his readiness to comply to the utmost of his power: and the ho­nest man was as good as his word.

I agreed upon restoring to him his ship, and six negroes, for 1500 pieces of eight; and he was so punctual and expeditious, that at 10 the next night he brought the sum agreed on. Soon after the receipt of this, we took a vessel of about 10 tons, as she was coming into the road, with a cargo of dried fish and guana, within a mile of the town. The master of this bark likewise came off upon a balse, which is an odd sort of an em­barkation, made of two large seal-skins separate­ly blown up like bladders, and then made fast and joined together by a frame of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy, and 40 pieces of eight, for his ransom, which, consider­ing [Page 157] his mean appearance, was as much as I could have expected. One part of his freight was va­luable, which was his dried fish.

Feb. 9, 1720, I sailed from Arica, and as I went out, the inhabitants placed themselves round the bay, and made a very good hedge fire after me for about half an hour. I judged there could not be less than 5 or 600 of them. I shaped my course for the road of Hilo, which we had a sight of the next day at three in the afternoon, where we saw one large ship and three small ones at anchor. The great ship imme­diately hoisted French colours, and in the end proved to be the Sage Solomon, of 40 guns, com­manded by Mons. Dumain, whom I had left at St. Catherine's, and who was now resolved to pro­tect the vessels that were with him, and obstruct my coming in. I at first thought of shewing my resentment, but, upon second thoughts, I clap­ped the helm a-weather, and stood out to sea.

Feb. 12, in the morning, the ship's company had their moiety of the money taken at Arica divided amongst them, according to their num­ber of shares.

Feb. 22, I came a-breast of Callao, the port for Lima, which is the metropolis of Peru; but there being no great prospect of performing much here in our present situation, I had nothing to do but to slip away from hence in the night, by the help of a favourable breeze.

Feb. 26, the officers in the Mercury desired to be relieved, and it being Capt. Hatley's turn [Page 158] to go in her, he proposed to me that he might continue along shore, till we had got the length of Lobos, an island in about seven degrees of south latitude. I could not but approve of this, considering the probability there was of his meeting with the Panama ships; and every body being well pleased, I added to their complement of men, and gave them a month's provisions, and mounted two of our quarter-deck guns on the Mercury, and lent Captain Hatley my pinnace. As soon as every thing was ready for their de­parture, Captain Betagh, whose duty and turn it was to relieve the marine officer in the Mercury, being unwilling to go on this party, addressed himself to the people, and with a fearful counte­nance told them, that he, and the rest who were to go with him, were sent for a sacrifice, with many other expressions tending to create a gene­ral mutiny. I now imagined no less than that he was about to act what he had threatened when he told me, it should be a short voyage with me; and, therefore, I addressed myself to the ship's company, desired to know who amongst them were of Betagh's opinion? Their answer was with one voice, None. This done, I ordered the Mercury alongside, and Hatley and Betagh went on board of her; and, putting off from us, gave three cheers, and stood right in for the land, in the latitude by observation of 10 deg. 9 min S.

The very next day they took a small bark la­den with rice, chocolate, wheat, flour, and the [Page 159] like. The day following they took another. On the fourth day of their absence they be­came masters of a ship of near 200 tons, worth 150,000 pieces of eight. Flushed with this suc­cess, it seems Betagh prevailed on Hatley, and the greatest part of the people with them, to lay hold of this opportunity and go to India: but they no sooner clapped their helm a-weather, than they saw a sail standing towards them, which, in short, proved to be a Spanish man-of-war, who caught them, and put an end to their Indian voyage. The English were treated very indifferently; but Betagh, it seems, who was of their religion, and of a nation which the Spa­niards affect to be fond of, was made an officer, and used very respectfully. This he certainly deserved at their hands; for he gave them an account of the whole scheme of our voyage; and not only informed them of what we had done, but also of what I designed to do; so that they did not doubt but I myself should be in their hands very speedily.

Feb. 29, at six in the morning, we saw a sail at anchor in the road of Guanchaco; at eleven we came up, and anchored along side of her. There was no body on board of her but two Indiamen and a boy. They informed us, there was a rich ship in the cove of Payta.

March 21, at three in the afternoon, we saw the Pena Oradado, or the Hole in the Rock; and in an hour afterwards, we entered the cove of Payta with French colours flying. There we [Page 160] found only a small ship at anchor with her fore­mast out, and her main-top-mast unrigged; but the taking of this town being considered in the scheme of our voyage as a matter of great im­portance, I consulted with my officers concern­ing the properest methods of going about it. At two of the clock the next morning I landed with 46 men, leaving Mr. Coldsea the master, and some others, to bring the ship nearer in, that we might the more expeditiously embark the plunder we might get. Being now on shore, I marched up to the great church without meet­ing any opposition; and indeed I found the town entirely deserted by the inhabitants. At day­light we saw what seemed great bodies of men on the hills, on each side of us, who, I expected, when they had viewed our strength, would have paid us a visit; but I found, that as we marched up towards them, we drove them before us. The remainder of the day was spent in shipping off what plunder we had got, which consisted of hogs, fowls, brown and white calavances, beans, Indian corn, wheat, flour, sugar, and as much cocoa-nut as we were able to stow away, with pans, and other conveniences for preparing it; so that we were supplied with breakfast-meat for the whole voyage, and full of provisions of one kind or other. In the afternoon there came to us a messenger, to know what I would take for the ransom of the town and ship; to which I answered, I would have 10,000 pieces of eight, and those to be paid in twenty-four hours, if they [Page 161] intended to save the town, or ship either. But the Governor gave me to understand in plain terms, that he neither could nor would ransom the town, and did not care what I did with it, so that I spared the churches. Having received this negative answer, and got every thing ser­viceable out of the town, I instantly ordered it to be set on fire; and the houses, being ex­tremely dry, consumed away a-pace. But no sooner was Payta in a blaze than those on board made signals for me to come off, and kept in­cessantly firing towards the mouth of the har­bour. Upon which I ordered all hands off, and went first on board myself in a canoe, with three men only; but, before I had got half way, saw a large ship lying with her fore-top sail aback, and with a Spanish flag flying at her fore-top-mast-head. At this prospect two of my three people were ready to sink; and when I looked back on the town, I could not forbear wishing that I had not been so hasty. As the Admiral was coming in with all his sails spread, Mr. Coldsea, by the assistance of the few on board, fired at him so smartly, that he stopped the ene­my's career. The Spaniard apprehending he should have hot work with us, brought his ship to, that he might put himself into a condition of making a vigorous attack upon us. This in­activity of the enemy gave me an opportunity of getting on board, and suffered my men to come off, about 50 in number, but the Spaniard was within pistol-shot before they had all got [Page 162] into the ship; upon which, we cut our cable, and our ship falling the wrong way, I had but just room enough to fill clear of him. Being now close by one another, his formidable ap­pearance struck an universal damp on every one's spirits; and I myself could foresee nothing but that we should be torn to pieces by him, and longed for an opportunity to try our heels with him, while our masts were standing. I ex­pected every minute that he would board us, and, upon hearing a shouting amongst them, and seeing their forecastle full of men, I concluded they had now come to that resolution; but I presently saw that the occasion of this joy was their having shot down our ensign-staff; upon which, they, seeing our ensign trailing in the water, were in hopes we had struck: but I soon undeceived them, by spreading a new ensign in the mizzen-shrouds. Upon sight of this they lay snug, and held their way close upon our quarter; at last, designing to do our business at once, they clapped their helm well a starboard, to bring their whole broadside to point at us; but their fire had little or no effect. All stood fast with us, and they muzzled themselves; which gave me time both to get a-head, and to windward of him, before he could fill his sails again; and now I found, that, if our masts, which were by this time but slenderly support­ed, would bear what sail we had abroad, we should soon steal away from him. After this he was in a great hurry to get his spritsail-yard [Page 163] fore and aft, threatening us very hard, and ply­ing us with his fore-chace: but we soon were out of his reach, and all hands were immediate­ly employed in repairing our damages. This ship was called the Peregrine, of 56 guns, with upwards of 450 men on board of her.

During this action, we had not a man killed or wounded, although the enemy often hulled us, and once, in particular, a shot coming into one of our ports, dismounted one of our guns between decks, tearing off the nut of the gun, and breaking itself into a great many pieces, which flew fore and aft in the midst of a crowd of people, without hurting any one of them. Our stern was also much shattered, and our rigging much disabled. Our main mast was a little wounded, yet stood a long while with only-one good shroud to support it; our fore-mast fared little better, yet I kept all the canvass, ex­cept the main-top-gallant-sail, at hard bats end. An unlucky shot took the bow of our launch, as she lay upon the quarter, and set fire to some cartridges of powder, which were negligently left in her, and which blew away her moorings, and we lost her. Seeing a great smoke arise on the quarter, I at first imagined some accident had happened within board. In short, in about three glasses we got quite clear of the Admiral, who tacked, and stood in for Payta, and we shortened sail. A narrower escape from an enemy could not well have been made, consider­ing the vast difference between us, as to force. [Page 164] The Spaniard had 56 guns; we, on the contrary, had but 20 mounted: they had 450 men; we, on our part, did not exceed 73; and 11 negroes and two Indians were included in that number. He had farther this great odds over us, of being in a settled readiness, whilst we were in the ut­most confusion. As for our small arms they were wet and useless to us; and, what is more, in the midst of the engagement, one third of my people, instead of fighting, were hard at work, to make farther preparation for an obstinate re­sistance, if we had been pushed to extremities; and particularly the carpenter and his crew were busied in making ports for stern-chace-guns, which, as it happened, we made no use of. Upon the whole, we had the good fortune to escape this danger, which was the more to be dreaded, be­cause, as we had set fire to the town, they were probably exasperated upon the account of the churches, which I never intended to destroy; and, if I had fallen into their hands, they might have given us but uncomfortable quarters. At the best, however, it cannot but be allowed to have been a most unfortunate disaster. The loss of my boat and anchor was irreparable, and may be said to be the cause of that scene of trouble which will take up the remainder of this narra­tive; for we had now but one anchor, that at Payta being the third we had lost, and were be­sides entirely destitute of a boat of any kind.

At five, the same evening, we saw a sail under our lee-bow, which I took to be the prize we [Page 165] had left to cruise for us near the Saddle of Payta; and we, therefore, stood to the west­ward all night, and the next morning we saw two sail a-stern of us. I tacked, and stood to­wards them, and in a little time could see that one of them was standing in for Payta, while the other kept stemming with us; but the nearer I approached her, the less I liked her, and could not but think it adviseable to put my ship about, and crowd sail from her. However, she gained upon us, and advanced near enough to shew us she was the Brilliant, the Admiral's consort. She was a French built ship, of 36 guns, manned with people of that nation, and other Europeans. She was handsomely rigged, which is rare to be seen in those parts, and sailed almost two foot for our one; so that, notwithstanding we had almost a calm all the heat of the day, she near­ed us apace. But, night coming on, I made use of the old stratagem (I thought it might be new here), of turning a light adrift in a half tub, in­stead of a boat, darkening one part of the lan­thorn, that it might the more appear to be a ship's light, and then immediately altered my course. As the day broke I hauled all my sails, and in full day-light could perceive nothing of the enemy. This was the ship wherein Betagh, my late Captain of marines, was so much re­spected; and by his advice it was, as I have been told, that the Admiral ordered his consort to ply up to windward to Lobos, our first place of rendezvous, whilst he himself came to Payta [Page 166] in search of us. This separation, though intend­ed as a sure means to catch us, proved to be very fortunately the means of our preservation.

Being thus closely pursued, I took an offing of thirty leagues from the shore, and then brought to, to consider what I had best to do. I was still in the dark, as to my consort; an em­bargo, as I was told at Payta, was laid on aft shipping to leeward for the term of six months; and our prize, which I designed to make a fire­ship of, was taken by the Brilliant; I had but one anchor, and no boat at all; and I was as yet ignorant of what had become of the Mercury.

In the midst of all this peril and perplexity, I called my officers together, to let them know, it was my opinion, we had, as we were thus cir­cumstanced, a much better prospect to the wind­ward than to the leeward; that on the coast of Chili we should not be in the least suspected, and should, at the same time, in the most effec­tual manner, escape the enemy's men-of-war; that, after taking in water at Juan Fernandez, we might cruise out the whole season off the ports of Conception, Valparaiso, and Coquimbo, where among the shipping we might be stocked with anchors, cables, boats, and a vessel to make a fire-ship of, on which I mightily depended. All this being universally approved of, we got our tacks on board, and stretched away to windward.

My intentions after this were fixed upon the [Page 167] coast of Mexico. There I proposed to run the height of Tres Marias and California, as the most likely places to meet with the Success. These two places would have been commodi­ous; the first for salting of turtle, and the last for wooding and watering at, and for laying my­self in the track of the Manilla ship, which, if I should have had the fortune to meet with, and, having a fire-ship with me, I would have tried what I could have done with her.

March 26, having well secured our mast, and bent a new suit of sails, we stood to the south­ward, expecting to gain our passage to wind­ward in about five weeks.

March 31, as they were pumping the ship, the water which came out of the well, was not only in greater quantity than usual, but was also as black as ink. This made me judge that some water had got to our powder; and accordingly going into the powder-room, we heard the wa­ter come in like a little sluice. This had quite spoiled the greatest part of our powder; so that we only saved the quantity of six barrels. We found upon search a leak to be on the bow, un­der the lower cheek of the head, occasioned by a shot which had been lodged there in our late en­gagement, and which falling out by the working of the ship in an head sea, had left room for a stream of water; but we brought the ship by the stern, and, with great difficulty, stopped it securely.

May 11, we saw the great island of Juan [Page 168] Fernandez, bearing east half south. Here I plied on and off till the 21st, but could not get off as much water as we daily expended.

May 21, a hard gale of wind came out of the sea upon us, and brought in with it a tumbling swell; so that in a few hours, our cable, which was never wet before, parted, and inevitable shipwreck appeared before our eyes. But Pro­vidence so far interposed in our behalf, that, if we had struck but a cable's length farther to the eastward or westward of the place where we did strike, we must certainly all have perished. Our main-mast, fore-mast, and mizzen-top-mast, went all away together; and happy it was for us that they did so; for, by making them serve by way of raft, and by the help of those who were ashore before the wind came on, we were all saved, except one man. In the midst of this surprize, the first thing I took care of, was my commission; and, remembering the powder to be uppermost in the bread-room, I got most of it up, with about seven or eight bags of bread: these we saved, as the ship did not come to pieces immediately. In a few minutes, however, after she first struck, she was full of water. We saved, notwithstanding, two or three compasses, some of our mathematical instruments, and books.

When we first got on shore, we were without any one thing necessary for our relief; not so much as a seat whereon to rest our harrassed limbs, except the wet ground, which, as far as [Page 169] we could see, was also like to be our bed and pillow, and indeed it proved to be so.

In the evening, all the officers came to consult with me, how we should get some necessaries out of the wreck; and, having by this time lighted a fire, we wrapt ourselves in what we could get, laid ourselves round it, and, notwithstanding the badness of the weather, we slept very soundly; but, the next morning, getting up with the first glimpse of day-light, we looked at each other like men awakened out of a dream; so great and so sudden was the melancholy change in our condition, that we could scarce trust to our senses.

I went immediately among the people to set them about the work we had resolved upon the night before; but they were so scattered, there was no getting them together, or we might, pro­bably, have regained all our beef and pork. This opportunity, however, was lost, by their eager­ness to build huts and tents, in order to settle themselves for good; for, while they were thus employed, a furious gale of wind came on, which destroyed all the provisions in the ship, except one cask of beef, and one of farina de pao, which were washed whole on the strand. I had saved 1100 dollars belonging to the gentlemen adventurers, which were kept in my chest in the great cabbin; the rest, being in the bottom of the bread-room for security, could not possibly be come at. I need not say how disconsolate my reflections were on the sad accident that had [Page 170] happened. My first thoughts were on the means whereby to preserve our lives, and on some scheme of oeconomy to be observed a­mongst the people, in relation to the distribu­tion of such quantities of provisions as should from time to time be obtained.

I found a very commodious spot of ground about half a mile from the sea, on which I set up my tent. There was a fine run of water within a stone's cast of it on each side, with fir­ing near at hand, and trees proper for our use. The people settled within call about me, in as good a manner as they could: and having all secured ourselves against the inclemency of the weather, we used to pass our time in the even­ing round a great fire, roasting craw-fish in the embers.

I now began to think of building such a vessel from the wreck as might carry us all off at once from this island; and for that purpose consult­ed with the carpenter; but was astonished at his answer, ‘'he could not make brick, he said, without straw,'’ and walked away from me in a surly humour. From him I went to the ar­mourer, and asked him what he could do to­wards building a small vessel for us; to which he answered, that he hoped he could do all the iron work; that he had, with much labour, got his bestows out of the wreck, and that he did not doubt but we should find a great many other useful things, when we came to set about a search for them in good earnest.

[Page 171]June 8, we laid the blocks, and got the bow­sprit ready to make a keel. The carpenter for a little while went on with seeming good temper, but suddenly turning short upon me as I stood by him, he swore a great oath, he would not strike another stroke, ‘'he truly would be no body's slave, and thought himself now upon a footing with myself.'’ This provoked me to use him a little roughly with my cane; but af­terwards came to an agreement with him to give him a four-pistole piece as soon as the stem and stern-post were up, and 100 pieces of eight when the bark was finished. He then went to work on the keel, and in two months time we made a tolerable show, owing to the diligence and ingenuity of Popplestone, the armourer, who made us hammers, chissels, files, gimlets, bullet-moulds, and an instrument to bore our cartouch boxes. These last we covered with seals skins, and contrived them so as to be both handy and neat. He, besides all this, began and finished with his own hands, a large serviceable boat, which was what we very much stood in need of.

For a few days the people behaved themselves very regularly and diligently, half of them work­ing one day, and half another. But the time soon arrived when we fell into such confusion and outrageous disorder, that it was a miracle we ever got off from this place by any assistance of our own; for, one afternoon, I missed all the people, and could see no body but Mr. Adams, [Page 172] our surgeon, Mr. Hendry the agent, my son, and Mr. Dodd, lieutenant of marines, who, for some reasons best known to himself, had a mind to act the madman. At night I was informed, they had assembled together at a great tree, had formed a new regulation and new articles, had excluded the gentlemen adventurers in England from having any part of what we should take for the future, and had divested me of the authority of their Captain, having regulated themselves ac­cording to the discipline of Jamaica. They had chosen Morphew to be their champion and speaker. This man addressed himself to me, and told me, ‘'that, as the Speedwell was cast away, they were now of consequence at their own disposal, so that their obligations to the owners and me were of no validity, the ship being now no more; they therefore, he said, had now thought fit to frame such articles as would be most conducive to their own interest; and, if I would sign them, well; if not, they would not trust themselves under my conduct, as they should always be apprehensive that I should serve them as Clipperton had served some of his men, who (they heard) happening to be taken separately, he denied them, and suffered eight of them to be hanged as pirates before his race.'’

In these articles, besides casting off the own­ers, I found myself reduced from sixty shares to six. I was at a loss what to do in this di­lemma; but at last I found myself under an in­dispensible [Page 173] necessity of signing the articles, in order to get off from the island, where otherwise I might have been forcibly left behind.

And now, having very unwillingly satisfied them in all I thought they could ask, I recom­mended to them the vessel we had begun, not doubting, but after this they would have used their constant endeavours to fin [...]sh her, that they might have an opportunity of putting their pro­ject in execution; and they said they would.

But early the next morning, going down to the beach as usual, and expecting to find every one employed, I saw none of them, except the carpenter, and two or three more; for, notwith­standing they were abettors of the designs that were carrying on, yet the hopes of a little money from me had made them work pretty diligently, though I cannot say they fatigued themselves. Upon enquiry, I was informed, that the rest of the people were again adjourned to the great tree; and it was not long before I was made acquaint­ed with the result of their meeting; for, betimes the next morning, they surrounded my tent, while Morphew, and Stewart, their agent, came in to me, and told me. They came in the name of all the people to demand every thing be­longing to the gentlemen adventurers out of my possession, and particularly 750 weight in Pinna or virgin silver, a silver dish weighing 75 ounces, and 250 dollars in money, I did not easily part with all this: but they desired I would make no dispute; for, as all this came out of the wreck, [Page 174] they insisted, the owners could have nothing to do with it, and they were determined to have it. In short, I was obliged to give it all up, and they shared it amongst them that very moment, according to their new regulation.

After this, they entirely destroyed what little power they had allowed me over them; and the meanest of them were taught they were as good as I. They sometimes denied me a quota of the fish, and wondered I could not go out to catch it as well as they; at best, they would give my servant who used to fetch it but the leavings, af­ter they had chosen the prime: and, to complete their insults, my first lieutenant, who used some­times to eat with me, entirely deserted my mess to join Morphew, to partake of his better fare.

Quite tired out with their incessant mutinies, I became at length so desperate, that I began to think of preferring the dangers of the sea, in a small open boat, to what I thought myself ex­posed to on this place from my ship's company. I apprehended, they would never rest till they had made themselves entirely their own masters, by privately making away with me; and this made me melancholy and pensive, preparing myself for the worst that could happen. They perceiving this change in me, grew suspicious that I was now contriving some means to reduce them; and, therefore, they determined to get the arms out of my possession. To this purpose they all came in a body, headed by Brooks and Morphew, who, in the presence of all the [Page 175] people, used me with insupportable impudence; and even went so far as to threaten the life of my son, for only telling Morphew, that every one present had not chosen him for his speaker.

Having gained that point also, they had the pleasure of squandering away their time, and powder and shot, in firing at cats, or any thing else, to waste the ammunition.

What I hare now related, is the substance of what occurred from May 24 till August 15, when we had sight of a large ship, which put us into a great hurry, and gave us a considerable alarm. Before she crossed the bay, I ordered all the fires to be put out, and confined the negroes and Indians, lest the ship should be becalmed under the land, and any of them should attempt to swim off to her. However, I was not long in fear, for she kept away large, and at too great a distance to perceive any thing distinctly of us.

On this occasion I got most of the people under arms, and was glad to see so many of them, in some measure, obedient to command. I told them, I was pleased to see their arms in such good order; to which they answered im­pertinently, that it was for their own sakes. But this alarm was scarce subsided before they be­came divided among themselves. The question started was, whether or no the bark should be carried on, or, whether they should not build two large shallops, and set what was done of the bark on fire. The workmen, and a considera­ble majority of the rest, sided with me in be­half [Page 176] half of the bark: but at night the carpenter sent me word, that, if I did not deliver him the money agreed on at the beginning, notwithstand­ing the terms of the payment of it were not yet fulfilled, I should not see his face again; so I was obliged to treat this gentleman as he pleased to have me, and raise the money for him.

To complete the number of our divisions and dissentions, there arose a third party, who were resolved to have nothing to do with the other two, they purposing to stay on the island. These were to the number of 12, who accord­ingly separated themselves from the rest, and never appeared amongst us, except in the night, when they used to come about our tents, and the bark we were building, to steal powder, lead, and axes, and in short, whatever else they could lay their hands on. These, however, I found means to manage, and took from them all their arms, ammunition, and the rest of their plunder, and threatened, that, if they were found within musquet-shot of our tents, they should be treat­ed as enemies.

In a little time these divisions had so far weakened the whole body, that, by degrees, they began to listen a little to what I said to them; and I prevailed so far as to get most of them into a working humour. Mr. Brooks now came with a feigned submission, and desired he might eat with me again; but this, in the main, abated nothing of his esteem for Morphew. His dissimulation, however, proved of signal service, [Page 177] as it contributed to the speedy finishing of the bark. This claimed the assistance of all our heads and hands; for when we came to plank her bottom, we had most disheartening difficul­ties to encounter; for, having no plank but pieces of the wreck's deck, we found it so dry and stubborn, that fire and water had scarce any effect in making it pliable and fit for use. It rent and split, and flew like glass; so that now I had sufficient reasons to believe, after all our labour, that we must patiently wait to be taken off from hence by some Spanish ship, and, after all our troubles, be led to a prison, to reflect on our misfortunes past. However, by constant labour, and a variety of contrivances, we, in the end, patched our bark up in such a manner, that I dare say the like was never seen, and I may venture to affirm, that such a bottom never swam on the surface of the sea before.

Sept. 9, the boat, which I have already men­tioned to be begun by the armourer, was launch­ed; and, being now in a fair way of compleating our bark, there yet remained, unconsidered and undetermined, what provisions we should get to support us in our present voyage. All the stock we had consisted of but one cask of beef, five or six bushels of farina or Cassader flour, together with four or five live hogs.

I made several experiments to cure both fish and seal, but found it impossible. At length, we luckily thought on a method of curing the conger-eel, by splitting it, and taking out the [Page 178] back-bone, then dipping it in salt-water, and af­terwards hanging it up to dry in a great smoke. As no other fish could be preserved after this manner, the fishermen were ordered to catch what congers they could. And now several of the people, who had not yet struck a stroke, began to repent of their folly, as they grew weary of living on this place, and offered their service to go a fishing, every one making some foolish excuse or other, for having been so long idle. The new boat being sent to try her for­tune, returned at night, and brought in a great parcel of fish of several sorts, amongst which were 200 conger-eels. This was a good begin­ning, and every tent took a proportion of them to cure.

Having this conveniency of a large boat, I desired Mr. Brooks, our only diver, to try what he could recover from that part of the wreck which lay under water. He accordingly under­took it, and could find but one small gun, which he weighed and brought on shore, together with two pieces of a large church candlestick, which was a part of the plate which belonged to the gentlemen adventurers.

Our boat was now daily employed in fishing. The armourer constantly supplied them with hooks, and there was no want of lines, which were made of twisted ribbon. In the mean time, those who were ashore, made twice layed stuff for rigging and other uses. We patched up the canvas for sails; the cooper completed [Page 179] his casks; and, in a short time, we had masts an-end tolerably well rigged, and thought we made a comfortable figure.

And now, having done all we could, when we came to put in water, to try the tightness of our work, it was followed by an universal outcry, A sieve! a sieve! I was afraid the people would have despaired, and desisted from using any far­ther means: but, in a little time, and by inces­sant labour, we repaired the ship's pumps, and fitted them to our bark. The next spring-tide we found means to launch her, which fell out on the 5th of October, by which time we had saved about 2300 conger-eels, weighing, one with another, about one pound each, and made about 60 gallons of seals oil to fry them in. This, with what I mentioned before, was all our sea-stock. As she went off the blocks, I named her the Recovery, though I was sadly afraid of hearing ill news from those afloat in her; but all proved indifferently well; and, knowing it to be dangerous for her to lie here long, especially having no other anchor than a great stone, and a slight rope to hold her with, and that the least puff of wind might have driven and destroyed her upon the rocks, we got all the water off that day, which we did so much easier and quicker, because the casks were ready stowed in the hold. She had two masts, and was of about the burthen of twenty tons; and, to my great satisfaction, I found, that one pump, constantly working, kept her free. The next day, October the 6th, we [Page 180] got every one on board and embarked, leaving behind us eleven or twelve of those who had deserted us. They were deaf to all persuasions; and, in short, sent me word, ‘'They were not yet prepared for the other world;'’ so they, with the like number of blacks and Indians, remained behind on the island.

This island enjoys a fine wholesome air, inso­much that, out of 70 of us that were on it for the space of five months and eleven days, not one of us had an hour's sickness, notwithstanding we fed on foul diet, without bread or salt. For my own part, I must acknowledge the bounty of Providence; for, although I lost much of my flesh, I became one of the strongest and most active men on the island, from being before very corpulent, and almost crippled with the gout. On the tops of some of the mountains of this island, are plains covered with groves of the Italian laurel. Palm-trees are likewise found in most parts, growing in smooth joints like a cane, some 30, some 40 feet high. What seamen call palm-cabbage is the very substance of the head of this tree, which being cut off, you find in­closed a white and tender young cabbage: but, for every one we got, we were obliged to cut down a fine lofty tree.

The northern part of this island is very well watered, and the water keeps well at sea, and is, I dare say, as good as any in the world. Down the western peak descend two cascades, to ap­pearance, at least 300 feet perpendicular; which,

[Page 181] with the palm-trees that grow up close by the edges of them, exhibit a very grand and roman­tic prospect.

We might have found goats enough in the mountains, if we had been able to follow them; and cats are so numerous, that there is hardly taking a step without starting one. Those whose stomachs could bear their flesh for food, found a more substantial relief from hunger by one meal of it, than from four or five of fish.

The Spaniards, who first stocked this island with goats, have since endeavoured to destroy these goats by dogs, which are likewise very nu­merous; but the goats have many inaccessible places of refuge, where no dogs can follow them; and they still continue to afford a plen­tiful supply to strangers.

While we were here, it was the season for the sea-lionesses to come to land, to bring forth their young. These have bodies of a monstrous bulk, being from 10 to 12 feet long, and near as much in circumference. I may venture to affirm, that, one with another, they would yield each a butt of train oil. They are so indolent, that, as soon as they have gained the land, they fall asleep, and in that condition remain a month together so torpid, that you might fire a pistol at their heads without disturbing them; but where the sea-lionesses lie, as they do in companies after they have yeaned, to give suck to their young, there is always an old lion, of the largest size, incessantly on the watch, and at the approach of [Page 182] an enemy makes a hideous roaring, threatening death to him who should be so hardy as to mo­lest his charge; and, in truth, were they not so unweildy, they would be a desperate creature to encounter. We were accustomed to walk a­mongst them without dread; for all, but those who were to take care of the young, were lost in the profoundest slumbers. On the land they in­gender, and bring forth their young, who ingen­der also before they go off, against the next sea­son; so quick and suddenly do they increase and propagate.

The seals here may properly be called sea-wolves, from the resemblance of their heads to the heads of wolves, differing in that particular from the seals in the northern hemisphere, where their heads are more like the dog's. They are naturally surly, and snarl in an angry manner, on the approach of any body. Two fins compose their tails, and with the help of these they get along much faster than the lions.

Every thing one sees or hears in this island is different from what is elsewhere to be found. The very structure of the island, in all its parts, appears with a certain savage, irregular beauty, nor easy to be expressed. The several prospects of lofty inaccessible hills in the day, and the so­litariness of the gloomy narrow vallies in the night, added to the mixed, confused noise of the surge continually beating against the shore, the tumbling of the waters from an immense precipice, the roaring of sea lions and sea-wolves, [Page 183] whose voices are more or less shrill or hoarse according to their youth or age, compose so wild and horrible a medley, that the stoutest man must long be accustomed to it, before he can taste the sweets of refreshing sleep, or wholly divest himself of terror.

October 6, we set sail, with nothing to subsist on at sea but the before-mentioned smoked con­gers, one cask of beef, and four live hogs, toge­ther with three or four bushels of farina. We were upwards of forty of us crowded together, and lying upon bundles of eels, with no conve­nience of keeping the men clean, nor any thing to defend us from their abominable stench; not a drop of water to be had without sucking it out of the cask through a pipe, which being used pro­miscuously, became intolerably nauseous. The unsavoury morsels we daily ate created perpetual quarrels amongst us, every one contending for the frying-pan. All the conveniency we had for firing, was an half tub filled with earth, which made our cooking so tedious, that we had a con­tinual noise of frying from morning till night.

Thus we traversed the ocean: happy, how­ever, in the thought of being once more afloat, and cherishing the hope that something would speedily fall into our hands. Every day, while the sea-breeze continued, we were hard put to it, for not having above 16 inches free board, and our bark tumbling prodigiously, the water con­tinually ran over us; and, having only a grating [Page 184] deck, and no tarpaulin to cover it, our pumps would but just keep us free.

October 10, being the fourth day of our new expedition, we fell in with a large ship, which I could plainly see was Europe built. This struck me with the dread of her being a man-of-war; however, our case being desperate, I stood for her, and, before we could get quite up with her, the enemy discovered the brownness of our can­vas, and, suspecting us, wore ship, and hauled close on a wind to the westward. This done, they hoisted their colours, fired a gun, and crouded away from us at a great rate; but, in about two hours it fell calm, and we had re­course to our oars. In the mean time we over­hauled our arms, which we found to be in very bad condition, one-third of them being without flints, and we had but three cutlasses; so that we were but ill prepared for boarding, which was the only means we could have of taking any ship. We had but one small cannon, which we could not mount, and therefore were obliged to fire it as it lay along upon the deck; and to supply it we had no more ammunition than two round shot, a few chain-bolts and bolt-heads, the clap­per of the Speedwell's bell, and some bags of beach-stones to serve for partridge. In about four hours we came up with this ship, and every one seemed as easy in his mind as if actually in pos­session of her. But, as we advanced nearer, I saw her guns and patararoes, and a considerable number of men upon deck, with their arms glit­tering [Page 185] in the sun, who called out to us by the name of English dogs, defying us, in a scornful way, to come on board of them, and at the same time gave us a volley of great and small shot, which killed our gunner, and almost brought our fore-mast by the board. This warm recep­tion staggered a great many of my men who before seemed the forwardest, insomuch that they lay upon their oars for some time, in spite of all I could do to make them keep their way. We recovered ourselves again, and rowed close up with the enemy, and engaged them till all our small shot was expended, which obliged us to fall astern to make some slugs. In this man­ner we made three attempts, but with no better success.

All the night it was calm, and we were busied in making slugs, and had provided a large quan­tity by the next morning, when we came to a final determination of either carrying the ship, or of submitting to her; and accordingly, at day-break, I ordered twenty men in our yaul, to lay her athwart the hawse, whilst I boarded her in the bark. The people in the boat put off, giving me repeated assurances of their good behaviour; but, at the very juncture we were coming to action, a gale sprang up, and she went away from us.

This ship was called the Margarita, and was the same which had been a privateer belonging to St. Malo's, and mounted forty guns, all the last war. In the skirmishes we had with her, [Page 186] we had none killed, except Gilbert Henderson, our gunner; and only three were wounded, viz. Mr. Brooks, First Lieutenant, through the thigh, Mr. Coldsea, the Master, through the groin, and one of the fore-mast-men through the small of his back. Two of these did very well, and I think there was something extraordinary in their cure; for the surgeon had nothing to apply to their wounds, but what he himself had prepared with seals-oil, and other matters he had found on the island. Mr. Coldsea, indeed, lingered in a miserable manner for nine or ten months; but at length recovered.

Our condition now grew worse and worse; for soon after we had parted from this ship, a bard gale came on, which lasted four days with­out ceasing, during all which time we had not an hour's hope of living a minute. We were obliged to scud away under bare poles, with our yaul in tow; and, having but a short scope of boat-rope, we were, on the descent of every sea, in the greatest danger of having the bark's stern beat in by the violence of the boat's pre­cipitate fail after us; and, once in particular, a great hollow sea had like to have thrown her upon our deck, which would have put an end to our voyage immediately. The excessive fright of this storm made many of our people form a resolution of going on shore the very first opportunity.

In this extremity, calling to mind M. Fre­zier's account of Iquique, I mentioned the sur­prizal [Page 187] of that place to the crew, which being universally approved of, we directed our course to that island.

It was three weeks before we got this length; and having nothing to ride the bark with, we were obliged to keep the sea with her, whilst the boat went in between the rocks, and was received by some Indians on the strand with a sort of welcome. The men, being landed, went to the Lieutenant's house, broke it open, and rummaged the whole village, where they found a booty more valuable to us at that time than gold and silver. It consisted of about sixty bushels of wheat-flour, 120 of Calavances and corn, some jerked beef, pork and mutton, some thousand weight of well-cured fish, a good number of fowls, some rusk, and four or five days eating of soft bread, together with five or six jars of Peruvian wine and brandy; and, to crown all, they had the good fortune to find a large boat near the shore, to bring off the booty with, which otherwise would have been of little use to us, our own boat being already suffi­ciently laden with the men.

Words cannot express the joy that reigned among us when they came on board: the scene was now changed from famine to plenty; the loaves of soft bread were distributed to every one, and the jars of wine were broached; but I took care they should drink but moderately of it, each man having no more than half a pint to his share: and, after a day or two's [Page 188] living on wholesome diet, we wondered how our stomachs had been able to digest our rank and nauseous eels fried in train oil, and could scarcely believe we had lived upon nothing else for a month past.

Mr. Randall, our Second Lieutenant, who commanded in this enterprize, told me, they did not meet with the least opposition, and that the few Indians they found seemed to be as glad of this opportunity of pillaging the Spaniards as we were.

The settlement at Iquique consists of about 60 scattered ill-built houses, which hardly deserve that name, and a small church. There is not the least verdure to be seen in or about it, nor does it afford the least necessary of life, of its own product, not even water, which they are obliged to fetch in boats from Pisagua, ten leagues to the northward.

By two Indian prisoners we took here, we were informed, that the Lieutenant's boat was then at Pisagua, and that it would not be long before her return; however, being determined to make some attempt in the road of le Nasco, in lat 16 deg. S. and at Pisco, in lat. 13 deg. 45 min. S. we set sail, and the very morning we came off the Sierra or high-land of le Nasco, two hours before day-light, we fell in with a large ship. The circumstances of our meeting and engaging her were, in some measure, the same with those we had with the Margarita. We met with both at the same time in the [Page 189] morning, and, whilst in pursuit of both, had the misfortune of being becalmed. We strug­gled with this last for six or seven hours, and were at length obliged to leave her, because the sea-breeze came in so strong, and the sea ran so high, that, had she been of no force, our slight bark must have been in pieces before a third part of us could have entered her. This ship was called the St. Francisco Palacio▪ of 700 tons, eight guns and ten pete [...]aroes, and was well manned and provided with small arms.

It happened very unfortunately, that we should thus miss two of the best equipped ships in the private trade at that time in the South Seas. This last repulse was made a pretence for much murmuring; many, despairing of ever being able to take any thing as our condition was, were for surrendering to the enemy, who was all the night becalmed near us. To pre­vent their design, I took care to remove the two boats out of their power, by ordering two men in each of them, such as I thought I could trust, and to cast off from us at a little distance, that none might escape in them. But, notwithstanding the confidence I had in these four, the two in the best boat ran away with her; and the next day I was informed, that the First Lieutenant and Morphew had made a party, too strong for me to oppose, to go away with the boat that was left; but, it blow­ing fresh the next night, they were prevented from executing their design.

[Page 190]The next day we stood into the road of Pisco, as we had designed, where we discovered what appeared to be a large ship. We bore down to her with a resolute despair, and laid her athwart the hawse; but, to our great satis­faction, we met with no resistance, and were received by the Captain and his Officers with their hats off, in the most submissive manner asking for quarter. Before we came up, I had ordered our boat to intercept theirs, which was going on shore. They clapped her on board, but, not holding fast, they fell astern, and could not fetch up with her again; so that in this boat was conveyed away every thing that might have been valuable in the prize. She was a good ship, of about 200 tons, called the Jesus-Maria, almost laden with pitch, tar, copper, and plank, but nothing else. The Captain offer­ed 1600 dollars for her ransom, but I could not give ear to it in the condition which I was then in.

The Spanish Captain informed me, that the Margarita had been arrived some time at Callao, where she had given a full account of us; that the Captain of her, and three more, were killed in the action with us, and that the Priest and several others were wounded; and that she was now ready to put to sea again, with an addition of ten guns and fifty men; to cruise for us: and, moreover, that the Flying fish, a frigate of 28 guns, was already out with the same in­tent. Upon this advice, having cleared our [Page 191] bark, we gave her to the Spanish Captain, and as soon as the breeze sprang up, we weighed, and went to sea, and in going out met with our boat, which I have mentioned to have left us in the night; they edged towards us, imagining we were Spaniards, by which means we got them again. The two fellows in her were almost dead, having ate or drank nothing for three days, and had just been ashore on a small island, to kill seals to drink their blood. They had no excuse for themselves, but that they fell asleep, and the faint breezes of the night had wafted us in the bark away from them.

Pisco being 40 leagues to the windward of Callao, I kept close hauled till I had gained a two degrees offing, and kept that distance till we had got well to the northward of Callao, and hauled in again for the land, a little to the south­ward of Truxillo, and looked into the roads of Guanchaco, Malabriga, and Cheripe; but, see­ing no ship at those places, I passed between the island of Lobos de Tierra and the continent; and, Nov. 25, found ourselves near the Saddle of Payta, where having made some prisoners, I examined them concerning the condition of the town, which they answered was very poor at pre­sent, there being neither money nor provisions in it, and shewed me a small bark on the shore, which Captain Clipperton had sent in here a little while before with some of his prisoners, which had given them such an alarm, that every thing had been again removed into the country. This [Page 192] unwelcome news did not hinder us from keep­ing on our way, with our Spanish colours flying, till we came to the place of anchorage.

No sooner was our anchor down than I sent away Mr. Brooks, with both the boats, armed with 24 men; no more of them, however, ap­peared than those who rowed, and two or three sitters in each, the rest, with their arms, lying in the bottom of the boat. Thus they advanced towards the town, without giving the least um­brage to the inhabitants, who were so thoroughly persuaded of our being Spaniards, that, when the people landed, they found the children playing on the beach, who were the first that took the alarm, and ran away at the sight of armed men. In an instant the whole place was in confusion; the town was deserted, and nothing left in it but a few bales of coarse cloth, about 500 of dried tole or dog-fish, two or three pedlars packs, and an inconsiderable quantity of bread and sweet­meats; so that we unluckily had but little em­ployment for our boats.

As we lay at an anchor in the ship, we took a boat with about fifty jars of Peruvian wine and brandy, the master of which told us, he was come by stealth from Callao, there being orders that none but ships of some force should stir out. This man was the first who acquainted me with Captain Hatley's being taken, and the value of his prizes; and likewise assured me, that, if Captain Clipperton had landed the first time he was here, there were 400,000 pieces of eight in [Page 193] it, besides a great quantity of jesuits bark, and other valuable commodities, of all which he might easily have made himself master; but he wanted courage. Some of the King of Spain's treasure is frequently lodged under the Governor's care; and, if he had made an attempt, even the second time, it would have been worth his while. As for Collan, which is two miles to the north­ward of this, situated near the mouth of a little river, it is a mean place, being entirely inhabit­ed by Indians.

From this place we directed our course for the island of Gorgona, in the bay of Panama, and in our passage thither built a tank, or wooden cistern, big enough to hold 10 tons of water, wherewith to supply our want of casks, as without the help of some such contrivance we should have but little hopes of being ever able to return home. In our way we made the island of Plate, Cape St. Francis, and Gorgonella; and on Dec. 2, we came to anchor to the leeward of the northernmost point of Gorgona, within less than a quarter of a mile of the shore. Here we had the advantage of filling our water-casks in the boat, the water running in small streams into the sea, and cut down our wood at high water mark; so that in less than 48 hours we had done our business here, and hurried away to sea, for fear of those who might be in quest of us.

Having got out of the track of the enemies ships, we consulted on the best methods of pro­ceeding, when the majority were for going di­rectly [Page 194] over to the coasts of Asia. Upon this we changed our ship's name from the Jesus Maria to the Happy Return, and applied all our en­deavours towards abandoning these coasts; but the winds and currents were averse to it; and some of those who opposed our departure, did so much damage clandestinely to our tank, that the greatest part of our water leaked out. This, to­gether with continual contrary winds and dead calms, which detained us till our provisions were much exhausted, rendered us incapable to un­dertake so long a run; and therefore, to furnish ourselves with what we wanted, I proposed a de­scent on the island of Quibo, in lat. 7 deg. 40 min. N. where, by Captain Rogers's account, I guessed there must be inhabitants who lived in a plentiful manner on the product of the country.

On January 13, 1721, we anchored between Quibo and the isle of Quivetta, in a sandy bay, commodious for wooding and watering. The morning after our arrival, we saw two large pi­raguas rowing in for the isle of Quivetta, one of them with Spanish colours flying; and, after a little debate, whether it would be prudent for us to attack them in our boat or not, it was re­solved, at all hazards, to go after them in our yaul. This enterprize was commanded by Mr. Brooks, our First Lieutenant, who found the men on shore, brought away their piraguas, and two prisoners, the one a Mulatto, and the other a Negro; the rest sought for refuge in the woods. The Mulatto mortified us very much, by telling [Page 195] us, that a vessel laden with provisions had pass­ed by very near us in the night; but, to make amends, promised to conduct us to a place where we might supply ourselves without any hazard, provided we were not above two or three days about it. No news could be more welcome to us than this, wherefore we were very brisk in getting off our wood and water; and, on Janu­ary the 19th, we got safe in between Mariato and the island of Sebaco, and anchored in six fathom water, over against a green field, which is in­struction sufficient, there being but that clear spot hereabouts. Our guide desired we might be going at least three hours before day-light, and that then we should be in good time at the plantations. Accordingly I embarked at two the next morning in our own boat, and ordered the two lieutenants in the two piraguas, leaving my son and a few men with him, to take care of the ship. Our guide carried us up some part of the river St. Martin, and out of that into several branches of very narrow creeks amongst man­groves, where we had not room to row, which made me suspect he had no good design in his head; but we landed just at day-break on a fine savannah, or plain; and, after a march of about three miles, came to two farm-houses, whose owners had made their escape, except the wife and children of one house.

The place answered the man's description, being surrounded by numerous herds of black cattle, hogs, and plenty of fowls of all sorts; [Page 196] and here we found some dried beef, plantains, and Indian corn; and, for present use, were en­tertained with a wholsome breakfast of hot cake and milk, a diet we had been long unacquainted with When it came to be broad day, I saw our ship close by us, upon which I asked our Mu­latto, How he came to bring us so far about? He answered, There was a river between us, and he did not know whether it was fordable or not. I therefore sent some to try, who found it was not above knee deep. Wherefore, to avoid the trouble of carrying our plunder so far as we had been led, I ordered our boats to row out of the river St. Martin, and to come to the beach over against the ship. We had not been long here before the master of the family we were with, being anxious for their safety, returned, and made an offer of as many of his black cattle as we should think sit to require; which offer we kindly received: and he brought us the number we thought we could save; for, hav­ing but little salt, and not being able to spare water to keep them alive when at sea, our de­mands were moderate; and the few we requir­ed, as soon as they were carried on board, were k [...]ed. Their flesh we preserved by cutting it into long slips of the thickness of a finger, and then sprinkling it with so small a quantity of salt, that we did not use above four or five pounds to a hundred weight; then letting it he together two or three hours, we hung it up to dry in the sun, which perfectly cured it, and [Page 197] that better than it could have been done by any other way.

Having done all we proposed in coming here, we departed with our decks full of fowls and hogs, amongst which there was one with its navel, or something like it, on its back. The Spaniards say, that this, when wild in the woods, is a terrible animal to meet with, although at full growth it be but small.

January 25, we made a sail about two leagues to the leeward of us: we gave her chace till we found she was of European structure; and fear­ing she might be one of the enemy's ships of war, I clapped on a wind, and in half an hour's time it fell calm. Soon after, we saw a boat rowing towards us, which proved to be the Suc­cess's pinnace, commanded by Mr. Davidson, their First Lieutenant. My first interview with him was attended by an astonishment equal on both sides; he could hardly believe that he saw us in so mean and forlorn a condition; and I could scarce believe that the Success (if in being) had been all this while wandering up and down these seas.

I entertained him with a rehearsal of the con­stant run of misfortunes which had befallen us in the long interval since we separated near the coast of England, till our present meeting that day; and he, on his part, entertained me with several remarkable incidents, which had happened to them in the course of their voyage. Particularly, he told me, that, about a twelve-month [Page 198] before, they had taken a new French-built brigantine, and put their officers and ship's company's plunder on board of her, which they valued at ten thousand pounds sterling; that their second Captain, Mr. Mitchel, was in­trusted with the command of her, and was or­dered to go to some island on the coast of Mexico, and to stay there till Captain Clipper­ton should join him with his ship; but that they never could find the island since, and, therefore, judged that poor Mitchel, and his men, were either starved, or murdered by the Spaniards or Indians, or that he had perished with the island, such submersions being frequent on those coasts. The story of Captain Mitchel, who was a very worthy man, and an expert sailor, is, in all its circumstances, a very tragi­cal one. There was always a jealousy between him and his Captain, who ordered him to a place, and pretended to give him infallible di­rections to find it, which never could be found afterwards, and, tis my opinion, never was above water; and the unfortunate gentleman, without doubt, perished in some obscure, miserable man­ner, in quest of a place that was never yet, and perhaps never may be discovered. In our dis­course, I asked Mr. Davidson the value of the booty they had made, and he assured me it did not exceed 70,000 dollars—but that they had lost great opportunities—that in October, 1720, they were in the bay of Conception, and had the misfortune to leave three laden ships [Page 199] behind them, and missed a fourth, which was coming into the bay, and which was so near as to hail and talk to them, besides being becalmed by them;—that though it was probable their launch could have taken them all four, yet, through their Captain's deafness to advice, they took none of them:—that, moreover, they had never yet cleaned their bottom, notwithstanding they had had it in their power to do it; and that this negligence had like to have cost them dear; for that, in their return from Conception, they looked into Coquimbo, where they saw five ships at anchor, three of which let slip after them, and overtook them apace, but by the favour of thick weather, and a hard gale of wind, they got clear of them; and further, that, off the port of Callao, they fell in with the Flying-fish frigate, which was cruising for me in the bark, and which, by unpardonable mismanagement on the part of Clipperton, got safe from them, although deeply laden with a valuable cargo designed for Cadiz. I have been since informed of this by one of my surgeon's mates, who was taken in the Mercury, and was surgeon of the Flying-fish at that time.

This was the substance of my discourse with Mr. Davidson, when, in the mean time, a gale sprung up, which interrupted us, and I bore down to the Success, and went on board of her. I gave Captain Clipperton, and Mr. Godfrey, the agent-general, the whole history of my voyage hitherto, and expected that I should [Page 200] have been treated by them as one belonging to the same interest, but found I was mistaken; for they were unwilling to have any thing to do with me since my ship was lost. However, I conceived, that he could not be so inhuman, as to deny me the supply of such necessaries as I wanted, and he could conveniently spare. The answer I had to this was, that I should know more of his mind the next day. Amongst the rest of the discourse I had with him, he told me he was just come from the island of Cocos, that his people were sickly, and at very short allowance. Upon this, I offered my service to pilot him to Mariato, which was not above thirty leagues distant from us, where he might have refreshed his people, and supplied himself with what he would. But this was not accepted, he being resolved to make the best of his way to the Tres Marias, where, he said, there was tur­tle enough to be had; so I left him for that night.

The next morning, as I was going on board of him again, with some of my officers, he sud­denly spread all his canvas, and crouded away from us, who were in the boat: upon which I returned to our ship again, and made signals of distress, and fired our gun several times, which was not regarded by him, till his very officers cried out on his barbarity, and, at last, he brought to. When I had sailed up with him, (being exasperated at such inhuman treat­ment) I sent Mr. Brooks, our First Lieutenant, [Page 201] to know the reason of his abrupt departure, and to tell him that we stood in need of several ne­cessaries, which, if he was not inclined to give, I would purchase of him. Upon these terms he spared me two of his quarter-deck guns, sixty round shot, some musquet-balls and flints, and a Spanish chart of the coast of Mexico and part of India and China, a half-hour, and a half-minute glass, a compass, and about 300 weight of salt; but with all the arguments I could use, I could not prevail on him to spare us the least thing out of his surgeon's chest for the relief of Mr. Cold­sea, our master, who had been ready to die of his wounds received in the engagement with the Margarita, for above three months past. When this was concluded, I again asked him, if I could be of any service to him, and assured him, I had a pretty good ship under foot, though she made but a poor figure, and believed I could hold him way, and that he knew our cargo was pretty valuable. To all this he answered, that, if I had a cargo of gold, he had no business with me, and that I must take care of myself. Mr. Hendry, the agent, and Mr. Rainer and Mr. Dodd, Lieu­tenants of marines, seeing but little prospect that we should ever get home, and being weary of the work that was imposed upon them, desired I would let them go on board the Success, for a passage to England; which I consenting to, they went on board accordingly, and Clipperton left us to shift for ourselves, near the island of Cano. Having purchased this supply, I was for going to [Page 202] the southward into the bay of Panama, to try our fortune there; but the majority opposed me through fear, and were for going to the Tres Mar [...]as, to salt turtle there, and then stretch over for India. We directed our course thither; and, a few days after, met with the Success in quest of Sonsonnate, where they expected to receive the Marquis of Villa Roche's ransom. That noble­man had been some time a prisoner with them, and his wife was now at Guatimali, a city within 30 leagues of that port. We ranged close under their stern, and asked how Captain Clipperton and the rest of the gentlemen did, but it was not thought proper to return any answer; so without any concern, he steered one way, and we another. After this, calms, and contrary winds, and unaccountable currents, reduced us to a very small allowance, which we were oblig­ed to diminish daily, and should have been in deeper distress than ever, had it not been for the turtle which we took on the surface of the wa­ter. We had a continual look-out for them, and they were easily known, at a great distance, by the number of sea-birds that perched on their backs. Upon sight of these, we used to lay aside the advantages we might have made of the wind, to embrace the opportunity of prolonging our provisions. Upon the whole, though we lost some of our way in pursuit of turtle after this manner, it was not the greatest inconvenience that [...]tended us; the dressing it made a great consumption of our water, the quantity of which [Page 203] decreased upon us very suddenly, by the conti­nual use of it in boiling the turtle with plantain flower. This relapse into a state of famine, threatening us with speedy and certain perdition, if means were not used to avert it, made me propose the plundering of some small town as we coasted along the shore. Guatulco was the nearest to us: but the very morning we were steering in for this place, at sun-rising we saw a sail a considerable way to leeward of us. We thought it would be better to take this ship than to venture on shore, and therefore we bore down to her, who in the end proved to be the Success. We now met with a double baulk, both as to our hopes of Guatulco and the ship; for we were by this accident got so far to the leeward of Guatulco, that it was needless to beat up so far against the wind for an uncertainty, when we had a gale, that, had it continued, would have carried us to some better port.

But the winds were but a few hours propi­tious, and were succeeded by perpetual con­trary gales, which destroyed all our hopes, and brought us down to a small earthen plate of ca­lavances, a kind of small bean, for 24 hours, which not being sufficient to keep us alive, we had recourse to the remainder of our smoked congers, which had for some months been neg­lected, and lain soaking and rotting in the bulge water. They were certainly as disagree­able food as ever men eat.

Under these calamitous circumstances did we [Page 204] meet with the Success a fourth time, near the port of Angels; and, after having made the ap­pointed signal, we stood so near to one another, that, to use the sea phrase, a bisket might have been tossed from ship to ship, but we did not change a word with each other; for, Captain Clipperton, as I have since been informed, had ordered all his officers and ship's company to take no notice of us: and, though he was so truly sensible of the difficulties and hazards we had to cope with, if our design was to go for India, that he said, The child that was born the day before would be grey headed with age be­fore we should arrive there (intimating by that expression, that it was impossible for us to do it), yet, notwithstanding, he, without any remorse, could see us on the brink of suffering the great­est severities our ill fortune could load us with, and not lend us a helping hand to deliver us from the impending ruin.

Thus surrounded on all sides by present want and threatening disasters, we, on the 12th of March, being off the port of Acapulco, saw a ship between us and the shore. I bore down to her, till perceiving her to be a large Europe-built ship, with Spanish colours flying, I con­cluded she was the Peregrine, who, as I had been informed, had carried the Prince of St. Bu­eno, who had been Viceroy of Peru, to this port in his way to Spain. With these suspicions, be­ing as yet unwilling to run ourselves so immedi­ately into the enemy's clutches, I hauled again [Page 205] on a wind, which he seeing, he pulled down his Spanish, and hoisted an English ensign, and made the signal agred on between Clipperton and me for knowing one another. Had they been in any other part, I should have been so far from enter­taining any thoughts of such a change in him, that I should have looked on all his signals as the artifices of the enemy, who might have ac­quainted themselves with them by the informa­tion of such of our men as they might have taken prisoners. But now, making no doubt that it was he, I bore down to him, and being come along his side, he sent Captain Cook, his second Lieutenant, in his yaul, with an obliging letter to me, to inform me, he was cruising for the homeward-bound Manilla ship, and desiring I would assist him in the enterprize, and come on board of him the next morning, proposing a union of our two ship's companies. I was very well pleased with this offer, and, without hesita­tion, returned him word that I would be with him early.

In the mean time, I read over his letter pub­licly to my people, and exhorted them seriously to consider of the great benefits that would ac­crue to us on all sides from it. Upon which they all expressed the most resigned willingness to join in the undertaking. But, as Clipperton had used us so unhandsomely before, they desired I would get some security for their shares, signed by Cap­tain Clipperton, Mr. Godfrey the agent, and the rest of their officers. I went on board, and, ac­cording [Page 206] to their request, Capt. Clipperton, and Mr. Godfrey, the owners agent, immediately drew up an instrument fully worded for the purpose, and they and all the other officers signed it. This was all my people wanted to make them easy.

We then proceeded upon our main business; and, after mature deliberation, it was thought most adviseable, that I should send the greatest part of my men on board the Success, as soon as we saw the Manilla ship come out of Acapulco, and leave only a boat's crew with me to bring me away, in case I should have occasion to make use of my ship as a fire-ship, or a smoaker, which we jointly proposed to do, if we found the ene­my too hard for us; and it was determined to board her at once, as we should otherwise have much the worst of it, on account of their superior weight of metal, and the better capa­city of their ships, which are built very strong, to bear a cannonading. Clipperton assured me, he was certain of the time when she would sail from this port, which the Spaniards say is always within a day or two after Passion-week, of which we had a fortnight yet to come.

Before I returned to my own ship, I acquaint­ed Captain Clipperton with our slender stock of provisions, but particularly with our shortness of water; and he told me he had 80 tons of it on board, and he would spare me as much of it as I would have, or any thing else his ship afforded.

[Page 207]I had now the pleasure of being restored to my command in as regular a manner as ever; every one, from the highest to the lowest, ex­pressing the satisfaction he had in the prospect before us. But Morphew, that ringleader of all our disorders, fearing my resentment, thought it was his best way, to insinuate himself into the favour of the Captain and Officers of the Suc­cess, which he did effectually, by an humble, submissive, outward deportment, and prevailing presents. In short, he had his end, and left me; but, the next morning, Mr. Rainer, who acted with us afterwards as Captain of marines, came on board of us to visit his old shipmates, and so continued.

Thus we cruised in good order, and with a great deal of hope, until March 17, when, to­wards evening, Clipperton, contrary to his usual custom, stretched a-head of us about two leagues, without lowering so much as a top-gallant-sail for us to come up with him. I could not but be a little startled at this, as being quite contrary to his usual method. However, I kept standing after him, as I thought, in the night, till we were almost in the breakers on the shore, which of course obliged us to tack, and stand out to sea again, admiring all the time that we had had no signal for going about. The next morn­ing we had no sight of any ship near us, which laid me under the most terrible apprehensions, considering the bad condition we were in for want of water, and the vast distance we were at [Page 208] from any place where we could expect to get a recruit of any, having now no choice left, but either to beat up 220 leagues against the wind, to go to the Tres Marias, or bear away a much more considerable distance for the gulph of Amapala, or the island of Cocos.

But, notwithstanding our distress, I kept our cruising station for him two or three days. At last it was resolved to bear away to the first con­venient place to water at; and, in truth, it was time, for we were now 40 odd men, who had but three buts of water for a run of 300 leagues and upwards, on a coast subject to long calms, variable winds, and uncertain currents.

It was afterwards told me, that the night Clipperton left us, he assembled all his officers, and told them it was his intention immediately to quit the coast. His officers remonstrated to him on the barbarity of doing this without ac­quainting Captain Shelvock with his intention, and sparing us some water. But he put off their serious expostulations with an inhuman sneer, saying, That, if I should, through want, be obliged to surrender to the enemy, I should only share the same fate, that, perhaps, some others had met with before me.

Thus this man, perhaps, through an excess of mean-spiritedness, and dreading the engage­ment with a ship that was always known to de­fend itself with some obstinacy, neglected as fine an opportunity as most of our nation have ever had of taking this ship, which, as I was informed, [Page 209] by some Spaniards from Manilla, when I was in China, came out of Acapulco about a week after we left the cruize—[For Capt. Clipperton's ac­count of this transaction we refer the reader to the preceding voyage.]

On March 30, in the evening, we entered the road of Sonsonnate, and, as the sun set, saw a ship at anchor there. It being a moon-light night, I sent the first Lieutenant, with some of the best hands, to discover what this ship might be. On his return he informed me, the ship was a large one, of one tier of guns at least. I nevertheless continued to ply in all the night, and prepared for action. At day-light we found they had hoisted a jar of powder, con­taining about ten gallons, with lighted match, at each main and fore yard arm, and at the bowsprit end, with design to let them fall on our decks if we boarded them. This contri­vance, if it had taken effect, would have soon made an end of both ships, and of all that were in them. Seeing them so desperate in their pre­parations, I expected a warm dispute with them; and, by what I could see, they were, in all points, superior by much to us in strength.

At eleven in the morning, the sea-breeze came in, and ran us upon them very fast, whilst our small arms were briskly and effectually em­ployed to break their powder jars, before we came to board them, which we did without de­lay, and, after the exchange of a few shot when on board of each other, they submitted.

[Page 210]This ship was called the Sacra Familia, of 300 tons, six guns, and 70 men; besides a great number of small arms, with some grenade shells and shot. She had been, for some time before, arrived from Callao, with wine and brandy; but had now nothing in her but fifty jars of gunpowder, and a small parcel of rusk and jerked beef. In short, she could hardly be said to be worth the trouble we took, and the risques we ran for her: but she was reputed to be a better sailor, and was visibly better fitted out than our own; wherefore I changed ships, and we all went on board our prize, which was equipped in the warlike manner we found her, and commissioned, on purpose to take us.

A merchant, the escrivan of the ship, being On board, desired we would sell him the Jesus Maria, which we agreed to, and sent him on shore to raise the money for that purpose; and at night he came off with another Spanish gen­tleman, and brought us a letter of advice from the Governor on shore, signifying that there was a treaty of peace on foot between their Bri­tannic and Catholic Majesties, which was what we had not before heard of. However, I sent to the Governor, signifying that I should be very glad to see the proclamation and articles; and that thereupon, I should be ready to obey the commands of my Sovereign; so we came to an agreement with the Governor to lye in the road till he sent to Guatimala, 50 leagues dis­tant, for those papers, provided he would sup­ply [Page 211] us with water and provisions. On the 5th of April, the Governor sent on board two papers, which, by the best interpretation we could get of them, did not appear to us to be in the form of proclamations. We told those who brought the papers aboard, that we were in great want of an interpreter; upon which they said, there were some Englishmen at Guati­mala, whom they would send for, if we would stay three days for them, and that they would supply us with water and provisions till that time; which we agreed to, and they desired we would send our boat on shore every morning for the supply. Accordingly, on the 7th of April, we sent our boat on shore with Mr. Brooks, our first Lieutenant, and five men. This officer, men, and boat, the Governor detained under a flag of truce, and, at night, sent off a small boat, with two of our men, with a letter from himself, and another from Mr. Brooks. His letter signified, that, if we did not deliver up our ship to him, he would declare us pirates. And Mr. Brooks, by his, informed me, that it was his opinion, that the Governor was endea­vouring to bully me into a surrender, having spoken very ambiguously of a cessation of arms: notwithstanding which, I sent the Governor a letter, signifying, that, if we could be secured of a safe and sure conduct for ourselves and ef­fects to Panama, and from thence, by the way of Porto Bello, be conveyed to any of our British plantations, we would come to a farther [Page 212] treaty; which if he intended, he was desired to signify it by firing two guns as soon as he had received this advice, and by sending back my officer and men; if not, necessity would oblige us to sail. At three in the morning, (the Governor having shewn no signal, nor sent any word) we weighed our anchor, yet lay to in the bay till ten, but then made sail, being forced thereto for want of water; having, however, no other in­tent, in case of the certainty of a peace, than to deliver up the ship we were now in at the first convenient port, as was signified to the Go­vernor by letter.

Being now got out to sea, we reduced our­selves to a pint of water for 24 hours each man, and directed our course for the gulph of Ama­pala, which was about 35 leagues to the E.S.E. of this place, in order to get a fresh supply. The loss of my officer and boat's crew, sensibly diminished the number of white faces, and we should have been so much weakened by it, that we should never have been able to manage this great ship, with her heavy cotton sails, if we had not taken with us our negro prisoners, who proved to be very good sailors. The loss of our boat was also a very great inconvenience to us; but as I only thought of taking water enough to carry us to Panama, where we were fully resolved to surrender, if it was really peace, I imagined we might make shift without her, and get such a quantity as we might want in two or three days time.

[Page 213]The winds were favourable, and we arrived there on the tenth following in the evening. As soon as we had entered the gulph we found our­selves in the midst of several small islands, one of which was the island of Tygers, where we expected to find water; but our expectations proved vain, for, after a hazardous and fruitless search not only on that, but on some of the greenest of the other isles, there was not the least drop of fresh water to be found, by us, on any of them.

In this miserable condition, threatened on all sides with inevitable destruction, unfit for the sea, fearful of trusting ourselves in the cruel hands of the inhabitants on the shore, quite dis­pirited by the continued course of misfortunes which had hitherto been our constant atten­dants; but, above all, lamenting this unhappy baulk in not finding water where we so much expected it, which had reduced us to such extre­mities as we had never known before; in short, ready to sink under the burden of our calami­ties, we weighed our anchor on the 13th of April before day-break, and stood out from this gulph. And now having the open sea be­fore us, I brought my people in general to an obstinate resolution not to surrender on this part of the coast, let the consequences be ever so miserable. Upon this unanimous agreement, with not 40 gallons of water in the ship, and no other liquids to supply the want of it, we came to so small an allowance as half a pint of [Page 214] water for 24 hours; and even this allowance was rather too large, there being no place, that we knew of, where we could get any more, nearer than Quibo, to which island, about 200 leagues distant from us, we shaped our course, but having very uncertain winds and weather, we were 13 days at this allowance. Our suffer­ings from the extremity of thirst are hardly to be conceived; some drank their own water to allay the burning heat within them, but though this moistened their mouths, it increased their misery; some drank large draughts of sea-water, which was near putting a period to their lives; while others eat just enough of the calavances moistened with water to sustain life, and these suffered the least.

At length we were fortunately relieved, by falling in unexpectedly with the island of Cano, in lat. 9 deg. N. where seeing a run of water, Mr. Randall, without dreading the dangerous surf, passed through the breakers, and, to the unspeak­able joy of all the company, soon returned on board with his jars filled; but as he could not bring off more than 60 or 70 gallons, I took care to restrain our people in the use of it, allow­ing to each man only a quart for their imme­diate use: and I was the more strict in this distri­bution, because Mr. Randall assured me, the breakers were so dangerous, that he believed we should not be able to get at any more.

Being willing, however, to make another trial, I next day sent the boatswain, to endeavour to [Page 215] procure a further supply; but, after wasting the whole day in search of a smooth beach to land upon, he could not see one spot where he durst venture on shore. Therefore, thinking we had a stock sufficient to carry us to Quibo, I weigh­ed anchor, and in ranging the island I acciden­tally discovered a smooth beach, where the lit­tle boat getting on shore, the crew filled nine jars, which lasted till we arrived at Quibo, where we anchored at the same place we had twice an­chored at before. Here we consulted about sur­rendering ourselves to the Spaniards, being within 80 leagues of Panama, a place of little or no strength towards the sea, and but little frequented by the enemy's ships of war, where we could treat with them at a distance, and be truly informed how affairs stood in Europe. During our deliberations we wooded and wa­tered at leisure; and some searched the woods for fruits to refresh us, by way of prevention against the scurvy, which we had been all along less subject to than any ship I ever saw or heard of in such long runs. Those who were thus usefully employed brought us papas, guayavas, cassia, limes, and a small kind of white sour plumb, which was much eaten and admired by most of us; but, by its violent operation, it put a stop to our proceedings for some days. How­ever, we soon recovered, without any bad symp­toms, and made an end of wooding and water­ing, and set sail, fully determined to surrender at Panama. In our way we passed by a great many [Page 214] [...] [Page 215] [...] [Page 216] small islands, but the most remarkable are, Mon­tuosa, Sebaco, and the isle of Picara, which lies on the western side of Quibo.

May 15, a small bark, taking us for Spaniards, bore down to us, the master of which was in the greatest consternation when he found his mistake, but recovered when he heard we were bound for Panama to surrender, and readily offered his pilot thither, his vessel, called the Holy Sacrament, being bound to that port, laden with dried beef, pork, and live hogs, which, as she was leaky, he desired that I would take in tow. I was glad this bark fell into our hands, and readily com­plied with his request, because, if we found the Governor of Sonsonnate's account to be false, we might be thoroughly enabled by this help to go to India. In the mean while, it had remained a point yet undetermined, who should be the per­son entrusted with the flag of truce; for my peo­ple, having known much treachery, were appre­hensive the person sent would only, or chiefly, make good his own case and that of his friends to the Governor, and not care what became of the common men. At last, my son was judged the fittest to go, as he would surely re­turn, if it were purely for my sake. Other dif­ficulties were started that could not so easily be removed, notwithstanding which, we kept on our way, fully fixed in our resolution.

May 17, another small bark came down upon us, but having stood pretty near to us, she bore away again, and ran on shore directly, at the ha­zard [Page 217] of the lives of every soul on board. This unaccountable behaviour, gave us good reason to believe, that the governor of Sonsonnate's ac­count of a cessation of arms was groundless.

May 19, we saw a sail a-head of us, standing along shore, and being desirous of speaking with her, I let go the bark we had in tow, and made all the sail we could after her. We gained very little upon her all the day; but had, neverthe­less, got a great way a-head of our bark, wherein were four of our own people and five Spaniards. However, notwithstanding night came on, all our sail was kept abroad, and next morning we were within gun-shot of her. I immediately or­dered our colours to be spread, fired a gun to leeward, and set a man to wave a flag of truce; but, on sight of our English ensign, she fired at us, and so continued to do, with her decks full of men, abusing us with the grossest appellations. I made no return until I came close upon their quarter, and then I sent one of their countrymen to the bowsprit end, to inform them in Spanish, that we were bound to Panama, and desired to treat peaceably with them, and hoped, at least, they would have some regard to the white flag which they saw flying; but they still continued their fire; and presuming, as I supposed, by our quiet behaviour, that we were unable to defend ourselves, they were preparing to board us, which I no sooner perceived than I met them with our helm, and gave them so warm a salute, that they steered round off from us. We just missed get­ting [Page 218] hold of them, but it falling almost imme­diately calm, we continued our engagement for the space of two or three hours at the distance of musquet-shot. At length, a breeze wafting us nearer to them, we found that as fast as we ap­proached, so fast did their courage cool. Their Captain, however, still bravely encouraging his people, and exposing himself in the openest manner, was shot through the body, and drop­ped down dead; upon which they immediately, and with one voice, cried out for quarter, and put an end to the dispute. Mr. Randall, and two or three more, went on board the prize, and found the prisoners in the most submissive pos­ture, asking for mercy, which was granted, though they had no great reason to expect it, after their direct breach of the laws of arms and nations in firing at a flag of truce.

The most considerable prisoners, being brought on board, informed me, that their ship, called the Conception de Recova, belonging to Callao, was of the burthen of 200 tons, and laden with flour, loaves of sugar, bales of boxes of malmalade, jars of preserved peaches, grapes, limes, and the like, mounted six guns, and had 70 odd men on board. In this engagement, the Spanish Cap­tain and a negroe were killed, and one or two slightly wounded. On our part, our gunner was slightly wounded by a pistol ball, and our main-mast had a small piece carried out of the side of it. We had now about 80 prisoners of all co­lours, though we ourselves were not above 26.

[Page 219]Amongst our prisoners we had several of note, particularly Don Baltazzar de Abarca, Conde de Rosa, an European nobleman, who had beeen Go­vernor of Pisco, and was now upon his return to Spain, together with Captain Morel, who had formerly been taken by Captain Rogers. They were all treated with the utmost civility, which they the more wondered at, because, from a self-conviction of their own ungenerous behaviour towards us, they could not but expect to have been dealt with quite otherwise.

The winds and calms prevented our joining the Holy Sacrament, the prize we had left be­hind us, till May 22, when we bore down to her, and were surprized to find no soul on board, but that her decks and quarters were covered with blood. By many circumstances it plainly ap­peared, that the Spanish crew had butchered those who were left to assist them, while they were asleep; otherwise it could not have hap­pened, that five unarmed Spaniards could have overpowered four Englishmen completely pro­vided with arms for their defence. It is very probable, however, that these murderers paid with their lives, the loss of those lives they had taken away; for, being above four leagues from the land, and having no boat with them, they probably jumped into the sea on our approach, fearing, if they fell into our hands, to meet the vengeance due for so horrid a crime. That part of the deck which was dyed with gore they endea­voured to cover, by throwing the flocks and [Page 220] stuffings of beds over it; so that till these were removed, the blood was not to be seen.

This tragical accident put a damp to the plea­sure we had enjoyed for a day or two past on the account of our late prize. Our prisoners, at such a sad and sudden change, began to be alarmed, and looked at one another as if they all ex­pected to be the victims of our revenge upon this unhappy occasion. On the other hand, I was fearful lest these apprehensions should urge them to some desperate attempt, they being 80 in number, and we not above 17 on board of our own ship, and, when we were all together, not above 25 that could stand to arms. In this dilemma, I ordered all the prisoners into the stern gallery, except the nobleman, and some of the chief officers, and a guard to be kept in the great cabbin.

The Spanish gentlemen observing this, let fall some expressions whereby I perceived they were afraid I intended to proceed to severities towards their people; but I assured them, that, if I was of so revengeful a nature, the laws of my coun­try forbad me from indulging it; that I acted under my King's commission; and that the na­tural abhorrence our nation had to barbarity, might quiet their fears, and make them perfect­ly easy. They then, on their part, in the most solemn manner disclaimed the very thought of an attempt upon our lives; and assured us, on their honour, that they thought they should never be able to make a just return for the [Page 221] generous treatment they had met with. It was, however, prudent to secure our prisoners of the meaner sort, and when we had so done, we hauled the Holy Sacrament along-side of us. She was half full of water, and the greatest part of her dried beef was wet and spoiled, but all that was not damaged we took out, together with some live logs. We also took out of the Conception a twelvemonth's provision of bread, flour, sugar and sweetmeats, and a like propor­tion for the Success, whom I expected to find at the Tres Marias, being then a stranger to Clip­perton's faithless desertion. I likewise took from them their launch and their negroes; for considering we had a large ship, and a run of 175 degrees of longitude to sail, which was little less than half way round the world, I thought we could do no other than reinforce ourselves with these blacks, who are common­ly good sailors in these parts; and, indeed, we afterwards found we should never have reached the coasts of Asia without them.

Thus having supplied ourselves with every thing the Conception afforded, I suffered our prisoners to return to their own ship again; but the chief of them would not leave me till they had drawn up a writing, which they signed, whereby they acknowledged the circumstances of our engagement, in the manner I have already related. In short, no people, circumstanced as we were, could part in a more friendly manner than we did.

[Page 222]Thus were we put by our design of surrendering, and were going to undertake a long and hazar­dous voyage to Asia. Our strength was indeed considerably augmented, for we had now 15 guns, and ammunition enough to supply them.

Before we proceeded any farther, it was neces­sary to get in a full stock of water. The island of Quibo was hazardous for us, being too near Panama; it was therefore determined to ply up to Cano, where, having a good boat, we soon did our business. In our passage thither, the sweetmeats of all kinds, which we had taken out of our late prize, were divided among the messes. It happened that one of the fellows, one day, com­plained he had a box of malmalade which he could not stick his knife into, and desired it might be changed. I opened it, and found in it a cake of virgin silver, moulded on purpose to fill such boxes, and being very porous, it was of near the same weight of so much mal­malade. In overhauling the rest, we found five more of these boxes. This was a contrivance to defraud the King of Spain of his fifths, which he claims in all the silver taken out of any of the mines in Peru. We doubtless left a great many of these boxes behind us, so that this de­ceit served them in a double capacity, to defraud their king's officers, and blind their enemies. An affair as vexatious as this, is said to have been discovered too late on board a prize the Success had taken, where they found a very [Page 223] considerable quantity of Pinna's or virgin silver, in the form of bricks, very artfully plaistered over with clay, and dried in the sun, which be­ing all the consistence they give their bricks in that country, they were taken to be really such, and a great number of them were thrown over­board as so much rubbish, without any disco­very of what they were, till the four or five last pieces. How true this may be I can't say, but it was reported to be, as matter of fact, by several of the officers belonging to Captain Clipperton.

I must here observe, that every thing we took in the Conception was divided among us ac­cording to the Juan Fernandian articles, and that I had no more than six instead of sixty shares. They would not so much as allow me the money I had laid out at St. Catherine's, which was upwards of a hundred pounds. I had some difficulty to persuade them to run to the north­ward so far as California; and was obliged to use many arguments to prevail upon them to believe that the harbour of Puerto Seguro was the only port of security where we could safe­ly lay down and refit our ship; but having at last obtained their consents, I weighed from Cano, steering to the northward, and had fa­vourable gales for 48 hours; but then came on the constant, or what may be called the trade wind on this coast, which being as contrary to us as they well could be, I was willing to try how far off these winds might prevail, which, [Page 224] in my opinion, may be called the eddy of the true trade wind, whose course may be perverted by the interposition of this vast mountainous continent.

Accordingly I found, that, at the distance of 60 leagues, we had light winds and variable, and that, at the distance of between 70 and 80 leagues, it settled at E. N. E. and N. E. I therefore kept at this distance from the land till we had run up to the height of 20 degrees north. In all this passage, we were not in the least sensible of any currents, and entirely out of the way of certain riplings and overfalls of wa­ter, which we frequently met with nearer to the land, and which often surprized us when we were becalmed in deep water.

In this passage we were accompanied by vast shoals of fish, and were continually incommoded by numerous flocks of the birds called boobies, making our ship their resting place, which fouled our yards and deck with their dung as fast as we could clean them. However, for change of diet, some of my people made ra­gouts of them, and the smoakers made stems for their pipes of their long wing-bones.

We fell in with Cape Corientes in the begin­ning of the month of August, and were carried away to the islands called the Tres Marias, by a hard gale at south, and came to an anchor under the lee of the middlemost of these islands, but could see no sign of the Success having been there. After a tedious search on all the three [Page 225] islands for fresh water, there was nothing like a stream of it that we could find. This was the more astonishing to us, as one or two of our late navigators have reported that fresh water is to be found there in sufficient plenty. It may have been so when they were there; but we were unfortunate enough to seek, when none was to be found.

After employing three days in a fruitless search, I stretched over for the coast of Cali­fornia, and arrived there on the 11th of August. The inhabitants, as soon as they discovered us, made fires all along the shore as the ship ran by them; and, towards the evening, it falling calm, two of them came off to us on a bark-log, but were a long time before they would accept of our invitation to come on board of us. At length, they ventured in; when, in a moment, seeing our blacks promiscuously standing toge­ther with us white men, they, with very angry countenances, separated them from us, and would hardly suffer them to look at us. They talked to us with great vehemence, but we could comprehend nothing more of their meaning, than that they rejoiced to see us. Night coming on, they took their leave, and we gave them a knife or two, an old coat, and some other trifles, which seemed to please them very well. They expressed themselves by signs in such a manner, that we could guess they gave us repeated invi­tations to go on shore with them.

[Page 226]On Sunday the 13th of August, at day-break, we found ourselves near Puerto Seguro, which may be readily known by three white rocks, not much unlike the Needles of the Isle of Wight, and you must keep close on board the outermost to fetch into the bay. We entered Puerto Seguro, surrounded by numbers of small embarkations of the inhabitants, while the shore, on all sides, was crouded with Indians, whose numbers visibly increased by multitudes which flocked together from the adjacent parts. Our anchor was no sooner down, than they came off to us in shoals, some few on their bark-logs, but most of them swimming, talking and call­ing out to one another in a noisy and confused manner, but such as plainly shewed how desirous they were to come to us. Our ship was in an instant full of these swarthy gentlemen quite naked, and amongst the rest was their King, or Chief man, who, unexpectedly, delivered to me his batoon, or ensign of royalty, which I imme­diately returned to him. This man, notwith­standing the wildness of his appearance to us, had a good countenance, and his behaviour had something that was very engaging in it. I was, at first, at a loss to know how to entertain our numerous guests, but at length I thought of re­galing them with some of our liquid sweetmeats, which we had in great plenty. This they liked extremely, and the spoons, which were mostly silver, they returned with great honesty.

[Page 227]Having thus commenced a friendship with them, at day-break next morning our boat went on shore to cut wood and fill water; and before the sun was up, we were again crouded with our former guests, who seemed as if they could never be weary of gazing at us. To keep up the amity we had already contracted with them, I ordered a great boiler to be carried on shore, with good store of flour and sugar, and a negroe cook, who was continually boiling of hasty pudding for the numbers of spectators on the beach; and it really behoved us to en­deavour to keep in their favour, for on seeing a few of our men rolling great and cumbersome casks of water over the heavy sand, it inclined them to help us. To this may be added, a sense of the kind treatment they met with from us, and the particular readiness of their chief to serve us, by shewing his people a good example; for, after Mr. Randall, my Lieutenant, he him­self took up the second log of wood to carry to the boat, and was immediately followed by two or three hundred of them, who, encouraged by his example, all took to the work, repaying our civilities with their services, and every day they seemed more and more fond of us.

Mean while, the rumour of our arrival was spread through all the neighbouring parts, and some of the clans, different from those who in­habited the shores, came daily to take a view of us. Those who came from any distance in the country could not swim; and that they were dif­ferent [Page 228] from those we had first seen on our arrival here, appeared by their manner of painting themselves, and by other little distinctions which were visible amongst them; but they all united to assist us, nor were any of them idle but the women, who used to sit in companies on the scorching sand, waiting for their share of what was going forward, which they used to re­ceive very thankfully and without quarrelling.

Having done all our business here, in the space of five days, on the 18th of August, in the morning, we prepared for our departure in the afternoon. We employed the morning in making a large distribution of sugar amongst the women. To the men we gave a great many knives, old axes, and old iron, which we had taken in our prizes. These were the most use­ful things to them, and of which they stood most in need; in return for which, some of them gave us bows and arrows, deer-skin bags, live foxes, squirrels, and the like. Great many of the men staid in the ship all the while we were purchasing our anchor, and it was not till we were under weigh that they all jumped over­board to join in the lamentations of their coun­trymen on shore.

The men in this southern part of California, are tall, straight, and well made; their limbs are large, their hair coarse and black, and bare­ly reaches down to their shoulders. Their women are of a much smaller size; their hair is much longer than the mens, and with it some of their

[Page 229] faces are almost covered. The men go quite naked, and have not the least thing to cover any part of them, except their heads, round which they wear a band of red and white silk-grass, adorned on each side with a tuft of hawk's fea­thers. The women, on the contrary, wear a thick fringe of silk-grass, which hangs down to their knees, and have either a deer's skin, or the skin of a large bird, carelesly wrapped over their shoulders.

Nothing can be more wild and savage to look at, than these people at first sight: but there is a wide difference between what they seem, and what they really are; for, by all we could dis­cern in their behaviour towards one another, and in their deportment towards us, they are endued with great good nature.

They seem to lead a careless life, and to en­joy every thing in common amongst them; and, having nothing but their daily food to provide, they are strangers to those numerous grati­fications, the want of which multiply distresses among nations more civilized and more refined. Their contentment makes them honest, for they never offered to steal even the things most use­ful to them. In a word, they seem to pass their lives, according to the notions we have of the purest simplicity of the earliest ages of the world, before discord and contention were heard of a­mongst men. Having no enemies, they live in perfect peace and harmony with one another. Hunting and fishing are their only employ­ments, [Page 230] except making the instruments they use in these pursuits, which are the simplest that can be. They have no canoes, and go to sea on bark-logs; but they are the most expert divers I ever beheld By their simple manner of living, and their continual exercise, they live to a great age; and yet, what is very surprizing, they do not ap­pear to be very numerous, considering the extent of their country. Their only enemies are the wild beasts, and of these there are plenty in the woods and forests. They do not appear to be so jea­lous of their women as they have been represent­ed; for we had the company of some hundreds of them, young and old, without any restraint from the men. Two things were remarkable, that they never would suffer us to take snuff, but would earnestly take it from us whenever we attempted it; nor would they ever suffer us to look through a spying-glass, which I had frequent resort to, to see how our work of wood­ing and watering went on. In these two in­stances, they always took upon them to con­troul us, and in these two only; the causes of which we could never learn.

They go out to sea on their bark-logs, which are only composed of five logs of a light wood, made fast to each other by wooden pegs, rowing with a double paddle; and with their harpoons, which are made of a sort of hard wood, they strike the largest albicores, and bring them in when struck. This was altogether surprizing to us, who had so often experienced the strength

[Page 231] of that fish, and the difficulty of getting them into our ship, when either hooked or struck. One would imagine, that as soon as these Indi­ans had struck one of these albicores, on his light embarkation, it would run away with him and his bark-log; but they either strike them so as to give them some mortal wound, or have some particular way of managing them, for they struggle and resist in vain. When we were in this port, it was apparently their fishing sea­son; but by the number of deer-skins one sees amongst them, it is natural to conclude they have also their season for hunting. The skins of their deer are grey, and so are the skins of their foxes and squirrels; of all which, it is like­ly, they eat indifferently, as of most other ani­mals that become their prey. Of birds amongst them we saw scarce any, but a few pelicans.

What these Indians used instead of b [...]ead is very remarkable. It is a small black seed of an oily substance, which they grind much the same way as we do our chocolate, and afterwards make it up in some such manner. The look of these black lumps or rolls so made up, is not very inviting, yet the taste is not very disagreeable. When they want to drink, they go to the river.

Their arms are bows and arrows. Their bows are about six feet in length, and their arrows seem to be somewhat too long for their bows. Their bow-strings are made of deer's sinews, and their arrows are composed of a hollow cane for [Page 232] two-thirds of their length, and the other third next the point is of a heavy kind of wood, which is headed with a piece of flint, and some­times with a kind of agate, the edges of which are indented, or cut in teeth like a saw. They made no manner of shew of their arms to us, and it was rarely that we saw them in the hands of any of the men. The women had them in the woods in search of game, which may be thence presumed to be some part of their em­ployment. Upon the whole, they may be truly said to be a happy people.

Aug. 18, I sailed, as before-mentioned, from Puerto Suguro, and the same evening we took our departure from Cape St. Lucar, in latitude 23 deg. 50 min. N. bound to Canton, in China, the most likely place where we could hope to meet with English ships homeward bound for Europe.

Aug. 21, we discovered an island bearing W. S. W. 110 leagues distant from Cape St. Lucar. I endeavoured to get in with it; but night coming on, I could not lose time to view it. This isle my people called after my name. From hence we steered gradually into the paral­lel of 13 deg. N. but had our way stopped for two or three days by westerly winds. We were astonished at such an unforeseen delay, and be­gan to dread we might meet with many such reverses of winds in this passage; nor could we conjecture, or conceive what might be the cause or causes of them. In the midst of this, the [Page 233] usual trade-wind prevailed again, and delivered us from the fears and apprehensions we had been involved in upon this occasion. With this we proceeded on our passage, keeping the pa­rallel or track of the thirteenth degree of north­ern latitude, except when we judged ourselves to be near the shoals of St. Bartholomew. We then ventured to sail a degree more northerly, and so continued to do for a run of 60 or 70 leagues.

About a fortnight after we had left California, my people, who had hitherto enjoyed an unin­terrupted state of health, began to be afflicted with a sickness which particularly affected their stomachs. This we took to be owing, in a great measure, to the quantities of sweetmeats they were continually devouring, together with the dried beef, half devoured with ants, cock­roaches, and other vermin, which was their daily food. This sickness increased every day, inso­much that, out of our small number, we once buried two in one day, one of whom was John Popplestone, our ingenious armourer, who was of such use to us on the island of Juan Fernan­dez. Before we had stretched with favourable gales the length of Guam, most of my people were sick and disabled, my ship began to be very leaky, and, to add still to our misfortunes, we had the ill luck to have one of our pumps split, and rendered useless.

Under these circumstances, we met with black and dismal weather, with tempestuous winds, [Page 234] flying and varying all round the compass. These boisterous gales raised such a tumbling sea, and our ship laboured so much in it, that the knee of her head, and the whole beak-head, became loose; so that the bowsprit fetched way, and played with the motion of the ship, which it continued to do all the time we were out at sea, and till we arrived at Canton. Our main-mast stood for some time without shrouds on the lar­board side, till we could unlay our best cable to make more, having knotted and spliced the old shrouds till our labour was in vain.

In the midst of all this sickness and distress, I myself was taken violently ill, and had no hope to recover till a fit of the gout gave me some re­lief. Great was our want of every thing fit or comfortable for persons in such a state of sick­ness; yet, about the beginning of October, we passed by Guam; and, though upon the very brink of perishing, we dared not venture in, for fear the inhabitants should take the advantage of our weakness, and make some attempt upon our lives.

From Guam I directed my course for the island of Formosa. And now, though the length of our voyage was decreasing very fast, our sick­ness was daily increasing upon us in a much greater proportion; and most truly it may be said, that both our ship and ourselves were no longer fit for the sea. It was the 3d of No­vember before we had sight of that island, and the 10th, before we could get any sort of direc­tions [Page 235] to enable us to reach our intended port. At length, as we were passing through a very narrow channel, between a couple of islands, a fisherman took notice, by our cautious manner of working, that we were strangers, and made signs to us to bring our ship to, till he came up with us; when we made him understand in general, that we were bound to Macao, and he made signs that he would conduct us thither, if we would give him as many pieces of silver as he counted little fish out of his basket, which amounted to 40. We accordingly counted out 40 dollars into a hat, and next day he took us in charge, and anchored us safe in the road of Macao, near the entrance of the river of Canton.

Soon after our arrival, there came off to us a great many of the Success's people, to make us a visit; I was amazed at the sight of them, and was very glad to hear their story. They said, their Commander, Clipperton, left me designed­ly; that they went directly to Guam, where they were very well refreshed, and supplied with pro­visions; that their Captain sold the Governor a great quantity of powder and shot, and several other valuable things, and permitted the Mar­quis of Villa Rocha, who was his prisoner, to go on shore there; that Mr. Godfrey the agent, and a marine officer, went to settle the accounts for what supplies of things they had had; and that, as soon as they were landed, and the boat come off again, Captain Clipperton weighed with his ship, in order to attack a ship of 20 guns from [Page 236] Manilla, that had lain quietly in the road in company with him all the time: that in ap­proaching her he ran his own ship upon the rocks, and soon found the enemy was prepared for him: that, his condition being desperate, and supposing the loss of his ship inevitable, he had recourse to his case of brandy, and took so abundantly of it, that he fell on the deck, and snored out his time in a beastly manner, whilst his First Lieutenant, Davidson, in his stead, un­dertook the command of the ship, which he bravely executed till he was killed: he was succeeded by Captain Cook, their Second Lieu­tenant, who made a handsome resistance, and got the ship afloat again, after she had lain on the rocks forty-eight hours: that they lost their prisoner the Marquis de la Rocha, and also Mr. Godfrey, the agent-general, with the officer already mentioned; which gave the ship's company so much distaste, that they would not suffer him to have the command of them any more, and, locking him up in his cabbin, chose Captain Cook to take charge of the ship.

They had, it seems, much bad weather be­tween Guam and Amoy in China, whither they got with much difficulty; and there made a dividend of all they had taken, half to the owners, and half to the ship's company. Clip­perton designed for the straits of Malacca; but his people, fearing he had no good intentions, would go no farther with him than Macao, that being a Christian port. Upon their arrival [Page 237] there, the Governor ordered Clipperton into custody. It seems he had broke prison for­merly from thence, where he had been confined (as far as could be learned) on account of his having run away with Dampier's com­mission and one of his prizes; but upon pro­ducing his Majesty's commission now for the Success, they gave him no farther trouble, and only contented themselves with fleecing him a little. Here he sold his ship, the Success, for about 1000l. sterling.—[Such is the account given by Captain Shelvock, for the informa­tion, as he says, of the gentlemen-owners, who will never, either publickly or privately, be let into the truth of that story.]

But to go on, Nov. 12, about noon, a pilot came off to us, and we immediately weighed, and entered the river of Canton, where, finding the Bonita and Hastings, two English country­ships, I anchored, and sent off an officer, to desire them to instruct us how to behave our­selves in this port, and to acquaint me with the customs of it. To this they answered, that, since the Cadogan and Frances, two European English ships were lying at Wampo, they would advise me to send up to their factories at Canton, to acquaint them of our arrival, and with the reasons which obliged me to come into that river, which I accordingly did the next day. I now thought I was going to rest a little from my labours; but, to my misfortune, I suffered as much here, all circumstances considered, as [Page 238] I had in any former part of my voyage; for the evening we anchored at Wampo, where the English ships commonly lie, there happened an accident which gave occasion to much trouble. One of my men, being in a hurry to remove his effects on board the Bonita, in order to go in her to Fort St. George, the Bonita's boat was, in her way to their ship, pursued by a Hoppo, or custom-house boat, who wanted to search her. The fellow, being in liquor, and fearing they would take away the silver he had with him, fired a musquet at the pursuers, and killed the officer. Early the next morning, the corpse was laid at the door of one of the English houses or factories, where Chinese officers, appointed for that purpose, waited for the first considerable Englishman that should come out, without any regard to whom this act of violence and murder was to be imputed. It happened that the Super­cargo belonging to the Bonita, was the first that came out; on him they seized, put him in chains, and led him, by way of example, about the sub­urbs of Canton. All that could be said or done by the most considerable of the Chinese mer­chants who were in commerce with the Eng­lish, availed nothing; till my man, who com­mitted the fact, was delivered to them, and then the Bonita's Supercargo was soon after re­leased.

It is the custom in China, at least at Canton, to exact a certain sum of money from all ships that come there, according to their measure­ment, which is divided into rates or portions of [Page 239] first, second, and third. I therefore every day expected the Hoppo to come to measure my ship, but was given to understand, that I must go up to Canton before that could be done, though even at the hazard of my life. I ac­cordingly went, and staid two days at the Ca­dogan's factory, during which time I was hour­ly alarmed by such stories as made me fear that I should, indisposed as I was, be dragged away from my bed, and put in irons: but at the end of two days, I was obliged to go down again to the ship, to be present at the measure­ment; and a day afterwards the Hoppo came with a numerous retinue, and seemed to do his business very quietly, but would not let me know what was the sum he intended to exact. This gave me much trouble, for I began to think the Chinese, through a false report of our great riches, had an intention to gratify their love of money by a heavy imposition; and in this I was not mistaken.

I had not been here many days before I was deserted by all my officers and ship's company, who were continually employed in removing their effects from on board my ship to some of the Europeans, without my knowledge, as I was all the time confined to my bed. My officers were engaging the Indian gentlemen in their in­terest, and had left me and my son, with a few negroes, to look after the ship. In short, my ship's company had so many ways of disposing of their effects, that it was impossible to oblige [Page 240] them to do what I should have thought justice to the gentlemen in England and to myself. In a word, they were all soon recovered of their il­ness by the assistance they met with here, and were become their own masters. The gentle­men who presided over the trade, so little con­sidered our case, that they had half a mind to refuse me a passage in one of their ships; and, in effect, I was treated by them almost as one enemy might treat another in a neutral port.

The Captains Hill and Newsham, when they first came to see me, were astonished at the ruin­ous appearance of my ship; and when I had given them a short history of my voyage, and desired they would receive me with my effects, they answered, that, since they plainly saw my ship was in no condition to stir any farther, upon paying our passage, they would entertain us as soon as we pleased. This I depended upon, and expected to have no farther trouble than to re­move ourselves at any time; but, on the contrary, I found that I had ignorantly applied to the wrong persons, and that my address should have been to the Supercargoes, by which means I was left neglected, while the English Captains were ordered to fall down with their ships five or six miles below us. Thus was I left destitute in the company of five foreign ships, who, perceiving my own countrymen to be so careless of me, were so kind as to offer me their service, and as­sisted me with what they could; and, had it not been for them, I don't know what I might have [Page 241] suffered, for I was under perpetual alarms that the Chinese had a design to chop my ship, that is, to seize her.

Having found out my error in applying to the Captains, and not to the Supercargoes, I sent up a letter to them, not to desire, but to de­mand a passage for me, my officers, and ship's company, which I was sensible they could not refuse, and indeed they did not; but their con­descension was accompanied with a charge to the English Captains, not to receive any thing belonging to us, except it was consigned to the India Company in England. This was an ar­ticle which my people utterly rejected, vowing they would as soon throw what they had into the sea, as comply with such a demand; for my part, it gave me no concern, being conscious to myself that I had infringed none of their privi­leges. At the same time that I was acquainted with this intention of receiving us as passengers, I was also informed of the Hoppo's demand for anchorage in the river, which was no less than 6000 tahel; and, to quicken me in the payment of this exorbitant sum, there was a penalty an­nexed to this extortion of 500 additional tahel for every day we failed in the payment of it. In short, there was no means by which I could evade this unconscionable imposition; and as it was a day before I could possibly send the 6000 tahel up to Canton, they required 500 tahel more for neglect of payment; so that they received from me, upon this extraordinary occasion, the [Page 242] full sum of 6500 tahel, equal to 2166l. 13s. 4d. English money. This was, as is apprehended, about six times as much as the Cadogan paid, which was the largest English ship there, and measured a third more than mine. It was now high time to get out of my ship; but before I quitted her, I sold her for 2000 tahel, which money, and the rest of my effects, were con­signed to the India Company.

Towards the latter end of December, 1722, I sailed in the Cadogan, commanded by Captain John Hill, in company with the Frances, Cap­tain Newsham, who, sailing better than we, left us as soon as we were out at sea. Captain Hill, finding his ship very tender, put into Batavia, where we continued about 10 days, and were informed there were several pirates in those seas; we, therefore, when we departed from Batavia, joined the Dutch homeward-bound fleet in Ban­tam-bay. The Dutch Commodore promised to assist us in wooding and watering at Mew-island, the water at Batavia being very bad; but on our joining Capt. Newsham in the straits of Sunda, the Dutch made that a pretence to leave us be­fore we got the length of Mew-island; and Capt. Newsham also deserted us the same evening, so that we were left to ourselves.

We continued at Mew-island six or seven days, during which time several boats came to us from Princes island, and brought us turtle, cocoa­nuts, pine-apples, and other fruits.

Some of the people having seen wild cattle [Page 243] grazing near the strand, went on shore with de­sign to kill them; but before they had advanc­ed near enough, they discovered a small tyger, and saw the track of an old one, upon which they retired to the boat. At this place some of the gentlemen belonging to this ship, in their outward-bound passage, saw a rhinoceros.

From Mew-island we had a very pleasant passage to and about the Cape of Good Hope, which, in my opinion, was greatly owing to Cap­tain Hill's good conduct, in coming in with the land betimes, I mean upon the easternmost part of the bank, and keeping a moderate distance from the land. I cannot be positive, but I think we never exceeded a degree in distance from it, generally less, and sometimes even made the land itself.

In this course, I do not remember that we took in our top-sails above twice; once for a squall, which was over in an hour's time: and, another time, being threatened by the appearance of bad weather, Capt. Hill made all the requisite pre­parations to receive it, which done, he stood in for the land; and, in a few hours, we had fair weather, a favourable gale, and all our small sails set, at the same time that there remained great appearance of foul weather to the southward of us, which continued for several days afterwards.

I have observed before, that the Frances and the Dutch ships had seven days the advantage of us, by leaving us in the straits of Sunda, not­withstanding which, we gained the Cape about [Page 244] as many days before the Frances, although she sailed so much better than we: and, as to the Dutch ships, there was no appearance at all of their arrival when we left the Cape.

The officers of our ship, by comparing their accounts with those of some of the Gentlemen belonging to the Frances, found that she had suffered a great deal of bad weather; whilst we, who were 10 leagues, or thereabout, to the northward of them, or nearer the shore, enjoyed fine pleasant weather and fair wind continually, till we arrived in the Table-bay, which we did the latter end of March. This I should think of sufficient weight for any other to pursue the same track. Here we found Governor Boon, in the London East Indiaman, and others, bound for England.

Whilst we lay at the Cape of Good Hope, nothing remarkable occurred, and it has been so often described, that I can say nothing of it that has not been said by most who have been there before.

From the Cape of Good Hope we had an agreeable passage to the island of St. Helena, and from thence to England.

We made the Land's-end in the latter end of July; and, being come into the British channel, met with brisk gales from the western quarter, with thick foggy weather.

On July the 30th, in the evening, we an­chored under Dungeness, and the same night some of the Supercargoes and passengers, and [Page 245] amongst the rest myself, hired a small vessel to carry us to Dover, where we arrived early the next morning, and the same day proceeded to­wards London, where we arrived on the first of August.

Thus ended a long and unfortunate voyage of three years, seven months, and some days; after having sailed very considerably more than round the circumference of the earth, and hav­ing gone through a great variety of dangers and distresses, both on sea and shore.

WHEN, in the year 1739, the Spanish depredations had roused the national resentment, and the pacific ministry who then were entrusted with the administration of affairs, found it impossible any longer to prevent a war with Spain, several projects were proposed, and several plans formed, for distressing the enemy in the most effectual manner, by cutting off the resources by which alone they were encouraged to continue their insults, and by which alone they could be enabled to support a war.

Among the rest, two expeditions were planned by Sir Charles Wager, then at the head of the admiralty, and two gentlemen named by him for carrying them into execution; which were no sooner laid before the privy council to be examined than they were unanimously approved.

Captain Anson, who was nominated to com­mand the one, being out upon a cruise, a vessel was dispatched to order him to return with his ship, the Centurion, to Portsmouth; and Mr. Cornwall, who was appointed to command the other, was acquainted with the honour con­ferred upon him, and directed to prepare ac­cordingly.

[Page 247]There are not to be found in the annals of Britain two expeditions, remote in the destina­tion, yet having a connection one with the other, that promised equal advantages with these to the nation, equal honour to the promoters, or equal wealth and glory to the commanders: but by what fatality these expeditions were changed, or by what state-craft one came to be laid aside, and the other delayed,—who were the traitors that betrayed the secret of their destina­tion, or who the demon of seduction was that perverted the grand design to the pitiful purpose of one single pilfering project,—remains at pre­sent among those secrets, which, perhaps, a se­cond Dalrymple, in some remote period of time, may discover; when it will probably appear how much the influence of Chilian gold had operated in defeating the most formidable project for the humiliation of Spain that ever was devised; and how easy it is for a prime minister of Eng­land, in the plenitude of power, to defeat the best concerted measures, backed and supported by the King in his council, when either pride, envy, avarice, or emulation, may prompt him to opposition.

The project, as first intended, was to consist of two strong squadrons; one under Captain Anson was to take on board three independent companies of 100 men each, and Bland's regi­ment of foot (who was himself to command the land forces), and was to sail with all pos­sible expedition by the Cape of Good Hope to [Page 248] the city of Manilla, in the island of Luconia, of which city and island frequent mention has al­ready been made in the course of this work; while that commanded by Captain Cornwall, of equal force, was to proceed round Cape Horn into the South Seas, there to range the coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; and when the Com­mander in Chief had made himself master of the royal treasures in that quarter, he was then to direct his course to the Philippines, and join the squadron of Captain Anson. This done, they were to act in conjunction, as circum­stances should arise, or to wait for fresh orders from Government to proceed on fresh enter­prizes. The reader will perceive, at first view, the vast importance of this noble undertaking, calculated at once to enrich the nation, and to determine the war without the effusion of much blood; for the places intended to be attacked were at that time incapable of resistance; and as they were in possession of the royal treasures, any failure in the return of which must of ne­cessity oblige Spain to sue for peace, that haughty nation must thus have been subdued without a battle. But posterity will stand amazed when they are told the issue of this project, on which Sir Charles Wager was so intent, that, tho' it was the 10th of September before Captain Anson arrived in town, yet by the 18th he had received orders to take under his command the Argyle, Severn, Pearl, Wager, and Trial sloop, and to proceed to victual the same with the ut­most [Page 249] most expedition. Before the end of December such dispatch had been made by that vigilant officer, that the ships were in readiness to take the troops on board; but in January, when Captain Anson attended the Board to receive further orders, he was told by Sir Charles, that the Manilla expedition was laid aside, for what reasons he knew not, but that the expedition to the South Seas was still intended; and that he and his squadron, as their first destination was now countermanded, should be employed in that service.

Accordingly on the 10th of January, 1740, he received his commission as Commodore; yet it was not till the 10th of June that he obtained from the Duke of Newcastle his Majesty's in­structions; and even then so many obstacles were thrown in the way, so many difficulties started, and so many delays contrived, that, be­fore he was permitted to sail, which was not till the latter end of September, the Spaniards were so well informed of his designs, that a person who had been employed in the South-Sea Company's service, arrived from Panama, and was able to relate to the Commodore most of the particulars of his strength and destina­tion, from what he had learnt among the mer­chants before he left the South-Seas: but a still more extraordinary proof of their early and perfect intelligence was discovered afterwards, in the course of the voyage, when the Pearl, being separated from the rest of the squadron, [Page 250] in a storm, on the coast of Brazil, fell in with the Spanish fleet, that, during the unprecedented de­lay, had been purposely fitted out to ruin the ex­pedition, and found Admiral Pisarro so well in­structed in the form and make of Com. Anson's broad pendant, and those he employed had imi­tated it so exactly, that Capt. Mitchell, who com­manded the Pearl, was decoyed by it within gun­shot, before he was able to discover his mistake.

All delays being at length overcome, the squadron, consisting of five men of war, a sloop of war, and two victualling ships, namely, the Centurion, of 60 guns, 400 men, commanded by Captain Anson, as Commodore; the Glou­cester, of 50 guns, 300 men, of which Richard Norris, Esq was commander; the Severn, of 50 guns, 300 men, the Hon. Edward Legg, Esq Commander; the Pearl, of 40 guns, 250 men, Matthew Mitchell, Esq Commander; the Wager, of 28 guns, 160 men, the Hon. John Murray, Commander; two victuallers, the In­dustry and Ann pinks, the largest of about 400, and the [...]ther about 200 tons burthen; were or­dered to take the troops on board at St. Helen's. But how much the numbers, strength, and pro­bability of success, of this squadron, were dimi­nished by the various incidents that took place in near a twelvemonth's procrastination, may fully be conceived by what has already been said. Had the honourable Board from whence the first idea of the expedition originated been permitted to direct, all the old and ordinary [Page 251] seamen on board the ships would have been ex­changed for such as were young and able; the full complement of each ship would have been made up; and the salt provisions which had been so long on board in the Channel would have been remanded on shore, and fresh provi­sions replaced in their room: but, instead of these necessary precautions, the Captains were glad to retain their old crews; the deficiency in the numbers of which, amounting to more than 300 men, was no otherwise made up than by sending on board about 100 cripples from the hospitals, and a party of raw marines who had never been at sea before: nor were they more fortunate in the change that was made in the land forces; for, instead of three indepen­dent companies, of 100 men each, and Bland's regiment of foot, as first promised, they had only 400 invalids from Chelsea allotted them, one part of whom was incapable of action by their age and infirmities, and the other part use­less by their ignorance of their duty. But this diminution of strength was not the greatest mis­fortune that attended these measures; the im­portance of the time which was wilfully wasted was in its consequences the source of all those calamities to which the enterprize was after­wards exposed, by obliging the Commodore to make his passage round the Cape in the most tempestuous season, when, as it was foreseen, almost all the invalids, to a man, perished long before they arrived at the place of action, ex­piring [Page 252] in a most lamentable condition when they came to be attacked with the scurvy, with their wounds bleeding afresh, which had been healed some of them 20, some 30, and some 40 years before.

But to proceed: Of this voyage there are two very authentic and well-written accounts; one by Pasco Thomas, the mathematical master on board the Centurion, who sailed in her out of the British Channel, and returned with her in safety when she arrived at Portsmouth, and was an eye-witness and careful observer of all that passed: the other by the Rev. Mr. Richard Walters, Chaplain to the above ship, who re­ceived his materials, and every other assistance necessary to authenticate his narration, from the Commander in Chief.

We have chosen to follow the former in the narrative of facts, as most exact and least liable to imposition; but, in the explanatory part, we shall copy the latter; because, though Mr. Tho­mas suffered nothing material that passed to escape his notice, there were many things tran­sacted, the motives for which he could only guess at; but these motives Mr. Walters has, by means of the Commodore's assistance, been able to explain.

Having now brought this celebrated voyage to a conclusion, it may, perhaps, be expected that we should give some account of the Spa­nish squadron, which we have more than once had occasion to mention, and which was so near intercepting the Commodore at first [...]etting out, that, had the Spanish Admiral [...] to the eastward of the island of Madeira, instead of the westward of it, the two fleets must have certainly met; and, in that case, whatever had been the event of the action, the progress of the voyage must have been effectually prevented.

[Page 432]This squadron was composed of the follow­ing ships: the Asia, of 66 guns, 700 men, com­manded by Don Joseph Pizarro, as Admiral; the Guipuscoa, 74 guns, 700 men; the Her­miona, [...] guns, 500 men; the Esperanza, 50 guns, [...] men; the Estevan, 40 guns, 350 men; and a patache of 20 guns, 120 men; and over and above this complement, they had on board on old Spanish regiment of foot, in­tende [...] to reinforce their garrisons in the South Seas, and to counterbalance the land forces that it was known were inten [...] to be put on board the Commodore.

When this [...] had cruised, as has been said, to the [...]eward of Madeira, till they were in a manner certain that the Commodore had either passed by, or [...] voyage, their Admiral determined to [...] instructions, and con­tinue his [...] to the [...]uth Seas, but first, it was necessary t [...] [...] to the coast of Braz [...]l to recruit [...] provisions, being victualled only for four months, and more than two of the four [...] already [...].

A [...] the beginning of Novem­ber▪ [...] off the Ma­deiras, and [...] the 5 [...] of January following, [...], where coming to a [...] anchor [...]n the bay of Maldando, he sent im­med [...]ately to Buen [...]s Ayres for a supply.

While they [...] here, they received intelli­gence, by the treachery of the Portuguese Go­vernor of St. Catharine [...]s, of the Commodore's [Page 433] arrival at that port, and of the weak condition he was then in; but, whatever were his reasons, Pizarro declined making any other use of this intelligence, than hastening his preparations to double the Cape, which he hoped to effect before the Commodore was in readiness to fol­low him. With this view, after refreshing his crew, and recruiting his water, he instantly set sail without waiting for his provisions (which, however, arrived a day or two after he set sail,) [...]ightly concluding, that, if he got the st [...]rt of the Commodore in the South Seas, he should not only alarm the coast, but so strengthen the forts against the attacks of the enemy, as effec­tually to bas [...]e their designs, by depriving them [...] the means of procuring necessaries. But, not­ [...]thstanding this precipitation, the Commodore put to sea [...] day, before him, and, in some [...] of the passage [...] the Cape, the fleets [...] so near each other, that the Pearl, as has been said, being separated in a storm, ran within g [...]-shot of the Asia before she found her mis­take.

It was with the utmost difficulty, and not [...]out cons [...]derable rewards, that the Spanish [...] were prevailed upon to undertake the [...]ssage round Cape Horn at that tempestuous [...] ▪ however, being once engaged, they con­ [...]d to persevere, till by the latter end of Fe­ [...]ary they had run the length of the Cape, and [...] turning to the westward, when a storm [...], in which the Guipuscoa, Hermiona, [Page 434] and Esperanza, lost sight of the Admiral, and on the 6th of March the Guipuscoa was separated from the other two. On the 7th the storm in­creased, and by its irresistible violence drove the whole squadron to the eastward, and, after seve­ral unsuccessful efforts, obliged them to return to the coast of Brazil, where the Asia took shel­ter in the river of [...]ate, and about the middle of May was joined by the Esperanza and Este­van; the Hermiona having, as was supposed, foundered at sea, as she was never more heard of, and the Guipuscoa being run ashore and sunk on the coast of Brazil. The patache, we should h [...]ve observed, was condemned before they [...] the coast of Brazil, and her crew distri­buted among the other ships; so that, of the [...] of which [...] squadron originally consisted, there now on [...]y [...]nded three, and those [...] most miserable condition; for, though it does not appear, that the Spaniards were so severe [...] visited with that most fatal disease the sea scur­vy, which carr [...]ed off so many of the English in the passage, yet they were reduced by famine to such infinite [...]stress, that rats, when they could be caug [...]t, were sold for four dollars a-piece; and a sailor, who died on board, had his death concealed for several days by his brother, who during that time lay in the same hammock with the de [...] corpse, only to receive the dead man's allowance.

In this dreadful situation, they were alarmed by the discovery of a conspiracy among the sol­diers [Page 435] on board the Asia, to murder the Admiral, and all the ship's crew, originating from no other motive but that of appropriating the whole stock of provisions to the conspirators own proper use. But this plot was prevented, when just upon the point of execution, by means of the priest on board, who, having taken the confession of one of the conspirators as he lay at the point of death, pursued proper measures to defeat their bloody purposes, and to bring three of the ring-leaders to condign punishment.

But, though this combination failed of its effect, there were other distresses that multiplied upon them, and which could not be prevented. Hunger and thirst, the most dreadful of all other calamities, daily became more grievous; the ships grew continually more and more leaky, and the men less able to stand at the pumps; nothing was to be seen but despon­dency in every countenance; nothing heard but lamentations and complaints, which were em­bittered by the absolute impossibility of reliev­ing them. Under the weight of these affecting circumstances, the Asia was near sinking, when she arrived at Monte Vedio with scarce half her crew alive. The Estevan, when she anchored in the bay of Barragan, had in like manner lost about the same number of her hands; but, what was still worse, and is almost incredible, the Es­peranza, out of a crew of 450 seamen which she brought from Spain, had only 58 that reached the shore, and the whole regiment of soldiers, 60 men only excepted, perished.

[Page 436]Being now in want of all kinds of necessaries, masts, yards, rigging, provisions, and money, Pizarro dispatched an express over land to St. Jago, in Chili, to be from thence forwarded to the Viceroy of Peru, desiring a remittance of 200,000 dollars; and what must astonish the reader is, that the Indian who was charged with this dispatch, though in the depth of winter, when the Cordilleras are judged impassable by reason of the snow, was only 13 days in his journey from Buenos Ayres to St. Jago, places distant from each other 300 Spanish leagues. At the same time an advice-boat was sent with a letter of credit to Rio Janeiro, to purchase what was wanting of the Portuguese; but nei­ther the one nor the other of these dispatches succeeded to the wish of the Spanish Admiral. The Viceroy, instead of 200,000 dollars, sent him only 100,000; and the Portuguese, instead of furnishing him with masts and yards, the principal articles of naval stores that he wanted, spared him only some pitch, tar, and cordage, with which he was obliged to be contented: but a more mortifying disappointment he had still to suffer; for a carpenter, whom, after the re­turn of the money, he had trusted with a con­siderable sum, and whom he had sent up into the country of Puraguay to cut masts, instead of prosecuting the business with which he was entrusted, married in the country, and settled out of his reach, refusing to return.

In this dilemma, the only thing that could [Page 437] be done, was, to shift the masts of the Espe­ranza into the Asia, and to fit up the Estevan with what spare masts and yards they could muster, and with these two ships to hazard a second attempt to double Cape Horn, as it was now summer, and the weather less severe. But a certain fatality seemed to preside over every part of this unfortunate expedition. The Este­van, as she was coming down the river Plate, ran on a shoal and beat off her rudder; and the Asia, though she proceeded alone with mode­rate weather and a favourable gale, yet when she came to the height of Cape Horn, and was tacking to change her course to the west­ward, by some misconduct in wearing the ship, rolled away her masts, and was a second time forced back to the river of Plate; from whence Pizarro undertook to cross the conti­nent by land, and with some difficulty accom­plished his design.

By this time Don Mindinuetta, Captain of the Guipuscoa, wrecked, as has been said, on the coast of Brazil, arrived, with those of his crew who escaped, at the place of general ren­dezvous; and, finding the Esperanza without masts, applied a second time to the Portuguese, by whose assistance he completed her repair, and, in 1742, doubled the Cape, and arrived in the South Seas, where he was met by Pizarro, who claimed the command of the Esperanza, which Mindinuetta disputing, an irreconcileable quarrel arose between the two Commanders, [Page 38] which the Viceroy of Peru in vain endeavoured to reconcile. In 1745, they both returned over land to the coast of Brazil, where they found the Asia still in a shattered condition. This ship, however, they determined to carry to Europe, and, with this view, they fitted her up in the best manner they could; and, having manned her partly with Portuguese, partly with English prisoners, and partly with Spaniards, together with some Indians whom they forced out of the country, they set sail from Monte Vedio for Eu­rope about the beginning of November; but they had not been long at sea before the In­dians, eleven in number, formed a conspiracy to destroy the Spaniards, and to regain their liberty, in which they had hopes of being joined by the English and Portuguese, whom the Spa­niards used with great insolence. At the head of this conspiracy was their Chief Orellana; and one evening, about nine o'clock, he and his companions came all together on the quar­ter-deck, and drew towards the door of the great cabbin. The boatswain immediately repri­manded them, and ordered them to be gone; on this Orellana spoke to his followers in his native language, when four of them drew off, two towards each gangway, and the Chief and the remaining six seemed to be slowly quitting the quarter-deck. When the detached Indians had taken possession of the gang-way, Orellana placed his hands hollow to his mouth, and bellowed out the war-cry [Page 439] used by those savages. This was the signal for beginning the massacre; accordingly, the six, with their Chief, who remained on the quarter-deck, falling suddenly on the Spaniards who were intermingled with them, laid near forty of them at their feet, of which above twenty were killed on the spot, and the rest disabled. Many of the officers, in the begin­ning of the tumult, pushed into the great cab­ [...]n, where they put out the lights, and barri­cadoed the door, whilst of the rest, some en­deavoured to escape along the gang-ways into the forecastle, where the Indians placed on pur­pose stabbed the greatest part of them as they attempted to pass by; others threw themselves into the waste, and thought themselves fortu­nate to lie concealed amongst the cattle; but the greatest part escaped up the main shrouds, [...]d sheltered themselves either in the tops or the rigging; and though the Indians attached only the quarter-deck, yet the watch in the forecastle finding their communication cut off, in the utmost [...] likewise gave all over for [...]ost, and in great confusion ran up into the rigging of the fore-mast and bowsprit. But when the Indians had intirely cleared the quar­ter-deck, the tumult in a great measure sub­ [...]ded; for, not being joined, as they expected, by either the English or Portuguese, they could not pursue their advantage by carrying the dis­ [...]der into those quarters to which they had given the Spaniards, who thereby gained time [Page 440] for recollection; and, on finding none con­cerned in the plot but the India [...], they resolved [...] them in [...] quarter-deck. [...].

[...] the Herm [...] [...]; the Guipuscoa [...] the coast of Brazil; [...] Esperanza, being [...].