THE HISTORY OF THE TREATY AT Nimueguen.

WITH REMARKS ON THE Interest of EƲROPE In relation to that Affair.

Translated out of French.

LONDON: Printed for Dorman Newman at the Kings Arms in the Poultrey. 1681.

[...]

The Translator to the Reader.

Reader,

WHEN I have told you that the Au­thor of this History is a French-man, and that he hath dedicated the Original to Monsieur Colbert, one of the active French Plenipotentiaries at Nimueguen; I suppose, without other notice, you'l expect to find in it some affectations, I will not say partialities, such as are usual to Authors who write of Af­fairs wherein their Countrey have the greatest share; though, to speak evenly, my Author does not seem very culpable in this kind. The General peace that was concluded at Nimue­guen, attests the truth of the most substantial matters contained in this Treatise. And the respect that is due to so many great men as were present at the Negotiation, makes it al­most incredible that an ingenuous person, such as the Author seems to be (who in his Epi­stle to the Reader wishes that he had not been a French man, that so he might have avoid­ed the suspition of partiality) would pub­lish any falshood concerning the compliments and ceremonies which could not be spared a­mongst so many publick Ministers, when be might so easily, and with shame, be by the ma­ny parties concerned convicted of the Impo­sture.

You need not then doubt, but that this Book presents you with the true lineaments and features of the substantial affairs that were treated in that famous Assembly, though probably the lights and air may be French, and the frame which sets them off a-la-mode de Louis. You know as well as I, that it is usual for subjects and lovers of a victorious Prince, to attribute even the most extorted and unvoluntary actions of their Master, to his free choice, and meer good will and plea­sure; and in this strain you'l find our Author speak throughout this whole Book; yet I make no doubt but that many know how much other influences, besides the French Kings good in­clinations to give peace to Europe (and parti­cularly the English Forces sent over into Flan­ders) have had their effects in producing that Serenity which is at every turn attributed to his pleasure. But seeing it is usual in all great atchievements wherein many are concerned, that the several parties assume to themselves the glory of being the chief instruments in bringing them about; I think if the dish be good, you need not be much concerned at the manner of garnishing it, but please your self according to your humour or skill.

Now, Reader, what advantage this Book may afford yo [...], you'l find by the perusal of [Page]it. And if your Stars have not destin'd you for such a publick person as that it may prove practically useful to you, if they have (at least) endowed you with a love of specula­tion and knowledg, you will therein certainly meet with somewhat that may gratifie your curiosity. Farewell.

A Table of the Mediators, Ple­nipotentiaries, Ambassadors and Envoys, mentioned in this Hi­story.

MEDIATORS.

On the Popes part.
  • SEignior Bevilaqua.
On the King of Great Britain's part.
  • My Lord John Berkley.
  • Laurence Hyde.
  • Sir William Temple.
  • Sir Lionel Jenkins.

AMBASSADORS.

For the Emperor.
  • The Bishop of Gurck.
  • The Count of Kinski.
  • Mr. Stratman.
For France.
  • The Mareshal D'Estrades.
  • Monsieur Colbert.
  • The Count D'Avaux.
For Spain.
  • [Page]The Marquess de los Balbases.
  • The Marquess de la Fuente.
  • Don Pedro Ronquillo.
  • Mr. Christin.
For Sueden.
  • The Count of Oxenstiern.
  • Mr. D'Oliver Krantz.
For Denmark.
  • Count Anthony of Oldembourg.
  • Mr. Heugh.
For the States-General.
  • The Heer Beverning.
  • The Heer Odyke.
  • The Heer Haren.
For the Elector of Brandenburgh.
  • Mr. De Somnitz.
  • Mr. De Blaspiel.
Plenipotentiary Envoys.
  • For the King of Denmark.
    • Mr. de Meyerkron.
    • Mr. Petkum.
  • For the States-General.
    • The Heer Boreel.
  • For the Elector of Brandenburgh.
    • Mr. Meinders.
  • For the Duke of Savoy.
    • The Count of Provana.
  • For the Duke of Lorrain.
    • The President Canon.
  • [Page]For the Bishop of Osnabrug.
    • The Baron of Platen.
  • For the Duke of Zell and the Princes of Brunswick.
    • Mr. Muller.
    • Mr. Schutz.
  • For the Bishop of Munster.
    • Mr. Termeulen.
  • For the Bishop of Strasbourg.
    • Mr. Duker.
  • For the Duke of Holstein Gottorp.
    • Mr. Ʋlkers.
    • Mr. Wetterkorp.
  • For the Elector of Mayence and Treves.
    • The Baron of Leyen.
  • For the Prince and Chapter of Liege.
    • Mr. Charneux.
    • Mr. Vanderveck.
  • For the Elector Palatine.
    • Mr. Spanheim.
  • For the Duke de la Tremouille.
    • Mr. Sanguimere.
  • For the Mareshal of Luxembourg.
    • Mr. De Villewrat.

THE HISTORY OF THE TREATY AT Nimueguen.

THE Treaty begun at Cologn in the year 1673 under the Mediation of Suedeland, gave hopes that a general Pe [...]ce would speedily put an end to the War that ra­ged then in Europe, when the seizure of Prince William of Furstem­burg, and Forty thousand Crowns taken out of the Waggons of the French Ambas­sadors [Page 2]in a Neutral City, discomposed af­fairs in such a manner that the Negotiation so happily begun was quite broken off.

The violence committed on this Prince by the Emperors Ministers, and the injury done to the French King, gave ground to many to fear, that Peace would not sudden­ly be restored again to Europe; and that his Majesty would never consent to the renew­ing of the Treaty, unless reparations were made for those two injuries. Nevertheless at the instance of the King of England, (whose Mediation was generally embraced by all the Princes concerned in that War) and at the solicitation of the Bishop of Strasbourg, who publickly declared, That he preferred the advantages of Peace be­fore the liberty of his own Brother; The King made the reasons of glory and inte­rest stoop to the inclination which he had of contributing to the Peace of Europe. And Nimueguen being pitched upon as the place of Treaty, his Majesty resolved in­stantly to send thither his Ambassadors Ple­nipotentiaries; and therefore on the 17 of Febr. 1675, named for that effect, the Duke of Vitry, Monsieur Colbert, and the Count D' Avaux.

Seeing all the allied Princes appeared not at first to be of the same disposition as [Page 3]to Peace, there was no advance made to­wards the forming of the Assembly at Ni­mueguen until the month of November, that the King of Great Britain disposed all the Interest-powers to send with all expedition their Ambassadors to Nimueguen.

The French King was the first, and gave order to his Plenipotentiaries before the end of December, to set out for the place of Conference; his Majesty having allowed them but eight days to provide their Equi­page. Accordingly on the 28 of December, Monsieur Colbert, and the Count D' Avaux parted from Paris, not staying for the Duke of Vitry, whose sickness would not permit him to undertake a journey in the severity of the Winter-season.

On the third of January they came to Charleville, hoping there to find Passports from all those Princes that were concerned to give them, and especially from Spain and Holland, that they might come down to Nimueguen on the Meuse; but the Pass­ports were not in such readiness as they were made believe; so that one in Charle­ville foretold the Count D' Avaux, That his stay in that Town should be as long as that of the late Count D' Avaux his Uncle, who had waited there four months for his Pass­ports, when he went to Munster in the cha­racter [Page 4]of Ambassador Extraordinary, and Plenipotentiary for the French King, for the Treaty of the General Peace that was afterward concluded there.

The Ambassadors after two months stay, perceiving that the difficulties which were started, sometimes about the reciprocal li­berty of sending messengers from Nimue­guen upon their own single Passports, and sometimes about the quality of Prince Charles, who demanded of the French King the Titles of Brother and Duke of Lor­rain, might still detain them long at Char­leville, they resolved to cause their Goods which were already Embarqued, to be brought ashore again, and to wait for their Passports in that Town, which came at length on the fourth of June, bearing date the last of December in the foregoing year, with an order of Court immediately to set forward; accordingly they Embarked on the seventh of June.

The sickness of the Duke of Vitry still continued, and was thought desperate, which obliged the King to nominate in his place the Mareschal d' Estrade, who was vi­sited by his Colleagues in their passage at Maestricht; and having staid there only a day, on Sunday the 13 of June about one of the Clock aft [...] [...]n they came to Moock [Page 5]two Leagues from Nimueguen; where ha­ving instantly put ashore their Coaches, and most part of their Equipage, they set for­ward, and came to Nimueguen about five of the Clock at night.

Though the French Ambassadors were incognito, and without Train, having left al­most all their servants in the Boats with the rest of their Goods, which did not arrive till next day; yet it may be said that they made a publick entry, by reason of the great concourse of people who out of curiosity and impatience to see the so much wisht-for Ambassadors, flocked out of the Town, up­on the Ramparts, into the streets and win­dows. The vast number of Waggons laden with packs of Goods that came after, and filled the whole street from the gate of the Town to the Ambassadors houses, gave ground of admiration to that people, who had never seen the like before.

The people seeing this, and being perswa­ded of the grandeur of France, believed that the Ambassadors had brought with them things of vast value and richness; so that their houses were presently filled with those of the Town that crouded thither to see them; and they were not only looked upon as sure pledges of Peace, but also as a probable cause of the wealth of the Town. [Page 6]All the people being falsly perswaded that the French were only to be blamed for the delay of the Treaty; but now seeing they were come, they concluded that in a short time Nimueguen was to be the Theater on which the greatness and magnificence of Europe was to appear. Nevertheless matters advanced not so fast as people had imagin­ed; for as yet there were none at Nimue­guen but Sir Lionel Jenkins, one of the three Plenipotentiary Mediators from England, and the Heers Beverning and Haren, Ambas­sadors Plenipotentiary from the States Ge­neral of the Ʋnited Provinces.

The French Ambassadors sent immedia­ly to acquaint my Lord Ambassador Jen­kins with their arrival, who rendered them the Complement, and gave them next day a visit in a Coach with six Horses. The Dutch Ambassadors did the like; and the French rendered the Visits, so soon as their Train and Equipage were in a condition to appear abroad.

The Mareshal d' Estrades had orders with all expedition to part from Maestricht; and though his Train and Equipage were not as yet in readiness, yet he arrived at Nimueguen the 28 of June, whither Sir William Temple, another of the Mediators from England came shortly after with my Lady Gifford [Page 7]his Sister; my Lady Temple not coming till two months after.

My Lord Ambassador Temple is a person of much learning, singular in his ways and opinions. Some judged him partial in the Mediation, and somewhat unequal in his humour; he is nevertheless a person of great abilities, and well acquainted with the Republican principles, as appears by the re­marks he hath written upon the State of the Ʋnited Provinces. His Colleague Sir Lionel Jenkins is a civil well-bred Gentle­man, of great integrity, and firm to his Re­ligion; a person endued with much know­ledg, who always shewed himself to be good Mediator. These Ambassadors had a [...] 100 l. sterling a week, besides an hundred and fifty pounds given them for providing their Equipage, with Furniture for the Chamber of Audience, and a service of the Royal Plate, according to the custom of England.

The report that came abroad at that time, that the Prince of Orange intended to besiege Maestricht, seemed as unprobable, as the enterprize was dangerous; notwith­standing the Hollanders flattered themselves with the hopes of carrying that place in a fortnights time; and it seemed they only waited for the departure of the Mareshal [Page 8]d' Estrades, that they might accomplish their designs; but the conclusion of that siege was much to the advantage of the French, who that year succeeded in every thing al­most that they undertook either by Sea or Land.

The King in four days took Cond [...], and on the 25 of April obliged it to render on discretion. After five days siege the Duke of Orleans carried Bouchain on the 12 of May, in sight of the strongest Army that the Confederates ever had in the Low-Coun­tries, under the command of the Prince of Orange, who thought it not fit to hazard a Battel with the Kings Army that lay with­in Canon-shot of him.

Aire on the last of July suffered the same fate. The King laid the design, and the Marquess of Louvois in the command of the Mareshal d' Humieres put it in executi­on. The Fort of Linck was taken the 9th. of August. The Mareshal Duke of Vivonne was very successful in his Fights on the Si­cilian Seas, and in the Port of Palermo b [...]rnt part of the Spanish and Dutch Fleet. The death of de Ruyter that happened a lit­tle before by a great shot that he received on board his own Ship, in an engagement against the French, was an irreparable loss to the Dutch, who never had an Admiral of so much merit and reputation.

In the mean while it was easie to be judg­ed by what began to appear, that if the Prince of Orange had taken Maestricht, there was no hopes of finding the Dutch any ways inclinable to accommodation; but an event so contrary to their expectation, and the ruin of a great part of their Army, of which most of the residue was seen to march by Nimueguen, dejected them extream­ly, and made them think of other mea­sures.

The first thing that began to be talked of, was the Neutrality of the Country about Nimueguen. The Mediators at the solicita­tion of the Dutch, desired that the French Ambassadors would extend the limits a lit­tle further. And as that concession of Neu­trality carried with it also an exemption from contributions, under which the Gar­rison of Maestricht put all the Count, [...] to the Gates of Nimueguen; and that [...] sieur Calvo some Months before in [...] Contributions in the Maaswal, had▪ [...] and pu [...] the [...]ple in fear, even to [...] heart [...] the Ambassado [...] State [...] [...] desi [...]ed a [...] [...] ­ment [...] ler [...] [...]

The French Court was very averse from granting such an extent of Neutrality, which would have freed their enemies from keeping of strong Garrisons in the Neigh­bouring places, to cover all that Country; and therefore that affair lay long unde­cided.

The pleasantness of the season invited the Ambassadors in the mean time to take the air in their Coaches without the City; but the Dutch Ministers gave notice to the French, that seeing there was no security for the Country against the attempts of the Garrison of Maestricht, they would not an­swer neither for what the Garrison of Grave might do, being but two leagues di­stant from Nimueguen, and on that side where the Country is only pleasant for [...] and taking the air. The French [...]adors therefore prohibited their ser­ [...] [...] strag [...]le out of the Town; though [...] [...]emse [...] did not forbear to go [...] [...]ll together in company being at­ [...] [...] a great numb [...] [...] [...]vants [...] [...]ck. [...] [...] [...]e it▪ [...] the [...] [Page 11]Mediators to view those places that might serve for limits; but finding that there be­longed only three Villages to the Jurisdi­ction of Nimueguen, of which the most re­mote was but a little league from the place, they caused a draught to be made of all that was contained within the circuit of that extent, which being sent to the King, he consented to it as the Ambassadors had proposed.

A Counsellor of the Town, and a French Gentleman named by the French Ambassa­dors, were pitched upon, to mark out the places, on which were planted the limits of Neutrality, the whole extent whereof made a kind of a demi-oval along the Waal, com­prehending nine Parishes with their depen­dencies. Nevertheless there remained betwixt the Meuse and the Waal above a league of ground, which afforded a free passage [...] the parties that came from Maestricht, [...] and raise [...]eir contributions in the C [...] [...] ­try of Maaswal, which lyes betweenn [...] Waal and th [...] Meuse.

The French Ambassador [...] [...] the [...] of September had [...] to the Table of Sir Lionel Jenkins; and had since that made use of the Table of Sir William Temple [...]ut see­ing about the end of October, Sir William declared that he would go to no mans Ta­ble [Page 12]but his own, whether that as Mediator he would thereby affect to appear imparti­al, though that custom which was observed at the Treaty of Cologn, had in it nothing that seemed contrary to the Mediation; or rather that he would avoid the hurry and expence thereof; that manner of living which was begun with much satisfaction, was thereby interrupted, and the Ambassa­dors met only afterward at the Lodgings of the Ambassadors Ladies, where company usually came.

The Count of Oxenstierne, and Monsieur Oliver Krantz the Plenipotentiary Ambas­sadors of Sweden, arrived at that time at Nimueguen, and gave the French Ambassa­dors notice of their arrival, who went the same day to visit them separately at their House, in a Coach with six Horses; but those Ambassadors were not as yet in a con­dition to render their Visits with the same [...]eremony.

The Count of Oxenstierne i [...] a person ho [...] aspect ans [...]vers his birth; he is mag­ [...]t, [...] the too great expence he put himself t [...] [...]as the cause that his house was not always well regulated. His indif­ferent way of carriage, joined to a natural gravity, made many to judg him vain-glo­rious. His Colleague is a man of learning, [Page 13]who writes well in Latin and French; he hath the reputation to be a man fit for bu­siness; he speaks neatly, and loves a retired life. His Train was very neat, and he had fifty Crowns a day from the King his Ma­ster; but the Count of Oxenstierne had a hundred.

The Imperialists and Spaniards were not observed as yet to make any hast in coming to Nimueguen, notwithstanding the King of England urged them to it by his Ministers. Philipsbourg, which for want of Ammuniti­on was surrendered in September, after it had held out a siege from the beginning of June, made them hope that the forces of Germany would gain considerable advan­tages upon the French; but the Ambassa­dors of that Crown about the end of Sep­tember received orders from the King to make known to the Mediators, that his Ma­jesty having by so many advances shewed his forwardness to procure a Peace, he in­tended to recall them, unless the Ambassa­dors of the chief Confederate Princes did within a month repair to Nimueguen the place of Treaty.

This declaration having been communi­cated to the Ambassadors of the States-Ge­neral, they gave notice of it to their Ma­sters. Their answer was, That if at or be­fore [Page 14]the first of November ensuing the Mi­nisters of the Confederates did not repair to Nimueguen, they would begin to treat separately for themselves. But that time be­ing elapsed, they desired two days longer, according to the old stile which is observed in Guelderland, and several Provinces of Germany, well knowing that the expirati­on of that term did not draw them into any engagement; for if the Confederates made longer delay, they could on all ha­zards in the reciprocal communication of their Commissions, start difficulties, and find out means to spin out the time as they did, without falling upon business, until the assembly was compleat.

Monsieur Hoegh the second Plenipoten­tiary from Denmark, arrived at that time, with his Lady, at Nimueguen. He is a hand­some Gentleman of a good Family, who rose to that dignity by his good discharge of the several employments he hath enjoyed. He had his Lodgings in a house that was provided for him near the houses of the French Ambassadors, because that being the highest place of the Town was the plea­santest also for the accommodation of stran­gers. So soon as he had given notice of his arrival, he was visited by the Mediators, the Ambassadors of France, and so by all the [Page 15]rest in Coaches of six Horses, according to the Ceremony. He had of his Master about five hundred pounds a month, which he spent nobly like one that understood the world.

About the middle of November my Lord Barclay the chief of the Mediators, who came from being Ambassador Extraordina­ry for England in France, arrived with his Lady at Nimueguen, and after some days be­ing there incognito gave notice of his arri­val; he was visited by the other Mediators, and immediately after by the three French Ambassadors successively, with two Coaches of six Horses apiece.

The Count of Oxenstierne, who with ur­gency demanded audience of my Lord Barclay, that he might not as it was belie­ved, be prevented by the Ambassador of Denmark, obtained it at three quarters after three; this was to be just after the audience of the Count d' Avaux, who that he might lose no time, had servants abroad in the streets to acquaint him immediately when Monsieur Colbert should come out from his Audience; so that he went to it punctually at half an hour after three. But hardly was he entered, when my Lord Bar­clay had notice, that the Count of Oxen­stierne was below in the Court. He bid an­swer [Page 16]him that he was with the Count d' Avaux, and that the Count of Oxen­stierne was not to have his audience till half an hour after that.

The Ambassador of Suedeland who saw no body come to receive him at the foot of the stair, caused his Coachman to drive out gain, without staying for the answer. That action suffered various constructions; for it was alledged that he could not be igno­rant but that the Count d' Avaux was at his audience. The way to the Lodgings of my Lord Barclay was by his back-gate, where some of his servants were observed to be in the streets, and it was not then, but exactly half an hour after three; that if he had been ignorant of it, and had had no other design, in that case he might have come back, having first made a short turn in ex­pectation of the Count d' Avaux coming out; or if he pretended that his visit was actually performed, as he did afterwards, he ought to have sent his Colleague to Au­dience immediately after the Count d' Avaux.

Whatever the matter was, whether ig­norance, or a laid design, as many did per­swade themselves it was, though they could not conceive the policy of that enterprise, the business was taken up by the Mediation [Page 17]of the French Ambassadors. The Visit was held to be performed, and yet my Lord Barclay never render'd it, nor saw the Count of Oxenstern, but accidentally, as it were, at Madam Colberts Lodgings.

The unexpected Peace concluded be­tween Poland and the Turk, the advanta­ges that the King of Sueden began to gain upon the Danes in Schonen, by the taking of Elsinbourg, and the Succors put into Malmoe, the vigorous resistance of the Town of Stetin, from before which the E­lector of Brandenbourg was at that time forced to raise the siege; all that, I say, and besides the progress of the French Arms in Sicily, made it believed that the Confede­rates would at length appear more tractable than hitherto they had been.

In the mean time the Count of Kinsdi, the second of the Emperors Ambassadors, continued still at Cologne, detained, as it was said, by the Gout; and Don Pedro de Ronquillo, the second Ambassador from Spain, coming from England, where he had been but Envoy Extraordinary, stayed still at the Hague, expecting the rest of his E­quipage from England: but being at length arrived at Nimueguen, he continued long incognito, because having no other chara­cter but that of Plenipotentiary, the French [Page 18]Ambassadors refused to give him the hand.

Monsieur Somnitz and Blaspiel, the Am­bassadors of the Elector of Brandenbourg, who had been sometime at Nimueguen, on the 29. of December gave notice of their arrival. The French Ambassadors consult­ed together, and afterwards with the Me­diators, because contrary to what was pra­ctised at Munster, both the Plenipotentia­ries of Brandenbourg demanded the hand and title of Excellence. But the French Ambassadors would not give it, but to him that was first named in the Commission; and upon occasion of that difficulty, visited them not.

The English Mediators made their visit, but with a resolution not to give the title of Excellence save only to Mr. Somnitz, nor to demand audience of Mr. Blaspiel. How­ever being both lodged in the same house, the second failed not to be at the audience; and the first perceiving that the Mediators addressed their discourse only to him, shew­ed them his Colleague, giving him the title of Excellence. But they answered, that their visit was only to him. The Ambassador of Denmark stuck not at these formalities, ha­ving to do with the Ministers of one of the chief of his Masters Allies. But the [Page 19] Suedish Ambassadors followed the example of the French: So that the Elector of Brandenbourgs Ministers found themselves far enough from being able to establish their pretension at Nimueguen.

The States General, who payed great Subsidies to the Princes that were confede­rate with them, began at that time to think of retrenching that great expence; and they thought they had the greater reason, that they needlesly drained their Treasury by the charge of a War, which was now become wholly that of their Confederates, unto which they ought to have no greater concern, than in a publick and common assault.

What glory soever redounded to the States General, in that they could reckon among their Pensioners, the Emperor, King of Spain, King of Denmark, all the Ele­ctors almost, the Princes of Brunswick, the Duke of Newbourg, and the Bishop of Munster; yet that hindered them not from acquainting them with the inability they lay under to continue those great Subsi­dies, excepting only the Duke of New­bourg, in consideration of the new Alli­ance that he had made with them, and the Bishop of Munster, of whose humour and Neighbourhood the States General have [Page 20]been always apprehensive. They did not as yet cut off those subsidies; but the Dutch Ambassadors declared to the Mini­sters of their Allies, that they would pay none for the ensuing Campagn, unless they put the French in the wrong; that is, if they made it not appear by their refusal of reasonable propositions, that if the peace were not concluded, the French were only to be blamed for it.

By this means the Dutch stopt their Con­federates mouths, they obliged them to hasten the opening of the Conferences, to which no step had hitherto been made; and put themselves in right of complaining of those who for their own private interests desired not to see the War so soon put to an end; and therefore they thought it not enough to speak of cutting off the Subsi­dies, but began also to hint at a separate and particular Treaty, in such a manner that the Confederates took the allarm the more easily, in that the excessive charges the States General had been at during this War, had been exceeding burdensome to all the Provinces.

The Count of Kinski arrived at length at Nimueguen the third of January 1677. He is a Bohemean Gentleman, never before em­ployed in any Embassie; and therefore all [Page 21]his actings were in the beginning full of dif­ficulties and diffidence; but it appeared af­terward that he had more sincere intentions for peace than his Colleagues had, with whom he clashed so as not to be reconciled again. He is a valetudnary man, and melan­cholick, but of great merit and sagacity. He had two thousand German Florins a month, which make about three hundred and thirty pounds English.

Don Pedro de Ronquillo remained incog­nito above a month; and neither he nor the other Ministers of the Confederates seem­ed to act with the same frankness and sin­cerity the French did, even in the opinion of my Lord Ambassador Temple, who con­fessed that it was not to be doubted but that the French inclined to peace, and that they were like those Gamesters who having won considerably, were willing to leave play if the losers obliged them not to continue.

In the mean time those who examined without passion the present state of af­fairs, and the interests of most part of the Princes engaged in the War, wonder'd that they would continue it with so great dis­advantage, upon hopes that were not too firmly grounded. Holland had nothing to gain, and lost much by the excessive char­ges of the War. The Emperor saw himself [Page 22]raised to the real height of his greatness by the setling his Authority throughout the whole Empire; but had hardly any means left of procuring Winter-quarters for the Impetial Troops; and most of the Princes of Germany were so tired out and incom­moded by the War, that it was to be feared his Imperial Majesty might find himself a­bandoned in time of need. The King of Spain had almost all the Powers of Europe joyned in his Interests, and could never promise himself such assistance in any other juncture; but what advantage had he from that, seeing notwithstanding the French took the best places of the Low Countreys? Cambray and Valenciennes were at that time so straitly blocked up, that it was not doubted but one of those places would be lost before the beginning of the Campagn. None but the Northern Confederates were inclined to the continuation of the War, through the desire of preserving, and even enlarging the Conquests they had made upon Sueden. But a Victory obtained by the King of Sueden in Schonen, made it hopeful that the Suedes renewing their cou­rage under so great a Prince, might set their affairs to rights again. Though the Spani­ards lost most in this War, yet the Ambas­sadors of that Crown acted with greatest [Page 23]slowness as to the advancement of the peace. The reason of their procedure in the man­ner, could be attributed to nothing but the usual irresolution of the Spaniards; and yet it was not very easie for them in the present juncture of affairs to determine themselves. The removal of Valensuela, the first Minister of State in that Court, and the return of Don John to Madrid, being supported by all the Nobility of the King­dom against the Interests of the Queen-Regent, made people fear some dangerous revolution; insomuch that the Spaniards abandoned the fate of the Low Countreys to the protection of their Confederates. However it might have been said at that time, that a real Lethargy had seized mens minds, and hindered them from applying themselves with care to the means of resto­ring a solid peace.

In the mean time the French were not a­sleep: That King caused a considerable bo­dy of men to march into Flanders in the depth of Winter. This struck a terror in­t [...] the heart of the Low Countreys, and gave ground to fear, that his Majesty would next Campagn carry his Conquests far, if the Negotiations at Nimueguen did not put a greater stop to them, than the strength of the Confederates was likely to do. But the [Page 24]Assembly was not as yet formed, neither were the preliminaries to the Peace as yet condescended on.

At that time the French Ambassadors had notice given them, that the Count of Kinski received the visits of the Ministers of the Confederates, and were surprised at that manner of conduct, though it was gi­ven out, that they were but private visits among friends, upon occasion of the com­plements he made to them upon his arrival at Nimueguen. However the Mediators un­derstood that complement to be a real no­tification of his arrival, because that the King of England desiring that the Ambas­sadors should make no publick entry into Nimueguen, for avoiding several accidents which such Ceremonies usually produce they ought not neither to give notice or their arrival twice; and therefore they sent presently to desire audience of him next day at two of the clock, for it was then ten of the clock at night. But when it was answered, That the Ambassadors of Den­mark had pitched upon the same hour, th [...] Ambassadors were so surprised, that they would have absolutely refused to visit him had they not been assured that the visit o [...] that Ambassador was only to be private and without ceremony, the Count of Kinski [Page 25]protesting that he had not given notice of his arrival to any whosoever. The Media­tors pretended that they had received no­tice, and fixed upon eleven in the morning, instead of two in the afternoon, to render their publick visit, which was received as such, and rendered accordingly.

The French Ambassadors desired to have a clear understanding as to the Emperors Ambassador his carriage in that particular; but after that the Mediators had taken much pains to adjust the matter, the French found in the conduct of the Count of Kinski neither sincerity enough, nor suffici­ent security, but that some Ambassadors might therefrom draw advantages to the prejudice of that precedency which they pretended to be due to France. That Am­ [...]or was indeed willing to have given [...] in writing disowning the first [...] was made of his arriv [...]l, [...] he should so carry him­ [...] [...] [...]bassadors of Fran [...]e [...] [...]ertheless, they fi [...] ­ [...] [...] somewhat an [...] [...]im, no more [...] [...]f the Ele­ [...] [...]

[...] Kinski [...] begun, [...] gave [Page 26]gave notice of his arrival in the ordinary forms to all the Ambassadors, excepting those of France, who would not admit of it, and the Mediators who had already per­formed that ceremony; and he render'd his visits the last days of January, though he was not as yet provided but of two tra­velling Coaches, nor his servants of Li­veries.

About the same time Master Hide, Son to the Earl of Clarendon, sometime Chancel­lor of England, came to Nimueguen, to as­sist as the second of the four Mediators of his Majesty of Great Britain: A fortnight before, he passed through that Town upon his return from his extraordinary Embassie in Poland; but instead of a Yacht which he expected at Rotterdam, to transport him to London, he there received Orders from the King [...]is Master to return to Ni [...] wh [...] having given notice of [...] [...] was first visited by the th [...] [...] [...]ff [...]dors with a splend [...] [...] [...] all three in th [...] [...] [...] d' Estrades, [...] [...] other [...] [...] Train [...]

Th [...]se [...] [...] ture [...] [...] man [...] [...] [Page 27]against the accidents which might happen on the like occasions. The Marshal D' E­strades gave his Collegues the place in his Coach and at home, except when other Ambassadors were present, and that the dig­nity of the Ambassy obliged every one to keep his rank. And as for Letters and Di­spatches to Court, they so ordered the matter, that each of them should successive­ly undertake it for one week, and all three together sign them.

The King of England sent Mr. Hide to the Assembly at Nimueguen, for no other reason but that he might honour him with the Character of Plenipotentiary Ambassa­dor, and have his name inserted in the Trea­ty of Peace which was to follow upon those new-begun overtures; for his Majesty of Great Britain had occasion to employ him elsewhere.

About the end of the same month (Jan. 1676/7.) the Ambassadors of the Confede­rates began to meet; and for that purpose they chose [...] Apartment in the little Town-hall, which is contiguous to, and has passa­ges into the great Hall. It is in that place where the Deputies of the Province of Gelderland for the Precincts of Nimueguen, do ordinarily meet.

Feb. 1676/7. The French Ambassadors had no sooner notice of these proceedings of the Confederates, but they complained of them to the Ambassadors of the States-General, alledging that in a Neutral Town equally common to all the Ambassadors, some of them could not appropriate to themselves a publick place to the prejudice of the rest, without a breach of the Neu­trality. The Dutch Ambassadors had good reason to chuse a publick place for Con­ferences, well knowing that they would be managed with greater liberty there, than at the Houses of the Imperial Ambassadors, who would have affected to be the Dicta­tors. In the mean time to content the French Ambassadors, they gave them the choice of what place they pleased in the great Town-hall; whither they went to pitch upon the place which they found most convenient to meet in when they thought fit; though they being by them­selves, and having none to confer with but the Ambassadors of Sueden, they needed no such Apartment; and it is probable that if the Ministers of the Confederates had foreseen that the French Ambassadors should have disposed of the Town-Hall, they would not have pitched upon the place which they had chosen.

The most remarkable passage that hap­pened in the Assembly of the Confede­rates was, that after the Count of Kinski, who as Ambassador from the Emperor had taken his place at the upper end of the Table, the Ambassador of Denmark con­tended with the Spanish Ambassador for the next place on the right hand; insomuch that Don Pedro de Ronquillo was forced to consent to have it only by turns; and for deciding which of the two should have it at their first sitting, they behoved to cast lots for it, whereby it fell to the Danish Ambassador. The same difficulty arose be­twixt the Ambassadors of the Elector of Brandenbourg, and those of the States-Ge­neral, who although they were at home, yet would not yield it; insomuch that this dif­ference was determined in the same manner as the former.

The Forces of the French King began al­ready to break into Flanders, notwith­standing the coldness of the season; and the talk was, that some considerable siege would be speedily made. On the other side the French King put the frontiers of Ger­many out of a condition of being able to furnish provisions to any great Army, with which he was threatned from thence. And the Elector of Brandenbourg had lately be­fore [Page 30]made a Declaration to the Diet at Ra­tisbon, whereby he quashed the hopes that the Confederates had conceived after the death of the Electoress, of his joyning his forces with those of the Empire, against the Power of France.

That Prince declared, that he never had consented to the War into which the Em­pire was engaged upon occasion of the Dutch War: He protested he was so far from contributing to it on his part, that he had Twenty thousand men in readiness to act against those that should refuse a Peace; and that he would punctually observe the Treaties of Westphalia, on which the safety and repose of the Empire depended. Which was a sufficient Declaration in favour of France, that seemed to demand no more in Germany.

The twentieth of February Mr. Strat­man, the third of the Emperors Ambassa­dors, arrived at Nimeguen, at which time all the difficulties that were started about the communication of the Plenary Com­missions, began to be determined; and no better expedient could be found to effect this, than to reduce all the Plenary Com­ssions into one and the same form as to the [...]aterial and essential words, according to [...]he stile and use of the Chan [...]elory of [Page 31] France. The five chief Confederates, to wit, the Emperor, King of Spain, King of Denmark, States of Holland, and the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg, desired that in re­spect of them severally, the French Ambas­sadors might have five particular Commis­sions. But the French would only procure two, one for treating with the Catholick Princes, in which the Mediation of the Pope was mentioned; and the other for the Protestant Princes who owned not that Mediation; and they absolutely refused to present one for the Elector of Branden­burgh, lest that all the other Princes of the Empire should pretend to the like. But up­on promise that no other Commission should be demanded, the French Ambassa­dors judging it the interest of the King their Master to treat separately with the Confederates, they were not so stiff in that matter, and the rather especially that they might thwart the Count of Kinski, who would have managed the interests of all the Confederates, and deprived them of the liberty of acting by themselves.

The Danish Ambassador was the most scrupulous about these Plenary Commis­sions; he stood upon the giving of his in the Danish language, if he must have that of the Frenc [...] in French; or that if he gave [Page 32]his in Latin, he pretended that the French Ambassadors should give him theirs in the same language. He alledged that the King his Master stood not on the same foot as heretofore, and that he might very well challenge a right of establishing a new cu­stome. But the Danes got nothing by this, they were fain to condescend to the old way, which is that the French Ministers speak to them in French, and that they answer them in Latin.

On the 3d of March 1676/7. all the Ambassadors gave in their propositions of peace to the Mediators, whereby the pretensions of all the powers concerned in the war were made known; and on the 5th they were interchanged by the Medi­tors.

The Emperors propositions were, that the [...]ing and Kingdom of France should re­ [...]ore to the Emperour and the Empire, and to [...]ll the Confederates, all that had been ta­ [...]en from them; that they should have re­paration for all damages that they had suf­fered, and that peace should be re-establish­ed upon the best and surest grounds that possibly could be devised.

France proposed to the Emperour and Empire, that the King having not desired any thing more passionately than the religious [Page 33]observation of the Treaties of Westphalia, his Majesty would gladly see Germany a se­cond time owe the restitution of its repose to the observation. of the same Treaties; and for that effect his Majesty demanded that they might be fully and intirely re­established.

Spain demanded that France would wholly restore whatev [...]r had been taken in the Kingdoms of Spain since the year 1665. That all Ammunition and Artillery taken either by Sea or Land, should be ren­dered back again: That all places ruined, demolished, or burnt, should be repaired: That the French King should give com­pleat satisfaction to all the Confederates: And by three different Articles Spain de­manded the same thing of Sueden.

France said, That the King being con­trary to Justice, and the obligation of the Treaty of Aix la Chapel, attacqued by the Catholick King, his Majesty had reason to pretend that in respect of that Crown, all things should remain in the condition that the fortune of War had put them into, without prejudice to his Majesties Rights, which were to continue still in full force and power.

The Danes pretended that France should give them compleat satisfaction, and reim­burse [Page 34]all the charges of the War: and by four Articles they demanded of the Suedes, that betwixt the two Kingdoms and two Kings, all things should be restored into the same condition as they were before the War that was ended by the Treaties of Westphalia; and that the Treaties of Ro­childe and Copenhagen should be abolished; and that all the Provinces which had been dismembred from Denmark and Norway, should be restored to the Danes; that all that the Suedes possest in the Empire, should be taken from them; that Wismar and the Isle of Rugen should remain in possession of the Danes; and that for the security of his Danish Majesty and Kingdoms, they might put Garisons in all the strong places of Sueden that lye upon the frontiers of the two Kingdoms.

The propositions of France in reference to the Danes were, That seeing the King had not declared War against the King of Denmark, but he runs contrary to the Treaty of Copenhagen made in the year 1660. for performance whereof the King was Guarantee; the King of Denmark had attacqued Sueden: His most Christian Ma­jesty was ready to desist from hostility on his part, provided that the aforesaid Trea­ties and those of Westphalia were re-esta­blished.

In respect of France and Sueden, the States General demanded, That Maestricht, Dalen, Fangumont, and all the dependencies of Maestricht, should be restored to them: That they were willing for the publick peace to sacrifice the inestimable losses, whereof they might pretend reparation; and that for avoiding all differences for the future, the Treaty might contain a general and particular renuntiation of all sorts of pretensions.

There were afterward sixteen Articles concerning the full satisfaction to be made to the Prince of Orange in regard of what depended on the Crown of France; and particularly the restauration of the forti­fications of Orange, that were ruined in the year 1660. and of the Castle demolished in the year 1663. the rights of Toll upon Salt and other Commodities, as well upon the Rone, as through the Principality of Orange; the rights of Coyning of money, of Laick Patronage for nomination to the Bishoprick; the exemptions, priviledges, and other Immunities granted to the inha­bitants of that Principality by the Kings his Majesties Predecessors, and particularly by Lewis XIII.

The Estates General demanded nothing of Sueden, but that the future Treaty might [Page 36]contain some regulations for obviating the frequent inconveniences that happened concerning Commerce.

France proposed to the States General, That seeing the Union that hath always been betwixt the Crown of France and the States, was only interrupted upon account of some causes of discontent, which were easie at present to be removed, and to be prevented for the future; His Majesty was willing to restore the States General to his former amity, and to hearken favourably to all propositions that might be made to him on their part, even concerning a Trea­ty of Commerce. And as to the propositi­ons made for the re-establishment of the Prince of Orange, the French Ambassadors made an answer to them; but upon occa­sion opposed the pretensions of the Count D' Auvergne, demanding that his Marqui­sate and Town of Bergen-op-zoom might be restored to all the rights of Soveraignty which the other Towns of Holland enjoy­ed conform to the Treaties of Pacification of Ghent.

The Elector of Brandenburgh demanded that France should make reparation for the damages that his Territories had sustained by the French Forces during the course of this War, that all security should be given [Page 37]him for the future for the same Territories, and that all his Allies should be compre­hended in a general Treaty.

France made no propositions to the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg besides those that were made to the Emperor and Empire, which comprehended the full performance of the Treaties of Westphalia.

In all the propositions that the Suedes made to the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and Denmark, the States General, and to the Elector of Brandenbourg, they demand­ed of the one but the renovation of their former amity and good correspondence, and of the others the execution of the Trea­ties of Westphalia and Copenhagen, which contained the restitution of all that had been taken from that Crown.

Prince Charles of Lorrain, to whom th [...] French King had granted the title of Duke, with a general protestation made to the Mediators, that the titles taken or given should be without prejudice, caused his propositions to be made, by which he said, That as heir to his Predecessors, he hoped from the Justice of the King that he would restore to him his Dutchies of Lorrain and Bar, with their dependencies, his titles, records, movables, and effects taken from him, and make reparation for the Towns, [Page 38]Burroughs, Castles and Villages that were ruined throughout all his Dominions.

But seeing the Ministers of the Confede­rates would not admit of the Sieur Duker, the Envoy of the Bishop of Strasbourg, whom the French King reckoned among the Confederate Princes, the French Ambassa­dors made no propositions concerning Lor­rain, nor shewed any Plenary Commission for treating about the Interests of that Prince (though much urged to it by the Confederates) that by this means they might oblige the Imperialists to own the Minister of the Bishop of Strasbourg.

On the other side, the propositions of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, which the Sieurs Ʋlkens and Wetterkop, that Princes Envoys, had put into the hands of the Me­diators, lay there without answer or being interchanged, because the Danish Ambassa­dor hindred the Minister of that Prince from being admitted, as being an Ally of Sueden, and protected by France, and upon that account dispossessed of his Territories by the King of Denmark.

The Propositions of the Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenbourg were not made publick, because the Ministers of those Princes kept incognito, pretending to the character and rank of Ambassadors; yea, [Page 39]and these Princes wrote to the King of England for obtaining the effect of their Pretensions: but what instance soever they made during the whole course of the Ne­gotiation, no Crowned head yielded to their demand.

I have here but inserted the substance of the first propositions of Peace; yet there­by may be seen how unreasonable the de­mands of Spain and Denmark were, seeing that not only the Mediators, but even the Ambassadors of the States General thought them exorbitant.

The sixth of this Month Monsieur Strat­man gave the French Ambassadors notice of his arrival; who at the same time sent each of them a Secretary, to make him their complement, and demand audience, either the same morning, or immediately after din­ner. But he excused himself, saying that he had a business of great importance to di­spatch that day with an Envoy of the Ele­ctor of Cologn, concerning urgent affairs of his Imperial Majesty, and appointed them six of the clock at night. The French Am­bassadors began then to doubt of the sin­cerity of his conduct towards them, and they could not imagin what pretext he [Page 40]could have. It is true, the Gentleman that made the complement to the French Am­bassadors in the name of Mr. Stratman, had waited sometime at the lodgings of the Count D' Avaux, where at that time they were all three together; but the time was but short, and the Ambassadors saw very well that Mr. Stratman failed in what was due to their Character, though he assured them that he had sent his Secretary to them, and that he had taken all the measures that he conceived necessary to give them all manner of satisfaction. Whatever the mat­ter was, the great affair that Mr. Stratman pretended to be for the important con­cerns of the Emperor, was no more indeed but that he might have leisure at two of the clock to receive the visit of the Ambassa­dor of Denmark, and at four of the clock that of the first Ambassador of Sueden.

The French Ambassadors caused all the circumstances of Mr. Stratman's conduct to be observed: nevertheless the made their visit all three together at six of the clock at night, with seven Coaches and six Horses a piece, a great number of servants in Live­ry, and Flambeaux; insomuch that there had not as yet so splendid a Train been seen at Nimueguen. These Ambassadors intended to put Monsieur Stratman in the [Page 41]wrong; they knew very well that the real distinction of preference is not to be made according to the order that visits are given in, but according to the order they are ren­dered by those who have received them: as to that, they expected to see how Mr. Stratman would carry towards them, that they might thereupon take their measures with him.

It was above a fortnight before Mr. Strat­man put himself in a condition of render­ing any visit; during which time he pre­tended an indisposition. That delay could not be attributed to any thing but the ex­pectation of a Courier, by whom it was said he was to be instructed how to behave himself in prospect of the inconveniences which he expected to meet with on the part of the French Ambassadors, if he gave not to that Crown the preference which it hath always pretended to. In the mean time he made an apology for that delay in a Letter which he wrote to the Marshal D' Estrades, imputing it to an indisposition that had seized him. The French Ambas­sadors sent a Gentleman to make him a complement, and condole with him about his sickness: To whom he answered, That he hoped suddenly to be in a condition to [...] and than [...] them for their civility.

No man doubted but that Monsieur Stratman found himself in some perplexity, and that he was very sensible how hard a task it would be for him to go on as he had begun, without exposing himself to trou­blesome consequences. He perceived how the French Ambassadors had deported themselves towards the Count of Kinski, who would have observed a particular way of conduct as to them. He understood that the French Ambassadors would refuse his vi­sit, if he failed in giving them the prefer­ence; and he was ignorant, that if his pro­cedure should deprive him of the opportu­nity of seeing the Ambassadors during the whole time of the Treaty, it might be a considerable prejudice and obstacle to the peace.

At length the 22. Mr. Stratman sent to demand audience of the Marshal D' E­strades, but not till he had visited the first Ambassador of Sueden, and sent in formali­ty to demand audience of the Danish Am­bassador, who was not then in Town. The French Ambassadors had agreed among themselves about the answer that was to be given to the Gentleman that should demand audience; so that so soon as he had made his complement, the Marshal D' Estrades told him, that Mr. Stratman knew not what [Page 43]was due to the King his Master, and his Am­bassadors, and that therefore he would not admit of his visit. Mr. Stratman was not willing to expose himself to the receiving of the same answer from the other French Ambassadors, and therefore did not send unto them. He expected, indeed, that the French would shew some discontent; but as being Ambassador from the Emperor, he looked not for an answer of that nature. That Minister is a learned man, and writes well both in Latin and French. He hath always adhered to the Bishop of Gurck, and opposed the Count of Kinski. He was preferred to the Emperor from the service of the Duke of Newbourg, at that time when the Emperor married the daugh­ter of that Prince.

All the discourse at Nimueguen at this time, was of the great atchievements that the Confederates pretended they would do in this Campagn. The Elector of Bran­denbourg was come into the Countrey of Cleves to order affairs there; this Countrey being daily threatned by the Caris [...] [...] Maestricht, to oblige the inhabi [...]nts to p [...] the Contributions that were laid upon them. The Elector was detained by the Gout at Ham, four leagues beyond Wesel, whither the Ambassador of Denmark was [Page 44]gone to visit him, and whither many other of the Confederate Ministers were to go. The Prince of Orange was set out to come to that Assembly, which was called the Great Council of War. But the news of the siege of Valenciennes, and the urgent in­stances of the Duke de Villa Hermosa, for succors from the States General, made the Prince of Orange alter his course, broke up the Diet at Ham, and for some time discon­certed the measures of the Confederates.

In the mean time the difficulties that hin­dred the French Ambassadors from visiting those of the Emperor and Elector of Bran­denbourgs, produced sad effects, and might have put a stop to the cause of the Nego­tiation that was begun, had not their pre­tensions been so well grounded as they were. The Ambassadors of Brandenbourg publish­ed a printed Paper, to prove that their Ma­ster had right, and was in possession of sending and having admitted several Am­bassadors into one and the same Assembly; t [...] endeavoured to give instances of it taken from the Relations that Abbot Ciry printed of the Transactions which passed at the Treaties of Munster and Osnabrug. However that made nothing to their ad­vantage. They denied those matters of fact [Page 45]that made against their pretensions, which are related in the Memoirs of Mr. Chanut, as well as the late instances of the Assem­bly at Frankfort, at the Coronation of the Emperor; and they insisted particularly on the conduct that Monsieur Colbert held at Cleves, towards three Ambassadors of the Elector, whom he treated equally and with­out distinction.

The last instance signified nothing for confirmation of their pretension. Mr. Col­bert at that time had only the character of Envoy Extraordinary for mediating the differences that were at that time betwixt the States General and the Bishop of Mun­ster; and Monsieur Colbert being in the E­lectors Countrey, it was not his part to raise any dispute upon that head.

The Ambassadors of the Emperor com­plained also of the publick refuse which the French made of the visit of Mr. Stratman. The cause of those misunderstandings was imputed to the Spaniards, who finding themselves always thwarted in the equality which they so strongly pretend to with France, contend not for it with other Crowns, to the end they may unite them all, and so oppose themselves with greater force to the precedency which France claims, or at least to disturb it as much as they can, [Page 46]in the possession of an advantage which they cannot obtain for themselves.

There was an innovation made at Ni­mueguen of what was practised at Cologn in regard of the Mediators, to whom in that quality all the Powers had granted the pre­cedency in the affairs that concerned the Mediation. And the Mediators on their parts being desirous to prevent all occasi­ons of quarrels, which frequently happen upon occasion of Livery-men, especially when many of different Nations meet toge­ther in one place, perswaded all the Am­bassadors in the first place to command their Pages and Lacqueys to wear no swords; which was punctually observed. And see­ing most of the streets of Nimueguen are so narrow, that two Coaches can hardly pass a breast, the Mediators drew up a writing to be signed by all the Ambassadors, by means whereof they did sufficiently obviate all the inconveniences which were to be feared during the Treaty.

That writing bore, That in consideration of the narrowness of the streets, when two Coaches going contrary ways should meet, that Coach which should be least advanced into the street, should put back, without any consequence to be drawn therefrom, or prejudice to any ones pretensions; that he [Page 47]that should most punctually obey that or­der, should be held to be the most incli­ned towards the peace; the matter being thus concerted for no other end, but for a­voiding all occasions of quarrelling, and to keep those who laboured for the restaurati­on of the publick repose, in goodintelli­gence together.

The French Ambassadors were the first who signed that writing, the Swedish did the like, and the Danish Ambassadors follow­ed their example: but the matter went no far­ther, so that it was to be feared that some un­happy accident might afterwards happen a­mongst so many Ambassadors; but the order that was made for preventing any disorder amongst servants, was punctually put in exe­cution.

There happened at that time long de­bates concerning the manner of treating a­bout the affairs of the peace, and that mat­ter was not easily adjusted: all the Confede­rates were for having it managed only by writing.

The French Ambassadors maintained, that having given in their first propositions in writing, the way of treating by word of mouth with the Mediators was the shortest. The Confederates would not condescend to this, but made very long answers in wri­ting [Page 48]to the French propositions, which seem­ed rather invectives than answers to the pro­posals of peace. But the French waving all these disputes, which produce always strife, gave their answers verbally by the Media­tors. the Dutch were the first that ap­proved this method, and all the Confede­rates at length yielded to this way of treat­ing, as the most expedient for diispatching in a short time.

Don Pedro de Ronquillo continued still in­cognito at Nimueguen, whither Mr. Christu arrived on the 18th of March. This Third Ambassador of Spain is a Fleming, Doctor in the Laws, and Counceller in the Flemish Council in Spain, who hoped to have the Office of Chancellour of Brabant, in recom­pence of his services. In the mean time the News of the siege of Valenciences, before which the King came the first of this Month, made all people very impatient to know the success of that enterprise, it being known what care and circumspection had been ta­ken for the preserving of that place; but the news that came of the Trenches being opened the Ninth in the night time, was quickly followed with the taking of the place on the 17th about Nine in the morn­ing.

The manner of taking Valenciennes, sur­prized all men, and daunted the Spaniards. The King commanded the Counter-scarp to be attacqued with two Half-moons that flanked a Crowned work, and that they should lodg on the front of that work, which covers another that is before the Gate of the Town. But the Kings forces marching cross those Half-moons, attacqued that great Crowned-work on the front and sides, and entered it on all hands, killed or made Prisoners all that opposed them, and pursuing those that saved themselves in the Town, gained the Bridg and second Work, and by a Wicket where they could not pass but one after another, they made them­selves masters of the Town-gate; so that in less than half an hour the King saw a place of that consequence taken by force.

April 1677, The Confederates hoped that the siege of Valenciennes begun in so bad a season, would have ruined a great part of the Kings forces; but that Conquest with others that were foreseen would fol­low, much disheartened them. Neverthe­less the Treaty of Peace went on but very slowly for all that. The Confederates groun­ded their hopes on the great Exploits that the German Forces were to perform in Al­satia, and on the Declaration of England, [Page 50]which they expected in their savours, not doubting but that the Parliament would sollicite the King to join with them for opposing the progress of the French; but the Confederates at that time found them­selves much disappointed in their Expecta­tions.

The two Houses of Parliament represen­ted to the King of England the necessity of putting a stop to the progress that the French made in the Low-countries. The King answered those that made him the Address from the Parliament, That it was the thing he had in his thoughts, and that he should take care that the French should not be in a condition of giving jealousie to his Sub­jects, and that his Subjects should have no cause to have any. His Majesty of Great Britain was afterwards informed, that Don Bernardo de Salinas, Envoy from Spain, gave it out, that his Majesty had called the Authors of that Address Rogues. The pro­cedure of that Minister so much the more offended the King of England, as that in so nice a juncture, it might have produced dangerous effects in his Kingdoms; and therefore he sent order to Don Pedro de Salinas to keep within doors, and to make ready to depart out of the Kingdom with­in twenty days.

The Ambassadors in the mean time re­mained at Nimueguen like Spectators; and all that was done there, was to consider and observe what passed in the Low countries, where after the taking of Valenciennes, the King made himself Master of Cambray on the third of April, five days after the Trenches were opened, the Governour with the whole Garrison having retreated into the Cittadel; and the Duke of Orleans who till then had only held St. Omers blocked up, caused at the same time the Trenches to be opened. But upon notice that the Prince of Orange marched with a great Army to the relief of St. Omer, the King detached from his Army the Mareshal of Luxembourg with Eight Battalions, the two Troops of his Musquetiers, and some Dragoons, reserving only so many of his forces as were necessary for forcing the Cittadel of Cambray.

This Detachment came in the nick of time to strengthen the Duke of Orleans his Army; for on the eleventh the two Ar­mies engaged near to Mont-cassel, and had a sharp dispute; but after a vigorous resist­ance made by the Dutch-Infantry, the French got the day, and the Dutch in that defeat lost eight thousand men that wert killed or made Prisoners, many Colours, eight pieces of Cannon, two mortar-pieces, all their [Page 52]gross Baggage, and many Waggons laden with Arms and Ammunition for the relief of St. Omers, which was the chief fruit of the Battel.

The news of that victory, the taking of Cambray on the eighteenth, and of St. Omers on the twentieth, stunned the Confederates, and so many Conquests in six weeks time, and before the usual time of the Compagn, made the Spaniards despair of being able to preserve any thing in Flanders, if peace did not put a stop to those progresses; but that which troubled them most, was, that by these Conquests t [...]ey lost all the Contribu­tions which they raised on the Frontiers of France, and which was the surest way they had to pay the small Army that they enter­tained in the Low-countries.

In the mean time the Elector of Branden­bourg being come to Wesel, there was a great Conference held there concerning the En­terprises which the German forces were to undertake in three several places. The Am­bassadour of Denmark went thither from Nim [...]eguen, the Pensioner Fagel, and Ad­miral Van Trump were there for the States-General; the Envoys of the Electors of Cologn, Treves, Palatine, of the Princes of Brunswick and Bishop of Munster, were also at that Council of War, and the Duke [Page 53]of Newbourg was there in person. But the great advantages that the French King had just then obtained, diverted the designs which the Confederates had again formed upon Maestricht and Lorrain.

Many were perswaded that the loss which the Dutch had then sustained, would incline them to treat about a separate Peace; if the States-General were as desirous of it as the people; and all that wished well to the publick, seemed impatient to see themselves delivered from so troublesome a War. They could not have a better pretext for it, than the loss of the battel of Mont­cassel, and the sudden return of the Heer Beverning, who upon that news came pre­sently back to Nimueguen, confirm'd the conjecture that some had of a particular accommodation betwixt Holland and France. That Ambassador appeared always so zeal­ous for the real interest of his Countrey, that if there was any separate Treaty to be expected, it could no ways be managed but by his means; and if different interests had not always divided the States-General, it would not have been long before they had broken off from the Confederates, whose hopes daily vanished, though they could not resolve to save themselves from the mis­fortunes of War by a good Peace, which [Page 54]appeared to the Dutch to be the most spee­dy and safe way to remedy the present E­vils, and prevent those wherewith they were threatned.

After this short, but no inglorious Cam­pagn, the French King dispersed his Forces into quarters of refreshment; and being at Dunkirk, sent the Duke of Crequi to com­pliment the King of England, and to carry him a Letter, whereby his Majesty declared, That though his willingness to come to peace did not at all promote the conclusion thereof; yet he was ready, amidst the pro­sperities wherewith Heaven was pleased to favour him, to consent to a general Truce for some years, as the surest means of resto­ring tranquility to Europe, provided that the King of Sueden was of the same mind. And seeing his Majesty could have no free correspondence with that Prince, he pray­ed the King of England to inform himself of his intentions, not doubting but that he was sufficiently persuaded of the sincere desire he had to second the good offices of his Mediation, yea and to contribute all that in him lay, for the procuring of a Ge­neral Peace, though he might have ground to expect considerable advantages from his Armies.

In the mean time it was the common dis­course that the French King did but make formal demonstrations of desiring a Peace, whilst he found himself so successful, and so powerful, as to make himself Master of all the Low-Countreys; that if he did really consent to a Truce, he must either think himself too weak to bear up against the efforts that were preparing to be made a­gainst him in Germany and Catalonia, or that he intended some enterprise into which they could not dive. Some gave out, that the French King's Letter was but a politick fetch, whereby he gave occasion to the King of England to wave the Declaration which his Parliament so urgently solicited; and that the condition of the King of Sue­den's consent would be always a sure pretext to stave off the proposition of the Truce, whenever France though it convenient.

The same day (May 1677.) that that Letter was brought to Nimueguen, the Dutch Ambassadors having demanded audi­ence of the French, came all to the House of the Marshal D' Estrades, whither they brought the project of a Treaty of Com­merce, the Articles of which were extract­ed out of the last Treaties which they made with France. But the people said publickly, [Page 56]That that was but to amuse them to no purpose; that it was much better to con­clude a Treaty of Peace than a Treaty of Commerce. The States General in the mean time sent three hundred thousand Crowns to the Prince of Orange to raise recruits for their Forces; publishing, that the loss they had sustained at Mont Cassel, should not hinder them from rigging out a Fleet which they designed for the assistance of Sicily and Denmark.

The Confederates nevertheless began to take umbrage at the Negotiation of the Dutch; the disposition they found the Sieur Beverning in to treat separately, gave them the greater cause of fear, in that that Mi­nister ceased not to press them, and to com­plain of their slow proceedings. And the Duke of Zell finding himself sollicited to send five thousand men to join the Confe­derate Army, as he had done the year be­fore, he made some difficulty, and demand­ed of the States-General an hundred thou­sand Crowns, and as much from the Spani­ards; and insisted upon this, That the Em­peror would cause the title and rank of Ambassadors to be given to the Ministers which the House of Brunswick should send to Nimueguen. These conditions gave ground to suspect that that Prince, and some others [Page 75]of Germany, had not the same disposition to promote the common cause. In effect they sufficiently perceived that they were engaged farther than they would have de­sired; which made the Spaniard fear, that if they accepted a Truce, they might in a short time be abandoned by the greatest part of their Confederates.

On the fifth of May the news came by Letters from England, that the Session of Parliament was broken up the 26. of the foregoing Month, and that the King was fully satisfied with them, though no Act had passed contrary to the Interests of France; but that his Majesty of Great Bri­tain had adjourned them till the 27 of May, to consider of such means as might give a new countenance to the present affairs. There came news also which gave some content, that the first Ambassadors of the Emperor and King of Spain▪ were shortly to come with the Popes Nuncio to Nimue­guen, where all affairs were at a st [...], be­cause the Count of Kinsks had no [...] to agree but on preliminaries, until th [...] [...] ing of the Bishop of Gurck, the ch [...] [...] the Imperial Embassy.

The President, Canon, Envoy and Pleni­potentiary from the Duke of Lorrain, be­ing come to Nimueguen on the 25th of [Page 58] May, payed a visit to the three French Am­bassadors in one of the Coaches of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, who remained still in­cognito. Mr. Spanheim, who was at Nimue­guen about the affairs of the Elector Pala­tine, visited also the same Ambassadors, who returned the Visits without any cere­mony; seeing this last had had the quality of Envoy in other Negotiations, it was not doubted but that he carried the same chara­cter in this; but it appeared afterward that he had only Credential Letters from his Master; and therefore the Confederates would not admit him into their Confer­ences.

About this time the Elector of Branden­bourg wrote to the King of England con­cerning the Injustice that he pretended was done to his Ambassadors by France; and the matter, said he, touched him the more sensibly, that the decision of that difficulty was left to his Enemies, without doing the lustice which was due to him; and that he expected it from his Majesty of [...] Britain, without which he would be [...]ged to recall his Ambassadors from Ni­mueguen. But that Letter, and all the in­stances that were made upon that subject, had no effect as to France, which had not the same reasons as England had to conde­scend [Page 59]to those new pretensions.

On the first day of June, 1677. Seignior Beliagua, who had been Nuncio extraordi­nary at the Emperor's Court, to incline him to contribute to the peace of Christendom, arrived at Nimueguen by water from Co­logne, and came to the house that was pre­pared for him near the French Ambassa­dors; the scarcity of convenient Houses not permitting him who was sent before, to follow the express Orders he had, to chuse a house in some part of the Town which might be equally distant from the French and Spaniards, that he might give no cause of jealousie to either of those two Nati­ons.

The arrival of a Mediator so disinterest­ed as the Uncle of his Holiness ought to be, gave hopes that his Mediation would much contribute to the promoting of the Peace, because of the confidence that the chief parties concerned reposed on him. Seignior Beliagua is of a very noble Family in Ferrara, and rich in estate; he is Patri­arch of Alexandria, and was Governour of Rome in the reign of Clement IX. nor was that charge taken from him under [...]ment X. his Successor, but in exchange of the extraordinary Nunciature of Vienna, from [Page 60]whence he was sent Mediator to Nimueguen by Innocent XI. who at present fills the Holy See. Although the allowance of great Nun­cio's exceed not 370. Roman Crowns a month, and that he was not well paid, his Train was nevertheless splendid, and his House well ordered. His civil and familiar carriage gained him the affection of all peo­ple; and his good intentions towards the Peace, made him to be equally respected by all the Ambassadors.

Next day after his arrival, the French Ambassadors sent three Gentlemen together, to testifie the joy they had for his happy ar­rival, and to offer him all the civilities they were able to perform, impatiently expect­ing a fit time to come and salute him in person. The three Gentlemen were recei­ved by the Nuncio according to the cu­stom of Italy, in the Chamber of Audience, upon three elbow-chairs. They spoke co­vered, and were conducted by the Nuncio as far as the dore of the outer anti-cham­ber that looked into the Court. The same honour was done to the Gentleman that render'd that compliment on his part; and the day following after noon the three Am­bassadors of France went severally to visit the Nuncio incognito and on foot, his house being distant but a few steps from thence; [Page 61]yet they were followed by all their ser­vants. The Emperors Ambassadors were there also in the morning incognito.

On the fifth of June, the Nuncio gave notice of his arrival to the two Ambassa­dors of the Emperor, who had their pub­lick audience at five of the clock after­noon; and to the French Ambassadors, who visited him at seven of the clock, with a train of seven Coaches and six horses a piece. The Towns-people were very curi­ous to see such ceremonies, but much more for this, being impatient to see how a Nun­cio of the Pope looked. The Burgomasters of the Town, and a great number of other persons placed themselves in the Windows of the Neighbouring houses to see him at his gate, whilst he received and re-conduct­ed the Ambassadors to their Coaches. He was in a plain long purple habit lined with scarlet, and carried a Cross of Diamonds; but he was cloathed commonly in a short habit. No body wondered at the curiosity of that people, seeing it was a very extra­ordinary thing to see a Pope's Nunior [...] a Protestant Town. The Countrey people, both Protestant and Catholick, came flock­ing to Nimueguen for that end; these found their spiritual consolation, and those satisfi­ed the great curiosity they had to see an [Page 62]Ambassador sent from the Pope, of whom their Ministers give them an hideous de­scription.

The Burgomasters of Nimueguen, in con­sideration of the neutrality of the Town, and of the Negotiation of so great a work as that of a general Peace, visited the Nun­cio, and offered him all they could do for the free exercise of the Catholick Religion; but he was satisfied to have a large Chappel only in his house, whither Catholicks might freely come, as they did to the French Am­bassadors Chappel, where service was per­formed on Festival-days with all the solem­nity that is usual in Parish-Churches, having even placed a Bell in the top of a Tower, which was heard over a great part of the Town.

Some days before the arrival of the Nun­cio, a Jesuit belonging to the Family of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, went about the streets in the habit of his Order; this seem­ed so strange a thing, that it stirred up the curiosity of all the people; and therefore the Magistrates fearing lest such Novelties might occasion some disorder, published next day an Order under the pain of cor­poral punishment, That no body should say or do any thing to any person whatsoever, whatever Ecclesiastical habit they should [Page 63]see them wear. But Don Pedro de Ronquillo thought it not fit that that Jesuit should appear any more abroad in that manner. The Nuncio himself left two Capucins of his houshold at Cleves, and suffered them not to come until he was assured that they should enjoy a full liberty.

Don Paolo Spinola Doria, Marquess de los Balbases, first Ambassador of Spain, arrived at Nimueguen the 4th of June; and seeing he came from Germany, he took passage down the Rhine, as the Nuncio had done. That Ambassador is a Genoese, a Grandee of Spain, and Grandchild to the great Spinola; he hath been General of the Cavalry of Milain, and since Governour of that State for a time: He came from the Extraordi­nary Embassy of Vienna, where he had con­tinued seven years. He is a tall lean man, most civil, and well bred, and married the Sister of the Constable of Colonna. Their eldest daughter is married to one Spinola, Duke of St. Peter, one of the richest Gen­tlemen in Italy, and who lived at Nimue­guen until the conclusion of the Treaty. This Ambassador had another Daughter with him, married by Proxy to the Mar­quess Quintana, Son to the President of Ca­stile. He had likewise an only Son ten years old, who was called Duke of Sesto. This [Page 64]great Family made a very numerous Train; yet among so many servants, there were not above five or six native Spaniards.

When the French Ambassadors came to Nimueguen, finding that the Catholicks, though under the Diocess of the Bishop of Ruremond, followed the old stile, according to the practice of Guelderland, they resol­ved likewise to conform to it. The Catho­licks of the Countrey have a dispensation so to do, to the end they may celebrate Ea­ster, and the chief Festivals of the year, at the same time the Protestants do, and not appear singular in a Countrey where they are with much pain and difficulty suffered. The French Ambassadors followed the same stile, that they might not seeem to make a kind of Schism betwixt themselves and the Catholicks of the Town, and that their Chappel where five or six Masses were said a day, might serve for the devotion of the Catholick people.

The Imperial and Spanish Ambassadors did not at first conform to that stile; but the Nuncio resolved at Cologn to follow it, and even kept the Rogations at Nimue­guen according to that custom. Neverthe­less next day about ten of the clock at night, he sent to acquaint the French Am­bassadors, That he was to observe the New [Page 65]Stile, according to which the next day was the Vigil of Pentecost. The Ambassadors sent the Nuncio back word, That having taken the Old Stile upon very pressing con­siderations, and particularly that they might conform themselves to the Orders of the Bishop to whom the Catholicks of the place were subject, they could not leave it off. The Nuncio made answer, That it was not his intention to oblige any body, and that what he did concerned only his own Family. Nevertheless he altered his opinion eight days after. The Imperial and Spanish Ambassadors, and all the Ministers of the Catholick Princes, followed the example of the French Ambassadors, and all the Chap­pels observed only one stile.

At that time the Nuncio rendered his vi­sits of ceremony to the Imperial and French Ambassadors on one and the same day. The French met at the house of the Marshal D' Estrades to receive him, resting satisfi­ed with that single visit, instead of having each of them one, as the Nuncio offer'd, though he afterward saw them severally. His Train made a great show; he had three Coaches with six horses, and many ser­vants in Livery, cloathed after the Roman fashion, with hanging sleeves, some laced all over, and others of Velvet with long cloaks. [Page 66]But all the other Ambassadors had their E­quipage after the French Mode.

My Lord Barclay having at that time ob­tained leave to return to England by reason of his age and indisposition, parted from Nimueguen the fifth of June. The truth is, the Negotiation was at such a stand, that there was no discourse of any affairs then, and both Mediators and Ambassadors had time to play. At the same time news came from England, that the Parliament being assembled the fourth of June, had made a pressing Address to his Majesty of Great Britain, to incline him to make a League offensive and defensive with the States of the Ʋnited Provinces, for opposing the pro­gress of the French Conquests.

The King was displeased at this Address, and made them answer, ‘That it did invade so essential a Prerogative of the Crown, that the like had never been done but du­ring the Civil Wars. That it did not belong to the Parliament to prescribe to him what kind of Leagues, and far less with whom he should make them. That it seemed ra­ther that he should engage in it by their permission, than at their sollicitation. That foreign Princes might have cause to doubt whether the Soveraignty was in his per­son, and refuse to treat for the future with [Page 67]a King that had only the bare name. In a word, that he could not suffer that prero­gative to be invaded, which no conside­ration should ever make him to renounce, seeing it was the foundation of the Crown and Government.’ And hereupon he dismis­sed the Parliament without having obtained from them the Supplies he demanded for procuring the satisfaction and safety of his subjects.

June the 23. the Marquess de los Balba­ses, who desired to begin to appear in pub­lick, sent on his own and Colleagues parts to compliment all the Ambassadors of the Princes; but the French received and ren­dered them the first of all. The substance of the compliment that was made to every Am­bassador in particular, by a Gentleman ac­companied with two others, was, That the Ambassadors of Spain upon their arrival at Nimueguen, sent to salute their Excellencies, to testifie the joy they had to find themselves in so illustrious an Assembly, and to have occasion of treating with persons of so known worth as their Excellencies were; and that his Master impatiently expected that his Colleagues were in a condition to be treated according to their character, that he might come in person to testifie his joy to their Excellencies.

The Marquess de los Balbases gave there­by to understand, that Don Pedro de Ron­quillo, and Mr. Christin, had not as yet the quality of Ambassadors; but it was known that the Court of Spain had sent to the Duke de Villa Hermosa Plenary Commissions in divers forms, and left to the Marquess his disposal the characters that he pleased to give them; but he being no Native Spaniard, and being to treat about an af­fair of so great importance for Spain, which he well foresaw would not prove advanta­geous for that Crown, it was his interest, as well as the dignity of his Embassy, that the Court should authorise his Colleagues, that the event might be the less laid at his dore.

The French Ambassadors sent three Gen­tlemen to return his compliment in the like terms of esteem and civility, whom that Ambassador answered in French. The same Gentlemen had Orders also to go wait upon the two other Spanish Ambassadors, and to compliment them apart. But it be­ing just before insinuated, that they had not as yet the character, those Gentlemen were advertised not to give them the title of Ex­cellence; and for that reason Din Pedro de Ronquillo was not at home, thô they went twice to his house, and at dinner-time. But Mr. Christin received the compliment with­out the least difficulty.

The Nuncio made no doubt but that if in the first steps that the French and Spani­ards made, there happened any thing that might give discontent to the French, the Treaty might thereby receive great preju­dice; and therefore for preventing the same inconveniences to which the conduct of the Imperial Ambassadors towards the French had given occasion; he so ordered m [...]tes, that the carriage of the Spaniards should give the French no cause to complain. So that that Mediator, extremely zealous for the repose of Christendom, hoped that by bringing the French and Spanish Ministers to a good and familiar correspondence to­gether, the affairs of the Peace would the more successfully be promoted.

Though the Marquess de los Balbases re­mained still incognito, yet the French Am­bassadors sent to compliment my Lady Mar­chioness, and to desire audience of her. They visited her separately, and without much ceremony; and so did all the other Ambassadors and their Ladies, expecting till they could render her their publick Vi­sits.

Of all the Ambassadors Ladies that were at Nimueguen, the Marchioness de los Balba­ses was the only Lady that spoke not French; but seeing she understood a little [Page 70]of it, and that the other Ladies had no great difficulty to understand Italian from conversation and play, they had no need of any Interpreter.

The progress that the French Tongue had made in foreign Countreys, appeared at Nimueguen; for there was no Ambassadors house where it was not almost as common as their Mother-tongue. Besides, it became so necessary, that the Ambassadors of Eng­land, Germany, Denmark, and other Nati­ons, held all their Conferences in French. The two Danish Ambassadors agreed, that even their common Dispatches should be made in that tongue, because Count Antho­ny of Oldembourg spoke good High Dutch, but not a word of Danes, which his Collegue did. Insomuch that during the whole course of the Treaty of Peace, nothing hardly but French Writings appeared, strangers chusing rather to express themselves in French in their publick ceremonies, than to write in a language that was not so much in use as it.

July 1677. The Assembly now beginning to be formed, and many strangers being with the Ambassadors at Nimueguen, the Mediators on the second of July thought fit to renew the Writing that was spoken of [Page 71]before, concerning the means of avoiding the inconveniencies which might happen upon the meeting of Coaches: they like­wise intreated the Ambassadors to command their Gentlemen upon severe penalties not to fight any Duels, and all their servants not to make any disorder in the Town nei­ther by day nor by night. This was appro­ved hy all the Ambassadors, because of some Duels that had been already fought. The Nuncio, who was no less zealons for preservation of peace amongst the families, which were to procure a general peace to all Europe, made a like Writing in Italian, which was signed by the Ambassadors in the same manner as that of the English Media­tors was.

In th [...] mean time the Confederates raised all their Batteries in England, and were not discouraged. Their Ministers made new in­stances to the King of Great Britain, That it would please him to recall the Forces that he had in the French Service; repre­senting to him that they were the cause of the loss of Mont-cassel. His Majesty made them answer, That in that Engagement there were none of his subjects in the French Army, but the single troop of the English Gen d'arms, wherein there were but seven­teen English, all the rest being French; and [Page 72]that on the contrary, the Dutch had two Regiments of Scots, who had behaved themselves better in that action, than any others of the whole Army. That besides, he could not recall his Forces from the French Service without declaring War a­gainst France, seeing he had sent them thi­ther before he was received to be Media­tor; and that desiring to retain that quali­ty, and only labour to procure peace, he could not recall the one, unless he likewise at the same time recall the others that he had in their service.

The Confederates had nothing to say to so just and reasonable an answer as that was; and they found themselves disappoint­ed of their hopes, seeing that that power­ful German Army that was to enter into France, was put to a stand on the frontier by the Forces which the Marshal de Crequi commanded; and so distressed for want of provisions, and the parties of the neigh­bouring Garisons, that it was obliged to re­treat. They conceived also so great jealou­sie of the King of England's equipping of a Fleet, that they were in doubt whether on that side they had not as great cause to fear as to hope.

On the 13th of July there was an extra­ordinary Courier from England, having Or­ders [Page 73]to Ambassador Temple to repair forth­with to London; and accordingly on the fifteenth about five a clock in the morning, he embarqued for that Voyage. Every one had his several reasons concerning the hasty departure of that Mediator, and could not agree whether it was a good or bad presage for the desired peace.

On the 16. the Marquess de los Balbases returned from Holland, not well satisfied with the people of Amsterdam, from whom he received not that favourable reception which he expected, by reason of an opini­on which that people had, that the Spani­ards for their own particular interests were the only cause of the continuance of the War.

Mr. Ʋlkens, Envoy from the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, a Prince in League with the King of Sweden, and who hath been dispossessed of his Territories by the King of Denmark, rendered his first Visits to the French Ambassadors on the third of Au­gust, and the same day the Count of Kinski and Mr. Stratman the Imperial Ambassadors, visited publickly the Ambassadors of Spain, who returned the Visit the same day.

The Nuncio ought to have been dissatis­fied at those publick Visits made before the performance of that which was due to him, [Page 74]as Mediator and Nuncio of the Pope; Be­sides, the French Ambassadors declared, that at the very instant that the civility which was due to the English Ambassadors as Me­diators, was not rendered to them, and that the Ambassadors of that Crown suffered those of the Emperour to have the prece­dency, they would likewise re-assume the rank which they pretended to be their due, without any respect to the Mediation: Wherefore the Ambassadors of Spain gave in writing to the Nuncio, and wrote a Let­ter to Sir Lionel Jenkins, declaring in both, that they followed a custom established be­twixt the two branches of the house of Austria, which rendered these Visits because of kindred; and that these Visits made be­fore the notification of arrival, were not of any consequence.

The Nuncio and Ambassador Jenkins gave Copies of those Declarations to the Ambassadors of France, and inserted them in the Memoirs of the Mediation.

On the fourth, the Ambassadors of Spain having given notice of their arrival, were visited by the Nuncio; Sir Lionel Jenkins who was then the sole English Mediator rendered them his Visit immediately after and next were the French Ambassadors all three together with their usual attendance [Page 75]The Ambassodor of Denmark, who always strove not to be the last, had his audience the same evening, and all the other Am­bassadors visited them next day.

Seeing C. Anthony of Oldenbourg was not come to Nimueguen, though his house had been kept long in readiness for him, Mr. Pet­kum stept into Office, he took the Chara­cter of Envoy of Denmark, and in that quality visited all the Ambassadors, which he retained during the whole course of the Treaty, having signed the Memoirs that were given in by the Ambassador of his Danish Majesty.

On the sixth the Ambassador of Spain visited the Mediators, and the same day de­manded Audience of the Ambassadors of France, who were all three at the house of the Mareshal d' Estrades, and there recei­ved them at three of the Clock in the after­noon; their Train was numerous, and had no less than nine Coaches with six horses apiece. The five first Coaches were for their retinue; the three Coaches for the thre [...] Ambassadors came after, in the third [...] which that belonged to the M [...] [...] Balbases, were they all together [...] there taking the place; the ninth [...] Coach of the Duke of St. Peter, [...] he had the young Duke of Sesto there, [Page 76]the Coach-horses of the Marquess de los Balbases being young, the Coach-man durst not entangle himself in the Court of the Mareshal d' Estrades his house, because it was but small; and therefore the French Am­bassadors went out to receive the Spanish at the Street-gate; the retinue of the Gentle­men were ranked into two files in the Chamber of Audience, because the same had been done by the Spaniards; but the Pages according to the usual custom set the Chairs, the Gentlemen having done so to none but the Nuncio, because it was so practised at his house. After that common Visit, the French Ambassadors severally vi­sited each of the Spanish Ambassadors apart, and their Visits were returned in the same manner.

The Confederates did not as yet lose the hopes that they built on the German Army commanded by the Duke of Lorrain, who that he might employ those great forces in some remarkable action, was advanced as far as Mouson, the fortifications whereof [...] [...]fore razed; there he took his [...] designed to pass the Meuse, and [...] Champaign; but he durst not ha­ [...] [...] [...]er, because the Mareshal de Crequi [...] [...]ly observed his motion. All the pro­ [...]dings of the Duke of Lorrain were only [Page 77]to favour the designs of the Prince of Orange, and to join his Army if he had suc­ceeded in the enterprize which he was go­ing to attempt on Charleroy.

Then it was that the Consultations which were held at Wesel began to break out. The Prince of Orange, who during the whole course of this War seemed always to have great designs, marched with the forces of Holland, Spain, Zell and Munster, which he commanded, to invest Charleroy, where he made his Lines, and assigned his Quarters. Several English Gentlemen came and offered their service to the Prince, who seeing no Army in readiness, promised himself better success in that Siege than he had had the first time that he attempted it. But he was out in his measures; for Monsieur de Louvois who foresaw the design, in a few days put a powerful Army into the field, and was himself in person in a posture of coming to action. Many Gentlemen of the Court went thither by Post; and many English Gen­tlemen were there also to signalize them­selves upon that occasion; in so much that the Prince of Orange seeing his hopes eva­nished, thought fit to draw off on the four­teenth, and the Duke of Lorrain having advice thereof, left Mouson the same day, and marched in haste beyond Treves During [Page 78]the whole time that that Prince encamped on the Meuse, the Mareshal de Crequi watch­ed him so close, and so incommoded him, that without fighting he ruined his Army. In effect since that time the Imperial Army appeared only on the defensive.

About this time the Bishop of Gurck ar­rived at Nimueguen; the dignity of that Prelate, whom his Servants without Cere­mony called my Lord the Prince, and the quality of chief of the Imperial Embassy, gave him without contradiction, the first rank among the Ministers of the Confede­rates. The Spaniards instantly visited him, and he returned the visit the same day; but he was obliged to give the Mediators and French Ambassadors a Declaration in the same form, as those of Spain gave when they visited the Imperial Ambassadors, to the end that that particular custom might be still without prejudice to the honour that the other Ambassadors rendered the Medi­ators, and to the preference which is pre­tended to by France.

Sept. 1677, that Prelate gave notice of his arrival to the Mediators and French Ambassadors on the third of September. The Nuncio and Ambassadour Jenkins visited him in the morning, and the French Am­bassadours having sent three Gentlemen to [Page 79]demand Audience, rendered him their visit at three of the Clock afternoon, with a splendid train of Coaches which marched in this order. The three first were filled with Gentlemen, the three Coaches of the body followed, the Ambassadors being in the last, and a seventh Coach belonging to the Mareshal d' Estrades came last of all. All the other Ambassadors almost, rendered their Visits the same day to the Bishop of Gurck, who next day visited the Nuncio, and Ambassador Jenkins in the morning, and after dinner was with the French Ambassa­dors, who received him all three together at the house of the Mareshal d' Estrades.

The Bishop and Prince of Gurck, former­ly Baron of Goes, had the reputation of a great Negotiator, seeing the dignity to which he was raised, was the reward of the services which he had rendered the Empe­rour in several Negotiations; but when it was perceived that his Talent lay only in making long and rambling speeches, stuffed with an infinite number of Questions, and remote Suppositions, which tended only to pump those with whom he discoursed, with­out ever speaking his thoughts clearly, the able Ministers were soon weary of his long Visits, which lasted always three hours at least. He seemed so irresolute in the most [Page 80]pressing conjunctures, that that was no small obstacle to the conclusion of the peace of the Empire. There was never any good understanding betwixt him and his Col­league the Count of Kinski, nor the Mar­quess de los Balbases. His allowance was 3400 German Florins a Month, and he had always several persons of Quality in his Re­tinue.

Count Anthony of Oldembourg arrived at Nimueguen on the seventh of September; but as he was preparing to give the Mediators and all the other Ambassadors notice of his arrival, the Imperial Ministers acquainted him that they expected to be preferred be­fore the English Mediators. That Ambassa­dor perceiving this to be contrary to the custom that was established at Cologn, would not consent to the Imperial pretensi­ons. He well foresaw that not only the Me­diators would not have admitted his Visit, but likewise the French and all the other Ambassadors who maintained the honour of the Mediation; and therefore he gave no notice of his arrival, gave nor received no Visit, and continued still incognito at Nimue­guen; but that hindered not but that he met at conferences, and especially at all pla­ces where they played.

That Count is the Natural Son of the last Count of that name; to whom the King of Denmark was heir, as being of the same family; but the present Count hath obtai­ned a vast Estate from his Majesty, with the Government of the County of Oldembourg; he is of the Order of the Elephant, and ve­ry handsome; his presence, courage, rich equipage, and vast expence shewed him to be a great person; but his civility and free humour made him beloved of every body; insomuch that the Assembly of Nimueguen lost much by his departure, which was eight months after his arrival.

The end of the Campagn drawing now near, the Confederates did not think that the French forces would effect any consi­derable Enterprize. Nevertheless the Mare­shal de Crequi assured the King that he would make him Master of Fribourg, if his Ma­jesty pleased. The design appeared extream­ly difficult. But the Mareshal having ob­tained permission, and all that was necessary for carrying on so great an Enterprize, en­deavoured to make the Duke of Lorrain believe that he intended some design upon Sarbruck, and at the same time made a con­siderable body of men pass the Rhine at Brisac, which on the ninth of October in­vested Fribourg, and marching thither in [Page 82]great haste, he forced the place to render, before that the Duke of Lorrain could come in time to relieve it.

Octob. 1677, such was the consternation at Nimueguen among the Germans, and all the Ministers of the Confederates, that even af­ter the taking of that place, they could hardly believe that the Mareshal de Crequi durst have undertaken the siege. Fribourg has a Cittadel strong by situation and for­tifications; the Town is great and well peopled, because of the University that is there, and the Emperour received a very considerable revenue from it; but the consequence of that conquest was better known afterwards than at that time.

The Voyage that the Prince of Orange was preparing to make into England, gave ground of various conjectures. On the 17 of Octob. he Embarked at the Brill, being accompanied with the chief of his Family, and the Heer Odyke the Extraordinary Am­bassador of the States-General, who had not, as it was given out, given him a full power to conclude a Peace, or make a new League. On the 19th. the Prince arrived in England, where his Marriage with the Princess Mary, Eldest Daughter to his Royal Highness the Duke of York, was [Page 83]carried on so secretly, that the first news that they had of it at Court was the con­clusion thereof.

The news of this Marriage came to Ni­mueguen the 29th. and seeing all the Con­federates began to hope more than ever, that England would not be long before it declared in their favours, they made no more doubt of it after this Marriage. And therefore all the Ministers of the Confede­rates complimented thereupon Ambassador Jenkins, and my Lady Temple also, who remained at Nimueguen after the departure of her Husband, of which no man doubted but that the Marriage of the Prince of Orange was the cause, whereof till then they were ignorant.

The affairs of the North went daily worse and worse for the Suedes, especially in Pomerania; Stetin was besieged from the beginning of Summer, and was extream­ly straitned. The Danes had taken the Isle of Rugen. And though Count Konings­mark routed them there, and beat them wholly out of it, yet the Town of Stetin deprived of all kind of relief, and out of hopes of receiving any, was at length for­ced to render to the Elector of Branden­bourg, having given demonstrations of great Lovalty to Sueden, and left to posterity an [Page 84]extraordinary instance of constancy and resolution.

Affairs were wholly at a stand at Nimue­guen; there was no meeting but for Play, Dancing and Collations, at the houses of the Ambassadors of France, Spain, Sueden and Denmark; but the League which was signed at the Hague the tenth of Jan. 1677/8;, betwixt England and the States-Ge­neral, to oblige the French King to make Peace on the terms they had agreed upon, made all the Confederates hope that the countenance of affairs would quickly change to their advantage, and that France would be at length forced to stoop, or be overpowred by the multitude of enemies.

England in effect seemed inclined to an open declaration, and the King thought it not sit any longer to reject the sollicitations of his Parliament; wherefore he made a Speech to them in a quite different strain from that which was mentioned before; he acquainted the two Houses with the League that he had made with the States-General for the preservation of Flanders, and ob­liging those to a Peace who would not ac­cept of the conditions that they had judged reasonable. He laid before them the neces­sity of money for compassing those great [Page 85]designs. He gave them some account of the moneys which he had received for the buil­ding and equipping of Ships; and consen­ted that the Supplies which the Parliament did give upon this occasion should be laid out by such persons as they should nomi­nate. But of all things his Majesty put them in mind of the advantages which England had reaped, and still did reap from the peace it enjoyed, whilst all Europe besides were in actual War.

For preserving so much happy success, it was necessary that the French should be still prosperous; and that by breaking the mea­sures of the Confederates, they might make their Ambassadors change their tone. The taking of the Isle of Tobago, of all the Ves­sels that were in that Port, and the Am­munition which was in the fort; the death of Binkes Admiral of Zealand, and the ut­ter ruin of that Colony, were sensible blows to the States-General; as the taking of St. Guillain during the rigor of Frost and Snow had terrified the Low-countries. By these means the French King thought he might overthrow the projects of his Enemies.

Febr. 167/8, Monsieur de Somnitz Am­bassador and Plenipotentiary from the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg on February 25. died [Page 86]at Nimueguen, in the sixty and sixth year of his age. He was a fat man, of great judg­ment, and had done his Master very good service in several imployments. Mr. de Blas­piel his Colleague remained sole Ambassador at Nimueguen; he is as honest and civil a man as lives, and loves company and good cheer; but his best quality is, that he per­fectly understands the interests of the Ele­ctor his Master, and is wholly devoted there­unto.

The Elector of Brandenbourg having de­frayed the charges of his Ambassadors, by a Steward of the Embassie, which for the first year amounted to forty thousand Crowns, their allowances were regulated for the future.

In the mean time the French King began the Campagn with his whole Houshold, which never appeared in better order, nor richer Equipage; but the better to cover the design which he intended, he carried with him the Queen and all the Ladies of Court as far as Metz, whilst several bodies of his Armies kept at the same time Lux­embourg, Namur, Charlemont, M [...]ns and Ypres, the best provided places of the Low-countries, as it were blocked up; in so much that the Confederate-forces being divided for the preservation of these Towns, were [Page 87]in no condition to bring relief to any of them.

March 1677/8, the French them­selves were no less surprized than all the Confederates were, when the King leaving the Queen, crossed so many Countrys, in so great haste, that on the fourth of March he came before Ghent, which by orders from him was invested the first of that month. The besieged to no purpose cut their Dikes, and drowned part of the Coun­try; for the King lodged his forces, and pressed so vigorously the siege, that in a few days the Town and Cittadel were both carried.

It is hard to be expressed what trouble the taking of Ghent put all Holland into: They saw to their astonishment that the French who were remote on the one side, approached on the other. At London all the Confederates exaggerated the importance of that loss, that they might excite England to a speedy and open declaration; whilst the French King pursuing his conquests, caused Ypres to be besieged on the 15 of March, and in a few days took it, though the Garison made a brave resistance.

The Treaty was now more than ever damped at Nimueguen; so great prosperities [Page 88]stopt the mouths of all the Confederates Ambassadors, though the French seemed nothing elevated thereby. The same pros­perities had great impressions on Holland; the people tired out with the War, and a­larmed by the conquests that were made on their frontiers, minded nothing but peace. They reflected on the flourishing condition that the United Provinces were in before the War; they saw their Treasure exhaust­ed, and the inhabitants unable any longer to support the great Impositions and Taxes of the Two hundred peny, which had been raised seven times in one year. And there­fore the Heer Beverning pressingly urged the Ambassadors of the Confederates, being vexed to see them still flatter themselves with vain hopes, when the only refuge they now had was the declaration of England; and indeed that was the thing they wholly applied themselves to, without advancing one step towards the peace.

Mr. Oliver Krantz, who the year before went into Suedeland to receive new Instru­ctions from the King his Master, with whom the Danes hindered the commerce of Let­ters, was come back to Nimueguen, where he found affairs as backward as when he parted from thence; and besides a great driness betwixt his Colleague and the French [Page 89]Ambassadors, by reason of a difference that had happened between the Countess of Oxenstierne and Madam Colbert; the Coun­tess after her Lving-in having been pleased to render her first visit to the Ambassador of Spain's Lady.

That procedure offended Madam Colbert, who twice afterward refused the visit of my Lady Oxenstierne, upon pretext of feign­ed indispositions, which hinder'd her not at the same time to receive the visits of se­veral other Ladies. This published the ground of the difference, which might ea­sily have been adjusted, had it happened between persons of other humours, of whom the gravity of the one, and the frank humour of the other would hardly agree together. And that was the reason that the difference of those two Ladies, and the driness betwixt the French Ambassadors, and the first Ambassador of Sueden, lasted even till the end of the Treaty.

The Tragical death of the Ambassador of Denmark's Ladies brother, was also the cause that that Lady visited my Lady Oxen­stierne no more. Her brother had a Settle­ment in Scho [...]en, where he was accused of keeping inte [...]igence with the Danes against the service o [...] Sueden: he was brought be­fore a Council of War, and there sentenced [Page 90]to be shot to death by four Ensigns. The King of Sueden offered him a pardon if he would have acknowledged himself guilty of Treason; but the poor Gentleman chose rather to dye, and with extraordinary ge­nerosity caused fifty Ducats a piece to be given to the four Ensigns that shot him to death. The news of that did so afflict the Ambassadors Lady, that afterwards she could not so much as endure the sight of a Suede.

The Baron of Platen, Envoy from the Duke of Osnabrug, arrived on the 30th at Nimueguen; but seeing the House of Lu­nenbourg had not obtained the title and rank of Ambassador for their Ministers, Ba­ron Platen thought, that taking the title of Plenipotentiary Minister, he might obtain an equality with the Ambassadors of the Powers that came after Crowned heads. But he succeeded not in his pretensions, though by a liberal expence he did his Ma­ster credit.

April 1678. At the time when there was no t [...]lk at Nimueguen, but of the disposi­tion that was in England of openly favour­ing the Confederates, and reducing France to receive the Law; it may be said that the French King at the same time gave it to all [Page 91] Europe by the Propositions that he made the 9th of April, wherein he declared the con­ditions on which he was willing to make peace with all those with whom he was en­gaged in War; and whereupon his Majesty fixed as the last point he would condescend to, and upon which his Enemies might chuse Peace or War, provided they did it before the tenth of May, beyond which time he would not be engaged to stand to those conditions.

I will not here insert a particular relation of these conditions, neither of the Memoirs of the Treaty, nor of the Treaties that were concluded, because they have been already published: I shall only say, that the Propositions of the 9th of April were the beginning of the Negotiation of peace, and the scantling according to which all the Treaties have been concluded and sign­ed, though at first nothing appeared more remote from it, nor yet afterward, until the day that the conditions were in general ac­cepted.

The Imperialists of all others seemed the least inclined to yeild to those conditi­ons.

The first which required full satisfaction to be made to Sueden, was insupportable to the Northern Princes. The Spaniards [Page 92]and other Confederates found them so hard, that (as they said) they would hazard all, rather than accept of them: And when the French Ambassadors carried these conditi­ons to my Lord Ambassador Jenkins to be by him communicated to the Confederates, he made answer, That he could not do it as Mediator; but that he would acquaint them with them in discourse, as a matter to which he promised no answer.

That Mediator refused to treat on these Conditions, because in the League that on the 10th of January was concluded betwixt England and Holland, the King his Master had made other conditions with the States-General, to which they resolved to force France. But he did not foresee, that by re­fusing to present the French Kings Conditi­ons to the Confederates, which would prove the cause of as many treaties as there were Princes and States engaged in the War; he excluded himself in effect from the Mediation.

The news came about that time, that the French had abandoned Messina, and all their Conquests in Sicily. People were strangely [...]rprised to see that the Mareshal de la Fa­ [...]ade, who was thought to have been sent into that Kingdom with fresh Forces, upon design of some new enterprise, was only [Page 93]gone thither to fetch off the Forces that the King had there. The abandoning of Si­cily was imputed to the suspition that the French had of England's declaring, where considerable Levies were already making. Some wondered that the French King should so easily abandon a Countrey, the yeilding up of which might have stood him in stead in the Treaty of Peace with Spain: O­thers on the contrary thought it more glo­rious for him so to recall the succour which he was pleased to give the Messineses, with­out having had any hand in their revolt, than to forsake by a Treaty, people that had implored his protection.

It was not to be doubted, but that the present juncture of affairs would oblige the King to provide against all accidents; and therefore the Marshal de la Favillade, having declared to the Senate his Majesties Orders, grounded on the need that he stood in of all his Forces, caused his Troops to embark. But many of the Messineses dreading the certain revenge of the Spaniards, came in so great number on board of the French Fleet, that if there had been more ships there, Messina had been wholly disserted.

The Confederates had their eyes fixed solely upon England, as the only place from [Page 94]whence they might expect any considera­ble relief. Hence it was that many Ambas­sadors left Nimueguen. Don Pedro de Ron­quillo went to Brussels to return no more; but it was thought the reason was, because he would not be inferior to the Marquess de la Fuentes, who came as it were only ac­cidentally to Nimueguen.

Don Pedro de Ronquillo, who passed for one of the sharpest sighted men that was in all that famous Assembly, could not forbear to tell a French Gentleman, upon occasion of the conditions of Peace which the French King had proposed, That he ad­mired the prudence of that great Prince, and that the success of his conduct would well appear by the necessity they were like to be brought to, either of making peace, or of maintaining the War alone. The Ba­ron of Platen, Envoy of the Prince of Os­nabrug, went likewise to Brussels. Mr. Span­heim on the 27th of April, set out for Eng­land, with the quality of Envoy Extraor­dinary from the Elector Palatine. The Count of Oxenstiern a few days after embarked on the same design. Mr. Oliver Krantz soon after did the same: Which made some think, that the Suedes intended to take other measures, fearing lest France in the sequel might not be powerful enough to buoy up [Page 95] Sueden from the low condition into which it was sunk.

Thus from all parts came bellows to blow the fire that was kindling in England, and which already threatned France. In the mean time the Parliament that was then sit­ting, was prorogued until the 9th of May; and in the Assembly of the States of Hol­land, which were at that time met, the Towns were divided as to the continuation of the War. The propositions which the French King made to the States-General, seemed so reasonable, that notwithstanding the powerful faction of the ill affected, Am­sterdam, Leyden, Harlem, and all North-Holland were absolutely for peace.

May, 1678. The Province of Holland being the most considerable of all the rest, always turns the balance of deliberations; so that Deputies were sent to London and Brussels, to represent the impossibility that the States-General were in of continuing the War. And it appears by the three print­ed Memoirs of the Heers Boreel and Weede, the Extraordinary Deputies of the States to the Duke of Villa Hermosa, Governour of the Spanish Netherlands, of the 8.14. and 27. of May, that the reasons of that impossibility were no less founded on the [Page 96]power and strength of France, than on the weakness of the Dutch and Spaniards, and the unprofitableness of all their efforts. At that time there began to be some hopes of Peace, what aversion soever all the Am­bassadors of the Confederates seemed to have to it. The time prefixed by the King was near at hand; and on the fifth of May the French Ambassadors received orders to declare that his Majesty required that the Messineses who were come for refuge into France, should by the Treaty of Peace with Spain, be restored to, and maintained in the possession of their Estates, and that they might dispose of them at their pleasure. The Ambassadors were enjoined to insist upon that point, as a matter that his Majesty con­cerned himself much in; but that demand being made after that the conditions were proposed, it could not create an obstacle sufficient to hinder the conclusion of the Peace: Nevertheless it afterward produced a very considerable difficulty, seeing it last­ed long after the signing of the Treaty, and was one of the causes that were alledged of the long delay that Spain made in ex­changing the ratifications.

Though it was no new thing to hear of the success of the French forces, neverthe­less men were strangely surprized at the [Page 97]news which a Courier brought from Mae­stricht, that on the sixth of May a Detach­ment of that Garison commanded by the Sieur de la Breteche, had surprized the fort of Leew, situated in a Marsh, with a double Ditch well pallisado'd. The barrels of Wax­cloth which were prepared at Maestricht for the Execution of that Enterprize, had not the success that was expected; but forty swimmers joining valour to stratagem, had the greatest share in that fortunate exploit; in so much that in an hours time the French were masters of a very strong place, and very easie to be maintained.

The States-General in the mean time began seriously to reflect on the advantage of making Peace upon the conditions which the French King had offered them. The Town of Amsterdam, which has the same esteem amongst the Towns of Holland, that Province has among the other six, was of that opinion, and backt it vigorously; that Town hath always been more inclined to peace than any other, not only because it suffered more by the interruption of commerce, but also because it hath been more tender of its liberty, having Magi­strates disinterested and zealous for the Commonwealth.

Rotterdam had its advantage by the con­tinuation of the War, because there being but little or no Trade at that time in Hol­land but what came by means of the English, all was brought to that Port, as to the cen­ter of the Province, and the most conveni­ent place for them. Nevertheless one of the most considerable Magistrates of Rotterdam, so powerfully assisted those that were well affected towards the Peace, that they gain­ed almost all the voices of Holland. The rest of the Provinces have found it always to be so much their interest to follow the ex­ample of that Province in matters of grea­test importance; that they still acknowledg that they owe their last preservation to its prudent conduct. The Provinces of Guel­derland, Ʋtricht and Overyssel, in which the Prince of Orange has acquired a great au­thority, since the French King forsook his Conquests there, durst not openly declare for peace, because it evidently appeared to be contrary to the interests of that Prince; but they referred themselves to what Hol­land should think fit to be done concerning that great affair.

The effect of all these Declarations was, That the Hier Beverning received orders from the States-General, secretly to acquaint the French Ambassadors, that they accep­ted [Page 99]the conditions which that King was pleased to grant to them. This Ambassador, that he might act according to the intenti­on of his Superiors, who would not allarm their Allies, gave the Count d' Avaux no­tice, that he earnestly desired to discourse with him in private; and that for that end, he would fetch a walk alone upon the Ram­part of the Town about seven a Clock in the morning, because at that time no body would be there. The Count d' Avaux fail­ed not to be there, and had an hours con­ference with him, after which he gave his Colleagues an account of the result of that discourse, which gave occasion to the Dis­patches whereby the King was informed of the good disposition of the States General; in consideration whereof his Majesty gran­ted them ten days longer than the tenth of May, as they had desired, that during that time they might endeavour to perswade their Allies to accept of the conditions proposed, as themselves had done.

The Marquess of Fuentes arrived at Ni­mueguen the sixth of May, he is Son to the Ambassador of the same name, who was in France after the Kings Marriage; he came from Venice, where he had resided Ambassa­dor thirteen years; and the Court of Spain called him thence, that they might employ [Page 100]him in England; but it was believed that the nature of those important affairs which were then treating at London, was the cause why the Duke of Villa Hermosa detained him at Brussels, that he might send him to Nimueguen, there to fill the place of second Ambassador.

The Peace began to be so certain in Hol­land, that the joy of the people appeared in all places, who at the Hague expressed the same by shouting, God save the States-General, and the Prince of Orange, the Peace is concluded. It was not so at Nimueguen, where the Confederates were troubled; because they saw the effect which the con­ditions offered by the French King were like to produce. They declared to the Me­diators, That it was impossible an affair of so great importance, as that of the Peace, could be resolved and concluded in so short a time as the French King had prefixed.

On the 20 of May a Courier brought to Nimueguen a copy of the Letter which the French King wrote to the States-General from the Camp at St. Denis. The 18th the King acquainted them, that with pleasure he was informed, that they had sentiments conform to the sincere desire which he had of contributing all that could conduce to the establishing of Peace, whilst he enjoy­ed [Page 101]the advantages that his Arms had pro­cured to him, and which he might still ex­pect in the sequel of the War. By the same Letter the King granted to the States-Ge­neral the seventh Article of the Treaty of Commerce, about which the Ambassadors had not agreed at Nimueguen; and that he might fully remove the apprehensions they were in of the loss of Flanders, his Maje­sty promised, That so soon as by a Treaty concluded upon the conditions proposed, they should return to his ancient Alliance, and oblige themselves to be Neutral during the course of the War; he would still in consideration of them, grant the same con­ditions to Spain, and that in the mean time he should not attack any place in the Low-countries, but that he should always be rea­dy to grant them that Barriere which they judged so necessary for their repose. That if they thought fit to send Deputies unto him, they should find him in the Neighbourhood of Ghent until the twenty-seventh of that Month.

So soon as that Letter came to Nimueguen, the Count d' Avaux went with two Coaches and all his Retinue, to give the Dutch Am­bassadors notice of the same. The noise of this Letter, and that publick visit, which much rejoiced the people, gave an alarm to [Page 102]the Ministers of the Confederates. Every one of them dispatched Couriers the same day, clearly perceiving that the conduct of the French would infallibly produce the effect which his Majesty expected from the States-General. This beginning of Negoti­ation gave so large a subject to the confer­ences of the Confederates, that the meet­ings which for a long time they had held, were at that time doubled.

That Letter of the French Kings was the same day brought to the States-General by a Trumpeter whom his Majesty sent to the Hague; and was there received with all the demonstrations of joy. The States after four days consultation, on the 25th sent their Answer by one of their Trumpeters, whom the Kings Trumpeter conducted to the Camp.

They expressed in few words the pro­found respect wherewith they had received the Letter, which his Majesty had done them the honour to write to them, and te­stified the exceeding joy which they con­ceived from the sincere desire that his Ma­jesty had of contributing to the peace of Europe; humbly beseeching him to give credit to the Hier Beverning their Extra­ordinary Ambassador, whom they would send to his Majesty, to inform him how de­sirous [Page 103]they were of giving him fresh assu­rances of their sincere intentions for the Peace.

The Dutch Ambassadors having on the 26th received a copy of the answer of the States-General, gave it to the French Am­bassadors, who sent it to the King by the same Courier, who brought the copy of his Majesties Letter to Nimueguen; his Majesty was well satisfied to find therein, that the States-General fully corresponded with the inclination that he had for the Peace. At the same time the Heer Beverning received or­ders to go within a few days and wait upon the King, that he might be more particu­larly informed of his Majesties intentions. That Ambassador would willingly have ex­cused himself; but the States Order being renewed, on the 29th he set out from Ni­mueguen in Laid-coaches. The reluctancy of the Heer Beverning was attributed to the fear he had of disobliging the Prince of Orange, whose Interests did not admit of the Peace; till that time this Ambassador was reputed a very good Republican; but after­ward he was thought wedded to the con­cerns of the Prince of Orange, though it could not be affirmed whether fear or incli­nation were the cause of that engagement. He is a man of a penetrating wit, who [Page 104]knows what is good, and always pursues it by just means. He is assiduous and painful, and hath been employed by the States in many Embassies, and in all the Treaties that have been made since the year 1650; but he loves retirement, and it was not without trouble that he left his Country-house near Leyden, to come to Nimueguen. The Heer Haren his Colleague is a Gentleman of Friesland, of much credit in that Province, and addicted to the interests of the Prince of Nassan, Governour and Hereditary State­holder of the Provinces of Friesland and Groninguen.

The Heer Beverning arrived on the 30th at Antwerp, and there found a Trumpeter, who stayed for him to conduct him to the French Camp, where having seen Monsieur de Pompone, he had Audience of his Most Christian Majesty: He found him so sincere in his intentions towards the Peace, and so favourably inclined towards the States-Ge­neral, that on the first of June he left the Camp; but in the account that he gave his Superiors of his Negotiation, he told them that he found the French King as well in­formed of the condition of his enemies, and of the places that he might attack, as he was of his own affairs.

About the same time the Marquess de la Fuente gave notice of his arrival to the French Ambassadors; but seeing he had al­ready visited those of the Emperour in pub­lick, without giving the same declaration that his Colleagues had given to the Media­tors, to whom all the Ambassadors gave the precedency, the French Ambassadors order­ed a Gentleman to tell the person that came from him, that they could not see him un­less he first performed what was due to the English as Mediators. By that the French Ambassadors obliged Ambassador Jenkins, to whom they had given their promise con­stantly to maintain the honour of the Me­diation.

It was alledged that it was to no purpose for the Marquess de la Fuente to give that particular declaration, since that instead of one which might suffice for the three Am­bassadors of Spain, they had already given two. But the French Ambassadors maintain­ed that for the same reason they ought to have a third, and that no consideration should hinder the Marquess de la Fuente from following the example of his Colleagues in that matter; that on the con­trary they had great cause to wonder, that by such a refusal he would in some measure seem to condemn their conduct; so that for [Page 106]want of that declaration the French Ambas­sadors saw not the Marquess de la Fuente during the whole course of the Treaty, un­less at the meetings of the Ladies, where he used to come as the other Ambassadors did.

The news from England were at that time very tumultuary; they advised, that the King of Great Britain had Prorogued the Parliament to the third of June, pro­mising at that time to give them good news of the Peace. Seeing a Prorogation of it self cuts off all that hath been proposed and treated in preceding Sessions without being concluded and confirmed, this Pro­rogation put a stop to some pert Addresses which the House of Commons had made to his Majesty of Great Britain, such as that whereby they desired the King would de­clare who they were that had counselled his Majesty to give the answers which he made in the mouth of May the year before, and in the Month of January of the pre­sent.

June 1678, The Marquess de la Fuente, who had not as yet communicated his ple­nary Commission, caused on the first of June a copy thereof to be given, which was collationed by the Nuncio's Auditor. The [Page 107] French Ambassadors found it not to be in the form that it ought to be, because all the four Ambassadors of Spain being named therein, and being Posteriour in date to that of the three Ambassadors who were appro­ved, it seemed that by that means the Spani­ards might disown, when they should please, all that they had done till then, since that that new plenary commission might annul the former. And therefore the French Am­bassadors refused to accept of it, and pre­tended that the Marquess de la Fuente should have one apart, or that this last should be of the same date with the former, without which they declared that they would not acknowledg him for an Am­bassador.

In the mean time they were in great im­patience at Nimueguen to know what had been the success of the deputation of the Heer Beverning, who to the trouble of the Confederates went from thence to the French Camp, not doubting but that all these proceedings would at length termi­nate in a Peace with the Dutch. They thought it a matter of so much importance to divert that blow, that for that end they set all engines at work; but on the fourth of June a Courier from the Camp brought the French Ambassadors a copy of the an­swer [Page 108]which that King had made to the Let­ter of the States-General, and another of the Memoir that his Majesty had caused to be given to the Heer Beverning.

The King by that Letter testified the pleasure which he had to see the States-Ge­neral in a disposition towards Peace; that his Majesty was willing to condescend to several things in favour of their Allies; and how joyful he would be, by restoring to them his ancient amity, to enter with them into such engagements as might for ever secure their repose and liberty.

It can hardly be believed what good ef­fect the word Liberty produced in the minds of the Dutch; that word was so a­greeable to them, and so sensibly affected them, that in all the impressions that have been made of that Letter in Holland, the word Repose is left out, to make that of Li­berty sound the louder. They talked pub­lickly, that whatever secret or publick ene­my they might have, for the future they would not fear the loss of their Liberty, in which the present War had made so great a breach.

By the Memoir given to the Heer Bever­ning, the French King at the desire of the States-General granted a Truce for six weeks, to begin the first of the ensuing [Page 109]Month, which extended that Truce until the fifteenth of August, to the end that the States might have all the time they wished for to perswade their Allies to consent to the Peace, in consideration whereof the States should promise not to assist them in any manner, during the whole course of that War, if they would not incline them to embrace the conditions offered by the King; it being unjust that his Majesty in the condition that his forces were in, should lose the occasions of action, and should en­gage himself of new, as he had already done by the Letter of the 18th of the fore­going Month. But to evidence the sincerity of his intentions, his Majesty at the same time gave orders to the Mareshal of Lux­embourg, General of his Army, not to at­tack any place during all that time, and to stay for the answer of the States in the Neighbourhood of Brussels.

The good disposition that the King of England seemed to be in at that time, con­tributed much to the advancement of the Peace. The Heer Beverning, who came to the Camp from London, brought word that the King of England approved all the pro­ceedings that the Dutch had made towards the Peace. And by the Harangue that his Majesty of Great Britain made to the Par­liament [Page 110]the third of June, he declared that none were to be blamed but the House of Commons if he could not engage in the War. And the Chancellor told the whole Parliament that their manner of acting could not but provoke a powerful Prince, who might resent it; and for that reason that they ought to strengthen themselves at home and abroad, for their own security against all kind of attempts.

In the mean time the Confederates set all Engines at work to incline the King of En­gland to favour their interests. The Mar­quess of Borgomanero, Envoy Extraordinary from Spain at that Court, on the fifth of June represented to his Majesty of Great Britain, how necessary it was that he should send his Fleet and Army towards the Low-countries for a curb to the common enemy, and a Guard to all Christendom against the oppression and ruin wherewith it was threatned by the most Christian King; and how advantageous it would be for his Ma­jesty to make a League offensive and defen­sive with the Catholick King his Master, and the Emperour, who would prove his constant Allies in all the concerns of the common cause.

The Ambassadors of the Confederates held long and frequent conferences at Ni­mueguen; but they found it difficult to a­gree upon the answer that they were to give upon the communication which the Ambassadors of the States-General had made to them of the Memoir that the French King had given to the Heer Bever­ning, and whereupon the Ambassadors urged their resolution, that they might take their measures accordingly; at length all of them gave their Answers in their Conference of the tenth.

The Imperial Ambassadors gave it in La­tin, and very long; but the purport of all was, that they expected from the candour and equity of the States-General, that they would do nothing to the prejudice of the Emperour, the Empire, and all the Confe­derates, who were only engaged in the pre­sent War for the preservation of the Ʋni­ted-Provinces, which the States themselves knew sufficiently, without being put in mind of it. That they had to do with an enemy whose design was only to divide the Confederates, that he might the more easily surprize them all. That if there was an absolute necessity that they must make Peace, the Emperour offered to concur with them in it upon fair and honest con­ditions; [Page 112]but that they would not take such precipitate resolutions as were demanded by the enemy. That they well perceived the design was only to throw them upon a pre­cipice, since they were not so much as al­lowed to treat of those matters, without the decision of which no Peace could ever be had. That they intreated them not to be over-hasty. That the general Peace was ru­ined, if France perceived that the States-General had a design to treat separately; assuring them, that when the Emperour should make Peace, he would not be less careful of the needs of the Ʋnited Provin­ces and Low-countries, than he had been zea­lous in undertaking and maintaining the War for their defence.

The Ambassador of Denmark made an­swer on the same subject, That he believed that the States-General would never do any thing to the disadvantage of his Danish Majesty, who had exposed his person, and spent his revenues to comply with the en­gagements into which he had entered with them. That if they were absolutely obliged to accept of Peace, they expected that they would not do any thing that might force those whose affairs were in a better posture, to accept of absolute conditions. That it was not fit that the constancy which the [Page 113] French shewed to their Allies, should tri­umph over the firmness of their Union; that they ought to guard against the incon­veniencies that the least precipitancy might plunge them into; and that provided the King his Master found his security in a Treaty, he would sacrifice all his interests to the publick weal.

The Ambassador of Brandenbourg assu­red himself that the States-General would promise nothing to the French King that might be contrary to the League that the Elector his Master had with them; since he had neither spared his Blood nor Countries, to preserve their Republick from utter ru­in; and that far less they would conclude a Peace with France, till they first procu­red his Master the satisfaction they had pro­mised him by their Treaty of Alliance. That as to the rest his Electoral Highness desired nothing more than a reasonable Peace, for procuring whereof he should always make appear his moderation, and the respect he had to the urgent reasons which the States-General pretended for concluding of Peace.

Whilst the Confederates made all these Remonstrances to the Ambassadors of the States-General at Nimueguen, it was known that the Spaniards declared at the Hague, [Page 114]that they accepted the conditions offered by France: and as the Deputies of the States-General in their Memoirs presented to the Duke de Villa Hermosa, alledged the weakness of Spain, as one of the strongest reasons that disabled them longer to conti­nue the War; so upon this occasion the Spa­niards failed not to do the like, and to im­pute the necessity they were in of accept­ing the Peace, on the inability of the States-General of supporting any longer the charge and burden of so great a War.

The Imperialists in the mean time, and all the Ministers of the Northern Princes, exclaimed against the inclination that the Spaniards and Dutch had to so disadvanta­geous a Peace; they made their own inter­pretations of the French Kings condescen­sions, saying that France laid snares for them, which they could not discover until they were out of condition of avoiding them; or that otherwise there must needs be some internal weakness in the forces of France, how formidable soever they ap­peared; that standing of it out would do the business; and that it was too base to submit to an absolute Law, whilst they were not yet out of hopes of gaining those ad­vantages that would render their condition better.

The Dutch, who saw evidently by the Declarations of the Ambassadors of their Confederates, that their design was to give no positive answer to the Memoir of the French King, which they had communica­ted to them, and that they refused to ac­cept of a Truce, which being for more than two months time, would have given them sufficient time to receive Instructions from the Princes their Masters, without any pre­cipitation; they declared to them of new, that the necessity they lay under, could ad­mit of no longer delay; that they had lost all their hopes in England; that all the Low-countries were in so bad a state, that there was not so much as one place that could re­sist the attempts of the French; that no­thing but a speedy Peace could save their Republick from the ruin that the lose of these Provinces would inevitably draw upon them; and therefore they prayed them to give a positive answer.

In the Conference of the 20th, all the Ambassadors of the Confederates answer­ed, but after their usual way of biassing: The Bishop of Gurck made a long speech, wherein he exaggerated all that the Empe­rour had done and suffered both within and without the Empire for the defence of the States-General. He assured them, that it [Page 116]was with grief that the Emperour under­stood that they were reduced to a necessity of making Peace; that he found the act­ings of France to be contrary to the rights of all Soveraign powers, in that they pre­scribed conditions without admitting of Treaties; that the Emperour desired Peace; that the Ambassadors of the States had themselves acknowledged that the conditi­ons were hard, and that it was not their intention that every thing therein contain­ed should be swallowed down; that for their part, they had declared to them that the Emperour could not admit of the al­ternative of Fribourg and Philipsbourg in the manner it was proposed; that they ex­pected orders from his Imperial Majesty, and in the mean time besought them that by their good offices they would dispose the French Ambassadors to admit of more equi­table conditions, and to enter into Treaty with them; and that they would incline them to have regard to their Allies, and especially to the Duke of Lorrain, who was the most injured of all.

The Marquess de los Balbases said, That he had nothing to add to the last answer which the Duke de Villa Hermosa had given in writing to the Deputies of the States-General; and that the King his Master would [Page 117]not abandon the interests of his Allies, nei­ther in Peace nor War. By that kind of expression this Ambassador declared for the Peace, without offending the Confede­rates, seeing his Declaration was conform to the acceptation with which the Gover­nour of the Low-countries took it in the an­swer of 27th of May.

The Ambassador of Denmark alledged that in the short time that had passed since he was required to give a peremptory de­claration, it was not possible that he could have had new orders from the King his Ma­ster for giving it; that the matter was of such importance, that no less depended on it than the acceptation of Peace, or conti­nuation of War; that as to the States-Ge­neral, it was to very little purpose to ad­vise them about an affair that was so far ad­vanced, that nothing was wanting to it but the formalities of a conclusion. That the King his Master had no other measures now to take, but to put the States in mind, that the Peace which they were about to make, did not exempt them from the obligation of their reciprocal Treaties; and that he prayed God that he would inspire the States-General with counsels suitable to the reflection they ought to make on the state of those whom they themselves had drawn [Page 118]into the hazards of the present War.

The Ambassador of Brandenbourg insist­ed on the same reason, to excuse himself from giving the Declaration to which he was urged; saying that he had but two things to represent to the States-General; the first was, That though on the part of the Elector his Master he had given in Pro­positions of Peace with France and Sueden; yet his most Christian Majesty had not de­clared on what conditions he would make it. The other, That the general condition of the intire satisfaction of Sueden being down-right contrary to that which the States-General were obliged to procure to the Elector his Master, it was to be thought that France and Sueden desired not to have Peace.

The President Canon who was not at the Conference of the tenth, enlarged very much upon the hardness of the Alterna­tives which the French King offered to his Master; seeing, as he said, the first swal­lowed up almost all his Country, by dis­membring the half of his Territories; and that the other by depriving him of his Ca­pital City, and the Soveraignty of the four Ways which France demanded, took from him at the same time the free commerce of his own Territories. That if the faith of all [Page 119]the Treaties made with the Confederates, was of no effect to his Master, he protested that that Prince would rather banish him­self willingly from his own Country, than to be restored to it upon such hard condi­tions, seeing he had never done any thing against France that could deserve so severe usage.

All these high discourses and declarati­ons that tended to stave off the Peace, stopt not the course of the Negotiation. On the 22 the States-General sent orders to their Ambassadors to sign the Peace with France before the end of the Month; and they wrote the same day to the King by the Sieur de Launoy one of their Officers, who past through the Camp and delivered a Let­ter from them to the Mareshal de Luxem­bourg, whereby the States acquainted that General with the Order they had given their Ambassadors at Nimueguen to sign the Peace, and communicated to him the Con­tents of the Letter which they wrote to his Majesty upon that Subject.

The Estates expressed to the King with what joy they understood by the answer of the first of that Month, given at his Camp at Weteren, that his Majesty was plea­sed to grant them a longer Truce, that they [Page 120]might induce their Allies to accept of the Conditions he had proposed; and that to give him all possible satisfaction they had omitted nothing that lay in their power. That though they could not promise them­selves that all their Allies could concur with them in that particular, yet nevertheless they had given Orders to their Ambassadors to sign the Treaty about the end of the Month; but that seeing they were assured that his Catholick Majesty would accept of the Peace with them, they besought his Majesty to put a stop to all acts of Hostili­ty, and to cause his Army to draw off un­to his frontiers, and to give Passports to the Vessels of their subjects that were a­broad a fishing, to secure them from his Majesties men of War.

The affairs of Spain and Holland were in such a tendency towards Peace, that a [...] people expected within a few days to see [...] conclusion of it, and the news of it was no less hourly expected at the French Court than at the Hague. But whilst no difficulty appeared on either side, of a sudden there was one started at Nimueguen, which not only put a stop to the signing of the Treaty, but had almost quite broke it off. In the project of the Treaty there was no menti­on made of the time wherein the French [Page 121]King was to deliver up the places to the Crown of Spain and States-General, being a thing not at all mentioned in the Condi­tions. The King pretended that it was not to be done till after the General Peace, and the full satisfaction of Sueden, in prospect whereof his Majesty condescended so much on his part. Spain and the States-General understood that the restitution of places ought to be immediately after the ratifica­tion of the Treaties. Nevertheless the Ne­gotiation was managed in that manner un­til the very day before the Treaty was to be signed, without any thoughts of a clear explanation of that point.

The Marquess de los Balbases was the first that demanded an Explication as to the time of the restitution of the places. The French Ambassadors suspected several per­sons for having given occasion to that Ambassador to start the question. However it were, the Marquess de los Balbases had no sooner received that Umbrage, but that he went to the Dutch Ambassadors to inquire their opinions on that subject. These an­swered, that if the French pretended to de­lay the restitution beyond the exchange of the ratifications, it was a thing not meant by them; and immediately they went to desire the French Ambassadors to give them [Page 122]their Explication, which they would send to the States-General by an Express.

The Ambassadors of France told them, that the satisfaction of Sueden being the first of the Conditions proposed by the King their Master, without which his Majesty would have declared that he could not con­descend to peace, it behoved that the Pow­ers which accepted these conditions should contribute what in them lay, to procure sa­tisfaction to Sueden; and that the retention of Places was the easiest means, which the King had in his hands, for obtaining it, with­out demanding that the same Powers who only accepted the conditions of peace, that they might so soon as they could free them­selves from the misfortunes of War, should engage any other ways for procuring that satisfaction.

Notwithstanding all the Reasons that were alledged to justifie the conduct of the French King, the Heer Beverning having received an answer from the States-General, declared to the French Ambassadors on the 25th, that he could not sign the Peace if the King did not remit his pretensions. But the French Ambassadors having no power to desist, it behoved them to stay for new Orders from the Court.

The Ministers of the Confederates, and all the ill affected, who with extream trou­ble saw that the Peace with the Dutch which was to be followed with that with Spain, was upon the point of being signed, failed not to make their best of that conjuncture which favoured their designs, and to do all they could to make the Dutch suspect the sincerity of France. It was the easier for them to succeed in this, that those very men who in the States had been the chief pro­moters of the Peace, exclaimed most against that new pretention. For seeing they were not willing to be suspected to have yielded to snares, wherewith they might have been surprized, they thought themselves obliged to appear the most stedfast and most reso­lute wholly to break off the Treaty, rather than to condescend to that point.

It is certain, that as the generosity of the French King towards the States-General, the amity which his Majesty expressed for them in his Letters, and his condescensions to a Peace with them, when they had greatest cause of fear, had on the one hand intirely gained the hearts of the Ʋnited Provinces, so on the other hand the enemies of France, and those that envied its growth and great­ness, made so good use of that juncture, to fill the peoples minds with distrust, that [Page 124]they began in good earnest to believe, that the French acted not sincerely with them, and that every Article of the Treaty con­tained some meaning disadvantageous to their Country.

The Ambassadors of France in the mean time declared to those of the States-General on the 30th, that they were ready to sign the Peace upon the Conditions that were stipulated betwixt them; and that seeing they had not mentioned to them the time of the restitution of Maestricht until the 25th, neither could they any sooner give their Master advice of the new clause that they would have added to the article which themselves had framed concerning that re­stitution; but that in the mean time they offered to sign the Treaties of Peace and Commerce in the manner as was agreed up­on, that they might make it appear to the world, that they desired not to delay for one day the signing of a Peace, which all the people so impatiently longed for.

As to Spain, the same Ambassadors said, That if that Crown which had not as yet openly accepted neither the Peace nor Truce, did formally declare that without delay they embraced Peace upon the Con­ditions proposed, and did chuse one of the Alternatives touching Dinant and Charle­mont, [Page 125]it should appear that the King their Master desired nothing more than that Christendom should enjoy the repose which it might expect from his promises.

During these Debates, the Heer Odyke second Ambassador from the States-General, who had not hitherto stayed above two or three days at a time in Nimueguen, came thither with his whole family. He is of the House of Nassau by Prince Maurice, Bro­ther of Prince Henry Grandfather to the Prince of Orange, to whose Interests he is wholly devoted; and not without reason, for he receives many favours from him, and has a considerable Revenue by reason that being the chief of the Nobles of Zealand in place of the Prince of Orange, he repre­sents the Nobility in the States and Coun­cil of that Province. He is well bred and magnificent, loving company and pleasures; and has a particular dexterity in inventing of them.

There were still some hopes that the dif­ficulties which put a stop to the signing of the Peace would be taken away; but by a Courier from the French Court, who arrived July 10.1678, the French Ambas. having re­ceived Order to signifie to the Dutch, that the King would not remit any as thing to the detention of the places, that he might ob­tain [Page 126]satisfaction to Sueden; one could not tell what to think of the Peace.

Whilst affairs were in this doubtful con­dition, news was brought to Nimueguen, that on the sixth of July there had happen­ed at the Bridge of Reinfield, a sharp con­flict betwixt a great Detachment of the French Army, and a like number of their enemies, who were so smartly attacked in their Trenches, and so briskly drove upon the Bridg, that many of them were killed and drowned, with some of their Generals; in so much that if the Bridg had not been quickly set on fire, the same thing perhaps might have befallen that Town which hap­pened to Valenciennes, a considerable num­ber of French Soldiers having entered into it pell-mell with those that run.

At that time the Duke of Trimouille sent the Sieur de Sanguiniere, a Counseller of the Chastelet of Paris, to Nimueguen, with Let­ters of Procuration, and the Titles that justified the pretensions he had to the King­dom of Naples, to the end that the same protestation might be made to the Media­tors as was made to those of the Treaty of Munster, for preservation of the rights that he has to that Kingdom, by Anne de Laval of the House of Arragon, from whom that Duke descended in right line. [Page 127]The Mareshal d' Estrades his Lady arrived at Nimueguen the 12th, and was met by the French Ambassadors at Moock on the Meuse, two Leagues from thence; where she disembarked. As all the French were very curious to be present at that first In­terview, so the people of Nimueguen shew­ed no less desire of seeing that Lady. Im­mediately after her arrival all the Ambassa­dors and their Ladies rendered her their publick visits.

The Nuncio about this time received a Courier from Rome; but the cause of his coming was not fully known. Nevertheless seeing the noise of the Peace was already spread all over Europe, it was not doubted but that that Court desired to find some expedient that might remove the obstacles which hindered the Ambassadors of France from admitting the facultative Brief of the Nuncio, because the Pope had named none but the Emperour in it.

The Nuncio offered then three over­tures to satisfie the French Ambassadors: the first was, to present a Brief in which no Prince should be named. The second, to give as many Briefs as there were Christian Princes in War, wherein every one might have the rank that he desired. And the third to follow the stile of the plenary [Page 128]Commissions of the English Mediators, by giving a Brief facultative to end the War which was betwixt the Emperour, Spain, Holland, and their Confederates on the one side; and the most Christian King, the King of Sueden and their Allies on the other. But the French Ambassadors continued firm in their Pretensions, and would according to the ancient custom, have the King their Master named immediately after the Empe­rour; and that was the reason why in all the Treaties of Peace that have been since concluded, there is no mention made of the Mediation of the Pope.

Notwithstanding of that conduct of the Nuncio, the pains he took in promoting of the peace, were as grateful to the French Ambassadors, as they were conducive to the repose of Christendom. That Mediator carried himself also in so different a man­ner from the former practice of Nuncio's, in regard of Protestant Princes, that it was not his fault if he did not visit all the Am­bassadors that were at Nimueguen. He ren­der'd the visit to the Envoy of Osnabrug, who had visited him; and received the Pro­testants with as much civility as the Catho­licks; which produced so good effects for the Catholick Interest in all these Provin­ces, and corresponded so well with the re­putation [Page 129]of the Pope, that on occasion of the Bull which was then believed the Pope would emit, one of the most eminent sub­jects of the States-General said, That their Ministers might well preach that the Pope was Antichrist; but that for his own part he was persuaded that this man was not.

News came on the 13. That the Mareshal de Schomberg was advanced with Twenty thousand men towards Duren in the Coun­trey of Juliers; and that he had sent to demand of the City of Cologn the forty thousand Crowns, and twelve thousand of Interest, which that Town ought to restore to the French King, seeing that contrary to the Neutrality agreed upon at the first Assembly held there for the peace, the Ma­gistrates suffered that money to be taken by the Garison. The Envoy of Cologn, who was at Nimueguen, demanded audience of the French Ambassadors; but they refused it, because he came to the Assembly with­out a Pasport from France.

The French Army, which encamped at the gates of Brussels, so netled the Spani­ards, and incommoded the whole Coun­trey, that there happened some tumult in the Town, where Don Pedro de Ronquillo was accused for being the author of those counsels that delayed the conclusion of the [Page 130]peace; insomuch that it was affirmed for a certain, that the Duke de Villa Hermosa wrote to the Marquess de los Balbases, that he would make him accountable for the loss of the Low-countreys, if with all dili­gence he did not conclude the peace.

The French Ambassadors still expected the last resolution of the States-General, that they might send back the Courier which the Mareshal de Luxembourg had at Nimueguen, with the news according to which he was to take his measures, for put­ting into action, or drawing of the Armies he was upon the point to have marched to­wards the frontiers of France, upon the Letter of the States-General, wherein they informed him that they had given orders to their Ambassadors to sign the Peace at Ni­mueguen: but the advice that the French Ambassadors gave him of the new difficul­ty which hinder'd the signing of it, made him to remain still in those parts.

My Lord Ambassador Temple parted for the Hague on the 14th. where finding no final resolution for concluding the peace, if the impediment which hinder'd the sign­ing of it were not removed; he bestirred himself with all industry to incline the States-General to enter into new engage­ments with the King his Master, that might [Page 131]procure them and their Allies more advan­tageous conditions than those which France proposed to them. The French Ambassa­dors thought fit, in the mean time, to make publick the reasons that his most Christian Majesty had to retain the places until Sue­den had satisfaction; and for that end they caused to be printed the Memoir which on the 17th. they gave to the Dutch Ambassa­dors.

By this Paper it was given out, That the French King having equally espoused the Interests of Sueden with his own, and on that account only abandoned so many pla­ces, which was no less advantageous to the Dutch than Spaniards; his Majesty had grounds to hope that these Powers would contribute with him for the re-establish­ment of that Crown, or at least that they would not oppose his design in making use of those places, as of a very proper expe­dient to procure the performance of a con­dition to which they agreed by accepting the peace. But since that the Kings Ene­mies endeavoured to render his Majesties word suspected, he was willing to engage with the States General in all the measures they should judg most convenient for pre­curing satisfaction to Sueden.

This Memoir being enlarged and pub­lished in way of a Manifesto, the States-General caused an Answer containing thirty pages to be made to it by their Ambassa­dors, which was printed in French and Dutch, and on the 25th given to the French Ambassadors.

It contained a long recital of all the Ne­gotiation, whereby they alledged, that af­ter all the favourable expressions that the King was pleased to use towards them, they could not believe that the sentiments of his Majesty agreed with the expressions of the Ambassadors Memoir. That they could not impute that emergent to any thing but the artifice of those who for private interests were against the publick peace. That in all the Negotiation no mention being made of Sueden to them, it would be unjust to pre­tend, that the King having demanded a neu­trality from the States-General as an essen­tial condition in their separate peace, they ought to give their places to be made use of against their Allies. That the States promi­sed, as they had already done, to contribute what in them lay for the accommodation of the Northern powers, by all the good offices they were capable to perform; and they protested that it was not their fault if the peace were not presently brought to a hap­py conclusion.

That Answer made it evidently appear, that the States-General had no design to con­descend; and indeed they began to think of other measures: for their Deputies a­bout Foreign affairs signed a second Treaty with Ambassador Temple, grounded on this, That the States-General having accepted the offers of his most Christian Majesty, and en­gaged that his Catholick Majesty should do the same as to what concerned him, they perceived to their grief that the Ministers of France opposed the peace by the refusal of delivering up the places. That therefore they were obliged to have recourse to his Majesty of Great Britain, to the end that if his Mediation with the most Christian King should prove ineffectual, he would protect so just a cause, and assist them with his for­ces.

This Treaty was still conditional as to the circumstance of time, and was not to take effect but in case they could not ob­tain from the French King a Declaration fa­vourable to their pretensions, before the e­leventh of August; and that his Majesty ab­solutely refused to render up the places up­on the exchange of the Ratifications. In case of such a refusal, they agreed with his Majesty of Great Britain to declare War against France, that by united force they [Page 134]might oblige that King to embrace the conditions stipulated by that Treaty. These conditions were far different from those which the French King proposed the 9th of April; but they were only specified for the Empire, Spain, and Lorrain.

Whilst that Treaty was concluding at the Hague, and that the Ministers at Nimueguen impatiently expected to know what resolu­tion would at length be taken on either side concerning the restitution of places, the Marquess de los Balbases made some instan­ces to the French Ambassadors to incline them to admit of the Marquess de la Fu­ente, that he might not have the displea­sure of being come to that Assembly, and not have the power to sign the Treaty of peace; but they would not consent until that Ambassador produced a plenary Com­mission in the same form with the rest, and they were satisfied with a collationed copy which the Nuncio's Auditor gave them, without receiving the visit of that Ambassa­dor, for the reason that I mentioned be­fore.

The Marquess de la Fuente, that loves to be very gallant, resolved to treat the Am­bassadors Ladies after the Spanish fashion; but seeing they visited no Ambassadors that wanted Ladies, they were invited in the [Page 135]name of the Marchioness of Quintana, who did the Honours of the Feast. The two French Ambassadors Ladies went thither, but the Ambassadors excused themselves, because they visited not the Marquess de la Fuente. Whether it was there, or that there had been before some difference betwixt the Servants of Monsieur Colbert, and the Marquess de la Fuente, which might have occasioned some resentment; it happened that this time a Lackey belonging to Mon­sieur Colbert was somewhat ill used at the Gate; this Footman did the like to one of the Servants of the Marquess de la Fuente, the first time that they came to the house of Monsieur Colbert; in so much that the difference made such noise, that the Nuncio thought fit to take cognizance of it, and to make both sides promise that the matter should go no further.

The same day being the 29th, the French Ambassadors by a Courier-Express, received Orders from Court, according to which they framed a Memoir, which they gave to the Dutch Ambassadors, whereby they sig­nified to them that the satisfaction of a King in Alliance with the King their Master, being the sole end that his Majesty proposed to himself in the present affair of the retenti­on of Places, he would willingly admit of [Page 136]all Propositions that might tend to that end, and that for that effect he would come as far as St. Quentin, to hear what the States had to propose to him by Deputies, assuring them that they would find him so equita­bly inclined, that they should have no more cause to doubt of the sincerity wherewith his Majesty had begun and continued to treat with them concerning Peace.

The Dutch Ambassadors had nothing to answer to these Propositions; they said, That they saw no expedient to remove that difficulty which was made about the resti­tution of the places; that if the French Ambassadors had any, they might propose them; and that their Masters did not think that a deputation upon that subject would be to any purpose.

It seemed that the mistrust which the Ambassadors entertained mutually of one another, upon occasion of the impediment that stopt the conclusion of the Peace, and even infected their Servants; for the ac­commodation that I just now spoke, which was made two days before, did not so ap­pease either party, but that on the last of July at night there happened amongst them a scuffle of far more dangerous conse­quence.

That evening there was a great Rendez­vouz at the House of the Heer Odyke, and as it was on a Saturday they intended to stay by it, and drank to their wives. The French Ambassadors had notice given them about ten of the Clock, that the Servants of the Duke of St. Peter had been there with Arms. They immediately acquainted the Nuncio with it, who had concerned him­self in adjusting that Quarrel, who was not indeed wanting in giving necessary Orders about it: But about Eleven of the Clock at night, the Marquess de la Fuente his Pa­ges, who had been the Authors of the first difference, went and fired some Pistols a­bout the House of Monsieur Colbert, which made the Servants of the French Ambassa­dors to provide against what might happen.

The Company being set down to Table at the House of the Heer Odyke, the French Ambassadors observed that all the Servants of the Spanish were about the Table, and filled the Hall, whilst they were without attendance according to their custom, that they might not pester the house they went to. This made them send to call all their Gentlemen to come and wait on them, to stand behind them, and to order their Pa­ges to serve them. These Orders presently obeyed, so surprized the Spaniards, and [Page 138]especially the Ladies, that for some time there was not a word spoken at Table. The Heer Odyke thought himself obliged to rise from Table, and reassume the Ladies by inviting them to eat; but he was no soon­er up, but that the Spaniards and Company rose likewise.

The Marq. de los Balbases with his whole Family, and the Marquess de la Fuente, took leave of the Company at the very instant, and went home in four Coaches, without telling why, or informing themselves of the reason of that proceeding.

The Spanish Ambassadors passed by the House of the Mareshal d' Estrades, which was not twelve-score paces distant from thence, where all the Livery-men belong­ing to the French Ambassadors were shut up, for fear of some disorder, to which they were observed to be much inclined. Three Coaches had already past, when some of those who were in the fourth with Arms, fired a Carabin at the Gate of the Mareshal d' Estrades his House. Perhaps they did it only in bravado, thinking they might safely do it, since they saw the Gate shut; but at this shot, whereof the Bullets left impression on the Gate, all the Servants that were in the House finding themselves insulted over, snatched up what Arms they [Page 139]could find, opened the Gate, and ran after the Coaches, who again firing upon them, were answered in the same kind.

The French Ambassadors were in the mean time in Discourse with the Heer Odyke, and complained of the extraordina­ry carriage of the Spaniards, and of their numerous attendants; but the Gentlemen who were with them, having heard the first shots, ran thither in all haste, and coming up with those Servants that were about to attack the Coaches, with much ado stopt them. They came certainly in the nick of time, for finding none on their side wounded, and none to engage with but Coaches, wherein were so many Ladies of quality, amongst whom was the Dutchess of St. Peter ready to be brought to bed; they so ordered the matter by threatening their people, that the tumult went no far­ther.

The Spaniards had cause of fear at that time; their Lacqueys threw away their Flamboys, and their Coachmen put to a gallop through the Market-place, and along a descending Street at the end whereof they lodged. The whole Town was alarmed at the noise of shot about two of the Clock in the morning. The Town-guard sent the Court of Guard, and did not appear, and [Page 140]all people ran to the windows. But a stop was put to this tumult in a trice, and a­mongst so many people there were none but a Spanish Coachman wounded in the foot, and a French Lacquey in the hand.

The Mediators, and especially the Nuncio, employed themselves next day to compose that difference. The Spaniards would ne­ver confess publickly that they were the aggressors. Nevertheless seeing it was but a scuffle amongst Servants, it was consented to on either hand, that the French Ambas­sadors and the Marquess de los Balbases, should each of them send to the Nuncio, and the Lord Ambassador Jenkins, a Gen­tleman, with some Servants in Livery, to be delivered into their hands, and to in­treat them to cause what punishment they thought fit to be inflicted on them, for transgressing the Orders that were made a­gainst their carrying of Arms. But seeing the French Ambassadors had not owned the Marquess de la Fuente for an Ambassador, they would not suffer him to make any kind of satisfaction, though his Servants were known to have been the first Authors of that disorder.

August 1678, this was put in execution the third of August; but the Spanish Ladies [Page 141]having been extreamly discomposed by an accident, which they unawares expected, the French Ambassadors sent to compliment them severally. The Gentleman whom they sent on that errand, spoke to the Marchio­ness de los Balbases, her Husband being pre­sent, to this effect in Italian: That the Am­bassadors his Masters were vexed that an un­expected accident should have given her La­diship any trouble; but that they doubted not, but as she was perswaded that they had always endeavoured to entertain good correspondence, so she did not believe but that they likewise condemned the least thing that might displease her, and whatever was inconsistent with the respect that they professed to have for persons of her quality. That Gentleman made such an­other compliment to the Dutchess of St. Peter, and the Marchioness de Quintana; and some days after, the Assemblies for di­version, which were thought wholly laid aside, began to be kept again as before.

At that time the Heer Boreel Envoy Ex­traordinary from the States-General arrived at Nimueguen; his arrival was taken as a good presage for the Peace of Holland; for the States, as I have said, had employed him to incline the Duke de Villa Hermosa to accept the Conditions proposed by the French King. And the interest of the Town [Page 142]of Amsterdam, the place of his birth, be­ing very dear unto him, it was not doubt­ed but that he was very zealous for the Peace.

The Mareshal of Luxembourg sent at the same time to Nimueguen, the Sieur de Ville­vart Captain of his Guards, to make a Pro­testation to the Mediators against the de­tention of the Dutchy of Luxembourg, which falling to the heir-female, ought to belong to him in right of his Wife, as he proved by her Genealogy, and by the Laws and Customs of that Dutchy.

The Ambassador of Brandenbourg per­ceiving by the copy of the Memoir which the French Ambassadors had given to the Dutch, for justifying the detention of the Places, that the French King had openly declared that it was his design to make use of them for carrying the War into the Do­minions of the Elector his Master, in favours of Sueden, made a long remonstrance, which he gave to the Ambassadors of the States-General. He represented to them that his Master, their neighbour and good friend, had ventured all, and suffered much for the preservation and settlement of their Re­publick; that he had grounds to hope that the States-General would not comply with so pernicious designs contrary to the faith [Page 143]of their Treaties; but on the contrary, that they would be no less careful to procure a Barrier on the side of the Rhine, than they had been for obtaining one in Flanders; and that the preservation of the Country of Cleves was no less necessary for their securi­ty than the frontiers of their own Coun­try.

On the second of August the French Am­bassadors received Orders from Court by an Express, to make new Instances to the States-General to incline them to send Depu­ties to Ghent, assuring them that they should there find his Majesty as well disposed as they could desire, to surmount all obstacles that hindered the conclusion of the Peace. It was generally believed that the French King did really design to remove all those difficulties; but all the Confederates did equally bestir themselves to hinder the States from complying with his Majesties intentions; and amongst the other reasons that they alledged to take them off from sending Deputies, the disgrace which they said it was, that their Peace was not trea­ted by their Ambassadors in the general As­sembly at Nimueguen, made not the small­est impression on their minds.

In so much that by the answer which the Ambassadors and Envoy Extraordinary [Page 144]made on the 4th, no hopes appeared of finding any expedient of removing the im­pediment that retarded the Peace. They said that they were overjoyed to see that the King still testified a sincere inclination for the Peace; but it extreamly troubled them that they found him so wedded to the satisfaction of Sueden, of which neither Spain nor the States possessed any thing of that which was to be the greatest part of it; that they would always profess the pro­found respect they had for his Majesty, and that they would comply with him in any thing he could desire of them; but that they perceived not to what purpose it could be to send Deputies either to St. Quentin or Ghent; since they had no expe­dient to offer, but the evacuation of the Places; that if it pleased his Majesty to propose any one for facilitating the con­clusion of the Peace, they were ready to sign it; that they had not made any con­trary engagements; but with this respect to his Majesty, that they should take no effect, unless that he refused to evacuate the pla­ces upon the exchange of the Ratifica­tions.

The Confederates were not a little trou­bled to see that a word of the French King could conclude a Peace, which overthrew [Page 145]all their projects, and banished those hopes wherewith they still flattered themselves But that King had so openly declared, that he made but one and the same affair of the interests of Sueden and his own; that unless that Crown would desist, he could not a­bandon the engagement he had taken to procure its satisfaction.

Seeing the Confederates were perswaded that an obstacle clogged with such conditi­ons could not easily be removed, and the rather that there remained but five days of the time that the States had prefixed for entering into a League with England, from which they could not flinch back, they de­spaired not of seeing the Dutch Peace eva­nish. In the mean time the news that was brought to Nimueguen of the birth of the Archduke, filled them all with joy, but especially the Imperialists, who expressed it by publick rejoicing and largesses.

The French Ambassadors in the mean while received a Courier from Court; and according to the Instructions that he brought them, they framed the Memoir of the 6th, whereby they declared to the Am­bassadors of the States-General, that see­ing the King had no design in the retention of the places, but to comply with the Am­bassadors of Sueden, who judged it neces­sary [Page 146]for the re-establishment of their affairs, his Majesty was willing to desist from that pretension now that the same Ambassadors consented to it; but in that Memoir the French Ambassadors added, that the States-General should send Deputies to their King, as well for adjusting the means of warrant­ing the obligation of Neutrality, into which they promised that Spain should enter, as to concert expedients for procuring the satis­faction of Sueden.

Distrust had so seized the minds of some, and was so well fomented by those who had cause to be afraid of that Peace, that it was not very strange that that Proposition how simple soever it was, occasion'd new jealousies in the Dutch. They were afraid to be drawn in farther than they desired, & said that since the King was pleased to remove the great impediment which hindered the Peace; the French Ambassadors could no longer persist in demanding that they should send Depu­ties to his Majesty, unless they had some reasons which concealed designs quite differ­ent from the pretext they took; so that they seemed further off than they were before.

The same Courier brought back the De­claration which the Suedish Ambassadors had made to the French the 17. of July, concerning their desisting from the preten­sion [Page 147]of retaining the places; but they were unwilling to communicate the same, until they knew whether the King approved of it in the form that it was drawn up in.

That Declaration bore, That notwithstand­ing the just and general design of the French King to procure satisfaction to the King their Master; yet they left it to his Majesties consideration, whether after all the opposi­tions that he met with in it, it was better to delay the restitution of the places in pro­spect of a general peace, than to grant it for obtaining a separate peace with Spain and Holland. That for their own parts who had no free correspondence with the King their Master, and had instructions in gene­ral to conform to the pleasure of France, they were assured that the King of Sueden would be satisfied with what his most Chri­stian Majesty thought fit to resolve upon; not doubting but that his Royal prudence could find out means enough as suitable to his Glory, and the re-establishment of his Ally, as the retention of places was.

To this the Ambassadors added 7. reasons to evince, that it was the common Interest of both Crowns instantly to conclude a sepa­rate peace with Spain and Holland, to take off those two Powers which supported their Enemies: and by seven other reasons they [Page 148]made appear, That his most Christian Maje­sty might have no less renown in accom­plishing his designs by other means, that might make evident to the world the sin­cerity of his intentions, and which at the same time might give him opportunity to make the ill affected, who endeavoured to render them suspected, sensible of his resent­ment.

By this it seemed that the Suedish Ambas­sadors foresaw the future as well as they could at the present time; however it be, they clearly saw that the obstacles which hinder'd the peace were otherways insuper­able; and since they were obliged to con­sent to the evacuation of the places, they might hope that the French King would not want other means of procuring full satisfa­ction to the King of Sueden. Nevertheless that Prince found the retention of places of such importance to the re-establishment of his affairs, that not being informed in time of the urgent reasons which obliged his Ambassadors to consent to the waving of that pretension, he professed himself much offended at their conduct.

The Count of Provana, Envoy from the Dutchess of Savoy, arrived at Nimueguen on the eigth; he came to demand of the Spa­niards the portion of the Infanta, Catha­rina, [Page 149]Great Grandmother to the young Duke of Savoy; or at least he came to have that debt owned by an Article of the Trea­ty which was to be made betwixt France and Spain, as it was at the Treaty of Mun­ster, and the Pyrenean. What repugnancy soever he met with on the Spanish part, the French obtained him his demand.

Ambassador Temple finding the term which the States-General had taken before they would enter into the Engagements of the Treaty that he had signed with them, now to draw near, came on the eighth to Nimueguen. All men were persuaded that his errand was not to facilitate the signing of the Peace, nor to bring the distant par­ties to a nearer accommodation as to the conclusion of it. His proceedings appeared all along too contrary to the character of a Mediator to make that to be believed. In the mean time on the 9th in the evening, the Ambassadors of the States-General had a long conference with the French: they re­presented to them the short time that re­mained for ending that great work, the ac­complishment whereof was only retarded by a difficulty which ought not to seem of great importance to them, in comparison of the great advantages which the peace would produce; and seeing they had not time to [Page 150]translate into French the Memoir which they had to give in concerning that, they contented themselves to tell them the sub­stance of it.

The French Ambassadors made no answer to the instances of the Dutch, but that their hands were tied, and that without new Or­ders they could proceed no further. At length the tenth came, which was the great day that was to give a happy beginning to the repose of Europe, or quite quash all hopes of it for a long time. Nevertheless there appeared no hopes that the peace could be signed that day; and it could not be con­ceived why the refusal of a deputation, which was not absolutely necessary, should put a stop to the accomplishment of so great a good. The Hier Odyke returned to the Hague the 7th. because he had lost all hopes of peace; but both by reason that he believed that the tenth day might pro­duce some change in affairs, and that he had Orders from the Prince of Orange to make on the eleventh a protestation in name of the States against all that could be conclu­ded, if that day past without signing the peace; he came back the same day in haste to Nimueguen.

The Hier Boreel, Envoy Extraordinary from the States-General, went at nine in [Page 151]the morning to wait on the Marshal D' E­strades, and gave him the Memoir made the day before, wherein the States-General thanked his Majesty for the care which he still took to remove all obstacles that oc­curred in the conclusion of the peace, not only with them, but Spain also; and pray­ed his Majesty to consider, that the enemies of their State having represented to them the evacuation of the places, and the peace at the same time as desperate, they had been obliged to enter into engagements with the King of Great Britain, not to stave off the peace; but to take from them the pretext they made use of, and to clear his Majesty from being the cause of the same. That for that end they had reserved to themselves a certain time, which being ready to ex­pire, suffered them not to make the depu­tation that his Majesty desired; but not doubting but that since all the conditions were at present agreed upon, the peace would be signed before the eleventh, they would not fail to make a deputation, not to St. Quentin, but to Paris, to give his Ma­jesty the testimonies of their respect, and of the satisfaction they had from the con­clusion of the peace.

M. Colbert, and the Count D' Avaux, went at the same time to the Marshal D' [Page 152]Estrades house; but being unwilling to meet the Heer Boreel there, because they designed all three to go that morning to the House of the Dutch Ambassadors, and to tell them their last resolution, they let the Heer Boreel come out without seeing him; and immediately after they all three took coach, and went to the Dutch Ambas­sadors.

It was believed so certainly that the French Ambassadors had no power to sign the peace, that Ambassador Temple himself advised those of Holland to press them to it, because he really believed they could not do it. Nevertheless the French Ambas­sadors declared to them in that conference, that they had power to sign their Treaties of Peace and Commerce; and that it must be done the same morning, if it were pos­sible. The Dutch being no less persuaded than the rest of the Confederates, that without new Orders the French could con­clude nothing, were no less surprized than overjoyed at that proposition. All the Ar­ticles about which there had been any de­bate, were read over; and they agreed to sign the Peace that day. But seeing that conference had lasted from ten of the clock in the morning, until half an hour after two in the afternoon, and that some time [Page 153]was still required to write over the Trea­ties fair, the signing was delayed until the evening.

The French Ambassadors had found by experience, the importance of secresie for carrying on such a Negotiation to a happy end, in so great an Assembly, where there were almost as many persons to be feared, as there were Ambassadors; and where there was no less disposition to conceive jealousies of the conduct of France, than it was easie for the Confederates to create new grounds of distrust; and that was the cause why the French Ambassadors preten­ded to the last, that they could not sign the peace, upon pretext of a very slight obsta­cle, to the end that the conclusion having almost nothing to hinder it, they might in an instant surprise those who expected no­thing less than such a change.

The length of the French and Dutch conference had already so alarm'd the Con­federates, that they were all in commotion before it was ended; but they were very sensibly touched when they came to know that the peace was concluded, and that it was to be signed that day without any pos­sibility of hindering it. It troubled them the more, that they found England acting in their favours in the same manner as they had long desired.

Ambassador Temple could not forbear to evidence his discontent to the French Am­bassadors, who went all three together to visit him in the afternoon, and to acquaint him, that if he thought fit they would sign the Treaty at his house; for upon pretext of some indisposition, he received them in his night-cap and gown, and absolutely re­fused their offers: whether it was that he had instructions so to do, or that he de­spaired not (for all the matter was gone so far) but that before night some impedi­ment might arise that might break off the conclusion thereof.

That Mediator so little expected that the peace should be concluded that day, that he had a Messenger ready in his house to part at midnight, and to carry news to the States-General of the expiration of the term, which engaged them to the execution of the Treaty that they had signed: and that he might let the French Ambassadors see more clearly that the Mediation approved not that Treaty, he prayed them to put his own and Colleagues names out of the Pre­face; saying, that the King their Master had not sent them as Mediators to a Ge­neral Treaty, there to sign a Separate Peace.

The Ambassadors of Denmark and Bran­denbourg, with the Bishop of Munster, did all they could to hinder the signing of the peace: They framed a protestation in the terms that were most proper to express their resentment: They declared to the Ambassa­dors of the States-General, That the reso­lution they had taken of abandoning their Confederates, was contrary to the faith of the leagues they had so religiously contract­ed; that they conjured them by all that was sacred, that they would not proceed with so much precipitation to the signing of a se­parate peace, in a time when they had all taken vigorous resolutions, and agreeable to the desires of the States-General, in send­ing vast numbers of Forces into the Spanish Netherlands for the relief of Mons, which was reduced to extremity.

They further added, That such a hasty and precipitate conduct was unworthy of a State, that had always governed it self with reason and justice; and that so ex­traordinary a step would be an everlasting blot to the honour and reputation of the States-General: That if notwithstanding of all that, they were resolved to proceed, and to enter into a Neutrality so contrary to their Engagements, they protested a­gainst that separate Treaty, and against all [Page 156]the calamities that Christendom in general, and the Princes their Masters in particular might suffer by that separation.

Those who considered without passion the conduct of the Dutch, found that they were unjustly accused of having acted with­out acquainting their Confederates; since that by the publick Declarations which they themselves had given to the Dutch Ambassadors on the 10th and 20th of the preceding Month, they took notice of the necessity to which the Ʋnited-Provinces were reduced. And the States-General were very far from acting with precipitation, see­ing they signed not the Peace until the last day of the time that they had agreed to with England, in case that France removed (as was then done) all the impediments that for more than six weeks obstructed the sign­ing thereof. In a word, it was an easie mat­ter for the Northern Confederates, to ex­hort the Dutch to wait patiently, when ac­cording to their own confession their af­fairs were in a better state, and who daily found new advantages in continuing the War with Sueden; whilst notwithstanding of all the forces that were in the Low­countries, the French King took as many places as he pleased, and Holland ran on in­to utter ruin.

The desire of the States-General being conform to the intentions of France as to the Peace; nothing could stop the signing of it; all diligence was used to have the Treaties ready, and at eleven of the Clock at night the Dutch Ambassadors came to the house of the Mareshal d' Estrades in two Coaches with many Flamboys to light them. The two Treaties of Peace and Com­merce were there signed betwixt eleven and twelve of the Clock at night, with a sepa­rate article concerning the States which the Prince of Orange possesses in the Provinces that are under the dominion of the French King.

The Ambassadors wished one another mutual joy for the re-establishment of the good correspondence which had been in­terrupted by the War, and the joy was great and reciprocal amongst all their servants and attendants; but it appeared especially among the servants of the Dutch Ambassa­dors, who upon their return knocked at all the Towns-peoples doors, calling to them in Dutch that the Peace was made. Next day the Marquess d' Estrates who was at Nimueguen, parted to carry those two Trea­ties to the French King; and the Ambassa­dors had the satisfaction to find by the first dispatches they received, even before the [Page 158]news was brought to Court, that all they had done should be conform to his Majesties intentions, who upon information of the signing of the Peace, acquainted them that he was very well satisfied with the wise con­duct they had observed in so great an Af­fair.

Seeing the Spaniards were engaged to the States General jointly to accept of the peace on the conditions proposed by France; and that the States by the thir­teenth Article of the Treaty which they had signed, were Guarantees to the French King of all the obligations to which Spain was to be bound, and especially to that of an exact Neutrality; the Dutch Ambassa­dors would lose no time in promoting the peace of Spain, but on that occasion per­formed the office of Mediators, as it was necessary they should, since the English had in a manner excused themselves from media­ting, by refusing to propose the conditi­ons of the ninth of April, and to sign the peace with the Dutch.

The news that were brought of the ad­vantages which the French Army obtained daily over the Forces of the Empire, made it probable that after the peace with Spain, which began seriously to be treated, it would not be long before the Emperor [Page 159]and Empire came to an accommodation. The Marshal de Crequi had ruin'd the Fort of Kiel, at the end of the bridg of Stras­bourg, on the side of Germany; and having burnt the Bridg, and raised the Fort on the other side, he very much incommoded that great City, and made them apprehensive of the same fate that had befallen all those places which the French had attacqued.

In the mean while the States General, who looked upon the peace of Spain to be as necessary for their repose, and the renew­ing of their Commerce, as their own peace, made the success of that Negotiation their own particular affair. It was, indeed, ex­pected in Holland, that those two Treaties should be signed at the same time; and therefore the joy which the people concei­ved upon the conclusion of the former, was much lessened by the fear they had that the second would not be so soon conclu­ded as was desired; but seeing both parties were equally desirous of the same, the French Ambassadors went first to the Ambassadors of the States General, and there exchanged the projects of peace betwixt France and Spain.

That they might the better facilitate the Treaty, and conclude it with as little loss of time as possibly could be, they agreed [Page 160]to meet at the House of the Dutch Ambas­sadors; and for that effect they gave one of their Chambers, which was at the end of their Hall of Audience, to the French Ambassadors; another that had an Entry from the Porch, was for the Ambassadors of Spain; and all the Gentlemen belonging to the several Ambassadors, stayed in the Hall of Audience, which served for a pas­sage to the Heer Beverning, who accompa­nied with the Heer Haaren, applied himself industriously to remove the difficulties that happened in that Negotiation, carrying back and for, from one Chamber to ano­ther, all the controverted Articles.

Mr. Beverning is no less a man of di­spatch, than knowledg and ability; and therefore in the Conferences of the thir­teenth, which lasted four hours in the mor­ning, and as long after dinner, a great part of the Articles of the Treaty with Spain, were condescended to, and agreed upon: but the fourteenth, being Sunday, the Con­ferences were interrupted, and all people were surprised to hear that Ambassador Temple parted that day from Nimueguen, a­bout four of the clock in the morning, for the Hague, where perhaps he had still hopes of bringing some obstacle to the ratification of the Treaty, though he could not hinder the signing of it.

In the mean while seeing it is almost im­possible that so important an affair as the Negotiation of a peace betwixt two po­tent States can be so happily ended, and no unexpcted accident fall out that may hinder the conclusion of it; several obsta­cles arose in the course of this Treaty which retarded it much longer than was expected. It was hoped that the Conferen­ces would be renewed on the fifteenth; but that day the Dutch Ambassadours made report to the French, that the de­sign the French King had of retain­ing Bouvignes and Beaumont, put a stop to the Treaty, and might quite break it off, If his Majesty persisted in his pretensions to those two places, whereof the one is a little Town almost ruined, situated upon a hill below Dinant; and the other a Bourg without fortifications, lying towards France, in the Countrey betwixt the Meuse and the Sambre.

It is true, that in the project of the peace no mention was made neither of Bouvig­nes nor Beaumont; and that they were not named in the printed Conditions. But to that the French Ambassadors made answer, That they were in the Conditions which the French King had proposed to his Majesty of Great Britain, who by his Ambassadors had [Page 162]communicated the same to all the Ministers of the Princes that were at Nimueguen; and seeing his Majesty had in his Conditi­ons of the ninth of April named precisely all the places which he intended to restore to Spain, and not all those which his Maje­sty resolved to retain, these were necessa­rily comprehended amongst the last, seeing they were in actual possession of the French, and of too small importance to be expresly named in the Conditions.

Whilst these difficulties put a stop to the Treaty at Nimueguen, there was a report spread abroad of the defeating of the French Army before Mons; into which it was affirmed that great relief was put du­ring the Fight. The truth was, that the Prince of Orange having drawn together the Forces of Holland, Spain, and the Con­federates, resolved to attempt the relieving of it on the fourteenth, afternoon; the hopes he had of succeeding in that enter­prise with so great forces, and of ending so many Campagns by a famous action, which till then had been so unfortunate to him, concurring with the urgent instances of the Marquess de Grana, Envoy extraor­dinary from the Emperor, were motives powerful enough to incline him to give battel, and to make the best of so fair an [Page 163]opportunity. Many have thought that that Prince had advice by an Express from Ni­mueguen, that the peace was concluded there on the tenth; but however it be, having had no information thereof from the States-General, he was not obliged to know it.

The Marshal of Luxemburgh, who had received advice of the Peace by an Ex­press from the French Ambassadors, could not persuade himself that the Enemies who appeared on the Eminencies of the Abbey of St. Denis, had a design to attacque him. But when it was past all doubt, and that he perceived they had possessed themselves of the Village of Casteau, he passed over the rivolet that divided his Camp from that post, with some Regiments of Horse, Dra­goons and foot; these Troops, led by the best Officers of the Army, marched through narrow passes, gullies, and unfrequented ways, beset by the Enemies on the right and left, and had a smart and bloody en­gagement; but the French retook Casteau and set it on fire, with less loss on their side than on that of the Enemy's, though the fight continued till night put an end to the action.

Next morning the Prince of Orange sent a Messenger to the Camp, to acquaint the [Page 164]Marshal of Luxemburgh that the peace be­twixt France and the States-General was signed the tenth; and that he had not re­ceived the news of it until that night. He therefore desired, that since the countenance of affairs was changed, he might be permit­ted to send a Convoy unto Mons. But the General refused it, seeing he could not con­sent thereunto till he had received Orders from Court.

This action of the Prince of Orange re­ceived various constructions, and was not altogether approved by the States-General, who saw to their regret, so many brave sol­diers uselesly sacrificed to private interests. Nor was it well relished in England, because two thousand of the ancient Regiments of his Majesty of Great Britains forces, who were in the States service, were totally routed in that Engagement. The particu­lars of that Fight being brought to Nimue­guen, undeceived the Confederates, who were at first informed that the success of it was much more advantageous to them than indeed it was.

The Nuncio, who was very solicitous for promoting the General Peace, by means of the Imperialists inclined all the Confe­derates to a Months truce. He was hopeful that in that time the Negotiation might [Page 165]have some success; and that Truce had been concluded, if the Bishop of Gurck, who then returned from Cologn, had not broken all the measures that were taken in his absence. The impediment which the Confederates observed to be put to the Peace of Spain, made them less concerned to make their own. But the Heer Beverning being gone to the Hague, made many hope that that Minister would bring from thence some expedient to remove the difficulties that put a stop to that Negotiation; and that at the same time he would have assu­rance of the Ratifications of the Dutch Peace.

In the mean time, since by the Letters which the States General wrote to the French King the 22. of June, they entreat­ed his Majesty to grant them Passports for the security of their Merchant Ships; a Courier brought a great many from Court to the French Ambassadors; but they would not exchange them at Nimueguen for a like number with the Dutch Ambassadors. It be­hoved the Dutch to deliver theirs first at Maestricht, into the hands of the Post-Ma­ster of France, who was to acquaint the Court that he had received them. But see­ing it was not just that the subjects of the States-General should have freedom to trade [Page 166]alone with the Passports of France, whilst the subjects of that King might suffer pre­judice by the Spanish men of War, notwith­standing the Passport of the States; the Dutch Ambassadors engaged themselves to procure from the Duke de Villa Hermosa, as many Passports for the French, as France should give to the States.

The French King continued to testifie the sincerity of his intentions by ratifying the Treaty of Peace without delay. On the 22. a Courier brought the Ratification to Nimueguen; and at the same time his Ma­jesty appointed the Count d' Avaux to be his Ambassador Extraordinary to the States-General. The terms wherein his Majesty wrote to them on that subject, testified the affection that he had for that Republick, by the choice he made of a subject whom he judged the fittest to renew the ancient ties of amity which the late times had inter­rupted.

The Ambassadors of Denmark and Bran­denbourg, who could not but with great trouble see the great disposition that ap­peared for the Peace of Spain, made the same day a vigorous Remonstrance to the Ambassadors of that Crown. They doubt­ed not, but that the glory that was to be ac­quired in signifying the same constancy after [Page 167]the unexpected signing of the Dutch Peace, would render them stedfast and unshaken in the observation of their Treaties of Alliance. They said that their Masters de­sired nothing more than the repose of Chri­stendom; but that their Enemy proposed the Law to them, instead of admitting a Treaty upon the conditions which might conduce to a General Peace.

These Ambassadors employed afterwards all their Eloquence to divert Spain from the course they saw it taking; they represent­ed to them, That the constancy of that Crown was alone capable to reclaim those who had deviated from their duty through the influence of the Cabal, and the levity of some who understood not how dear faith and sincerity ought to be to a Free State. That what France left to Spain by that Peace, in the Netherlands, was rather to exhaust its Treasures, than that they in­tended to leave that crown in the peaceable possession thereof. That they hoped Spain would not yield to the common Enemy the glory of being more constant in favours of their Allies, than themselves. In fine, that if their Masters found themselves for­saken and abused, they would have care a­nother time how they helped to quench the fire, since they saw themselves so ill reward­ed for their pains.

On the 24. the Articles that were made betwixt the two Armies, were brought to Nimueguen. They were both at the same time to draw off to an equal distance from before Mons; but the Troops that block­ed up the place, were not to retire till two days after. In the mean time there were va­rious reports of the Ratification of the States-General. All the Provinces at that time held their several Assemblies to give their resolutions as to that point to the States, who seemed less inclined than the Provinces to keep their word, and corre­spond with the exactitude with which France seemed to act in execution of the signed Treaty.

The Heer Beverning returned to Nimue­guen on the 27. where having conferred with Ambassador Jenkins, who had recei­ved new instructions from England, he had audience of the French Ambassadors, and would have them to understand that his Masters were so far engaged to procure the peace of Spain, that they would be very glad to see the difficulties that hinder'd the conclusion of it, removed, before they ra­tified the Peace which they themselves had made; and that his Majesty of Great Bri­tain had by Mr. Hyde his Ambassador Ex­traordinary and Plenipotentiary, whom he [Page 169]had sent purposely to the Hague, made ve­ry pressing instances to them on that subject in favour of Spain.

The truth is, the expressions of the Me­moir which that Ambassador gave to the States-General on the 25th agreed not with the procedure that England had hitherto held for promoting of the peace. That King made known to the States that he was surprised to understand that they had sign­ed a separate peace without including Spain, and without any Guarantee for the evacuation of the places within the time limited. That since the new pretensions which France formed to the County of Beaumont and the Town of Bouvignes, re­tarded the accomplishment of the peace, his Majesty thought that the condition put in­to the last Treaty was fallen; and that he and the States-General were equally obli­ged to enter into a joynt War against France. That if the States would refuse to ratifie what they had signed at Nimueguen, his Majesty of Great Britain offers to de­clare actual War against France.

The States-General having already made great instances to the King of England, that he would use his power with the French King for obtaining for them the Neutrality of the Countrey of Cleves [Page 170]and Juliers, the Ambassador of his Majesty of Great Britain by the same Memoir as­sured them, That the King his Master know­ing it to be no less necessary to the States, that their Provinces should be covered on that side, than on the side of Flanders, he was ready upon that account to enter with them into what measures they should judg convenient; and that the obtaining of that security depended only on themselves.

In the mean time the Forces that were newly raised in England for the assistance of the Low-countreys, passed daily over in­to Flanders by Ostend. Some of them at Bruges upon a mistake had suffered a Riot from the Rabble upon the account of Re­ligion; and the Flemings, who are Catho­licks, were not well pleased with Heretical succors. But the Spaniards, who found in their Confederates, and the King of Great Britain, so great a disposition of maintaining their Interests, rested satisfi'd, and shewed no more desire for the conclusion of the peace.

They found some advantage by that de­lay; for the French Forces being now by the Treaty of Mons retired out of the Spa­nish Territories, attempted no enterprise; and France being uncertain of the issue of the Spanish peace, and of the ratification of the Dutch Treaties, their Forces could not [Page 171]march into Germany, where they had alrea­dy ruined the affairs of the Emperor and Empire. Besides, the Spaniards by the de­bates which they started concerning the difficulties in which they were so well sup­ported, in some manner saved the honour of their Nation; and they had at least the advantage of not receiving the Law with­out disputes and oppositions; which was so far from rendering their conditions worse, that it could not, on the contrary, but procure for them more advantageous terms.

On the first of September 1678. the French Ambassadors by an Express from Court received new instructions, and in the conference which they had the same day with the Dutch Ambassadors, they told them, That for the good of the general peace, they had power to remit in their pretensions. So that next day the conferen­ces were again renewed at the house of the Dutch Ambassadors, who carried the propositions and answers back and for, be­twixt the French and Spaniards, who were in several rooms. The Articles in contro­versie were adjusted on the mornings and forenoons meetings. Next day they conti­nued; but the difficulties that were raised concerning the condition of the places [Page 172]which the French King was to deliver up, as well in respect of Ammunition and Ar­tillery, as of the Fortifications, hindered the Treaty from any great progress.

Those whom it most concerned to pre­vent the peace with Spain, omitted nothing that could put a stop to it; and upon a pretext that France kept not to the sole Ar­ticles of the ninth of April, they made great noise in England, and engaged his Majesty of Great Britain so far, by many proceed­ings conform to their intentions, that in the sequel it would not be easie for him to a­bandon any of their concerns. One of the chief means they made use of at Nimueguen, to break off the peace with Spain, was to get the Mediators to propose a Truce for six months, during which they hoped that the differences of all the Princes who were engaged in the War, might be happily end­ed. But hitherto their opinions as to that were quite different, seeing they had refu­sed all the Truces that had been proposed to them. In the mean time the Northern Confederates made great preparatives for putting in execution a new enterprise, which they designed upon the Isle of Ru­gen.

Matters were in such a state, that the de­cision of one difficulty seemed to be the [Page 173]necessary cause of another; and that so great an affair as Peace could not be brought forth without great stratagems. The seventh and eighth were spent in the Heer Bevernings frequent coming and go­ing to demand of the French Ambassadors the clearing of several doubts which the Spaniards raised to all the Articles of the Treaty, saying that they had secret notices, which being but confused, rendered them scrupulous and distrustful upon the smallest appearances. In fine, they demanded an ex­plication concerning the Chattelleny of Aith, which was the ground of a difficulty of little less consequence than that of Bon­vignes and Beaumont.

Since that Chattelleny was yeilded to the French King by the Treaty of Aix la Cha­pelle, his Majesty dismembred several Villa­ges from it, and adjected them to the go­vernment of Tournay, and in that state the King pretended to deliver back this Chat­telleny; but whether the Spaniards thought fit of themselves to demand that explicati­on, or that they were put upon it by others, they desired a particular clause concerning that to be put into the Treaty; and upon the refusal of the French Ambabassadors, they framed a Memoir, which they gave to the States-General.

They said that the dismembring of the Chattelleny of Aith made by the French King, absorped the chief part thereof; that no less lay at stake than seventy Villages, and the City of Leuze, which is but a league and a half distant from Aith. That since his most Christian Majesty had in the con­ditions made no reservation of the depen­dencies of that Chattelleny, as he had of Verge and Memin, depending on Courtray, the French Ambassadors by refusing the clause demanded, shewed but a captious fetch, that they might restore to Spain but a part of so considerable a Chattelleny.

The French were in great pain to know what could have given the Spaniards ground at that time to make that reflection upon the dismembring of the Chattelleny of Aith, and to think that the design of the French was to make their advantage of the omissi­on that might have been made thereof in the Treaty. The truth is, the Spaniards would have had no ground of complaining if Aith and its Chattelleny should have been restored to them in the condition that it has been so long in.

They could not imagine what was the reason of this new emergent; but it was obvious, that the Prince de Lignes, who has a great Estate in the dismembred part of [Page 175]that Chattelleny, having sent a Secretary to Nimueguen upon the account that it con­cerned him to have his Lands return again to the Spanish Dominion, had without doubt given the Spaniards information of that affair, and of the necessity of inserting a clause concerning it in the Treaty.

The Heer Beverning acted not in that af­fair with the same zeal as he had formerly made appear. The distasts he had received the last time that he had been at the Hague, made him proceed much more slowly than his usual application did allow: for after all the pains he had taken to end a War which the Ʋnited Provinces could no lon­ger support, he little expected to have his conduct blamed. Nevertheless they endea­voured to let him see that there were seve­ral faults and considerable omissions in the Treaty which he had signed.

The five principal were these: First, that in the Preface the French King seemed to be the Protector of the States-General, though it contain no term but what is conform to his Majesties Letters, and the answers of the States. Secondly, That the Neutrality to which the States-General were engaged by that Treaty, was indefinite, and by conse­quent might be extended beyond the pre­sent War. Thirdly, That the Heer Bevern­ing [Page 176]had exceeded his commission, in having obliged the States to warrant the Neutrality of Spain. Fourthly, That he had omitted an Article of Amnistie and Oblivion, which ought mutually to be stipulated in all treat­ties of Peace. And Lastly, That he had forgot to mention the Barriere, which the French King granted to Spain, in considera­tion, and for the security of the States Ge­neral.

Though most of those faults were more grounded on the discontent of those who regretted the conclusion of the Peace, than on any important or dangerous conse­quence; yet the French King was wil­ling to satisfie the States General in any thing that might farther concern them. And seeing the indefinite term of their Neu­tralitie, and the warranting of that into which Spain was to enter, were the points that appeared to be of greatest importance. the explication thereof which the French Ambassadors gave to the Dutch, according to the desire of the States, was approved and ratified by his Majesty at Fontainblean, the 5th of September, in the same manner as if it had been inserted in the Treaty.

The French Ambassadors understood by the Letters which Courier brought them on the 9th, that the Court was perswaded that [Page 177]there would be greater difficulty in conclu­ding the Treaty with Spain, than had been at first imagined; and that was partly the cause why the French King gave Orders to the Count d' Avaux to go with all diligence to the Hague, where his Majesty judged his presence necessary. But seeing affairs ap­peared then to be in a better state at Nimue­guen than was believed at Court, that Am­bassador departed not. However another Courier having on the 10th brought a com­promise from the King, whereby his Majesty referred to the States-General the decision of all the differences that retarded the con­clusion of the Peace with Spain. The Count d' Avaux arrived on the 11th at the Hague, where it was not difficult for him to observe that there were many there fully inclined to introduce (if they could) some change in the State, whereinto the signing of the Peace had put the affairs of the Ʋnited Provinces.

Nevertheless it was already known, that all the Provinces had consented to the rati­fication of the Peace, some absolutely, and others upon conditions which they submit­ted to the determination of the States; in­somuch that before the end of six weeks the Ratifications might be exchanged if no dif­ficulties stopt the conclusion of the Peace with Spain.

In the mean time the English forces that in so great number came over into the Low-countreys, bred great umbrages in Holland; the people could not tell what need there was of an Assistance that came not till the peace was concluded. And seeing they were not as yet totally cured of the doubts they had conceived of the sincerity of France, no more than of the jealousie that some en­tertained of the too great authority of the Prince of Orange; most part knew not but the peace which was made, might be an oc­casion to make them fall the more easily under a dominion, the encrease of which was possibly one of the reasons that made them embrace the peace.

In fine, a Courier on the 13th having brought Letters from the French King, whereby his Majesty removed all obstacles that hindered the conclusion of the peace with Spain; the Count d' Avaux returned on the 17th to Nimueguen, and in the Con­ference which he had that day at the Dutch Ambassador's house, that lasted till two of the clock afternoon, all the Articles were a­greed upon, and that the peace should be signed that evening. The Spanish Ambassa­dors caused the Treaty to be translated in­to Spanish, and the Translation was exami­ned by Mr. Colbert, who found two or three [Page 179]words to be amended, which did not exactly quadrate with the sense of the French.

Seeing the Dutch Ambassadors had been the Mediators of the Peace betwixt France and Spain, their house was thought the most convenient place to sign the Peace at. They caused their Hall of Audience to be prepa­red for that Ceremony. They entered it by a great door about the middle; the Chair of State stood at one end, on the left hand of the door, and the Chimney just opposite on the right. The French Ambassadors room had an Entry into the Hall on the side of the Chimney; and that which was ap­pointed for the Ambassadors of Spain, had its Entry on that of the Chair of State. There was a long Table set cross the Hall, one end of it towards the door, and the other to­wards the windows; but seeing the French would not have the Chair of State to be on the Spanish side, it behoved to be removed; and the Chimney which was on the right hand as one entred, making too great a di­stinction on that side, the Dutch Ambassa­dors caused it to be covered with a piece of Tapistry, that none in their house might have any cause of discontent.

The French Ambassadors came to the Dutch Ambassadors House about nine of the clock at night with several Coaches filled [Page 180]with Gentlemen. They were no sooner in their Chamber, but the Heer Beverning gave them notice that all things were rea­dy; and having the Treaties in his hand, he went and sate down at the upper end of the Table, and the Heer Haaren his Col­league at the other end. At the same time were opened the doors of the two Cham­bers, and the Ambassadors advanced in equal pace from their several Apartments, walk­ing all three a breast. As matters were dispo­sed, the Ambassadors of Spain had two dis­advantages; first, that they were on the left hand as they entred the Hall: and next, that advancing to the Table in the rank which they were to keep, the Marquess de los Balbases was forced to give his Col­leagues the right hand, because otherways he could not sit opposite to the Marshal d' Estrades, nor at the upper end of the Ta­ble.

All the Ambassadors sate down at the same time, the Gentlemen on either side standing at the backs of their Chairs. The Marshal d' Estrades, and the Marquess de los Balbases, took each of them a Pen, and at the same time signed the Treaty which the Heer Beverning presented to them. Then the other Ambassadors took the Treaty and the Pen, and signed it in the same colume, [Page 181]every one on the right hand of his Treaty, and exchanged them after the first signing. The French signed that of Spain, and the Spaniards that of France in one colume, to the left of the former, leaving room for the seals, which the Secretaries took care to place at the end of every subscription. This being done, all the Ambassadors arose, and complimented one another standing, during the space of half a quarter of an hour; af­ter which they returned to their Chambers as before, from whence they severally reti­red to their Lodgings.

Next day after the signing of the Trea­ty of Peace, the Count d' Avaux with his whole Train parted for Nimueguen by wa­ter in quality of Ambassador Extraordinary to the States-General, who told him upon his arrival, that the Ratification of the Treaty was sent to Nimueguen, where they were exchanged on the 20th with all the testimonies of mutual satisfaction among the Ambassadors, who gave marks of their good intelligence by feasting and mutual rejoycings.

The Northern Confederates were at that time more than ever inclined to consent to a truce; but the Suedes would not abso­lutely agree to it: they would have wil­lingly accepted of it in Pomerania, because [Page 182]they had ground to fear that the great los­ses they had there sustained, might be fol­lowed by others more considerable; but they were not for it in Schonen, where their affairs were in a better condition, by the taking of Christianstadt, which they had at length made themselves Masters of. How­ever the losses they felt in Pomerania, were of greater importance to them than all they could gain elsewhere. The Confederates at Nimueguen were at that time much surprised at the news of the death of the Bishop of Munster; they had reason to fear that it might bring some alteration to the projects that they were forming. However the great preparations that the King of Denmark and Elector of Brandenbourg were making a­gainst the Isle of Rugen, were not at all re­tarded. The Elector embarked his forces in several ships, and was himself present at their landing; which was so happily con­ducted, that in less than a day he render'd himself Master of the whole Isle, and with­out losing of time he went and besieged Stralsond, which he took two days after he had begun to batter it.

Octob. 1678. The peace with the United Provinces was proclaimed at the Hague on the 28th of September; and on the fifth of [Page 183] October publick rejoycings were solemnized throughout all the Towns of the United Provinces, except Nimueguen, because that Town being Neutral, and appointed for the Treaty of the General Peace, it did not seem expedient that they who by a separate Treaty were freed from the calamities of War, should therefore rejoyce in presence of those who still lay under the burden thereof. And it was upon that account that the Ambassadors of the Emperor and of the other Confederates, desired the Ambassa­dors of the States-General that they would not suffer any publick rejoycing to be made in that place before the conclusion of the General Peace.

The French King, who seemed to be no less desirous of the peace of the Empire, than of that of Spain, put himself in a po­sture of making the Princes who were en­gaged in that War, to consent to it; and for that end he caused a considerable body of his forces to march into the Countrey of Juliers under the command of Monsieur Calvo, who possessed himself of Aix la Cha­pelle, whither part of the Ammunition of Maestricht, which then was evacuating, in order to its being rendered up to the States-General, was transported, the rest being car­ried by water to Huy, which was put in a [Page 184]condition necessary for the security of the Magazines.

What inclination, in the mean time, the French King made appear to the peace of Germany, the Ministers of the Emperor still laboured to persuade the Diet at Ratis­bon that his Majesty desired no peace, see­ing he proposed an Alternative of which both parts were equally impractible. They said that the Emperor could not render Philipsbourg, because by the Leagues which he had made with most of the Princes of the Empire, he had obliged himself to de­molish it, as a place prejudicial to their li­berty; and that if he delivered up Fri­bourg, he would thereby leave all Brisgow and the Forest-Towns under the jurisdicti­on of France, and give the French a foot­ing in the Empire with more advantage than they had before by the possession of Philipsbourg.

For overthrowing these reasons, which were thought pretexts to stave off the Peace, and to render the intentions of the French King suspected; the French Ambas­sadors declared in his Majesty's name, That he consented to the demolishing of Philips­bourg; and that to remove from the Empe­ror and Empire all causes of jealousie and fear concerning Brisgow and the Forest-Towns, [Page 185]he was satisfied with the City of Fribourg and three Villages under its juris­diction. This proposition blasted all the reasons of impossibility which were alledg­ed against the practability of the Alterna­tive on which the peace of Germany de­pended.

In the mean time all diligence was used to put Maestricht in a condition of being render'd up to the States-General according to the intent of the Treaty of peace. And in effect, the Count d' Avaux having given his word to the States-General that it should be evacuated by the sixth of October; the same day they took possession of it, with the greater satisfaction to the Dutch, that there were some still amongst them who continued to possess them with distrust, and to persuade the people that France intend­ed only to cheat them, and that the King would not surrender Maestricht.

The French Forces that possessed almost all the passes on the Rhine, were very un­easie to all the Neighbouring Princes who were engaged in the War. The Duke of Newbourg, who had most reason to fear, was the first that desired of the States-Ge­neral that he might be comprehended in their Treaty, and enjoy the benefit of the Peace according to the 19th Article, which [Page 186]gave them power to name their Allies with­in the space of six weeks, that they might be included in the Treaty. That Prince had the greater reason to hope that by this means he might put himself out of danger, in that he was really an Ally of the States, and that he had declared that he would ac­cept the Peace before the expiration of the six weeks.

The Elector of Mayence and Treves made the same Declaration, and the same demand to the States-General, by a Memoir which the Baron of Leyen presented in their names at the Hague. But what instances so­ever the States made in favour of those Princes, and what assurances soever they gave that the Emperor himself would ere long accept the Peace, they could not ob­tain any thing in a matter which they thought just, and conform to the Article of their Treaty, before they heard the reasons which the French alledged against that pre­tension.

On the 30th the Marquess de los Balbases returned from Brussels, whither he went af­ter the signing of the Peace with Spain. It was thought that he brought the Ratifica­tion of the Treaty, because the six weeks wherein the exchange was to be made, were expired the day before. Nevertheless he [Page 187]brought it not: but the French King hav­ing sent an Express to the Count d' Avaux, that Ambassador declared to the States on the fifth of November 1678. that notwith­standing the negligence of Spain, his Majesty was willing in consideration of them, to prolong the time of the exchange of the Ratifications until the 20th of that month. And by the next Courier that came, news was brought that in compliance with the instances of the Ambassadors of the States-General, his Majesty had granted the whole Month.

At that time the Plenipotentiary of Lor­rain declared, That his Master accepted the Peace upon the terms proposed by the French King the 9th of April; and at the same time chose the second part of the Al­ternative, by which Nancy was to remain to his Majesty, who in exchange thereof gave him the City of Toul upon the conditions specified in the Article of the Kings pro­ject which concerns that Prince. The Nun­cio who promised himself that all these par­ticular acceptations of Peace would termi­nate in the conclusion of the General Peace, employed all his care and pains with much zeal to incline the Emperors Ambassa­dors, and the Ministers of other Catholick Princes, not to defer any longer the [Page 188]complishment of so great a blessing.

The French King in the mean time well perceived that these Princes of the Empire consented only to a separate Peace, in pro­spect of putting themselves out of danger of his Arms, and not with design to con­clude it upon conditions that respected the Empire in general, seeing they desired no more but to be comprehended in the Dutch Treaty, and consented not to the reinforce­ment of the Treaties of Westphalia, which granted free passage to his Majesties forces through the Empire, so often as it was ne­cessary they should march that way for the execution of the same Treaties. And there­fore the King yeilded not to the desire of those Princes, though the States-General, who made it a point of honour to procure them the benefit of their peace in the midst of War, pretended they had right to have them included in their Treaty.

The Count de Bouvean d' Epense, whom the King permitted the Spring before to take a journey to Berlin, to see the Elector of Brandenbourg his old Master, about that time came back to Nimueguen: though he was wholly addicted to the Interests of his Electoral Highness before the War, yet his Majesty did not for all that repose less con­fidence in him; for upon his return from [Page 189] Berlin, finding the King in Flanders after the taking of Ghent, his Majesty ordered him still to wait upon him, designing to make use of all opportunities that might offer to renew a good correspondence with the Elector. And therefore he came to Ni­mueguen with particular instructions from the Court to contribute what he could to that peace; and the French Ambassadors a­cted nothing without his consent, in the transactions that passed at Nimueguen con­cerning that Negotiation.

The Imperial Ambassadors could not as yet resolve to give their consent to the en­tire confirmation of the Treaties of West­phalia; it was the thing that created them most trouble, and which was most prejudi­cial to the Authority that the Emperor had acquired during this War. They declared, as the rest did, that his Imperial Majesty ac­cepted the peace; but they consented not to the passage of the French forces through the Empire, and they despaired not but that they might even derogate from these Trea­ties, by those which they were to make with France and Sueden. And as to the alterna­tive of Fribourg and Philipsbourg, they decla­red that the Emperor would yeild it to the King in the manner as the French Ambas­sadors proposed.

Seeing the States-General still pretended that those Princes ought to be included, who being their Allies, declared within six weeks after the exchange of the Ratifi­cations, that they accepted the Peace. The French King made appear by the Memoir, that the Count D' Avaux gave them on the 18th of November, 1678. that in that juncture the private Princes of the Empire could not be considered separately from the Emperor and Empire; and that they could not neither accept a separate peace upon the conditions proposed by the King, seeing his Majesty had made no conditions for them in particular, but only for the Empe­ror and Empire in general; and that they ought all to be comprehended in one and the same Treaty.

That reason had not been so good in re­spect of the Emperor, who was expresly mentioned in the French Kings project; and the States-General would have willingly been astricted to the inclusion of him alone; but it was represented to them, that his Im­perial Majesty could less pretend to the be­nefit of the Dutch Peace, than any other Prince, since the term of six weeks after the exchange of the Ratifications was expired without any formal acceptation of the con­ditions of the Peace by the Ambassadors, in [Page 191]the manner that they were proposed, for the Emperor had not as yet consented to the passage which the Treaties of Westphalia give the King through the Empire; so that the not consenting to the corroboration of the same Treaties, the fulfilling wher [...]f was to give repose to Germany, m [...] [...]l the Emperor's acceptation of the p [...]

The States-General desisted from that pretension; and seeing that the Spaniards did not ratifie the peace, and that it was uncertain what might be the effect of this long delay, they began to fear that if the time granted by the French King should ex­pire, and Spain not ratifie the Treaty, the War might begin afresh in the Neighbour­ing Provinces to them, and that they might be thereby deprived of the most considera­ble advantage which they expected from their peace. Upon this consideration the States besought his Majesty further to pro­long the time of the exchange of the Rati­fications; but the King on the 30th not only acquainted them, that in consideration of them he was willing still to grant fifteen days as the longest delay; but his Majesty also assured them, that he was ready to re­move all the apprehensions they might have for the Spanish Towns on their frontiers; and that he would even deliver up into [Page 192]their hands those places which he was wil­ling to render to Spain, to be kept by them until the consummation of the peace with that Crown.

At the same time the French King requi­red of the States-General, that in pursuance of the Treaty of peace, they would cause to be paid to him the Arrears of Contribu­tions of the Countrey of Kuyck, the May­ordom of Bois-le-duc, the Barony of Breda, and of the Marquisate of Bergen-op-zoom; and that they would draw their forces out of the Countrey of Leige: that otherways his Majesty would have cause to take the longer abode of their forces in that Coun­trey, as a violation of the Treaty, and a ta­cit assistance given to the Prince of Liege his Enemy.

The Negotiation of the peace of the Em­pire, proceeded still very slowly, and the Spaniards made no haste to exchange their Ratifications; and therefore his Majesty caused to be declared to the Ambassadors of the Emperor, That if in the Month of De­cember they did not conclude the peace, his Majesty would not afterward consent to it upon the same conditions. And to oblige Spain to hasten the Ratification, the King ordered that Ghent and the Countrey of Waas shoule pay contributions proportion­able [Page 193]to the great number of Forces that he was obliged to maintain in the Low-coun­treys until the ratification of the peace. So that all the Countrey which was to be ren­der'd to Spain, suffer'd more in that short time, than it had done during the whole course of the War; and all that, that it might not be said that the Spaniards had abandoned the Emperor by ratifying their peace before that his Imperial Majesty had concluded his own.

So great was the terror at that time throughout the whole Dutchy of Cleves, that upon the noise of the approach of the French Forces, most part of the Inhabitants left the Countrey, not doubting but that notwithstanding the contributions that they should pay, the French King would possess himself of the Dutchy of Cleves, to oblige the Elector of Brandenbourg to give satisfaction to Sueden, the affairs whereof could not be worse than they were in Pomerania, seeing that Gripswald, which was the only place that the Suedes retained in that Province, had surrender'd to the E­lector of Brandenbourg, and that by that means the Suedes were wholly beat out of Germany.

The King of Denmark nevertheless was sensible, that notwithstanding the advanta­ges [Page 194]that he and his Allies might have over Sueden, France had so declared for the in­tire satisfaction of that King, and so pub­lickly espoused his Interests, that it was in vain to imagine they could obtain other ad­vantages from that War, than what the French King thought fit to allow them. In prospect of this, his Danish Majesty caused his Envoy at the Hague to negotiate secret­ly with the Count D' Avaux: That Prince protested that he resigned all his Interests into the French Kings hands; that he desi­red no other Mediation than that of his Majesty; and that he would conform to a­ny thing that it should please him to ap­point. But no positive answer was made to all these general propositions; there was a necessity of coming to the precise point, if any thing was to be expected to be done.

The Spanish Ambassadors received the Ratification of the Peace in the beginning of December 1678. but seeing the French King had granted them until the 15th for making the exchange, they endeavoured to draw some advantage from the short time that still remained; saying that they could not deliver the Ratification until they had the interpretation which they demanded of some Articles of the Treaty, and especially [Page 195]concerning the Messineses, whom they would have excluded from the Treaty, which ex­tended an Oblivion to all the Rebel-sub­jects of his Catholick Majesty.

The reason that was given why the Spa­niards did not what they could to hinder the Messineses from enjoying the pardon that the French King procured them by the Treaty, was that several Grandees of Spain had obtained the confiscation of the chief Rebels of Messina; and that the in­terest they had to bring things so about, that by virtue of the Treaty they should not have power to dispose of their Estates, was one of the chief reasons that had so long deferred the Ratification, and by con­sequent had ruined so many private Fami­lies in Flanders.

The Spaniards likewise demanded, That in case the Commissioners that should be ap­pointed by the two Kings to make ex­change of the Villages which they should find prejudicial to the setling of the limits, could not agree amongst themselves as to the value of the exchanges, the difference should be referred to the determination of the King of England. But the French Am­bassadors condescended to none of those unseasonable demands, being resolved rather to break off, than to innovate the least [Page 196]thing in the Articles that were agreed upon.

The States-General made even a Decla­ration to the Count D' Avaux on the 13. that they not only desisted from the inclu­sion which they pretended to give to the Emperor, and Princes of the Empire; but that they would likewise abandon the Spa­niards, if they ratifi'd not the Treaty with­in fifteen days, being unwilling to impor­tune the French King for a longer delay; and that they hoped in a short time to in­cline the Emperor to accept the peace.

In effect, the Imperialists on the 12. gave their counter-project, wherein nevertheless they changed their mind as to the option that they had already made of Philipsbourg, and added several Articles which were not conform to what was agreed unto with the Mediators. They demanded that the French King should indempnifie all those of the Empire who had suffered any damage du­ring the War. That the Princes of Fur­stembourg should by their submissions crave pardon of, and make publick satisfaction to the Emperor for having espoused con­trary Interests. And that the King should not have the Soveraignty over all the Ways that he demanded in Lorrain.

These propositions quite contrary to the project which the French Ambassadors gave to the Mediators, who approved all the Articles therein contained, made the since­rity of the desire and conduct of the Im­perialists to be doubted of, or at least they made their ordinary irresolution appear; particularly touching the choice of the Al­ternative; about which having once de­clared themselves, they ought not to be ad­mitted to change again. But the truth was, they never imagined that the French King liked Fribourg as well as Philipsbourg, but that yielding to him the latter, they would put his Majesty to a plunge, insomuch that the desire that he would have to make them change their choice, might produce some advantage for them. But they were no less mistaken in that point, than in their hopes of getting new Articles inserted into the Treaty; for the French Ambassadors would not admit of any, nor derogate in the least from the Treaties of Westphalia, except in the Alternative of Fribourg for Philips­bourg.

The Spaniards had now spun out the time until the end of the last delay which the French King had granted to them, but found no way longer to defer the exchange of the Ratifications, nor any hopes that the [Page 198] French Ambassadors would grant them the least thing of what they remanded since the signing of the Treaty. So that on the 15. they delivered their Ratification. The ex­change was made without any ceremony at the House of the Ambassadors of the States General, whither the Secretaries went to fetch them. But the French Ambassadors finding that the Ratification of Spain was not altogether in the form that it ought to have been in, they declared that they accept­ed it no otherways than in so far as it should please the King their Master.

The Imperialists finding the French Am­bassadors as inflexible in respect of them, as they had been in regard of the Spaniards, despaired of obtaining liberty to change the choice which they had already made of the Alternative; so that on the 24. they de­clared that they stood to the Election that they had made of Philipsbourg; and that they might not spend the whole Month, af­ter which the French Ambassadors had de­clared to them that the King would not ad­here longer to the conditions of the 9th of April, they entred into publick conference, that they might in good earnest endeavour the conclusion of the peace. These Confer­ences were held in the Town-house, where the Ambassadors of the Emperor, France, [Page 199]and Sueden, with the Mediator Jenkins, had all separate rooms.

Tho' the Nuncio employed himself very usefully for promoting the peace, yet he appeared not as publick Mediator, because Rome and England could not join in one Mediation; and that England was admitted by all the other Princes who were concern­ed in that Negotiation. The Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg endeavour­ed presently to stop the course of those con­ferences; and represented vigorously to the Imperialists, that every step they made, were so many breaches in the Treaties of Alli­ance which his Imperial Majesty had made with the Princes their Masters.

The Ambassadors of the States-General perceiving that in the few days which re­mained of the Month, it was not possible to conclude a Treaty wherein so many diffi­culties appeared in the very beginning, prayed the French Ambassadors to prolong the delay which that King had granted. Their answer was, that they had no power to do it; but that nevertheless they believ­ed that if the Treaty were in readiness to be signed, his Majesty might give a new delay.

In the first Session of Conferences, the four first Articles of the Project of the Im­perialists, [Page 200]were reduced to one; the French refusing to fill the Treaties with needless Articles, and such especially as only con­cerned those matters which France pretend­ed to be sufficiently adjusted by the Treaties of Westphalia, whereof they demanded the corroboration and accomplishment. And seeing by the treaty the Emperor and all the Princes of the Empire were not only to remain neutral, but were also to take from the Enemies of France and Sueden all means whereby they might make any advantage or profit by the Countreys of the Empire, whilst the King might make use of them for restoring Sueden; his Majesty by his Am­bassadors demanded such places as he should stand in need of after the peace of the Em­pire, for a free passage from his frontiers to the Rhine.

On the fifth of January 1678, the French Ambassadors declared that the places which their King intended to reserve, were Casse­let, Huys, Verviers, Aix-la-Chapelle, Duren, Linninch, Nuys, and Ordingen, that was the straightest and shortest march that the French Forces could have to the Rhine; and his Majesty was already possest of all those places, which being open, and without for­tification, shewed that the design of the King was only to make use of them, that [Page 201]he might oblige to the observation of the Treaties of Westphalia, those Princes who contrary to the faith of the same Treaties desired to continue the War after the peace of the Empire, that they might retain the possession of the Countreys which they had taken from Sueden, whilst his Majesty to procure satisfaction to that King his Ally, had surrendred a great many good places, and made peace in a time when he might have expected great advantages from the success and prosperity of his Arms.

At that time news was brought that the Suedish Army was come out of Livonia. For the space of two years there was a talk of its marching, though it advanced not one step. But at length it entred into Prussia, and having possessed some places on the River of Wemel, it was advanced to the middle of that Province. There was the greater probability, that the Suedish Enter­prise would contribute to their peace with the Elector of Brandenbourg, that in the mean time whilst that Prince was marching all the Forces he had in Pomerania and Ger­many to oppose that irruption, he ordered M. Meinders, his Minister and Councellor of State, to go in diligence to the French Court, the King having granted him a Pas­port for that effect. M. Meinders was at that [Page 202]time at Nimuegueu, being come back from the Elector his Master, to whom he went upon occasion of the propositions which the Count D' Espenses had brought; but seeing the chief thing contained in these propositions, was the entire restitution of all the Conquests which the Elector had ob­tained from Sueden, the obstacles that hin­der'd the conclusion of the Treaty, were so hard to be digested, that his Electoral Highness judged it far more convenient to negotiate the peace with his Majesty, than to treat at Nimueguen. This Prince was the ra­ther inclined to take this resolution, because those who continued still in War, were se­verally thinking of making their Treaties apart.

In the mean while the Conferences be­twixt the Imperial and French ambassa­dors continued in the Town-house, and it began to be hoped that the Negotiation would come to a happy conclusion. The Plenipotentiary of the Duke of Lorrain at that time endeavoured to obtain what the Imperial Ambassadors had in vain essayed; he supposed that his Master dreamt not that the ways which the French King de­manded from Nancy to Mets, into Alsatia, the French County and France should be­long to the King in soveraignty; and upon [Page 203]that pretext he pretended to change the choice he had made of the Alternative, and to accept Nancy for Toul; but the reason he alledged having no appearance of the least foundation, he could not obtain the liberty of a new choice, no more than the Imperialists could, after they had once accepted Philipsbourg: so that the Duke of Lorrain might easily have perceived, in the course of that Negotiation, that he was mistaken in expecting greater advantages, if he were admitted into the possession of Lorrain under the protection of the Em­peror, than if he received it from the boun­ty and generosity of the French King.

Seeing new difficulties were daily started in the Negotiation of the Peace of the Em­pire, the King was willing to prolong the delay he had given until the end of the Month; but that retarded rather the Nego­tiation, than it promoted the Treaty: for besides that the Imperialists, who always seemed irresolute in bringing things to a conclusion, desired no better, than not to push on business when they had time before them; they were so sensibly touched at those burthensom conditions wherewith the King clog'd that prolongation, that if they could have found any other remedy for the calamities of the Empire, besides a speedy [Page 204]Peace, they would not have dissembled their resentment. The King consented not to that delay, but on condition, that if the Peace were not signed before the Month was expired, Philipsbourg should be demo­lished, for the reimbursment of the charges that his Majesty was obliged to be at, for maintainsng his Forces: and that if Febru­ary likewise passed without concluding the Peace, his Majesty would moreover have all Brisgow in recompence of his char­ges.

The truth is, the French King could be no less than absolute Master of Peace and War, to impose such a necessity upon the Imperialists: Nevertheless, whether it were the fears of seeing themselves exposed to undergo these conditions, or a sincere desire of freeing the Empire as soon as possibly could be from so troublesome a War, set the Imperial Ambassadours to work; the Negotiations of Peace grew brisker than before; they met morning and evening, and had very long conferences; so that Sir Lionell Jenkins had trouble enough in going back and fore betwixt them, labour­ing to renew the impediments which retar­ded the Negotiation; and yet for all that, the Peace advanced but slowly.

The Imperialists started great difficulties about the 26. and 27. Articles of the Treaty; and seeing they all tended to annul the rights which France had obtained in the Empire by the peace of Westphalia, and e­specially those which have been yeilded to that King over the ten Towns of Alsatia; the debates that arose upon that subject, were many and hard to be adjusted.

The Ambassadors of the Emperor per­ceiving that they gained no ground by these debates, and that the French Ambas­sadors would not consent that those things which were concluded by the peace of Munster, should any ways be infringed by this Treaty. They endeavoured at least to obtain, that the points to which the French would not condescend, might be referred to arbitration. But this was to as little purpose as the extraordinary repugnancy they shewed a­gainst the Emperor being obliged to observe a neutrality in the Empire, whilst the French King might march his forces for the relief of his Allies. Nevertheless all these points were at length agreed unto in the manner as the French Ambassadors de­manded.

The jollities of the Carnaval were at that time very great in Nimueguen, where the people, who since the change of Reli­gion [Page 206]and Government, has not been accu­stomed to see Masquarades, took great plea­sure in these Novelties, and especially in a frolick of Spaniards, magnificently disguis­ed, who went through all the Town drawn on sledges upon the snow at a Ball in the House of the Ambassador of Denmark on the 24. Two men appeared disguised into Capucins, of whom one having danced with the Neece of the Danish Ambassador, pre­sented the hand to Madamoiselle Colbert; but Monsieur Colbert being present, stopped the Masquer, telling him that it was not the custom of France to dance in such habits; and that if he had him at his house, he would serve him as he deserved.

The forwardness of the peace of the Em­pire, gave the Northern Confederates e­nough to think of; for, for all they were so well united among themselves, yet when the matter was of opposing those who seem­ed inclined to make a separate peace, they were not wanting to mind their own parti­cular concerns. The journey of M. Mein­ders, Envoy from the Elector of Branden­bourg into France, gave them great umbrage, and made them fear that a separate peace with that Prince would quite ruine their affairs; and therefore they resolved several­ly to prevent the disadvantage that might [Page 207]happen to them by continuing last in the War; but their peace depended on the Suedes, who being so highly supported by the French, seemed no less haughty as to the propositions that were made to them, than if they themselves had been in condi­tion of giving the Law to their enemies.

The morning and evening conferences of the 29. and 30. were very long, and the Am­bassadors met and discoursed together; so that there was no question made of the hap­py success of the Negotiation. Ambassador Temple, who upon the advice he received that the Treaty was upon the point of be­ing concluded, parted from the Hague on the 29. arrived on the 30. at Nimueguen, that he might sign that peace, though many things still remained to be adjusted. The Ambassadors were at the Town-house from eight of the clock in the morning, until two afternoon. And as it was not doubted but that that last day would put an end to that great work, the end of the evening-conference, which began at four of the clock, was impatiently expected; but it lasted till five of the clock next morning, and yet the peace in no condition to be signed.

The affairs of the Duke of Lorrain took up much time; and in that conference M. Stratman made a long and elegant discourse [Page 208]in Latin concerning the pretensions and in­terests of that Prince; though M. Colbert expected no such thing, and that he had no time to prepare himself for an answer, yet he answered ex tempore with so much force and perspicuity, that the whole Assembly were surprised at it.

It seemed that the Imperialists perceiving that the delay granted by the King, expi­red with the preceding day, purposely suf­fered affairs to be spun out beyond that term, to the end that it might not be said that they had suffered it to expire without a conclusion, and that they had incurred the penalties upon which the French King granted a second prorogation. No other business remained to be determined but the affairs of the House of Furstemberg, and the possession of the Dutchy of Bouillon, with the granting the demand of the French Ambassadors, who would have the result of the Diet of Ratisbon mentioned in the Treaty, by which it might appear that the Ambassadors of the Emperor were suffici­ently authorised to stipulate in the name of the Empire.

January 167 [...]/2;: The greatest difficulties be­ing at length discussed, the French Ambas­sadors declared that they had power to pro­long for two days the last delay that their [Page 209]King had granted. But the Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg finding that no obstacle could hinder the conclusion of the peace of the Empire (though the Mi­nisters of their Masters at the Emperor's Court assured them of the contrary in all their Letters; and though the Imperial Ambassadors themselves protested to them at Nimueguen, that they would not act in reference to them, but as faithful Allyes): the first of February about eleven of the clock at night, they made a long and smart Remonstrance to the Imperial Embassy, that they might endeavour as much as in them lay, to divert the blow which they then saw nearer than they had ever be­fore.

They told the Imperial Ambassadors, that their proceedings with the common Enemy so much the more allarm'd them, as that in the place where they were shut up, they could not come to speech with them, that they might represent to them how sensibly it affected them to see that they made my­steries of that which the Enemy scrupled not to make publick; that they intreated them to consider the faith of their leagues, the Decrees of the Empire, and the wrong they would do the Princes their Masters, if they restored Sueden to the benefit of the [Page 210]Treaties of Westpbalia, contrary to the so­lemn conclusions that declare they have for­feited the same; that above all, they pray'd them to give away nothing of what be­longed to them; and not to suffer that un­der the name of peace the war might be carried into those parts of the Empire into which the Enemies Forces were never as yet able to advance.

These Ambassadors added to their Re­monstrance a kind of threatning; saying, that if the Imperialists abandoned them to the discretion of their Enemies, they ought not to take it ill if they made use of their [...]wn misfortunes for obtaining some repa­ration from those who would sacrifice them in that manner. In fine, they adjured them by the Majesty of the Sacred Empire, that they would conclude nothing contrary to the Rights of their Masters, seeing they were ready to make peace jointly with them upon equitable conditions, or other­ways to take all necessary measures for a vigorous resistance.

The Confederate Ambassadors nicked the time in making that Remonstrance; for the Conference from which the Imperial and French Ambassadors were just come, ended in a total rupture, and with so much animosity on both sides, that those who for­merly [Page 211]desired the peace, had cause to fear that the Treaty could hardly be set on foot again. But notwithstanding of that, Ambassador Jenkins, who shewed no less prudence than zeal in his conduct, so or­dered affairs, that next day (being the se­cond of the Month) the Conferences were renewed.

Seeing the difference that remained con­cerning the Dutchy of Bouillon, was that which at that time created the greatest ob­stacle to the conclusion of the peace, inso­much that it was thought it would have broken off the Treaty; the Nuncio fear­ing lest that single difficulty might obstruct the fruits of so long and difficult a Nego­tiation, so ordered matters, that the Sieurs Charun and Vanderveck, Envoys from the Prince and Chapter of Liege, declared, That since nothing but the pretension which their Master had to the Dutchy of Bouillon, hindred the peace, they consented that upon the account of that particular Interest, the welfare and repose of the whole Empire should be no longer retarded. By that means all things were adjusted, and in the same Conference (which lasted till mid­night) the Ambassadors agreed to sign the Treaty.

Tho' the peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and France, sufficiently provided for the security and satisfaction of Sueden, seeing it restored that Crown to all that the Treaties of Westphalia gave it in the Em­pire; yet there was a necessity of a separate Treaty for Sueden, because that King had been declared an Enemy to the Empire, and fallen from the advantages which he had by the peace of Munster. That Treaty was therefore set on foot with great diligence, and had all the success that the particular care of the French King could procure for the concerns of his Confederate. The Trea­ty of Westphalia was made the rule and pat­tern of this; all Acts, Decrees, and Man­dates made to the contrary, were rescinded and declared null by it, as innovations intro­duced during the troubles of the War: the neutrality of the Emperor, and restaurati­on of the Duke of Holstein Gottorp, were therein stipulated, and all protestations that could be made to the contrary, declared null and of none effect.

The Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg seeing the peace fully conclu­ded on the third of the Month, made their protestations against it; they complained that the Emperors Ambassadors had consent­ed to matters which so nearly concerned the [Page 213]Princes their Masters, that they had not on­ly neglected all their interests, but also that they had given their Enemies liberty to pursue the War even into the heart of their own countrey: That they had treated a­bout the rights of all the States of the Em­pire, so far as to abolish some Decrees con­cerning them, without the knowledg of the Princes who were most interested there­in. In a word, they solemnly protested a­gainst that separate peace, which ought to be reckoned null, and no way prejudicial to their Leagues, nor to the Decrees of the Empire.

These Ambassadors omitted no formalities which they judged necessary for maintaining the pretensions of their Masters. And there­fore on the 4th they made a conditional pro­testation against the peace made by the Em­peror with Sueden, because they saw it rea­dy to be concluded and signed the same day with that of the Emperor with France. They said that they could the less be per­suaded that the Imperial Ambassadors would do such a wrong to the Princes their Ma­sters; that Sueden had been treated during the War, as a State and member of the Em­pire, guilty of breaking the publick peace, and in that notion cited and condemned by the Empire in the usual forms. So that in [Page 214]what manner soever the Emperor might re­concile himself to that Crown, they had reason to protest against the validity of that peace, and at the same time for all the da­mages that their Masters might suffer thereby.

The Ministers and Plenipotentiaries of the Princes of Brunswick-Lunenbourg, who hitherto had exerted no publick act of their function, the same day protested against those two Treaties in the same terms, and upon the same pretexts that the Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg had done. Perhaps they were ignorant that the Princes their Masters were concluding their particular Peace at home with France and Sueden, whilst they complained so loudly at Nimueguen against that of the Emperor. Nevertheless these proceedings hinder'd not but that the peace was next day signed, though the Imperial Ambassa­dors endeavoured under various pretexts to have the signing of it delayed.

The 5th at noon these Ambassadors sent the Nuncio's Auditor to entreat the French that they would defer the matter until the day following, in respect there was so much Writing required before the Treaty could be drawn up fair, that it was impossible it could be ready to be signed that evening. [Page 215]But all the answer they had was, That there was time more than enough for putting things in a condition; and that if the peace was not signed by ten of the clock, they had orders from the King their Master not to sign it next day.

It seemed to be the fate of the Media­tors not to sign any Treaty of peace; they refused to sign that of the Dutch, because it was separate, and had been managed without their privity; and they medled not in that of Spain, which was a conse­quent on the former: But seeing they had been the Mediators of the Treaty of the Empire, they thought nothing should have hinder'd them from signing that peace. Nevertheless the Ambassadors of his Impe­rial Majesty having failed in yeilding the honour to the English as Mediators, accor­ding to the practice of Cologn and Nimue­guen, which occasioned, though no obstacle nor difficulty in the course of the Negotia­tion; they were likewise ambiguous in their answers, when the Mediators sent to enquire of them how they pretended to carry themselves in the signing of the Treaty.

But when they were upon the point of going to sign the Treaty, the Imperial Am­bassadors positively declared, That they [Page 216]would not consent that the English should sign first. So that seeing they could not sign it either as Mediators, in which case they ought to have the first place, as due to them in that quality; or as English, for then the French would not write after them; it was impossible to find out any expedient to adjust that difficulty. And therefore Am­bassador Temple said true, when he protest­ed a long time before, That he would not sign the Peace whilst the affairs of France were in such a condition as to have it con­cluded to the advantage of that Crown. And all the fruit of his hasty journey to Nimueguen to sign a Peace so advantageous to France, was his displeasure for underta­king it in the coldest season that for these twenty years has been known in Holland.

Upon the French Ambassadors refusal to delay the signing of the Peace until next day, the Imperialists lost no time, and all things were ready that evening. About ten of the clock all the Ambassadors went to the Town-house with several Coaches, and many Flambeaus: So soon as the French Ambassadors were in their Chamber, they sent to compliment the Imperialists, and to tell them, That when they pleased they would come into the Hall which was prepared for the signing of the Peace. The Imperialists [Page 217]returned them the same compliment; and so the French entred first into the Hall, which was above stairs, and opposite to their room; and they placed themselves at the Table on the left hand of the entry.

Immediately after the Imperial Ambassa­dors came up, and took place over-against the French. The dores were open, and a great many Gentlemen of both Nations, and several others whom curiosity to see so so­lemn a ceremony, had invited to Nimue­guen, stood behind the Ambassadors. M. Stratman brought the Treaty of the Em­pire, and M. Colbert that of France. The Count d' Avaux had affairs at the Hague that hinder'd him from being at that Cere­mony. The two Treaties were written in Latine, and for comparing of them M. Stratman began to read; but having read some pages of it, M. Colbert offered to ease him; and the whole Treaty being so read over by turns, the Imperialists according to their several qualities signed it in one co­lume on the right hand; then they took that of France, which they signed in the same manner; whilst the French signed that of the Imperialists in one colume on the left hand, as the Imperialists did that of France; but the Count d' Avaux being absent, a space was left for his name, and a [Page 218]Chair set in the place which he ought to have taken.

Afterward the Bishop of Gurck made a congratulatory compliment upon the hap­py conclusion of so great an affair as the Peace of the Empire, which would restore repose and tranquility to the rest of Chri­stendom that were still in War. The Mini­sters of the Northern Princes who were not comprehended in that Peace, being dis­satisfied with the conduct of the Imperial­ists, spoke in another strain of language. M. Heng, the Danish Ambassador next day after, publickly expressed his discontent at the house of the Marshal D' Estrades. He scrupled not to say openly in company, yea and several times to repeat it, That if it pleased the French King, he had sufficient authority to conclude a League with his most Christian Majesty, and to get it rati­fied by his Danish Majesty, who would ob­lige himself to make war against the Empe­ror, in what manner, and for as long time as his most Christian Majesty should desire him.

Seeing the Emperors Ambassadors could not obtain of the French, that an Article should be put into the Treaty, whereby the French King should consent to refer to arbi­tration the difficulties which they raised con­cerning [Page 219]the Rights of the ten Towns of Alsatia, of the Nobility of that Province, and of the three Bishopricks of Lorrain; before they signed the Peace, they entred a protestation into the Records of the Me­diation, that it might appear, that though they had right to pretend that these affairs ought to have been referred to arbitrati­on, yet they had rather consent that no mention should be made of them in the Treaty, than longer to delay the conclusion of the Peace for matters of which the French Ambassadors absolutely refused to take cognizance; contenting themselves to protest that that omission could no ways be prejudicial to the rights of the Em­pire.

The Ambassadors of Sueden refused also to insert into their Treaty with the Empe­ror, the verbal declaration which they gave of the sense of the third Article, acknow­ledging that they pretended not that that Article ought to oblige the Princes of the Empire that were still in war, to the con­firmation of the Treaties of Westphalia, as to what concerned Sueden, knowing that these were affairs that ought to be adjusted by particular Treaties.

Nevertheless upon the refusal that the Ambassadors of Sueden made of inserting [Page 220]that interpretation into the Treaty, the Im­perial Ambassadors prayed the Mediators that they would make mention of that ex­plication in their Memoirs, and to set down in them by way of protestation, that if in the Treaty of the Emperor with Sueden there is no mention made of the customs that are raised at Termeude, of the rights of the Dukes of Mecklenbourg, nor of those of the Town of Bremen; the reason was only, because the Ambassadors of Sueden alledged that for want of a free correspon­dence with his Suedish Majesty, they could not have instructions as to the points for which the Imperialists thought it not fit to delay the signing of the peace, since that without such a clause, these Rights were as well established under the authority and protection of the Empire.

Though the Treaty of the Peace made betwixt the Emperor and Sueden, was not figned until the 7th. yet it bore date the same day with that of the Emperor and France, because it was mentioned therein to be of the same date. And some time after, the news was brought that the peace of France and Sueden, with the Princes of the House of Brunswick-Lunenbourg, was signed at Zell on the sixth, by M. de Pabenack, who after that the Suedes were wholly out [Page 221]of Pomerania, stopping at Hambourg, went by order from the King to the Court of those Princes, who by this Treaty restore to the Crown of Sueden the Dutchy of Bremen, and all that they had got of the Suedes, except the Bailiage of Tedinghansen, which hath always been controverted, be­cause it is inclosed within the Territories of the House of Brunswick, and the Provosty of Dowen, that lyes between the Weser and the Elbe.

The Suedes likewise yield to those Princes some Revenues of the Church, consisting in tythes which belonged to them upon account of the Bishoprick of Bremen, and some other Benefices. But the French King being wil­ling fully to indempnifie the House of Brunswick, and to secure the peace of the Empire, his Majesty by that Treaty enga­ges to pay to these Princes three hundred thousand Crowns, at the same time that the restitution is made to Sueden in the manner as was agreed upon.

M. de Meyerkron continued to make pro­positions at the Hague, where he seemed willing to have managed a Negotiation with the Count d' Avaux; but the offers he made, were still so general, that they gave no ground for a positive answer. And therefore that Ambassador made him the [Page 222]same declaration that the other French Am­bassadors made at Nimueguen; telling him that in order to a more favourable hear­ing, the King of Denmark must begin, by releasing the Suedish Soldiers, who since the time that they were shipwrackt upon the Isle of Barnholm, were not only detained prisoners contrary to the priviledg of the Pasports which they had; but likewise ex­posed to violence, which they daily suffered on design either to make them engage in the Danish service, or forsake that of Sue­den. That the King of Denmark would by so doing purge himself from the suspitions of that shipwrack which the King never­theless was rather inclined to attribute to Chance, and the mistake of Pilots, than any premeditated design; but that in the mean time, the inhuman manner of using and de­taining of those forces could not but be thought very strange.

Though from the beginning of the As­sembly, many instances had been made, and several expedients proposed by the English and French, for procuring to the Ambassa­dors of Sueden the liberty of Couriers, or at least of bare Letters to and from his Suedish Majesty; yet it could not be obtain­ed from the King of Denmark. This gave occasion of fear, that the strictness which [Page 223]was observed in that Kingdom upon that subject, might hinder the conveyance of the Treaty newly signed with the Empe­ror, into Sueden; and that the ratification thereof might not be brought within the limited time. And therefore the Ambassa­dors of Sueden hired privately a Galliot at Amsterdam, which [...]arried the Messenger to Gottemberg, from whence he might go by Land to any place where the Suedish Court was.

The Ambassadors of the Emperor hav­ing stipulated for the whole Empire in the Treaties of France and Sueden, by virtue only of the conclusion of the Diet of Ra­tisbon of the 31. of May 1677. The Am­bassador of Brandenbourg produced a copy of it at Nimueguen, on the 18th of the Month, with a new protestation, alledging, that that conclusion of the Empire was not conform to the sense that was put upon it in the 36 Article of the Emperor's Treaty with France, and in the 12. of that of the Emperor with Sueden; and that the Impe­rial Ambassadors were so far from having by that means sufficient authority to treat in name of the whole Empire, that on the contrary the Emperor was thereby requi­red to conclude nothing at Nimueguen with­out first submitting it to the deliberation of [Page 224]the Diet; and that the Ambassadors of his Imperial Majesty, by adding in these Arti­cles, That all protestations that might be made in the Empire against that Peace, were to be of no effect; had committed the greatest violation, and manifestly contra­vened the Golden Bull, the Imperial Capi­tulations, the Constitutions of the Empire, and the very Treaties of Westphalia, on which they pretended to settle the peace of the Empire.

Although the King of Denmark and E­lector of Brandenbourg saw themselves a­bandoned by all their Allies, and left alone in the War, exposed to all that France could undertake against them both by sea and land; yet they could not be brought to a resolution of restoring what they had con­quered from Sueden; they dealt with the French King, and with his Ambassadors; but his Majesty gave them answer, and cau­sed his Ambassadors to do the like, That he could not listen to the propositions that they made to him; that he had no quarrel with the King of Denmark nor the Elector of Brandenbourg; that they should give satisfa­ction to Sueden; and when that Crown was contented, his Majesty would be so likewise.

But the French King stopt not there: for after that the Peace was signed, his Majesty [Page 225]desiring that the rest of Germany might likewise be at quiet as soon as possibly could be, on the 24th of February did by his Am­bassadors declare to Sir Lionel Jenkins, the English Mediator, That if within the Month of March the King of Denmark and Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg did not give full sa­tisfaction to Sueden, his Majesty should then be at freedom to demand new condi­tions, which would be, that Lipstadt should be restored to the Elector of Cologn; and that the King of Denmark and Elector of Brandenbourg should pay to his Majesty all the Charges of the War.

That Declaration of the French King, and the answers which his Majesty gave to all the propositions, which came short of a full satisfaction to Sueden, were the more uneasie to the Elector of Brandenbourg, that he had just then forced the Suedish Ar­my to leave Prussia, and to return with much haste into Livonia, but more haras­sed with sickness and long marches, than the losses they sustained in several skirmishes, which happened in their tetreat betwixt the areerguard of the Suedes and some par­ties of the Electors Forces.

The Ambassadors of Sueden finding their affairs in a better condition since the peace, thought themselves obliged to remit no­thing [Page 226]of their pretensions; and therefore they patiently expected the effect of the French King's Declaration, and of what his Majesty was preparing to do for them. They made no doubt but that all would terminate in the satisfaction of Sueden, with­out any great effects on their part. They found that the Forces of Denmark were weakned in Schonen, because the Bishop of Munster began already to recall the Forces which his Predecessor had sent to his Danish Majesty, who without that assistance could hardly make head against the Suedes in Schonen. The Suedes reckoned the Treaty of that Bishop as good as already conclu­ded. He is indeed of a peaceful dispositi­on, but nevertheless vigorous and firm, as a great Prince ought to be, in maintaining his lawful pretensions by the Sword. The conclusion of his Treaty stood in effect up­on an hundred thousand Crowns; and that Prelate was satisfied that Sueden should leave no more in his possession but only the Bailliage of Wilshonsen, as a Mortgage for the payment of that sum.

The Elector of Bavaria on his part re­presented to the Diet at Ratisbon the ne­cessity of setling the Empire by procuring the Peace of the North; and that that could not be done, but by re-establishing [Page 227]the Treaties of Westphalia, and the satisfa­ction of Sueden, for which the whole Em­pire ought to be concerned. The Empe­rors Ministers who were at that Diet, found that the Protestation which the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg caused to be made there, wounded the Authority of his Im­perial Majesty; most of the Princes of Ger­many saw evidently, that none had advan­tage by the War, but those that desired not Peace; so that it was to be hoped th [...] private Interests would at length give place to the publick concern of the whole Em­pire; and that the passion which those Princes had to spoil Sueden, could not long stave off a Peace which was so earnestly de­sired by so many people.

The Emperor had already testified how much he concerned himself in the satisfa­ction of Sueden, by his desire to procure the repose of the Empire. The Letter which the Elector of Brandenbourg wrote to his Imperial Majesty the 24th of Novem­ber, gave occasion to an Answer; which made him fully understand, That he had no cause to hope that the Empire would sup­port his Interests. He complained that the Emperor seemed disposed to peace, separate­ly from the other Princes who continued in War; and that the project of the peace [Page 228]of the Empire, which his Majesties Ambas­sadors had made at Nimueguen, offered and contained such conditions as neither France nor Sueden would have demanded, especi­ally in a time when having driven the Suedes wholly out of the Empire, he had for ever setled and secured the peace and tranquillity thereof.

But all the reasons that his Electoral Highness alledged to incline the Emperor to continue the War, and to procure bet­ter conditions for him, were overthrown by that Answer, which bore, That the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg would have done better not to believe that the Emperor had ever any design to act against equity, or to engage in any proceeding contrary to the conclusions of the Diet of the Empire. That his Imperial Majesty saw plainly, that all his Confederates had made War only for their particular Interests, since they aban­doned him by making separately their peace: But that his actings were of ano­ther nature, seeing he would not divide his Interests from those of the whole Em­pire, upon which he would have certainly drawn the utmost calamities, if he had fol­lowed those examples. Moreover, that in the league made betwixt his Imperial Maje­sty and his Electoral Highness, there was [Page 229]nothing to be found that obliged the Em­peror to procure to his Highness the pos­session of the Conquests that he had obtain­ed from Sueden: That on the contrary the Constitutions of the Empire required that that Crown should always be one of the chief members thereof. In fine, that the Emperor himself was so far from listening to the reasons that were alledged for conti­nuing the War, that he had willingly yield­ed part of his own Revenue for the secu­ring of a firm Peace.

In the same answer, the Emperor put the Elector of Brandenbourg in mind, That ha­ving engaged with the States-General of the Ʋnited Provinces in the beginning of this War with consent of the Emperor and Em­pire, he had afterward against all reason changed his Conduct, and without ac­quainting them, joined with France; that his Imperial Majesty had much ado to take him off from that engagement, drawing upon himself great enemies thereby, and giving him considerable advantages: That by threatning, as he did, to conclude a se­parate Peace as often as his Imperial Maje­sty had by his Ministers made propositions of peace to him, he himself had given him cause to mind his own, and to leave him on his part to do as he should think good▪ [Page 230]In a word, that it was not for the interest of the Empire, that Sueden losing the Ter­ritories that it had therein, should lye al­ways upon the catch to regain them, and be continually stirring upon that account, to disturb the publick Peace; and that therefore he would by consequent do well to think of making his accommodation with that Crown.

Though the Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg had no great ground to rely upon their Negotiations, and that they plainly saw that the Conditions of Peace depended absolutely on the pleasure of the French King, yet they left no­thing undone at Nimueguen, which they judged necessary to maintain their Preten­sions. The Ambassador of Brandenbourg perceiving that the Declaration made by the French the 24th, threatned his Electo­ral Highness with the loss of Leipstadt, and the reimbursement of the charges of the War, if within the Month of March he concluded not the Peace, made on the 26. a kind of citation to the Ambassadors of the Princes, who had made their Peace with France, that he might let them see the ob­ligation they stood in of warranting the Leagues which his Electoral Highness had made with them upon occasion of the pre­sent War.

All these Declarations were conceived almost in the same terms; but in that which that Ambassador gave to the Spaniards, he said that the rigour which the French King shewed towards his Electoral Highness, was an effect of the separate Treaties that some of the Confederates had made with France, to the prejudice of his Master; and he de­clared, that before he could answer the French Ambassadors, it was necessary he should know how his Catholick Ma­jesty pretended to discharge himself of the engagement he had made with his Master by the 14 and 24 Articles of their League, whereby the King of Spain was not only to procure Peace to his Electoral Highness, but also to indemnifie him as to the losses that he might suffer in the Countrey of Cleves. And seeing the term prescribed to his Master by France was very short, he prayed the Spanish Ambassadors, with all expedition to inform him of his Catholick Majesties intention as to the performance of those two Articles, that he might ac­cordingly make his answer to the Declara­tion of his most Christian Majesty.

These formalities were no real advances towards the Peace. The Ambassadors of the North still flattered themselves with the hopes, that the ratification of the Em­perors [Page 232]Peace might meet with such obsta­cles in the Dyet at Ratisbonne, as might change the face of affairs. Nevertheless that Dyet was of a quite contrary disposi­tion, and nothing but the interests of the Duke of Lorrain retarded that ratification on the Emperors part.

I must here call to mind what I menti­oned before, that the French King having granted five different Plenary Commissions, for treating with the five principal Confe­derates that were engaged in War against his Majesty, he would give no particular one for treating with the Duke of Lorrain, (though all the Confederates had sollicited it by means of the Mediators); and there­fore that Prince having been obliged to list himself under some one or other of the Con­federates, committed his concerns to the care of the Ambassadors of the Emperor, who in the Treaty that was concluded be­twixt the Emperor and France, having sti­pulated for his pretensions, it was the Em­perors part to procure the ratification of the Articles that concerned the Duke of Lorrain.

March 1679. Nevertheless the Impe­rial Ambassadors declared on the 12th of March, That the Conditions which con­cerned [Page 233]that Prince, were so hard, that if France would not mitigate them, and make them more acceptable, they must be can­celled out of the Treaty, or declared to be held as not comprehended therein, see­ing the Emperor could not procure them to be ratified, nor by consequent promise to do it. The French Ambassadors made answer, That their Kings ratification which they had in custody, being simple and un­conditionated, that of the Emperor be­hoved to be so too; so that the Duke of Lorrain found by experience, that into whose hands soever he committed his In­Interests, he was not to hope for so advan­tageous Conditions, as he might have ob­tained from the French King, if he had wholly referred himself to his Majesty.

The Ambassador of Brandenbourg made the answer of the other Ambassadors a pre­text for his delaying to give a return to the Declaration of the French, until such time as he might have orders from the Elector his Master: So that although he made an­swer on the 11, yet he declared that it was only in expectation of instructions, that no advantage might be drawn from his silence. But as he would not directly complain of France, he imputed to Sueden all the cause of the severity which he found in the [Page 234]Declaration of the 24th of February.

This Ambassador said, that such a kind of Declaration could not have been made, but at the instance of Sueden; that his Electoral Highness would be much sur­prized, to find that that Crown charged him with unwillingness to accept of rea­sonable Propositions of Peace, seeing the Suedish Ambassadors could not deny, but that it was themselves who refused to an­swer to the Projects of Peace, which he gave in to Sir Lionel Jenkins, the English Mediator, by express Orders from his Ma­ster; that, moreover, he did not believe that it was the intention of the French Am­bassadors, to make it be thought that the satisfaction which his Electoral Highness pretended, did offer violence to the Trea­ties of Westphalia, nor that what Sueden possessed in the Empire was become unalie­nable, as if the States and Territories of the Empire could not pass from one to another of its Members, without violating of those Treaties: that upon that ground only his most Christian Majesty had con­cluded Peace with the Princes of the house of Brunswick, who retained some part of that which Sueden heretofore possessed in the Empire, and that the Elector his Ma­ster might with much more justice pretend [Page 235]to a satisfaction of the same nature. He furthermore added, That his Electoral Highness would be amazed to understand that the French should pretend to make him pay the charges of the War, and much more to dipossess him of Leipstadt with­out any formality, contrary to the Consti­tutions of the Empire, and the very Trea­ties of Westphalia; and that with so much the less reason, that the Count of Lippe, to whom the half of Leipstadt belonged, had not the least quarrel with Sueden.

All who, were less concerned than France in the restauration of Sueden; and the Me­diators themselves said openly, That the too great obstinacy with which that Crown pretended to the intire restitution of all that it had lost during this War, would be an insuperable obstacle to the peace. That it was not to be expected that Sueden would make too much haste to end the War, since the Eight hundred thousand Crowns of Subsidy which that King had from France, were better to him than the Revenues of Pomerania, and all that he possessed in Ger­many. That if the French King did not by his Power make the peace of Sueden, that Crown would never make the least ad­vance towards it, especially so long as it was so well supported by the men and money of France.

In the mean while the French Ambassa­dors having seen the Answer that the Da­nish Ambassador made, thought fit to reply to it on the 14th. saying, That the French King's design being to make the peace of the Empire universal, his Majesty had stipu­lated in the Treaty, that he should employ all his Offices with the King of Sueden, and the Emperor the like with his Confede­rates, to incline them to consent to a truce for better carrying on of the peace. That the Suedish Ambassadors were the first that consented to it, even by the Treaty, whilst that those of Denmark and Brandenbourg were so far from condescending to what had been stipulated for them, that on the contrary they had protested against the Treaty, and used still all their endeavours to incline the Empire to prefer the conti­nuation of the War before the ratification of the peace.

The French Ambassadors subjoined, That it was this procedure of the Confederates which had given occasion to his Majesty of taking more efficacious measures for ob­taining of a general peace with as much ex­pedition as the good of the people requi­red, and therefore for making the Decla­ration of the 24th of February, which was so much the more reasonable in the preten­sions [Page 237]it contained, in that all equity allow­ed that those who share most in the incon­veniences of War, should make likewise the greatest advantages of it.

The Elector of Cologn, with whom peace was made, was at present most exposed to the passage of Forces; and his most Chri­stian Majesty not desiring to make advan­tage of his Armies to the prejudice of the Empire, was willing thereby to gratifie that Prince of all the rest, to whom the conti­nuation of a War, which the obstinacy a­lone of the Elector of Brandenbourg en­tertained still in the Empire, was most pre­judicial. At length the French Ambassa­dors declared that they would never con­sent to any proposition, unless the re-esta­blishment of the Treaties of Westphalia was fully admitted.

All men were of opinion, that the ces­sation of Arms mentioned in the Treaty of Peace betwixt the Empire and France, was the most proper means of compassing the Peace of the North. And therefore the Ambassador of Brandenbourg finding that the French charged him in their Reply, with refusing to accept of that Cessation, and that at the same time they declared that they could not admit of any propo­sition which was not grounded on the Trea­ties [Page 238]of Westphalia, thought himself obliged without further delay to make an Answer, which he did the 16th.

He said, That if by a repugnancy which is common on such occasions, he had dis­approved what the Imperial Ambassadors had concluded with France to the preju­dice of his Master, it could not be inferred from thence, that he was unwilling to ac­cept the cessation of Arms, seeing he had made known to the French Ambassadors, by the English Mediators, that he was rea­dy to conclude it upon reasonable conditi­ons. That as the King of Denmark and Elector of Brandenbourg had cause to be very well satisfied with the Mediators; so their Ambassadors ought not, without ex­press Orders, to have the same respect for the offers of the Imperial Ambassadors, that those of Sueden ought to have for the care that the French Ambassadors took of the concerns of that Crown; and so much the rather, because that if in this juncture France particularly performed the Articles of the League betwixt it and Sueden, it was manifest that the Emperor did violate that which was contracted betwixt him and the Princes whom he abandoned.

The Ambassador added, That the Ele­ctor his Master had only engaged in the [Page 239]War, to maintain the Peace of Westphalia, against the Invasion of Sueden: That his Electoral Highness was willing to have con­tributed what he could to the preservation of that Peace in its full force; but that since it was the intent of the same Peace, that those who should break it, to the pre­judice of those that are comprehended therein, should make reparation, accord­ing to the sentence of the Emperor and Empire; there was nothing more just, than to put in execution the Decree which the Emperor and Empire had given against Sueden in the present case; and that it was far greater obstinacy to refuse that which was reasonable, than to pretend to what was lawfully ones due.

The Mediators in the mean time, and the Ambassadors of all the Princes, who had made their Peace, perceiving that the Month of March, which the French King allowed as the longest delay to the Elector of Brandenbourg, was drilled on in debates and disputes in Writing, without any seri­ous application to the promoting of the Peace, solicited the French Ambassadors to consent to a cessation of Arms, during all the following Month, not doubting but in that time all the difficulties that hindered the conclusion of the general [Page 240]Peace might at length be removed.

These solicitations made the French Am­bassadors declare to the Mediators, on the 26. that in compliance with the Instances that had been made to them, both by them, and the Bishop of Gurck, in name of the Ambassadors of Denmark and Bran­denbourg, for a suspension of Arms until the first of May, they consented in name of the King their Master, and his Allies, to a cessation during the whole Month of A­pril, provided the same Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg accepted of it without delay, saying, it was neither the fault of them, nor of their Allies, that that Truce was not granted at the time that they signed the Peace with the Empe­ror, according to the offers that were made then; but that it was the protestations of the Ambassadors of Denmark and Branden­bourg only which was the cause it did not then take effect.

The French Ambassadors declared to the Mediators at the same time, that they had not only received the ratification of the Peace, which they had signed with the Im­perial Ambassadors the 5th of February; but that also his most Christian Majesty de­siring to see that Peace with all expedition accomplished for the repose of the Empire, [Page 241]he had sent them a commission for the ful­filling of the Treaty; so that since it was not his fault that the Empire did not in­stantly reap the fruits of so desired a Peace, if it happened that the ratification of the Emperor should not be exchanged within the time prescribed by the Treaty, they demanded from that instant in name of the King, that the demolition of Philipsbourg, and the surrender of all Bri [...]gow might be granted to his Majesty, and added to the Treaty▪ for satisfaction of the charges that he was obliged to be at. And as to the Duke of Lorrain, that if that Prince did not in the same time fully and plainly rati­fie all that the Imperial Ambassadors had stipulated for him; his Majesty in that case held himself acquitted from all the condi­tions that he had granted to him.

The circumstance which the French Am­bassadors added to their declaration, of the Instances which they said were made to them by the Bishop of Gurck in the name of the Ambassadors of Denmark and Branden­bourg, so sensibly touched those two Am­bassadors, that, thinking their Honour thereby much offended, they took a great deal of pains to make the contrary appear, by long answers which they made on that subject on the eighteenth; affirming that [Page 242]they had never neither desired nor rejected the cessation of Arms: but nevertheless, that they might omit nothing that might in any probability tend to the promoting of the Peace, they accepted the Truce upon such conditions as should on both sides be agreed upon.

Never were any Ambassadors more fond of Writing than those of Denmark and Brandenbourg; their debates had already occasioned as many publick Writings du­ring the Month of March alone, as had been made during the negotiation of all the other Treaties put together. In the mean time the French Ambassadors, that they might give these Ambassadors all the satisfaction that they could desire upon so nice a point, declared on the Nineteenth,

That since the Ambassadors of Denmark and Brandenbourg thought themselves wronged, in that they could be suspected to have demanded or desired a cessation of Arms, they consented that the Mediators might give them a publick Act thereupon, to be joyned to the protestations which they had made against the peace of the Em­pire; whilst that they on the contrary, be­ing perswaded that all the proceedings of the King their Master for the advancement of the general Peace, in a time when he [Page 243]was in a condition to continue the War with advantage, argued great glory to his Majesty: They still offered the cessation on the same conditions which they propo­sed to the English Mediators, without dero­gating, in the mean time, from their De­claration of the 24th of February, in case that the Peace was not signed in the Month of March, and that they accepted not the Truce: But that if they consented to it for the whole Month of April, it was his Majesties will, that during all that Month, the King of Denmark and Elector of Bran­denbourg might have liberty to conclude the Peace, without requiring the new Conditions that had been demanded of them.

At length, after so many debates and proceedings to no great purpose, the Trea­ty of cessation was signed at Nimueguen the last of March, to continue till the first of May, and was exchanged both in name of his most Christian Majesty and King of Sweden, betwixt the French Ambassadors on the one part, and those of Denmark and Brandenbourg on the other. But seeing, that before the signing of that Treaty, the French Intendant had caused Contributions to be demanded from the Country of Cleves on the other side of the Raine, and that [Page 244]the French Ambassadors could not promise that they should not be pretended, not­withstanding the conclusion of the cessati­on, the same Ambassadors consented by a publick Act, that the Dutch Ambassadors should pass their word for them; that they should Write about it to the King, that they might know his intentions, and that in the mean time no hostile execution should be made during the space of Fifteen days; after which, if his Majesty thought good that these Contributions should be exacted, they engaged to give the Inhabi­tants of the Countrey Three days more, to take such measures in as they should think fit.

The Truce that was now signed, instead of advancing the negotiation, on the con­trary stopped the course thereof during all the time that it lasted; because the French Ambassadors sticking to their Declarations, there was no more to be said: So that the Two Princes that remained still in War, Judged it more convenient to negotiate their Peace with the King himself, than at Nimueguen, not doubting but that they might promise themselves some advantage to their interests from Treating rather with a great Prince, than being too headstrong in defending the same at Nimueguen, by a [Page 245]long train of proceedings, from which they had no great cause to expect a happy con­clusion.

The Elector of Brandenbourg had for that effect, already sent M. Meinders to the French Court; and his Danish Majesty or­dered M. de Mayerkron his Envoy to the States General, to go immediately and wait upon the King. In the mean time, a great part of Europe was allarmed at the Fleet which the most Christian King was setting out to Sea: Italy, and particularly the Re­publick of Genoa were much startled there­at. Denmark feared a descent in the Coun­trey of Holstein; and the Parliament of England, (where there happened such commotions, that the Duke of York was obliged to depart out of the Kingdom) conceived some Jealousies at the French Na­val preparations.

In the mean while the Ambassadors of Sweden having by two several Couriers, and contrary ways, sent to the King their Master the Treaty of Peace which they had signed with the Emperor, that by that means, notwithstanding the severity of the Danes concerning free passage, they might receive the ratification in time; these two Couriers arrived at Nimueguen from several places the 17th and 18th, with the ratifi­cation [Page 246]in good form; But his Swedish Ma­jesty refused to confirm the Treaty, which was concluded with the Princes of Bruns­wick; because they thought in Sweden that they had yielded to them a great deal too much, and the rather, that the most Chri­stian King indemnified all these Princes at his proper charges.

About the same time the President Ca­non, Plenipotentiary from the Duke of Lor­rain, renewed his instances with the French Ambassadors, that he might obtain some moderation of the conditions that had been stipulated for his Master. The Impe­rial Ambassadors did also the like, but with­out any success: So that they thought it enough to declare that his Imperial Majesty pretended to be no longer obliged by the Articles that concerned that Prince, by which his most Christian Majesty had de­clared himself obliged, and they demand­ed that that Peace might be deferred until another time; in so much that the Imperi­alists being unwilling that the time menti­oned in the Treaty should expire, without exchanging the ratifications, because of the pretensions made by the French in their last declaration of the 26th past, they resolved to make the exchange the 19th of April.

April 1679, There arose an unexpected difficulty concerning the exchange of the ratifications; for the Mediators who had not signed the Peace, would not take it up­on them: The Nuncio likewise excused himself from doing it, because he had pro­tested against the same Peace, in respect it was concluded in conformity to the Trea­ties of Westphalia, against which Rome had then protested, because of the revenues of the Church, which they were then obliged to secularise and yield up to Protestants, without which it had been impossible to have procured Peace to Germany. So that the expedient that was found out, was to make the exchange of the ratifications by the hands of Secretaries, who were reci­procally sent on both sides. And seeing the ratifications of Sweden were happily arrived the day before, they were exchan­ged in the same manner; so that that was a day of Ratifications: The Ratifications of the Treaty of Peace concluded betwixt France and the Bishop of Munster being the same day exchanged.

On the 20th the Envoy of Lorrain pro­tested to the Mediators, that the Duke his Master pretended not to be obliged by the Articles stipulated for him in the Treaty of the Empire; and Eight days after declared [Page 248]to the same Mediators, that though his Highness of Lorrain thought it not conve­nient to accept nor ratifie the Articles that concerned him, yet it was not his intention to continue, nor to be reckoned an enemy of France, nor of his most Christian Ma­jesty, whose humble Servant he protested he was; the same Declaration was by the same Envoy made to the French Ambassa­dors; telling them moreover, that he did it by express order from his Master, and not in compliment.

In the mean time the French Forces that were in the Countrey of Cleves and Juliers seeing the time of the Truce expired, and having no advice given them, that there was appearance that the Elector of Bran­denbourg would conclude his Peace upon the conditions demanded by the French King, put themselves in a condition the first of May, 1679, to pass the Rhine, over which they had made a Bridge at Ording­ [...]en. General Spaen who commanded the Brandenbourg Forces, seemed as if he would oppose their passage with what Soldiers and Trained-bands he had on the other side of that River; but he soon retreated, when he understood that the French Army had passed it on flying Bridges above and be­low Augerorts at the meeting of the Auger [Page 249]and Rhine: So that the shortest expedient that that General and the Ambassador of his Electoral Highness could find, to secure, as much as was possible, the Countreys into which the French Forces were about to enter, was to procure a conference at San­then with M. Colbert, that they might en­deavour to get the Truce prolonged.

Santhen is a little Town three Leagues from Wesel, whether Monsieur Blaspiel and General Spaen went: Monsieur Colbert came there the Third of the Month, and Mon­sieur Calvo who commanded the French Forces, was ordered to be present, to the end that according to the success of that negotiation, he might desist, or pursue the enterprises that he was in condition to make: And therefore since they were straitened by time, and that the Gene­rals could not leave their Quarters, this place was chosen as not being far distant, for holding of that conference, wherein the very same day the Treaty of Truce which was signed at Nimueguen, until the first of May, was prolonged for Fifteen days, to begin next day the Fourth of the Month; which lengthened the cessation of Arms until the 19th, the King being un­willing to grant a longer time, that he might sooner hasten the Peace, and not [Page 250]leave so many people in an uncertainty of a thing they so much desired.

The chief cenditions that M. Colbert ob­tained for the prolongation of the Truce, were, that as a proof of the sincerity where­with the Elector intended to act with his most Christian Majesty, General Spaen put Wesel and Lipstadt into his hands, to be kept by him until the Peace betwixt his Ma­jesty and his Allies on the one part, and his Electoral Highness on the other, should be signed and ratified. These Conditions seem­ed the stranger, in that the Elector of Bran­denbourg made no great difficulty in grant­ing of them, offering even to put Schin­kenscance into his Majesties hands, who re­fused it, that he might not any ways allarm the States General, to whom, by the Count D'Avaux his extraordinary Ambassador, he gave that testimony of his good will.

It was not easie to be conceived what could be the policy of the Elector of Bran­denbourg, in willingly delivering up those places; if he desired the Peace in good ear­nest, as it was probable, since he thereby put himself in greater need of concluding it, what advantage did he find in exposing his Countrey to ruine, for some few weeks de­lay in the conclusion of the Treaty? Or if he had a design to defend himself, and that [Page 251]he hoped he was able to resist a powerful Army, he might have begun by Wesel, which was a strong place, and wherein he had a good Carison that might have afforded his Enemies business upon their entry into his Countrey.

It was thought that the Elector of Bran­denbourg perceived very well that he could not hold out long; and that he knew that if the French entered by force, not only that whole Countrey would be utterly ru­ined, but that likewise there would be so great a consternation throughout all his o­ther Territories, that it would be hard for him to secure any of them; that upon these considerations he had yielded up those pla­ces, that he might the better preserve them; and the rather that with the Forces he drew out of Wesel and Lipstadt, he would be in a condition of making a vigorous resistance at Minden, and to obtain from France more advantageous conditions than those which he could not as yet resolve to embrace: but before experience made appear how little security there was in that choice, it was not very hard to foresee that the Elector of Brandenbourg was not like to find great ad­vantage thereby.

About this time, the Mareshal D' E­strades having got leave from the King his [Page 252]Master to leave Nimueguen, parted from thence with his whole Family on the Fifth, and M. Colbert, to whom alone the King referred what remained of the negotiation at Nimueguen, signed the same day the pro­longation of the Truce with the Ambassa­dor of Denmark, upon the same conditions that were agreed upon at Santhen with the Ambassador of Brandenbourg, except the Article concerning the places which were to be delivered up to his Majesty.

M. Meinders finding no success in his Negotiation with his most Christian Maje­sty, having parted from the French Court upon his return to the Elector his Master, that he might receive from him more ample instructions, and a larger commission, re­turned at that time to Nimueguen, where on the morrow the 11th of the Month, he had a long conference with M. Colbert, which made it hoped that the Peace of Brandenbourg would be speedily concluded; but a few days after, M. Meinders took his Journey back to Paris.

The Emperor in the mean time gave no orders to his Ambassadors concerning the fulfilling of the Treaty of the Empire; which occasioned great complaining a­mongst all the people of the Countries that were possessed by the French; seeing that [Page 253]far from enjoying the fruit of Peace, they found themselves on the contrary almost undone by the vast contributions which they payed for maintanance of the French Forces; they carried their grievances even to the Mediators at Nimueguen, and the Nuncio having reported them to M. Colbert by a Memoir that he gave him the 14th, that Ambassador offered to cause the French Forces to draw out of the posts which they possessed, provided that the Emperor would evacuate the places which his Army held in the Empire, according to the intent of the 27. Article of the Treaty of Peace.

At that time the Princes of Brunswick sollicited the Mediators, the Ambassadors of the Empire, and of France, that the Trea­ty which they had made with France and Sueden, might be declared to make a part of the Treaty concluded at Nimueguen be­twixt the Emperor and those two Crowns. The Imperial Ambassadors were for com­mitting the affair to Vienna; but M. Col­bert gave those Princes on the Kings part an Act of inclusion into the Treaty of the Empire.

The Elector of Brandenbourg found now that he gained nothing by delaying to ac­cept the Conditions which the French had long ago proposed to him; for the Forces [Page 254]that fell into his Countrey of the Marck, put him to a stand; and those whom he had led into Prussia against the Suedes, suffered much, and were ruined by the long Mar­ches which he caused them to make that they might come and defend Minden. And therefore his Electoral Highness, that he might omit nothing that would tend to his advantage, resolved to Write to the French King, and to try if he could obtain from his Majesties generosity, what he could not hope for by any other means.

I thought fit here to insert that Letter at length, because I found it would be diffi­cult to express the force of so fine a Letter by way of abstract; besides, unless I gave the exact Copy of it, it might probably be hard to be believed that agreat Prince, such as the Elector of Brandenbourg, would write with so much respect and submission to his Majesty.

The Letter from the Elector of Brandenbourg to the French King.

My Lord,

IT is impossible but that your Majesty, according to the great wisdom where­with [Page 255]with God has endowed you, does easily per­ceive the moderation and justice of my pretensions: and it being so, that you must offer violence to that Generosity and Greatness of Soul which is natural to your Majesty, in forcing me to conditions of peace that are not only injurious to me, but ignominious also. God, who is just, seeing the righteousness of my Cause, hath prospered my Arms with the conquest of all Pomerania; and your Majesty makes me give back the greatest part of it, which I put into your hands that I may preserve the rest, which is but a small matter in re­spect of what I have gained with the loss of my blood and the ruine of my subjects. Is it not then just, my Lord, that since your Majesty obliges me to part from so great and fair Cities, and so much of my Enemies Countrey, you should likewise oblige the Suedes to leave me the rest; and that your Majesty having so far concern­ed your self for the party that had no right to demand any thing, should con­cern your self also for him who had right to keep all, but yet yields the greatest part meerly in condsieration of your Majesty? I am informed that your Ministers object to me the Interest of your Glory and Ho­nour; and know that that is a powerful [Page 256]motive to animate a great soul to under­takings: But suffer me to put you in mind, That Justice is the source and rule of Glory; and that I having that on my side, it is far greater and more solid glory to support a just and moderate pretension, than to favour one that is nothing less. And certainly could your Majesty but hear the discourse of all Europe, and weigh it with the reasons that Interest suggests to you from my Enemies, I am confident you would instantly decide in my favours, and so prevent the judgment of disinterested posterity. Withall, my Lord, I am very sensible that the Match is too unequal betwixt your Majesties Forces and mine, and that I am unable to resist a King who alone hath carried the burden of a War against the greatest Pow­ers of Europe, and hath with so much glory and success gone through with it: But can your Majesty find any advantage in the ruine of a Prince who is so desirous to serve you; and who being preserved, may contribute more to your service than a bare willingness? Your Majesty will, certainly, be the first that will regret my ruine, since you cannot easily find in all the world besides, one who is more really and with greater respect and zeal than my self, Your Majesties, &c.

The Duke of Lorrain also, who was not willing to neglect any thing that might give the French King fresh evidences of his de­sire to merit the favour of his Majesty, was not satisfied with the assurances which he had already caused to be given to him, but likewise got the Mediators to declare to M. Colbert, That the Emperor had taken into his service all the Lorrain forces; and in the publick Declaration which he made at Nimueguen, he said that he had delivered his Forces to a Prince at peace with France, that he might make appear to the King, that though he was expelled his own Domini­ons, yet he would do nothing that might give his Majesty ground to deprive him of the honour of his favour.

There was no appearance in the mean time that Germany would so soon taste of the fruit of the Peace, because there was no forwardness shew'd for the fulfilling of the Treaty: for though the accomplish­ment of it was very necessary for the ease of a great many Provinces of the Empire; yet the Imperial Ambassadors testified no great sollicitude for attaining to so desired an end. But M. Colbert having by the Me­diators acquainted them with the commissi­on that he had received from the King his Master to act alone as to the executing of [Page 258]the Treaties, they agreed to meet on the 22. at the Town-Hall of Nimueguen, in presence of Sir Lionel Jenkins Mediator. That Conference lasted four hours, but without any agreement. As to the expli­cation of the 27. Article of the Treaty of Peace, the Imperialists said that they were ready to remove their Forces from the places they possessed, so soon as they were required to do it by the States of the Em­pire. But the French Ambassador main­tained that the Emperor ought to remove them without any requisition, seeing that Article was absolute, and without conditi­on, equally obliging both parties fairly to evacuate all the places which they possess­ed, within a Month after the exchange of the Ratifications, without further delay.

The King of Denmark's Resolution of treating his Peace with the King himself, put an end to the Negotiation of the Am­bassador of that Court at Nimueguen. Ne­vertheless Monsieur de Meyerkron was not at first favourably accepted of his Majesty, who refused to receive the King of Den­mark's Letter, because in that Letter he gave him not the title of Majesty, though that retarded not long the Negotiation. The King approved of the measures that were taken of treating the Peace of the North [Page 259]in Schonen. And M. Heugh, Ambassador from his Danish Majesty at Nimueguen, ac­quainted M. Colbert on the 26. with the Conference that was to be held at Louden, where M. de Feuquieres, Ambassador from his Most Christian Majesty in Sueden, was to meet the Minister of the King of Denmark. The Suedish Ratification of the Treaty of Peace betwixt that Crown and the Bishop of Munster, was at that time brought to Nimueguen; but it was not as yet exchan­ged, because of some difficulties that were found in the Treaty which was signed the 22. of March.

The French Forces began already to spread in the Marck of Brandenbourg, and there came daily new Troops to Wesel, to encrease the Army which the Mareshal de Crequi was to command; Equipage, Artil­lery, and all necessary Ammunition, were continually brought; and the French used the greater diligence to put themselves in a condition of making some enterprise, be­cause M. Meinders was not at all urgent in his Negotiation with the King. He spake but indifferently as to that concern, and said that the Elector his Master could not make peace, if Stetin, and the countrey beyond the Oder, were not given up to him.

Most of the Princes of Germany offered their offices for the promoting of that Peace. The Elector of Saxony offered his Mediation; but the Letter which he wrote to the French King upon that subject, ha­ving been given by M. de Blasper to M Col­bert to be sent to his Majesty, that Ambas­sador refused to do it, seeing the Elector of Brandenbourg had a Minister at Court, who might discharge that office. The Princes of Brunswick made also some instances in fa­vour also of his Electoral Highness, that they might procure a delay in the Military executions, seeming to be persuaded that that peace would not fail to give the King all kind of satisfaction.

It was nevertheless a rare thing to see that it behoved the French Ambassadors to press the Imperialists to consent to the easing of the Empire by consummating of the peace. For this end M. Colbert thought a second Conference necessary; in which the Impe­rialists would not maintain the reasons which they had alledged in the former, without palpable prevarication. He there­fore on the second of June 1679. proposed to the Mediators, that they would bring a­bout that Conferenee, in which it would be convenient that all the Ministers of the Prinees of the Empire at Nimueguen, might [Page 261]be present, to the end it might appear whe­ther the Emperor or French King were the cause of the delay of that performance on which the repose of so many people de­pended. But the Emperors Ambassadors thinking that a Conference in presence of the Ministers of the Princes of the Empire would injure the Authority of his Imperi­al Majesty, absolutely refused it, saying that the Decree which they had from the Dyet at Ratisbon, sufficiently authorised the Em­peror to act as his Imperial Majesty should think fitting touching the concerns of the Peace and present War.

At that time the Minister of the Elector of Cologn presented a Memoir to the Media­tors, demanding that Bonne might be evacu­ated by the Imperial Garison; and at the same time published the Resolution which the Dyet at Ratisbon had taken the 22. of the foregoing Month, whereby the Empe­ror was entreated to command that the pla­ces in the Empire possessed by the Imperial Troops might be evacuated, so that the Im­perialins could not refuse a second Confer­ence upon that occasion at the Town-hall. But for all that, it was not possible to bring them to condescend to the evacuation of the places; pretending that they had not as yet had any advice of that result of the [Page 262]Dyet of the Empire. Nevertheless in regard of the instance that had been made by the Minister of the Elector of Cologn, they of­fered to draw all the Forces out of his Countrey, provided that the French drew theirs out of the Countreys of Liege and Juliers.

M. Colbert could not condescend to that Proposition; but he offered to maintain with all exactness at the Kings charges, the Garisons of the places which his Majesty had reserved in the Empire, to be employed for procuring of the Peace of the North, and the satisfaction of Sueden. The Impe­rial Ambassadors answered, That his most Christian Majesty was obliged to do that from the very day that the Ratifications of the Peace were exchanged: And so that second Conference had no better success than the former.

That which most vexed the Imperialists, was, that they could not obtain by the Peace, that the French King should restore the Ten Towns of Alsatia into the conditi­on they were in before the War; that his Majesty should draw out his Garisons, and not possess them as belonging to him in pro­priety: And therefore, seeing that stuck extreamly in their heart, they intended when they made the Treaty for consumma­ting [Page 263]the Peace, to have comprehended those Ten Towns amongst the places which France ought to evacuate; and in prospect of that, they put them into the List which at that time they gave of the places of the Empire, from whence the King was to re­move his Forces. M. Colbert answered in general, that his Majesty was ready to draw out his Garisons from all the places which they held in the Empire, excepting those that were made over to France by the Trea­ties of Munster and Nimueguen.

That Answer gave no ground to the Im­perialists to hope that they might obtain by that Negotiation, what they could not gain by the Treaty of Peace, though they al­ledged that the Treaty of Munster was not so express concerning the Cession of the Ten Towns of Alsatia, but that an Article of the same Treaty seemed to contradict what was clearly explained in another place con­cerning that Cession. But the Imperialists at length waving that pretension, declared on the 15th, that they consented that France should evacuate all those places which their Forces held in the Empire, ex­cepting those that had been yielded to them by the Treaties of Munster and Nimueguen; and that on their part they were ready to evacuate, not only Bonne, but also Treves [Page 264]and Keyserflatern, in compliance with the instances that were made to that effect by the Electors of Cologne, Treves, and the Pa­latin; but that for the other places of the Empire, they still expected the resolution of the Diet of Ratisbone, affirming that they doubted not but that the Emperor would comply with the desire of the States of the Empire.

That Answer being by the Mediators communicated to M. Colbert on the 16th, that Ambassador saw so little disposition on the part of the Imperialists to a sincere per­formance of the 27th Article of the Trea­ty of Peace, that he held to the last decla­ration which he had made, in respect that the Emperor, who was much more concern­ed than France to make that evacuation, ought likewise to be more inclined to it, to the end that some difficulties which appa­rently had no other scope but the Emperors particular advantage, might no longer re­tard the general ease of the States of the Empire.

The French Army was in the neighbor­hood of Minden, and began to straiten that place, where General Spaen pretended to make a vigorous resistance: But the Mareshal de Crequi made Monsieur Calvo pass the Weser on the 30th with a party of Horse [Page 265]and Foot, on a Bridge of Boats which he had caused to be made, whil'st he himself, with a Body of Horse, went to cross it at a Ford, which he passed, partly swimming under the Guns of a Castle, and in sight of the Enemies Trenches. The Castle was af­terward taken by the Foot commanded by the Marquess of Ʋxelles. At the same time the Mareshal de Crequi, who passed the Ri­ver only with an intent to oblige the Coun­trey to pay the Contributions which he had demanded, perceiving that General Spaen was come out of the Town with above Three thousand men, and some Field-pieces, to dispute the passage of the River, briskly attacqued and defeated that Party. Gene­ral Spaen was beat back to Minden with considerable loss of men killed, and above four hundred taken prisoners; so that the Elector of Brandenbourg had cause to be fully convinced, that nothing but a Peace could secure him from the miseries which the continuation of the War threatned.

This was the last action that put an end to so great a War; and if the Elector of Brandenbourg had hastened but a few days the Negotiation of the Peace which was signed at St. Germans the day before, the news had come in time to have saved a great many brave men, by preventing that Engagement.

The re-establishment of the Treaties of Westphalia, was the ground-work and chief Article of the peace of Brandenbourg, without any derogation from them, except that for avoiding the differences that arise commonly amongst Princes about the con­fusion of limits. Sueden yielded to the Ele­ctor of Brandenbourg the Territories which that King possessed beyond the Oder before the War, excepting the Towns of Dam and Golnau, with their dependencies; his Electoral Highness being in the mean time to retain possession of Golnau, until the Crown of Sueden should pay him the sum of fifty thousand Crowns.

The King of Sueden likewise gave up the half of the Tole and Customs which are raised at the Port of the Town of Colberg, and the other Ports of the Electoral Pome­rania, and which were granted by the Trea­ty of Stettin in the year 1653. But Sueden had still the Soveraignty of the River of Oder, the Elector of Brandenbourg having no power to settle any Tole there.

That Prince was not exempted from the clause which was common to all the other Princes who had made their peace with France; to wit, that he could not directly nor indirectly assist the King of Denmark his Ally, if he continued to make war [Page 267]against Sueden. But the French King as an effect of his good will, and for the good of the peace, promised by a separate Arti­cle to pay, or cause to be paid to the Ele­ctor the sum of Three hundred thousand crowns, in some manner to reimburse the charges he had been at during the course of the War.

There remained now no Negotiation of importance to be managed at Nimueguen, but that of the Treaty for fulfilling of the peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and France; for the Conferences that were on foot at Louden in Schonen, or rather the Negotiation that M. de Meyerkron had be­gun at the French Court, gave hopes that ere long the peace would be concluded be­twixt Sueden and Denmark. Upon design of hastning the conclusion of that peace, a considerable detachment of Cavalry com­manded by the Marquess of Joyense, march­ed through the Territories of the Elector of Brandenbourg, into the Counties of Ol­denbourg and Delmenhurst, and put all that Countrey under contribution.

The Count D' Espense passed at that time through Nimueguen, going with the Trea­ty to the Elector of Brandenbourg; and though that peace was signed at St. Ger­mans, yet the Ratifications of it were ex­changed [Page 268]at Nimueguen the 22. of July 1679. so that nothing now detained M. Colbert at Nimueguen, but the concluding with the Imperialists the Treaty for fulfilling the peace. Yet he found them not as yet dispo­sed to end that business quickly, though the conclusion of it was so necessary for the welfare and repose of the Empire, that without the same, the peace was of no use at all to it.

Matters standing thus, M. Colbert thought that it behoved him to put a little more heat into the Imperialists than he perceiv­ed there was, and to bring them to his hand by all ways imaginable. He found none more proper nor more natural, than to feign a sudden departure, for which he said he had received Orders; and in that design he sent away a good part of his Equipage and Servants. The Imperial Am­bassadors made no doubt but that he had such Orders as he said; and the Nuncio be­stirred himself with the zeal of a true Me­diator, in solliciting the Imperialists, to the end that so many people ruined by the mi­series of War, might not be longer with­out tasting the fruit of peace.

These considerations at length prevailed with the Emperor's Ambassadors: for tho' they had been as stiff as to the conclusion [Page 269]of the Treaty of performance, as they had been in respect of that of the peace it self; yet they well perceived that the endea­vours which they had heretofore used for explaining in their favour in the Treaty of Nimueguen, what they found advantageous for France in the Treaty of Munster, hav­ing only tended to confirm the French pre­tensions as to the Soveraignty of the ten Towns of Alsatia, they might likewise be assured that they lost time in pretending to gain by the Treaty of Performance, more than they could by the Treaty of Peace; so that seeing M. Colbert had prefixed a day for his departure, they consented to sign the Treaty, rather than to leave so great a work imperfect.

By that Treaty which was signed the 17. the evacuation was on both sides to be made the 20th of August, from all places in general, which by the Treaties of Westpha­lia and Nimueguen belonged neither to his Imperial Majesty nor to the French King, excepting eight places mentioned in the 8th Article of the Treaty of Peace signed at Nimueguen the 5th of February, which the King was to possess in the Empire un­til the conclusion of the peace of the North.

Seeing this Treaty was to take effect without any need of giving or exchanging of Ratifications; it was no sooner signed, but that M. Colbert left Nimueguen that he might return to France by the way of Hol­land: So that now it may be said that the Assembly at Nimueguen ended, since the chief party left it, and that there was no more to be treated there. Nevertheless the Mediators, part of the Imperialists and Spa­niards, the Ambassadors of Sueden and of the States General, made a little longer stay at Nimueguen, there to sign the Treaties betwixt Spain and Sueden, Sueden, and the States General. And the Nuncio intending to stay until the end, that he might give proofs of the sincerity of the intentions which he brought to that Assembly, was also one of the last that departed.

Since all the Princes, who had still some concerns to be adjusted, were comprehend­ed in the Treaties which France had con­cluded with the principal parties, and by consequent all hostilities amongst them ceas­ed; the greatest difficulties that remained to be determined, were about the Com­merce of Sueden and the States General.

The Peace betwixt Spain and Sueden was easie to be concluded, seeing that in that Negotiation there was no new interest to [Page 271]be managed betwixt those Two Crowns: Neither was there any need of a Treaty for that Peace, only some Conditions were agreed upon, under which it was to be published in the Countries of the Spanish Dominion, and those that depend on Sueden.

The greatest perplexity that happened in that affair proceeded from this, that Sir Lionel Jenkins the Mediator, and the Ambassadors of Sueden had not, no more than the French, for the Reasons I mentioned before, seen the Marquess de la Fuente the Spanish am­bassador; so that since the Mediator could not directly mediate betwixt that Ambassa­dor of Spain and those of Sueden, the Ne­gotiation on the part of Spain; behoved to be managed betwixt Sir Lionel Jenkins and the Marquess de la Fuente by the mediation of the Imperial Ambassadors; by this means, and by the great care that the Lord Ambas­sador Jenkins took in that Affair, the parties agreed upon a form for the re-establishment and publication of the Peace betwixt the Two Crowns of Spain and Sueden; and the mutual Acts of acceptation being reci­procally interchanged, the form was sent to Spain and Sueden, to be signed by the Two Kings, and afterwards published at Madrid and Brussels, and at Stockholme and Riga in Livonia.

The substance of that formulary was, that the Declaration of War, which had been made some years ago, especially since the 17th of September of the foregoing year, betwixt the Kings of Sueden and Spain, should be reputed as never made; that his Catholick Majesty consented that the King of Sueden should be comprehended in the Treaty of Peace, which had been signed, and since ratified betwixt France and Spain; and then, that his Suedish Majesty approved that the King of Spain should in like man­ner be comprehended in the Treaty of Peace that had been signed and ratified be­twixt his Imperial Majesty, and the most Christian King; these Two Kings com­manding and declaring that a true, sincere and Christian Peace be renewed and setled betwixt them, their Kingdoms and Subjects, as fully as there had never been War nor any Hostility betwixt them.

The interest of Sueden and Holland, were attended with so many difficulties, that those Two Treaties of Peace and Commerce betwixt those Two Powers, were the last that were concluded at Nimueguen. So many obstacles and so hard to be surmount­ed were started concerning Navigation, that it would be tedious, and contrary to the design I proposed to my self in writing, [Page 273]if I should enlarge upon the particulars: I shall only hint at the principal points on which were founded the difficulties that lasted so long.

So soon as the Peace was signed betwixt France and the States-General, the Negotia­tion of another betwixt Sueden and the same States was begun. The most difficult point to be adjusted in the Negotiation of that peace, was the renewing of the Trea­ties of Alliance and Commerce which have been betwixt the two Nations. The Suedes insisted much upon the renewing of the Treaty of 1673; but it being made when the affairs of Holland were in a bad condition, and in hopes that the Suedes ha­ving undertaken to be the Mediators of the peace, would have no occasion to declare, as they did, for France: in prospect of that, the States-General scrupled not by that Treaty to grant great advantages to Sue­den; but they would not at all consent that it should be mentioned in the fourth Arti­cle of the Treaty of peace, wherein they only renewed those of 1640. 1645. 1646. and 1667.

Of seven and thirty Articles which com­pose the Treaty of Commerce and Navi­gation, there was hardly one which did not produce some difficulty. They had already, [Page 274]for almost the space of a whole year, la­boured in vain to surmount those obsta­cles; and therefore it was expected that at the Hague rather than Nimueguen, the prin­cipal points in debate would be more easily adjusted. With these hopes M. Oliverkrans went in the Month of May to the Hague; and the States-General having named Com­missioners to treat with that Ambassador, they met at the House of the Count D' Avaux, who in that juncture performed the Office of Mediator. Besides, the particular interest that the Town of Amsterdam and some other Towns of Holland, have in the commerce with Sueden, requiring more ex­act informations as to every particular dif­ficulty; it was reasonably hoped, that that affair would be more easily determined at the Hague than at Nimueguen.

They had many conferences upon that subject. The States demanded a diminuti­on of the impositions that Sueden had laid upon bulky commodities, especially since the Treaty that Sueden made with the States in 1640. These commodities are such as are of a great bulk and small price, as Stone and Marble, Hemp, Wax, Pitch, Tar, Pot­ashes, Corn and Timber. But the States wa­ved the three first sort of bulky Commo­dities; and the Ambassador of Sueden after [Page 275]much repugnancy in two conferences suc­cessively, consented at length that the four other sorts of bulky commodities should be regulated according to the Rates of 1659. which neverthelss are but little low­er than those whereof the States complain­ed.

It was also agreed upon, That all duties and customs unequally imposed, which tend­ed to the lessening of the mutual freedom of Trade, and which have been introduced in Sueden since the year 1656. should be discharged for the future; and that the sub­jects on both sides should pay no other du­ties but those that the native subjects do pay. Nevertheless that equality was not to be observed in the Kingdom of Sueden and Finland; that is to say, that that clause of the Treaty should only reach Riga in Livonia, Ingria, Pomerania, and the other Dominions of Sueden upon the Baltick-sea; the Provinces of Ischonen, Bleking, and Hol­land, being reckoned as parts of the ancient Kingdom of Sueden, though they be not specified in the Treaty.

The free and half-free Ships of Sueden, gave occasion to another difficulty: The free Ships are vessels built for War, carry­ing from 24. to 30. piece of Cannon, and are obliged to serve in the Kings Fleet in [Page 276]time of War; and therefore the King hath priviledged them in trading in respect of duties and customs, that the benefit which they thereby enjoy, may recompence their service, and supply the charges of rigging and fitting of them out, from which Mer­chants ships are exempted. By means whereof the King of Sueden hath always men trained to the Sea, and a Squadron of about thirty Ships.

The half-free Ships are Vessels of about One hundred Tuns burden; their privi­ledges and number are so small, that they cannot be very prejudicial to the Dutch Trade. Nevertheless the Dutch found, that all these priviledged Vessels might car­ry away the greatest part of the Trade of the Baltick; and therefore the States in­sisted vigorously upon the abrogation of all those priviledges, as contrary to the equa­lity of advantage which the subjects of both Nations were to enjoy: But in that debate the same mean was taken which served to remove the former difficulty; and it was agreed upon, that these Vessels should only enjoy their exemptions in the Territories of the Kingdom of Sueden and Finland; and that in the other Provinces on the Baltick-sea, depending on the Crown of Sueden, there should be no distinction [Page 277]between Suedish Ships and Dutch.

It could not be believed after this, that any new difficulty could retard the conclu­sion of the Treaty of Commerce, whereof the Negotiation had lasted above a year: Nevertheless there happened one which put a full stop to the affair. The Ambassadors of the States-General had put in the 7th Article of their project, That the subjects on either side should be used as the Nation in greatest friendship, ut quaeque gens amicis­sima.

The Suedes took occasion from this, to demand a freedom from the duties which the Dutch had imposed upon the Suedish commodities that pass the Sound; and the rather, because that imposition was never laid on till the Suedes had obtained from the Danes, by Treaties concluded to their advantage, and exemption from part of the duties that are exacted in the Sound. The truth is, that the States to hinder that ex­emption from being prejudicial to the trade of their subjects who enjoy not the same priviledg, setled then in their Countrey upon those that had the priviledg of the Sound, and Imposition almost equivalent to that Exemption.

The Dutch said, That the equality which ought to be observed in the Trade of the [Page 278]two Nations, was not hurt by that kind of compensation; and alledged that it was so little contrary to it, that in all the Treaties which had been concluded in the long time since these duties were imposed, the abro­gation of them was never thought upon when other Treaties was made.

The Suedes however, who would not lose to the profit of the Dutch, what they obtained to the prejudice of Denmark, stood firmly to that point; so that the con­ferences at the Hague were broken up, and the Count D' Avaux could not promise himself to renew them again on that sub­ject with the same success that they had had in the other difficulties; insomuch that M. Oliver Krants came back to Nimueguen (Aug. 1679.) where the Assembly being shortly after wholly dissolved, the conclu­sion of these Treaties could no longer be prolonged, which yet were not signed un­til the second of October; the annulling of the Imposts laid on in Holland, and the reduction of those of Sueden to the standard of the Treaty of 1640. remain­ing undecided and referred to other con­ferences which were to be held at the Hague for adjusting these affairs within eighteen Months after the signing of the Treaty.

In the mean time M. de Mayerkroon, who had been for some time at the French Court, perceiving that the conferences in Schonen did not advance the Negotiation of the peace betwixt Sueden and Denmark, began to seem more inclined to conclude the Treaty of the King his Master, tho' he had no cause to expect more advanta­geous conditions than those he had at first. On the contrary, experience and example made appear, that it could not but be pre­judicial to the King of Denmark, to be the last in making his peace.

The French King on his part, desiring nothing more than to correspond with that good disposition, and to render the peace general by the conclusion of that of Den­mark, gave for that end, on the 24th of August, a full power to M. de Pompone, and by that means within a few days the Trea­ty was concluded betwixt his Majesty and the Kings of Sueden and Denmark, and was signed at St. Germans the second of Sep­tember, on the same conditions that the King had always proposed for the full satis­faction of his Ally.

It is known that his Majesty declared from the beginning, That he could not make peace with the King of Denmark, but upon condition of a full restitu ion [Page 280]to Sueden. The delays and difficulties that were made thereupon, moved not his Ma­jesty to abate any thing of the Treaties of Roschild, Copenhaghen, and Westphalia; and these Treaties were the ground-work of the peace of Denmark; in the fourth Article whereof his Danish Majesty declared, That in consideration of his most Christian Ma­jesty, he consented that the Crown of Sue­den be restored to all that it possessed be­fore the War; and to all the Territories, States, Provinces, Towns, and places that have been yielded up and acquired by those three Treaties, and by consequent to all that the Danish Arms had possessed du­ring that War.

As to the differences that heretofore happened betwixt the subjects of the two Nations by reason of the priviledges and ex­emptions which the Suedes, as I said, enjoy from a part of the duties that the King of Denmark raises in the Sound and in the Belt, the most Christian King being uncertain whether or not the intention of the King of Sueden was that his subjects should any ways make use of their priviledges to the prejudice of the revenue of the K. of Denmark, thought fit so to order affairs by that Treaty, that Commissioners named by each party, should meet three months after the exchange of the [Page 281]Ratifications, and by the mediation of a Mi­nister appointed by his Majesty, adjust all these differences in an amicable way.

The Restauration of the Duke of Sles­wick Holstein-Gottorp having been one of the conditions on which the French King consented to this Peace; it was likewise one of the greatest difficulties that happen­ed in the carrying on of the Treaty. That Prince was stript of all by the King of Denmark, only for being an Ally to the King of Sueden; and therefore ought to be restored to all again: To which, the King of Denmark, as an evidence of the desire he had to put an end to the War with all expedition, consented at the desire and re­quisition of the French King; granting that the Duke of Sleswick Holstein-Gottorp, should enjoy his Territories, Provinces, Towns and Places, in the same state as they were in at the signing of the Treaty, with all the Soveraignty that belonged to him by virtue of the Treaties of Roschild, Copen­hagen and Westphalia. That Prince could hardly pretend to more, unless it were the damage that his Territories had suffered during the War, by the vast sums of Money that the King of Denmark had raised there­in, as being one of the best Countries of all the North.

The Elector of Brandenbourg, the Prin­ces of the House of Brunswick, and the Bi­shop of Munster, who made their separate Treaties, after that the Peace was conclu­ded betwixt France and Holland, received profitable testimonies of the desire that the French King had of giving repose to Eu­rope; for his Majesty was willing to ease them of part of the charges of the War, by giving them large sums of Money, in consideration of their good inclinations towards the Peace, and particularly in fa­vour to the King of Sueden, who has not been wanting on his part, to give consider­able advantages to all these Princes: But the King of Denmark is the only Prince who has not only reserved none of his Conquests; but likewise the sole enemy of Sueden, to whom France hath allowed no consideration for his charges. Seeing the King of Denmark was at that time in a condition to demand Reason of the State of Hambourg, in relation to several pretensi­ons that he has upon that City, and parti­cularly concerning the Homage that he claims from it; he drew all his Forces a­bout that Town immediately after the con­clusion of the Peace with Sueden. The truth is, his Danish Majesty had not not an Army strong enough to force such a City as Ham­bourg, [Page 283]and the more, because the Neigh­bouring Princes concerned themselves in its preservation: But the King of Denmark coming at first as near to it as he pleased, by reason of the neighborhood of Altena, rai­sed Batteries for his Artillery and Bombes, with which he might easily have incommo­ded the Town.

October 1679, In this Instant the most Christian King wrote to the King of Den­mark, intreating him not to disturb the repose that the general Peace had given to all Europe almost: and the Princes of the House of Brunswick, who had already sent Forces into Hambourg to provide for its de­fence, interposed vigorously for that ac­commodation, which was provisionally concluded the first of November; the Rights of the King of Denmark and of the City of Hambourg remaining as they were, until that the point of Homage and the other differences which depended betwixt his Danish Majesty and that Town, should in an amicable way be decided by course of Law.

November 1679, The chief condition of that agreement, was an obligation by the Town of Hambourg, to pay, at Five Terms, to his Danish Majesty, the sum of Two hundred and twenty thousand Crowns; in [Page 284]consideration whereof, that King remitted the indignation he had conceived against that Town, renounc'd the pretensions that he had to the Lands jointly possessed by Ham­bourg and Lubeck; and promised to restore the Ships, Goods, Commodities and Inha­bitants of Hambourg, which had been seised by reason of these pretensions.

Thus ended that great War, wherein al­most all the Princes of Europe were engaged from the year 1672. But it was not enough for the good and repose of Europe, that the general peace put an end to all the cala­mities of the War; these mournful Scenes of so bloody a Tragedy required at length some pleasing Catastrophy, which might sweeten the memory of past miseries, and fill the people with more agreeable hopes. Nothing was more proper to produce such an effect than the Marriage of the chief Princes who had had a share in the War, seeing these new Alliances were sacred ties to render the Peace indissolvable.

No sooner had the King of Spain ratified the Peace with France, but that he thought upon confirming it by a new Alliance with the French King; so that though the Court of Spain were far engaged with the Emper­or for the Marriage of the Imperial Prin­cess with his Catholick Majesty, yet it hin­dered [Page 285]not that Prince from converting all his thoughts towards France. The Picture of Madamoiselle de Valois, and the Royal qualities of that Princess, made him resolve the last Spring to cause the Marquess de los Balbases to go from Nimueguen to the French Court, in quallity of Ambassador extraor­dinary, to demand her in Marriage.

That Minister went suddenly into France, and in a private Audience which he had of the King about the beginning of May, he demanded of his Majesty Madamoiselle in Marriage for the King his Master; but his Majesty gave no answer to the Ambassador concerning an affair of that importance until the beginning of July, at which time he declared that he granted Madamoiselle to the King of Spain. That Kingdom being mindful that France had always given them good Queens, the people were extreamly overjoyed at the news; but the young Monarch especially, who was deeply smit­ten with the merit of that Princess.

The Ceremony of the Marriage was per­formed at Fontain-bleau the last day of Au­gust, with all the magnificence that could be expected from the French Court. The Procuration which the King of Spain sent blank, to be filled up with the name of him whom the King should think fit to nomi­nate [Page 286]for espousing the Queen, was given to the Prince of Conty, who gave his Hand to that Princess in the name of his Catholick Majesty; and the Queen sometime after took her Journey for Spain, not without shedding of Tears, which testified that the regret of leaving France was more sensible to her, than the joy of possessing a Crown.

The Heroick qualities both of body and mind which met in the person of the Prince of Conty, gained so much of the esteem and affection of his Majesty, that he thought it not enough to give him a very special mark of it, by making choice of him to espouse the Queen of Spain; but shortly after gave him more sensible testimonies of the same, by bestowing upon him in Mar­riage Madamoiselle de Blois, whom his Ma­jesty tenderly loves. That Marriage was celebrated with so much splendour, and with so universal approbation, that the Court never appeared more magnificent, nor better satisfied than upon that occasion.

The Marriage of the King of Sueden with the Princess Ʋlrica of Denmark, was a­greed upon, before the rupture betwixt Sueden and Denmark by this last War: yea, even from that time, stately Coaches, and some things that were necessary for the Pomp of that Marriage, were providing in [Page 287] France; so that after the Peace was con­cluded betwixt those Two Kings, it was not hard to make up that new Marriage: But seeing those Princes had still a great deal to do to regulate affairs within and without their Kingdoms, and especially the King of Sueden, who was to retake possession of several Provinces, and to give orders for setling them again in the condition that they were in before the War; the consum­mation of that Marriage was delayed until the Spring: In the mean time part of the Equipage for that Ceremony was preparing at Hambourg; and Clothes and other things which were ordered to be made in France, were expected from thence.

December 1679, The French Court also laid aside all thoughts of War, Feasting and Divertisements were the dayly employ­ment there; and the Marriage of the Queen of Spain was hardly over, when the King thought on that of the Dauphin. Men cast their eyes on all the Princesses of Europe, being curious to know for whom that great fortune was destin'd by Heaven; but his Majesty pitched upon the Princess Anne Marie Christian of Bavaria, for whom also the Dauphin seemed to have greatest incli­nation. M. Colbert, who was just returned from Nimueguen, was sent into Bavaria to [Page 288]treat about the Marriage, where he con­cluded all the Articles, and signed the con­tract thereof the 30th of December, Af­terward the King sent the Duke of Crequi into Bavaria with presents for the Princess, who being accompanied by Forty Gentle­men, performed the journey by Post.

The Court at that time prepared for the Journey which the King designed in Febru­ary, to go meet the Dauphiness as far as Tholous, where the ceremonies and confir­mation of the Marriage were to be per­formed; the Duke of Bavaria having e­spoused the Dauphiness in name of the Dauphin at Munichen. The King in the mean time acquainted all neighbouring Princes with that Marriage, by Letters which he wrote to them, wherein it ap­pears that the piety and great vertues wherewith that Princess is endowed, have given his Majesty just cause to hope, that that alliance will produce to France, Prin­ces that shall worthily answer the greatness of so August a Birth.

FINIS.

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