William CAMDEN Clarenceux Obijt Ao. D. 1623. Aetatis suae LXXIII.



Cic. de Divinat. Lib. 1.

Quem non moveat clarissimis Monumentis testata consignataque Antiquitas?

LONDON, Printed by F. Collins, for A. Swalle, at the Ʋnicorn at the West-end of St. Paul's Church-yard; and A. & J. Churchil, at the Black Swan i [...] Pater-noster-Row. 1695.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE Sir JOHN SOMMERS, Kt Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of ENGLAND, And One of HIS MAJESTY'S MOST Honourable Privy-Council.

May it please your Lordship,

OF all the Studies, to which Men are drawn either by Inclination or Interest, perhaps no one can pretend to such an agreeable pleasure as the Descriptions of Countries. By a variety of Prospects, they feed us constantly with fresh Satisfactions; and the Objects they present, are so chain'd together, that a Curious Reader has much ado to break off. This is the advantage of that Subject in general: but when we come to our own Affairs, the re­lish is still heighten'd in proportion to every one's Love for his Native Country. And to whom then can our BRITANNIA address her self with a better assurance, than to your Lordship; whose Life is one continu'd Zeal for her Honour and Happiness? She's sensible of your Favours; and in return, has pickt up these Rarities of Art and Na­ture, for a Present to your Lordship. They are the Choice of her whole Stock; and she hopes there may be something in them to divert you in that multitude of Business, wherein you are daily engag'd for her Peace and Preservation. But if there should not, she's sure however by dispo­sing thus of her Treasure, to lay an universal Obligation upon her Sons. She still remembers, how they all bless'd you for your Defence of her di­stressed Prelates; and how, upon your Lordship's Advancement, a general [Page] Joy ran through her whole Family: But that a more particular Sa­tisfaction appear'd among the Learned, to see the Honour conferr'd upon a Leading Member of their own Body. She was pleas'd, to hear them say, That by such Promotions, they as well as their Neighbours, might at last have their Richlieus and Colberts.

The Dress wherein she appears, is true Native English. She has been a great Sufferer by foreign Modes and Fopperies; but now resolves to quit them all, and convince the World that she has every thing within her self and can live without borrowing. In this homely Ha­bit she comes, to beg the continuance of your Lordship's Protection; upon which your wonted Tenderness has made her presume so far, as to encourage even the meanest of her Sons to hope for the same Favour, and to write himself

Your Lordship's Most obedient and most Humble Servant, EDMƲND GIBSON.


BEFORE you survey the Work, please to take the following account of the Materials and Contrivance.

When Mr. Camden publish'd the last edition of his BRITANNIA, the Book met with so much applause and commendation from the Learned, that they knew no title great enough for the Author. He was stil'd the Varro, the Strabo, and the Pausanias of Britain; and his Work universally own'd to be the most complete and accurate in its kind, that had appear'd in any Nation. So that one might say of it as Tully did of Caesar's Commentaries, Omnes sanos à scribendo deterruit; for any man to pretend to write after him, was to draw upon himself the imputation of downright madness. The saying might then be properly apply'd to it; and it would have born the same character to the end of the World, had his subject been the Actions of Men instead of the Description of Places. Witness his Annals of Queen Elizabeth, which, as long as time shall last, is like to be the standing History of that reign; no less than Caesar's Commentaries will be of the Gaulish wars.

But the nature of the Work makes a large difference. The characters of Men, and the actions of Ages, when the men are dead and the time gone, do both stand unalterable. Whereas, the condition of places is in a sort of continual motion, always (like the Sea) ebbing and flowing. And one who should at­tempt such a complete Description of a single Town, as might serve for all Ages to come, would see his Mistake by the experience of every year, every month, nay almost of every day. So that the space of sixty or eighty years must make a strange alteration in the face of things; and he that should frame an Idea of many places by an account of so long standing, would scarce believe 'em to be the same when he came to view them. The growth of trade, the encrease of buildings, the number of Inhabitants, do all make the appearance very different. And 'tis twenty to one, but the place where all these improvements have happen'd, has stole them in a great measure from some of its neighbours. Two trading Towns are like two Armies; they are always fighting (as it were) with one another, and as one flourishes and advances, the other generally decays and gives ground. This turns things quite upside down; so that where an old Survey promi­ses nothing but mean Houses, and poor Inhabitants, we are very often surpriz'd with handsom buildings and a wealthy people; and where we feed our selves with the hopes of finding every thing neat and splendid, we are entertain'd with nothing but rubbish and ruins.

Matters of greater Antiquity (I grant) are more fix'd and certain. What was the course of a Military Way, a hundred years ago, will be so as long as the world lasts; and when the particular stations and garrisons are once right settl'd, that trouble's at an end for ever. As Mr. Camden made a more regular search than any that had come before him; so did he give us a greater light into that part of our History, than all that wrote either before or since. And yet even in these points, the later discoveries of Bricks, Coins, Inscriptions, and other marks of Antiquity, have oblig'd the Learned to express their dislike of his conjectures, in several particulars.

It was necessary to premise thus much concerning the nature of the subject, lest the mention of Additions and Corrections, in an Author of such an establish'd re­putation, should look too assuming, or be constru'd a piece of envy and detra­ction. But as defects of this kind ought not to be call'd Omissions, since they lay out of one's reach; so supplying of them does not argue either a want of judg­ment or diligence in those that have gone before. If Mr. Camden had liv'd to this day, he had been still adding and altering; and had (no doubt) left his Britannia much more complete, if the last sixteen years of his Life had not been taken up with the Annals of Queen Elizabeth.

But when I speak of adding and correcting, it must not be understood as if any thing of Mr. Camden's were struck out, or what is new, were mix'd confusedly with his Text. No, that were a liberty which but few would allow, and none ought to take. There are not many men who can lay claim to the same autho­rity with Mr. Camden; and therefore 'tis but reason the World should know when He tells the story, that they may proportion their assent to the credit of their Author. The want of making this distinction in the former translation of this Book, has been of very ill consequence; and particularly to two or three learned and curious persons, who have urg'd the authority of Mr. Camden with a great deal of assurance, when all the while they repeated nothing but an interpolation of Dr. Holland's. To prevent this for the future; our first care was, to have an exact translation of Mr. Camden's text: so that when one had occasion to make use of his name, he might be sure he did not quote another man's words. But tho' by this means the text was clear'd of Dr. Holland's Additions, yet were they not to be altogether neglected; because some of them are not amiss, and an opinion has got abroad in the world, that he consulted Mr. Camden where any thing appear'd obscure or capable of a double meaning. If he had been quire laid aside, these thoughts would have continually stuck by the Reader: who would have been fancying at every turn, that Dr. Holland might possibly have observ'd something that would solve his doubt, and give him a clearer light. At this rate, instead of superseding that Edition, we should have made it a real rarity, and given it a greater value than it had at the first publication. To do justice to both, a middle way was thought of, To put his Additions at the bottom, in a smaller character; and to direct by a figure to the respective places where he had inserted them.

After Dr. Holland had been thus treated, we could not in common modesty go to insert any thing of our own; or be guilty of a crime our selves for which we had arraign'd another. And yet, considering that many things we had to say farther, had a near relation to what Mr. Camden had already observ'd, we could not leave the Reader in so much confusion, as oblige him to take things where he found them, without any connexion and order. In this case, the following method appear'd most natural, To make our Additions at the end of each Coun­ty; and by a Letter inserted in the several places they belong to in the text, to admonish the Reader that he may either find Mr. Camden's opinion confirm'd; or a more particular account given of the place; or reasons offer'd why we dissent from him; or lastly, the description of something wholly omitted, which in the Topo­graphical Survey of the County, falls in there. And 'tis hop'd, the Additions may be thought of so much moment, that the Reader will have no reason to com­plain of being stop'd for nothing, or drawn aside out of his road to no purpose.

After the Method, the Reader is to be inform'd to whose assistance he ows these Improvements. And this is a piece of justice both to the Persons and to the Work. For, as 'tis fit that each County should understand to whom it is more particularly oblig'd; so all men ought to know, that we have not built upon slight grounds, or deliver'd things upon trifling informations. The Right Reverend Father in God Sir Jonathan Trelawny, Lord Bishop of Exeter, procur'd us large No­tices concerning Cornwall and Devonshire, his own Diocese. Mr. Anthony Etrick return'd what he thought most remarkable in Dorsetshire: as Mr. Worsley of Lincolns-Inn, sent us several things relating to Hamshire; Mr. Evelyn, to [Page] Surrey; and Mr. Harris to Sussex. The discoveries in Wiltshire depend upon the authority of Mr. Tanner, who has made considerable progress in the Antiquities of that County. A Survey of Kent and Middlesex was made upon this occasion by Dr. Plot. The account of the Arsenals for the Royal Navy in Kent, with the Additions to Portsmouth and Harwich, so far as they concern the business of the Navy, were communicated by Mr. Pepys. Out of Glocestershire informations were sent us by Dr. Parsons Chancellor of that Church; and out of Oxfordshire by Mr. White Kennet, who will shortly publish the Antiquities of some part of that County. In settling the old Stations in Essex, we were parti­cularly assisted by Mr. Oosley, who is writing the Antiquities of the whole County; and in the description of Norfolk, by a Survey of that County in Ma­nuscript, written by Sir Henry Spelman, and now in the Bodleian-Library. Mr. Tho­mas Newsham, of Warwick, sent us several very useful particulars out of War­wickshire: and an accurate account of the Antiquities of Worcestershire was com­municated by Dr. William Hopkins, Prebendary of the Church of Worcester. Some observations upon the Bishoprick of Durham, were extracted for us by Mr. Rudd, out of the posthumous Papers of Mr. Mickleton (a curious Antiquary) at the request of the Reverend Mr. John Smith, a member of that Church; and others were sent us by Dr. Kay of New-castle. The West-riding of Yorkshire is indebted to Mr. Ralph Thoresby of Leeds, of whose abilities and exactness the large collection of Curiosities he has made himself Master of, is a sufficient argument. In the East-Riding, Mr. John Burnsall of Hull, contributed many things very remarkable; and Dr. Jonston (from whom we expect the Antiquities of Yorkshire) communicated several particulars over the whole County. Westmorland is engag'd to Mr. Thomas Machel for so many use­ful discoveries; as its neighbour Cumberland is to Dr. Hugh Todd Prebendary of the Church of Carlisle: and lastly, Northumberland to Mr. William Nicolson, Arch­deacon of the same Church, eminent for his knowledge in the Languages and Antiquities of the Northern Nations. The same worthy Gentleman was pleas'd to improve this work by observations throughout the whole Province of York, the An­tiquities whereof he has ready for the Press.

When I tell you, that the whole business of Wales was committed to the care of Mr. Edward Lhwyd, Keeper of the Musaeum in Oxford, no one ought to dispute the justness and accuracy of the Observations. His diligence, and known ability both in Natural History and Antiquities, as they remove all objections of that kind, so might they do great honour either to his native Country, or any particular County in England, wherein he should meet with an Encouragement answerable to the Undertaking.

Nor can the additional Remarks in Scotland be question'd, since they are grounded upon the authority of Sir Robert Sibbalds; whose Natural History al­ready publish'd, and the model he has given us of his intended Antiquities, are a sufficient evidence how much he is master of the affairs of that Kingdom. The Remarks upon Ireland were also sent us by a person very well acquainted in that Kingdom, Sir Richard Cox Knight.

The Catalogues of Plants at the end of each County were communicated by the Great Botanist of our age, Mr. Ray. They are the effect of many years ob­servation: and as that excellent Person was willing to take this opportunity of handing them to the publick, so were the Undertakers very ready to close with such a considerable Improvement, tho' it exceedingly enhanc'd the expences of Print­ing, and they were no way ty'd to it by their Proposals.

These are the chief persons, by whose friendly assistance and inclination to serve the Publick, the several parts of the Britannia appear in the world with so much ad­vantage. But Dr. Charlett, the worthy Master of University-College in Oxford, has been our general benefactor; whom this Work (as all other publick Under­takings) has from beginning to end found its greatest Promoter. It owes much also to numbers of Letters and Papers, which several Gentlemen return'd out of most Counties (either upon a general notice of the Design, or in answer to some particular Queries,) as the mention of their names, in the body of the Book, [Page] testifies. What improvement it has receiv'd from Sir William Dugdale's Warwick­shire, from Dr. Thoroton's Nottinghamshire, from Mr. Burton's Leicestershire, from Dr. Plot's Staffordshire and Oxfordshire, from Mr. Wright's Rutlandshire, and from the Accounts of our Author's Life given us by Dr. Smith and Mr. Wood; will be easily apprehended at first sight. The world is likewise indebted to Dr. Smith, for first sending abroad the two Discourses of Mr. Camden upon the Office of Earl Marshal.

In short, I can safely affirm that I omitted no opportunity of getting the best Information both from Men and Books, that the nature of the Work and the compass of our time would allow. And yet after all, I am too sensible, there are Slips and Errours; as he that sees with another man's eyes must of necessity be stumbling now and then. Where the Subject indeed is a continu'd Discourse linkt together by Reasons and Inferences, the natural consequence of one thing from another will go a great way towards helping a man out, let the writing be never so broken and obscure. So long as the main drift of the Argument is got, it is not the change of a word or expression that breeds any difference. But our case is otherwise: for where the names of Men and of Places are so frequent, how easily does a peculiar way of writing make one mistake a figure, a letter, or a syllable? On the other side, how difficult is it, to give such a clear and full description of these things, as to make a stranger frame an exact Idea of them. 'Tis for this reason, that some Informations (which seem'd otherwise very material) are omitted; because one cannot handsomly impose that upon the World, which he does not understand himself. It's much more honest to suppress a discovery, than to run a visible hazard of committing an errour in the telling it. For a Truth, before 'tis publisht, as it does mankind no good, so neither does it any harm; but an Errour is a publick Infection, and draws a train along with it wherever it goes. A man would be very unwilling to be thought instrumental in so many mistakes, as the broaching of one single Errour may occasion in the World.

Some, I know, will take it extream ill that the several Characters should not run so high as they intended them: for instance, that such or such a building should only be call'd Stately, and the Gardens and Walks, neat and curious; after they have roundly affirm'd both to be the best in the Kingdom. Now, such lofty Ex­pressions are very suspicious, because men are commonly too partial to the af­fairs of their own Country; and do often set an extravagant value upon them, for no other reason than that they do not look abroad. Like the honest old Shepherd, who could sit at home, and without the least scruple, take a model of Rome by the next Country-market. In this particular, our Author Mr. Cam­den has given us a caution by his own example; who, perhaps, had better op­portunities of making exact comparisons than any man living: yet contents him­self simply to give every place its due character, and seldom or never lets fall those dangerous expressions, the best, the noblest, the largest in England.

Others will make it an Objection, That more notice should not be taken of Fa­milies. In this too Mr. Camden has furnisht us with an excuse, who has declar'd in more places than one, that Families were but an accidental part of his Busi­ness. But if they had been never so nearly related to it; Sir William Dugdale has given us such a clear insight into them, that this part might very well have been wav'd. The same Apology may serve for omitting the Religious Houses, the History whereof we have at large from the same Learned Knight: and if we want a view of them in a narrower compass, Mr. Tanner (by the publication of his Notitia Monastica) has furnisht us with an excellent Manual.

The Translations of Hamshire, Wiltshire, Glocestershire, Oxfordshire, War­wickshire, Worcestershire, Cumberland, and Northumberland, were sent us by the several Gentlemen who communicated their Observations upon the respe­ctive Counties. The rest were Translated by very good Hands; particularly, Rutlandshire and Leicestershire by Mr. James Wright of the Middle-Temple; the Preface, Dorsetshire and Shropshire by Mr. Palmer of the Middle-Temple; the Romans in Britain, the Rebellion of the O Neals, and other parts by [Page] Mr. W. S. of the Middle Temple; and Cambridgshire and Huntingdonshire by Mr. Ea­chard of Christ's College in Cambridge.

The Version is plain and natural, and as near the Text as the different Idioms of two Languages would bear. Which, indeed, is all that could be expected upon a Subject of this nature; wherein the sense of the Author, with a justness and propriety of expression, is as much as one can well com­pass. The crabbed Names both of Men, Places, and Things (which fall almost in every line) are great enemies to the easiness of the Sentence; and yet to quit a Circumstance in History for the sake of a Turn or a Cadence, would prove but a very ill change.

The Verses which occur in Mr. Camden's Text, were all translated by Mr. Kennet of Corpus Christi College in Oxford; who labour'd under a much greater inconvenience. For in Prose, if the story be plain and intelligible, there is something or other entertaining, and all passes well enough; but where Poetry comes in play, men's fancies and expectations are presently rais'd, and it is not bare Matter of Fact that will satisfie. And yet our old Mon­kish Poets (such as lay most in Mr. Camden's way) do seldom rise higher than a bare relation; or if they chance to aim at something of Wit and Air, it comes off so flat and insipid, that one may plainly see they were never made for it. Here, a Translator has a hard task to manage; and to keep such a mean, as to retain the sense, and withal to set it off with some­thing of briskness and spirit, requires a great deal of art. Even in this part (I think) he has no occasion for an Apology; but, if he had, his performance in other places (where the Original comes up to the just Rules of Poetry) would make it for him. Of all in the Book, the Wedding of Tame and Isis seems to run in the best vein; whether we look upon the Smoothness, the Thought, or the Composition. Who the Author of it was, is not certainly known; but if we should fix upon Mr. Camden himself, perhaps there would be no occasion for a second conjecture. One argument is, because he never names the Author; whereas he could not but know him, when the Poem was publish'd in his own time. Then, if we compare the subject of it with what he has said of the several places it touches upon, we shall find them to be much the same. Very often also, upon the mention of that fancy, about the Tamisis being deriv'd from the meeting of Tame and Isis, he seems to be pleas'd with it more than ordinary. And, which in my opinion puts it beyond all exception, he never quotes the Poem with any the least commendation, but always ushers it in with a sort of coldness. Now, this is by no means agreeable to Mr. Camden's temper, who is always careful to allow every thing its just character. Let it be a Monkish Rhyme, he never omits to mention it favourably, if there appears the least dram of wit: or if it has nothing of that to recommend it, he'l endeavour to excuse it, and tell you, 'Tis tolerable for the age he liv'd in. By this rule, one may be sure that such a Poem should never have pass'd without a particular mark of honour, if Mr. Camden himself had not been so nearly concern'd in it: but so far is he from approving it, that he brings it in with a sort of caution, or rather contempt:Pag. 147 Let it not be thought troublesome to run over these Verses. P. 157. If you can relish them, P. 324. If you vouchsafe to read them. P. 241, 264. You may read or omit them as you please. Expressions becoming Mr. Camden's modesty when he speaks of himself; but very unlike his candour in the characters of other men and their works.

The Maps are all new engrav'd, either according to Surveys never before publish'd, or according to such as have been made and printed since Saxton and Speed. Where actual Surveys could be had, they were purchas'd at any rate; and for the rest, one of the best Copies extant was sent to some of the most knowing Gentlemen in each County, with a request to supply the defects, rectifie the positions, and correct the false spellings. And that nothing might be wanting to render them as complete and accurate as might be, this whole business was committed to Mr. Robert Morden, a person of known [Page] abilities in these matters, who took care to revise them, to see the slips of the Engraver mended, and the corrections, return'd out of the several Counties, duly inserted. Upon the whole, we need not scruple to affirm, that they are by much the fairest and most correct of any that have yet appear'd. And as for an error here and there; whoever considers, how difficult it is to hit the exact Bear­ings, and how the difference of miles in the several parts of the Kingdom perplex the whole; may possibly have occasion to wonder, there should be so few. Espe­cially, if he add to these inconveniencies, the various Spellings of Places; wherein it will be impossible to please all, till men are agreed which is the right. I have heard it observ'd by a very Intelligent Gentleman, that within his memory, the name of one single place has been spell'd no less than five several ways.

Thus much of the Work. For the Ʋndertakers, I must do them this piece of justice, to tell the world, that they spar'd neither pains nor expence, so they might contribute to the perfection of the Book, and the satisfaction of the Curious. That they have fail'd in point of time, was occasion'd chiefly by the Additions; which are much larger than either they at first intended, or any one could reasonably expect from the Proposals. A Glossary had been added, but that Mr. Camden himself has made it needless, by explaining the more obscure Words, as he had occasion to mention them. A Catalogue of the Seats of the Nobility was also design'd, but upon second thoughts was judg'd unnecessary; because the greatest part of them have their place in the body of the Book.

ADVERTISEMENT. There are now in the Press, and will speedily be publish'd,

A Compleat History of England; written by seve­ral hands of approv'd ability: containing the Lives of all the Kings, their Effigies engraven in Cop­per; several Coins, Medals, Inscriptions, &c. for il­lustration of matters of fact, A Map of England, no­ting the Battels, Sieges, and remarkable places men­tion'd in the History. And at the end, large Index's; and a Glossary, explaining all difficult words and terms of art occurring in the work. The whole to be contain'd in two Volumes in folio, the first whereof will be publish'd in Trinity-Term 1695. A more par­ticular account of this Work may be seen in the Pro­posals for printing this Book by Subscription, to be had of the Undertakers R. Chiswell, B. Aylmer, A. Swall, &c. Booksellers in London; as also of all other Book­sellers in London and the Country.

A new Volume of du Pin's History of Ecclesiastical Writers; being the History of the Controversies and other Ecclesiastical Affairs transacted in the Church during the Ninth Century. English'd with great care. Will be speedily publish'd by A. Swall and T. Child.

Books lately printed for A. Swall and T. Child, at the Unicorn in St. Pauls Church-yard. Viz.

A New History of the Lives and Writings of the Primitive Fathers, and other Ecclesiastical Writers; together with an exact Catalogue, also an Abridgment of all their Works; and an account of their various Editions, together with a Judgment upon their Stile and Doctrine; and a History of the Councils. Writ­ten in French by L. E. du Pin, and English'd with great Additions. In six small Volumes in folio, containing the History of the Church, and of the Authors that flourish'd from the time of our Saviour, to the end of the Eighth Century.

Theatrum Scotiae: containing a short Description, and Prospects curiously engraven in Copper, as large as the sheet, of the Castles, Palaces, and most conside­rable Towns and Colleges; as also the remains of many ancient Churches and Monasteries of the Kingdom of Scotland. Written by John Sleezer, Cap­tain of the Artillery Company, and Surveyor of His Majesty's Stores in that Kingdom; and printed in Folio, on Royal Paper.

T. Lucretii Cari de Rerum Natura Libri sex: quibus Interpretationem & Notas addidit Thom. Creech Col. Omn. anim. Soc. cui etiam accessit Index Vocabulor. omnium. 8o.

BOOKS lately printed for A. and J. Churchil in Pater-noster-Row.

  • BUchanan's Chronicle of the Kings of Scotland, Folio.
  • Mr. Locke of Human Understanding. Fol. —his Thoughts of Education, 8o.
  • Dr. Hody of the Resurrection of the (same) Bo­dy, 8o.
  • Machiavel's Works compleat, Fol.
  • Boethius de Consolatione, made English; with Anno­tations by Richard Lord Viscount Preston, 8o.
  • Mr. Talent's Chronological Tables of Sacred and Prophane History, from the Creation to the Year 1695.
  • Bishop Wilkins of Prayer and Preaching, enlarged by the Bishop of Norwich and Dr. Williams, 8o.
  • Mr. Tannner's Notitia Monastica, 8o.
  • Two Treatises of Government: The first an An­swer to Filmer's Patriarchae. The latter an Essay concerning the true Original, Extent, and End of Civil Government, 8o.
  • The Fables of Aesop and other Mithologists, made English by Sir Roger L'strange, Kt. Fol.
  • Three several Letters for Toleration.
  • Considerations about lowering the Interest, and raising the Value of Money, 8o.
  • Sir William Temple's History of the Netherlands, 8o.
  • Miscellanea, 8o.
  • Mr. L'Clerc Logica, 12o.
  • Dr. Gibson's Anatomy of Human Bodies, with Ad­ditions, 8o.
  • Dr. Patrick's new Version of the Psalms of David in Metre, 12o.
  • Mereton's Guide to Surveyers of the High-ways, 8o.
  • Sir Paul Ricaut's Lives of the Popes. Fol.
  • Sir Simon Dews's Journal of Parliaments. Fol.
  • Gentleman's Religion, 12o.
  • Two Treatises of Rational Religion, 8o. Reprinting;
    • Leland De Viris Illustratibus, and Boston of Bury,
      • from the MSS. with large Improvements, and a Continuation; by Mr. Tanner.
  • Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle of the King's of England, continued down to this time.
  • Cambridge Concordance, Fol.


WILLIAM CAMDEN was born in the Old-Baily, in London, May 2. 1551Diarie.. His father Sampson Camden was a Painter in Lon­don; whither he was sent very young, from Lichfield, the place of his birth and edu­cation. His mother was of the ancient Family of theSee that County, un­der the title Wirkinton; and a MS. in Cott. Lib. sub Effigie Jul. F. 6. Curwens of Workinton, in the County of Cum­berland. Where or how he was brought up till twelve years of age, we must content our selves to be in the dark, since his own Diarie gives us no in­sight into that part of his Life. There is a tradition, that he was Scholar of the Blew-coat Hospital in Lon­don; which, if true, assures us that his Father left him very young: because the particular constitution of the place admits of none but Orphans. But the Fire of London, which consum'd the Matriculation-books, with the whole House, has cut off all possibi­lity of satisfaction in that point.

When he came to be twelve years old, he was seiz'd by the Plague Peste cor­reptus Isling­toniae. Diar., and remov'd to Islington, near London. Being fully recover'd, he was sent to Paul's School, where he laid the foundation of that niceness and accuracy in the Latin and Greek, to which he afterwards arriv'd. The meanness of his circumstan­ces gave him no prospect of any great matters; and yet his Friends were unwilling that such fine Parts should be lost, and a Youth in all respects so promising, be thrown away, for want of encourage­ment. Nothing was to be done without a Patron, whose Favour might countenance him in his Studies, and whose Interest might supply the narrowness of his Fortune.

At that time, Dr. Cooper (afterwards promoted to the Bishoprick of Lincoln, and then to that of Win­chester) was Fellow of Magdalen-College in Oxford, and Master of the School belonging to it. To his care he was recommended, and by his means, pro­bably, admitted Chorister. No project could have a better appearance upon all accounts. For as his gra­dual advancement in that rich and ample Foundation would have been a settlement once for all, so one in the Doctor's station must on course carry a conside­rable stroke in the business of Elections. But as pro­mising as it look'd, when it came to the push he miss'd of a Demie's place. So, defeated of his hopes and expectations in that College, he was forc'd to look out for a new Patron, and to frame a new Scheme for his future fortunes.

The next encouragement he found, was from Dr. Thomas Thornton. By him he was invited to Broad gate-Hall (since call'd Pembroke-College,) where he prosecuted his Studies with great closeness; and the Latin Graces, us'd by the College at this day, are said to be of his compiling. Among his other ac­quaintance, he was peculiarly happy in the two Carews, Richard and George, both of this Hall, both very ingenious, and both Antiquaries. For tho' the first was a Member of Christ-church,Wood's Athen. vol 1. p. 384. he had his Chamber in Broad gate-hall; and SirBaronage, T. [...] [...] 41 [...]. B [...]own's ad­d [...]tional notes to a catalogue of Scholars in University-Co [...]leg [...]. William Dug­dale's affirming the second to have been of Uni­versity-College, seems occasion'd by two of the sirname being Members of this house about the same time. I know not whether we may date his more settl'd inclination to Antiquities from this lucky fa­miliarity and correspondence. 'Tis certain, that nothing sets so quick an edge, as the conversation of equals; and 'tis by some such accidents that men are generally determin'd in their particular Studies and Professions.

Here he continu'd almost three years: in which time, by his diligence and integrity, he had settl'd himself so firmly in the good opinion of his Patron, that when the Doctor was advanc'd to a Canonry of Christ-churchSee his Britannia, p. 140., he carry'd him along with him, and entertain'd him in his own Lodgings. He was then scarce 20 years old: an age wherein the study of Arts and Sciences, and the want of a judgment so­lid enough, excuse men from much application to the deep points of Religion and Controversie. And yet even then, his reputation upon that account cost him a very unlucky disappointment. He stood for a Fellowship of All-Souls College; but the Popish party, (such, at least, whose inclination lay that way, whatever their Profession was) out of an ap­prehension how little his advancement was like to make for their cause, oppos'd it so zealously, that it was carry'd against him. Many years after, upon an imputation of Popery, (which we shall have oc­casion to speak to by and by)Epist. 195 among other testi­monies of his fidelity to the Church of England, he urges this instance as one. For the truth of it, he appeals to Sir Daniel Dun, then Fellow of the Col­lege, and a person whose prudence and integrity re­commended him more than once to the choice of the University, in their Elections for Parliament-men.

After five years spent in the University, and two remarkable disappointments in his endeavours to­wards a settlement; his poor condition put him un­der a necessity of leaving that place. Whether he had taken the Degree of Batchelour does not certain­ly appear. That in June, 1570. he supplicated for it, is evident from theK K. fol. 95. b. Register of the University; but no mention made of what answer he had. Three years after he supplicated again for the same Degree, and seems to have took it; 1573 but never com­pleated it by Determinations. However, in the year 1588.Wood's A­then. vol. 1. p. 409. he supplicated the Convocation by the name of William Camden Batchelor of Arts of Christ-church, That whereas from the time he had taken the Degree of Batchelor, he had spent 16 years in the study of Philosophy and other Liberal Arts; he might be dispens'd with for the reading of three solemn Le­ctures, and so be admitted to proceed. 1613 His Suppli­cation was granted, upon condition he stood in the following Act; which it seems his other occasions would not permit him to do, nothing appearing of it in the Publick Records of that time. When he attended the Funeral of Sir Thomas Bodley, he had the Degree of Master of Arts voluntarily offer'd him by the University; but then, he had no occasion for't, having establish'd his reputation upon a better bottom; and so, it seemsSo Mr. Wood's; but Dr. Smith seems to in­timate, that he accepted it., declin'd it.

This was all the relation Mr. Camden had to the University of Oxford, which he left in the year 1571. From thence he betook himself immediately to Lon­don; but with what prospect he went, or what en­couragement he found, we have no distinct ac­count. I cannot believe that he fell into any parti­cular employment; because himself has told us, that upon his leaving the University, he survey'd a consi­derable part of England. Relictâ Academiâ, studio incitato satis magnam Angliae partem fide oculatâ obivi, are his own words, in hisIn the be­ginning of that Trea­tise. Answer to Brooke. And he must mean that interval of four or five years, be­tween his bidding adieu to Oxford, and his advance­ment to the second Mastership of Westminster-School. He had powerful motives to induce him to this search after Antiquities. His own natural genius lay so strong that way,a that even when he was a School-boy, he could neither hear nor see any thing of an antique appearance, without more than ordinary attention and notice. While he was in the Universi­ty, not a spare hour but it went upon the same bu­siness. When he came to be engag'd in the tedious business of teaching School,b he would fain have wean'd himself from his old Trade, have drawn back his inclinations, and have confin'd his thoughts, as well as body, to the narrow bounds of a School. But all was in vain: the itch still return'd, and stuck so fast by him, that he could not get rid of it. When a Vacation gave him liberty to look abroad, he declares it was not in his power to keep within doors: the bent of his own Genius was always pulling him out, not to impertinent visits and idle diversions, but to entertainments which he relish'd above all these; stately Camps and ruinous Castles, those venerable Monuments of our Fore-fathers.

This propensity of nature was seconded by the im­portunity of Friends, and receiv'd very early en­couragement from persons of the best rank.Answer to Brooke. The noble Sir Philip Sidney was always pushing him for­ward, whilst in Oxford; and after his removal,c the two Goodmans (Gabriel and Godfrey Doctors in Divinity) kept up his spirits, with supplies both of Books and Money. The interest also which the for­mer of these had in the Collegiate Church of West­minster, procur'd him the place of second Master in that School.

We cannot imagine but his fame spread in the Kingdom, proportionable to his knowledge of it; and consequently must not doubt that a person of so great attainments could want applications from all hands to undertake the Antiquities of his native Country. But the difficulties, on one hand, appear'd so very great, and the helps, on the other, so very inconsi­derable, that nothing could prevail upon him to en­gage in such a frightful task. So that what Collecti­ons and Observations he had hitherto made, seem to have been only design'd for private satisfaction, and to quench a secret thirst, which Nature had brought along with him into the world. In the mean time, Ortelius (Answer to Brooke. that great restorer of Geography, as he terms him) took a journey into England, and apply'd him­self particularly to Mr. Camden, as the best Oracle one could possibly consult about the state and affairs of the Kingdom. The tender regard he had for the honour of his Country, back'd with the authority and perswasion of this great Man, wrought him by degrees into some sort of compliance; and at last, over-rul'd him into a resolution of improving his stock and digesting his Papers, in order to the use and satisfaction of the Publick.

Now he is engag'd in the Work, give me leave to trace him through the several steps and advances he made in it; and to suspend a little the consideration of other Heads, any farther than as they fall in with this Design. It was the glory of his Life, and there­fore his honour is concern'd that it be set in a true Light; it is the Work we now publish, and upon that score calls for a more particular account.

He enter'd upon it with almost all the disadvanta­ges that could attend any Undertaking. It was a sort of Learning that was then but just peeping into the world; when that heat and vehemence of School-Divinity (which had possess'd all hearts and hands for so many hundred years before) began to cool by little and little. For while that humour of Meta­physical nicities continu'd, it was so entirely the en­tertainment and study of the Age, that little else could edge in with it. No room for Poetry, Ora­tory, History. But when polite Learning came upon the stage, and the sweetness of a Greek or Ro­man Author began to out-relish the crabbed noti­ons of the School-men, the vein turn'd wholly the other way, and this latter was thrown out of doors. Then the industry of Learned men was entirely em­ploy'd upon publishing and refining such Authors as had lately got footing in the world. And yet after all, the Historians did not yield that pleasure and satisfaction which might be expected from so much niceness both in language and composition; be­cause they could not follow them through all the Scenes of Action, nor frame their conceptions to the several marches of the Armies. To remove this in­convenience, they began to make particular Surveys, to fix the old places in their proper stations, and to assist the imagination by representing the Towns and Roads in Charts and Tables.

Italy was the first place where this light broke out; and there the difficulty was very inconsiderable. The remains of the old names was direction enough in a great many cases; and where that guide fail'd them, they were helpt out by their Histories; which in­deed are so many, and withal so very particular in every the least circumstance, that they even point out the Places, and excuse one from any tedious search and application in settling the Geography. France, Spain, and Germany had not this advantage in so high a degree; but yet as they had their share of the Roman Arms, so had they the good fortune to come under the hands of the Roman Historians. These were sufficiently acquainted with their affairs, by their nearness to Italy, and their long subjection to the Ro­man Empire; and so describ'd them with a tolerable exactness. But Britain was another world to them; and accordingly when their Pens engag'd in our matters, they were not able to handle them so nice­ly, but were forc'd to clap up things in gene­ral terms: a way of writing that makes it very hard to trace them. So that here, the best direction in that search, seems to be the old Itinerary of Antoni­nus; and, God knows, a heap of bare names, with­out the circumstances of Action, is but a very poor guide.

However, as poor as it was, it had been a much more comfortable bottom to set out upon, had it on­ly been sound and entire. But he found it so man­gled, either by the Transcribers negligence or igno­rance, or both, that he plainly perceiv'd he must rectifie and patch up that, before he could go any farther. Most ancient Authors of any note, have been sufferers that way; but this kind (wherein miles and distances are compendiously express'd) is particularly expos'd to the ill treatment of Librari­ans. Had Figures never been invented, we had been eas'd of a great deal of trouble, that piecing up of Di­stances and Chronologies does now give us. There was no way to cure this, but by collecting the various Read­ings occasion'd by such blunders, and letting the whole matter be determin'd by the majority of Co­pies. To this end, he left no corner unsearch'd, from which he might reasonably promise himself ei­ther Manuscript or printed Copy of Antoninus's Iti­nerary, Ptolemy's Geography, or the Notitia; so far at [Page] least as they concern'd Britain. His Learned Acquain­tance at home were all set to search, and his Corre­spondents abroad,Ep. 25. Ortelius, Ep. 6 [...]. Merula, Ep. 129. Sweertius, Ep. 147, 155, 193, 2 [...]8, 247. Puteanus, andEp. 55. others, were employ'd in the same Service. He had heard of some Itinerary Tables in the Library of Conrade Peutinger, a Noble-man of Auspurg; and he never rested till he had compass'd that branch of them which belong'd to Britain. They are since publisht by Velser under the name of the Peutingerian-Tables; the Authority whereof Mr. Cam­den makes use of throughout his whole Britannia.

After he had fixt this point, and begun to trace out the old Towns and Stations, he consider'd that the Romans did not frame a new name to every place they conquer'd, but generally contented themselves with what they found; only fil'd off a little of the roughness, and cloath'd it in a fashionable garb. That the names and places mention'd in Britain by Latin Authors, as easie as they sounded, as spruce and court-like as they appear'd, were yet all barbarous at the bottom, and of a pure British extraction. It was a language he had no knowledge of; and so in set­ling the ancient places, whenever he came to mu­ster up his probabilities (for indeed a great many of them are capable of no better evidence) he was al­ways jealous that something was lodg'd in the mean­ing of the name, which (if he knew it) might ei­ther destroy the notion he had advanc'd, or confirm him in his present opinion. This brought a new task upon him, and a very heavy one too; the con­quering a Tongue which had no manner of relation to any one he was master of before. However, there was this comfort, it was a living language, and he wanted not Friends who were Criticks in it.

His entrance upon the Saxon-affairs quickly con­vinc'd him that the knowledge of this Language was necessary to his design, as much, if not more than that of the British. These latter Conquerours were not so modest as the former. The glory and extent of the Empire, was what the Romans aim'd at; and if the Britains could but have patience to sub­mit, they might enjoy what they had, and live as quietly as they pleas'd. But the Saxons (whatever they might pretend) came over upon another er­rand: their business was not Dominion, but Possession; and when they had gain'd their end by driving off the poor Britains, they made it their next business to root out all memorials of them. The old names were chang'd, new methods of Government fram'd, and in a short time every thing had a Saxon appear­ance. So that now almost all our names of Places are originally Saxon; and Mr. Camden thought it as vain an attempt to set about his design without this help, as to take a Survey of Greece or Italy, and all the while not know one syllable of the Language of either Country.

Thus every new Monster that sprang up, was more terrible than other. The poor Britains carri­ed their Language along with them into the Western parts of the Island, and there defended both it and themselves against any mixture of foreigners. It was only transplanted, and the change of Soil did it little or no harm: so that to this day 'tis preserv'd entire, but only for a word here and there of Latin origi­nal, which by their long intercourse with the Ro­mans, had dropt in among it. Had the Saxons took the same course upon the Norman Invasion, and when they found themselves out-match'd, only re­solv'd upon some corner for a retreat, and stood it out to the last; their's too might have been a living Language to this day, and learnt (as we do French, Spanish, or Italian) with a little study and conversa­tion. But their submission to the Norman, was the loss of both their Liberty and Language. A mix­ture of Pride and Policy makes the noise of a foreign Dialect very disagreeable to the ears of most Con­querours; who look upon it as a reproach, to see the Language reign, when they have subdu'd the People. William, after he had wrought himself in­to a sort of Settlement, and thought he might be practising upon the English without any great dan­ger, was not wanting in this piece of conduct.Ingulp [...]. p. 71, 85. He order'd that all the publick Pleadings should be in French, that their Charters and Writings should run in the same Language, that Children should not be instructed in their Mother-tongue, but in the Norman only. And the reign of Edward the Con­fessor had prepar'd the Nation to receive all this, without any great resentment. The Normans bore such a sway in his Court, as to give the Customs and Language of their own Country an air and autho­rity here in England: so that even in his time, it be­gun to be thought a piece of good breeding to be Master of the French Carriage, and to run down the English as rough and barbarous. When the way was open'd before hand, we need not be much surpriz'd, to find in the next reign so very fewIngulp [...]. p 98. who could even read the Saxon Character; or to hear, that the main objection against Wolstan, Bi­shop of Worcester, was,Mat. Par. sub An. 1005. that he did not understand the French Tongue. In short, the old Saxon grew so fast out of request,Chron. Sax. that their common talk, about the latter end of Henry the second, would pass at this day for good broken English, and be intelligible e­nough.

After it was disus'd in common Conversation, we cannot imagine that the Books should be much mind­ed. The Monks indeed were concern'd to preserve their Charters; but those who seiz'd upon the Church-Lands at the Dissolution of Monasteries, were as much concern'd to have them destroy'd. And to do it the more effectually, they wisely burnt whole Libraries together; or if they sav'd them out of the fire, it was with no other design than to fur­nish the Shops of Mechanicks with waste Paper. The havock was so universal, and the use of them so little understood, that it was purely by chance that any were preserv'd.

With what resolution must we suppose a man arm'd, to engage in a work of so much confusion? A Language that had lain dead for above four hun­dred years, to be reviv'd; the Books wherein it was bury'd, to be rak'd out of ashes; and (which was yet worse) those Fragments, such as they were, so very hard to be met with. Almost the whole stock of the Kingdom came into three Collections; that of Archbishop Parker, given to Bennet College in Cam­bridge; Archbishop Laud's given to the Bodleian Li­brary; and that of Sir Robert Cotton, now the richest Treasure of that noble Library.

Nor was this condition peculiar to the Saxon Mo­numents: all our English Historians were in the same circumstances. They suffer'd as much by the Disso­lution, lay in as many holes and corners, and were altogether as hard to come by. And yet without these, Mr. Camden's design was at a stand. It was a true sense of the use of such Originals, and of his own great misfortune in not being better furnisht, that induc'd him afterwards to publish an entire Volume of them. Sir Henry Savil collected another: and those two Leaders have been follow'd by the Editors of the Decem Scriptores, by Dr. Wats, Mr. Fulman, Dr. Gale, and Mr. Wharton. Had he entred upon his work with these advantages, he had met with his Materials in a much narrower compass, and found his task infi­nitely more easie.

Thus, the same hand remov'd the Rubbish, laid the Foundation, and rais'd the Fabrick. The old Itinerary was settled, the British and Saxon Tongues conquer'd, our ancient Historians perus'd,d several parts of England survey'd; and now he durst think of reducing his Collections to some method and or­der. It had been above ten years in growing, when the first Edition came out, An. 1586. dedicated to that eminent Statesman William Lord Burghley, Trea­surer to Queen Elizabeth. How well it was receiv'd, we may appeal to the several Editions. In the com­pass of four years, there were no less than three at London, besides that at Francfort in 1590. another in Germany, and again another in London in 1594. To [Page] bear so many Impressions in so short a compass, was a very extraordinary matter at that time, when Books were not half so much read and relish'd, as they are at present. In short, we may perhaps safe­ly affirm, that Mr. Camden was the only person li­ving, that was not satisfy'd with it. For tho' men are generally but too fond of their own, and so in­clin'd to partiality in the main; yet 'tis certain, that every Author understands the particular failings of his Work, infinitely better than the nicest Critick that pretends to censure it. Just as an intimate acquain­tance sees farther into the odd humours and ill quali­ties of his friend, than another that but accidentally falls into his company once or twice.

But the general applause it met with could not draw him to any extravagant thoughts of what he had done already, nor tempt him to slacken his pur­suit for the future. No, he that had weigh'd the matter, knew best what could be done, and what vast improvements it might receive from time and opportunities. His own searches led him daily into new discoveries, the continual information of Friends encreas'd the treasure; both these help'd him out of numbers of doubts and scruples, and so made way for new matter, which he had suppress'd before out of a tenderness of imposing Errors upon mankind. Thus, when a design is well laid, it thrives strangely: new matter breaks in upon us; almost whatever we read, hear, see, or do, turns one way or other to the main account. And when the Standard is thus fixt, assistance pours in from all parts, as it were, to the head quarters.

Most of the other Editions had been refin'd, en­larg'd, and corrected by the Author: but they came too fast upon him to do so much as he desir'd. After that of 1594. he resolv'd it should rest for some time, and be gathering. Two years after, he took a journey to Sarum and Wells, and return'd by Ox­ford. After two years more, he travell'd as far as Carlisle, along with Sir Robert Cotton. But in the midst of those preparations for a more compleat edi­tion, he was unexpectedly interrupted; and instead of laying out his thoughts and endeavours after fresh discoveries, was call'd to a defence of what he had already publish'd.

The occasion of it was this.D. Smith's Life of Camden. p. 34. In the year 1597. upon the death of Richard Leigh Clarenceux King at Arms, Sir Fulk Grevil recommended Mr. Camden to the Queen, as a person every way qualified for the place, and one that had highly deserv'd of her Ma­jesty and her Kingdoms. The Queen, without more ado, gives him a grant, and Mr. Camden accordingly was created, Octob. 23. in the same year; having the day before been made Richmond-Herald, because by the Constitution none can be King at Arms but who has been first Herald. At that time Mr. Brooke was York-Herald, who, upon Leigh's death presently had an eye upon that preferment, and doubted not but the station he had already in the College would secure it to him. The greater his assurance was, the disap­pointment lay so much the heavier upon him; and (as men who lay too much stress upon their own me­rits, are always hurry'd on to revenge upon the least injury,) his next business was, to find out a fair op­portunity of shewing his resentments. Mr. Camden at the end of each County has drawn down the Hi­story of the respective Earls: and he thought, pro­bably, that if a quarrel could be pick'd in the busi­ness of Families, it would be most suitable to his present purpose. The plot was well contriv'd, if the charge could have been made out. As it would have shewn Mr. Camden's forwardness in engaging himself on a subject he was not Master of; so would it have convinc'd the Government of their unreasonable choice, not only in preferring a person who knew little of the matter, but (which was worse) in re­jecting one that was an absolute Critick. After two years study, 1599 he publish'd a Book with this title, A Discovery of certain Errours publish'd in print in the much commended Britannia, &c. without licence, without name either of Printer or Bookseller.

Before we enter upon the merits of the cause, be pleas'd to observe by the way the different humour and carriage of the two Parties. It was an opinion of merit that first rais'd a confidence in Mr. Brooke, and then an uneasiness when his expectation fail'd him. So far was Mr. Camden from entertaining the least thoughts of it, that till the whole business was over, he did not dream of any such thing, but the news was a perfect surprise to him. And when my Lord Burleigh (who was his great Patron) express'd his dissatisfaction, that he had not apply'd himself to him upon that occasion; he modestly return'd this answer, That 'twas purely a thought of Sir Fulk Gre­vil's, without so much as his knowledge.

It was not much for the reputation of the formerIbid., to throw off his true name Brokesmouth, and take that of Brooke, as one of greater vogue and dignity. Per­haps Mr. Camden had as little temptation as he, to be fond of his Family upon account of any eminence it could pretend to, especially on the Father's side. And yet so far was he from being asham'd of his mean­ness, such a pious and tender regard did he preserve for his memory, that even out of respect to his Trade, he left a gilt Bowl of 16 l. price to the Company of Painter-stainers in London, with this Inscription, Gul. Camdenus Clarenceux, filius Sampsonis, Pictoris Londinensis, dono dedit.

After Mr. Camden became a member of the Col­lege, he discharg'd his office with great integrity, and maintain'd an amicable correspondence with all his Brethren. How far his Adversary may lay claim to this character, let the following instance witness.Ibid. Upon a private pique against one of the College, he contriv'd such a malicious piece of revenge, as is not commonly heard of. He employs a man to car­ry a Coat of Arms to him ready drawn, to pretend that it belong'd to one Gregory Brandon (a Gentleman that had formerly liv'd in London, but was then gone over into Spain,) and to desire he would set his hand to it. The man does his errand very formally; and for fear a little time and consideration might break their measures, pretends that the Vessel which was to carry it, was just ready to set sail. He, smelling no­thing of the design, without more ado receives a re­ward, and puts the Seal of the Office, with his own Name, to the paper. Presently Brooke carries it to Thomas Earl of Arundel (then one of the Commissio­ners for the Office of Lord Marshal,) assures him that these are the Arms of the Kingdom of Arragon with a Canton of Brabant; and that that Brandon, to whom he had granted them, was a mean incon­siderable person. The Earl acquainted the King with the whole matter, who resolv'd that he should not only be turn'd out of his place, but, upon a fair hearing in the Star-chamber, be severely fin'd for his affront to the Crown of Spain. However, upon the intercession of the Earl of Pembroke, he grew a lit­tle calmer, and was prevail'd upon to refer it wholly to the Commissioners. When they came to a hea­ring, the Gentleman who had been thus impos'd upon, submitted himself entirely to the mercy of the Court; but withal desir'd their Lordships to consi­der, that 'twas a pure over-sight, and that it was the importunity of the messenger which drew him to the doing it without due deliberation. Brooke, on the other hand declar'd openly in Court, that it was from beginning to end a contrivance of his own, to gain an opportunity of convincing their Lordships of the sordidness of the other, who for the sake of a little money would be guilty of such a gross piece of knavery. They were amaz'd at the confidence of the man; and when His Majesty heard the circum­stances of the case, he had them both committed to prison; one for treachery, and the other for care­lessness. The party accus'd presented a Petition to the Commissioners, humbly requesting that they would use their interest with his Majesty for his gra­cious Pardon. This was seconded by an ample Testimonial under the hands of his Brethren, setting forth their concern for his misfortune, and the great integrity wherewith he had behav'd himself in all other matters. Brooke too got Friends to intercede for him: so, after a severe Reprimand from my Lord Chamberlain, they were both dismiss'd.

But, to return. By this time one will be easily convinc'd, that it was not any concern for Truth, or for the honour of the English Nobility, which [Page] induc'd him to lay open the Errors of Mr. Camden, but a vein of ill nature, which run through all his actions. And the success of it was answerable; for the next year Mr. Camden reprinted his Britannia, and at the end of it publish'd a learned Defence of himself and his Work. He modestly declares, That 'tis very possible he might fall into several Errors; that, for his part, he ne'er pretended to be exempt from the common failings of mankind; but con­ceives, however, that allowance ought to be made to slips here and there, when men deal in such a varie­ty of matter: that he thinks himself, notwithstand­ing, very coarsly treated: and to shew at once the impudence as well as weakness of his Adversary, he clears himself from his objections upon undeniable authorities, and then shews into what palpable mi­stakes this great Reformer had drop'd, even in the midst of his Criticisms.

As this made him a fair instance, how malicious practices do generally return upon the author; so the publication of another Book in the year 1619. gave him some farther experience upon the same head. It was a Catalogue of the Succession of Kings, Princes, and Dukes, down from William the Conquerour, with their se­veral Arms. Smith, Vit. p. 37. Mr. Camden made a Collection of the Errors in it; not so much those of haste or in­advertency, (no, he had liv'd too long in the world not to know that these were the common failings of mankind) but such as were downright blunders, and the pure effects of his ignorance. He was now too old and infirm to endure the fatigue of close study, and thought he had too little time before him to bestow any of it upon quarreling and controversie. But Mr. Vincent, a person admirably skill'd in the business of Families, (then only Poursuivant under the title of Rouge Croix, but afterwards made Windsor-Herald, andClerk, Wood's Athenae. Keeper of the Records in the Tower) undertook, upon this occasion, to convince Mr. Brooke that he had not such a share of infallibility as he had flatter'd himself withal. He publish'd this Answer in the year 1622. With what success and applause, I appeal to the commendations of Mr. Selden, and of other learned men, which appear in the beginning of the Book.

Another branch of Mr. Brooke's accusation against Mr. Camden, was Plagiarism. He consider'd likely, that drawing down of Families was no part of Mr. Camden's Office when he first publish'd his Britannia; that it was also an accidental thing to the design of a Survey; that therefore the World would make allowance for little mistakes in Genealo­gies; and upon the whole matter, was afraid that the objections he had rais'd upon that head would not be much damage either to the reputation of the Book or the credit of the Author. To strike home, he endeavours to insinuate, that how gay soever the composition might look, and how uniform soever the work appear'd, yet if men would be at the trou­ble to examine, they might find the summe and sub­stance of all that was said, in the posthumous papers of Glover and Leland. So that if this suggestion did but take, Mr. Camden had no farther share in it, than ranging a parcel of loose papers into a little method and order. Methinks (by the way) it might have been some excuse, that possibly Glover and Leland, (whom, forsooth, he follow'd so close) had lead him into some of those many Errors he pretends to correct in his Britannia. Why should not they share in the mistakes, as well as they do in the useful discoveries?

The former of these, Mr. Glover, was Somerset-Herald,Smith, p. 27. and so eminent a master of his Profession, that (in Sir William Dugdale's opinion) Mr. Camden and He were the two greatest men that had ever been of the College. Had he liv'd out the common term, he would have made a greater figure in the world, and we at this day might have enjoy'd the fruit of his Labours.Apr. 14. 1588. But he was cut off at 45 years of age, and left behind him a confus'd mass of Collections, which were purchas'd afterwards by my Lord Bur­leigh, and communicated to Mr. Camden. Of what use they were to him, any one may be easily con­vinc'd, by comparing his Britannia with those Pa­pers, which were reposited in the Archives of the College. Miscellanies of that nature are generally no more than short hints to carry us to something further, and are heap'd up together without any thing of consideration. So that 'tis impossible for any but the collector to dive into the true meaning of most things, and unbecoming a person of com­mon judgment and curiosity to lay much stress upon any. But if they had been as serviceable to him as his Adversary would perswade us, I cannot see how he could be fairly charg'd with ingratitude or in­justice, after he has more than once afforded Mr. Glo­ver such anDefence against Brooke, p. 6. Britannia in Bark­shire. honourable character.

As the Itinerary of Mr. Leland has gain'd a grea­ter name and esteem, so it will be harder to remove the objection rais'd upon that bottom. Far be it from me to injure the memory of that great man. He was the first that turn'd the eyes of the Kingdom upon that part of Learning; and let it be said to his immortal honour, What he did was faithful, and what he design'd was glorious.

In the year 1533. (25 Hen. 8.) he had a Com­mission under the Broad Seal, whereby he was im­power'd to search the Libraries of all Cathedrals, Ab­bies, Priories, Colleges, &c. And in the 28. year of the same King, he obtain'd a special dispensation to keep a Curate at Poppeling, where he was Rector; having represented to his Majesty the great advan­tage might be made by travelling over England. When he had got together large Collections, he fix'd in London, with a design to fall about such Books as he had encourag'd the King to expect, when he obtain'd his Dispensation Also, in the 37 of Hen. 8. he presented that King with a Scheme of the several projects he had laid, under the title of a New-years-gift, wherein he promises a description of Britain, as under the Romans; a survey and history of each County, in 60 Books; a survey of the British Isles, in 6 Books; and a work concerning the Nobility of Britain, in 3 Books. But the very next year (out of an apprehension, as most think, that he should ne­ver be able to compleat what he had undertaken) he fell distracted, continu'd so to his dying day, and left his Papers in confusion. The greatest part of them are now in the publick Library at Oxford, presented to it by Mr. William Burton Author of the Antiquities of Leicestershire, into whose possession they had at last come through several other hands. The only work, I think, that he left compleat, was, his Lives of the British Writers, in Latin: wherein he has been but coarsly us'd by Bale, Pits, and some others, who, 'tis said, have made up their Volumes upon that subject, in a great measure out of Leland's store. But now, at last, he is like to have justice done him by a diligent and judicious Author, from whom we may shortly expect an accurate edition of that part, with suitable improvements.

But the main charge against Mr. Camden is grounded upon the Survey of Britain, and of the Isles; for, I think, any one will excuse him in what relates to the Romans, that does but consider what mad work they made of it, who undertook to settle the old Towns in Britain, before Mr. Camden. Now, giving these posthumous Papers the splendid title of an Itinerary, flourishing upon the number of Books proportionable to the Counties of England, and to back these, observing that Mr. Leland roundly affirms, that he had ample materials ready by him; all this looks very big, and is an admirable handle to any one that has a mind to employ his ill nature. But men would do well to consider at what a low ebb Learn­ing was then, and what a plausible figure several things make in the infancy, which after a little growth and improvement appear to be very incon­siderable. To describe the course of a River, and the distance of one Town from another; to tell you whether a bridge was of wood or of stone, or how many arches it had; was an useful piece of instruction at that time, when travelling was not much in fashion. And perhaps one may safely affirm, That the Counties of England were then more [Page] strangers to the affairs of their neighbours, than the Nations of Europe have since been to one another. They would not be at the pains to view, and they wanted Maps to let them see at a distance; so every thing that inform'd, was kindly receiv'd, and a Work was lookt upon as a mighty project which at pre­sent would be but coldly entertain'd. Now, to take an estimate of matters barely by their names, and to frame idea's of what's past by the present condition of things, is a very dangerous way of arguing. Al­together as unreasonable, as if upon hearing an Hi­storian make a bustle about the Wars between the Romans and Sabines, and very formally drawing up the Armies on both sides; a man should presently conclude that each of them could not be less than a hundred thousand strong. When all the while, their set Battels would hardly amount to a sally or a skir­mish at this day. If men would carry this conside­ration along with them, they might find that the change of things between the times of these two Au­thors, had render'd a good part of the former's Iti­nerary altogether unuseful to the Britannia of the lat­ter. The contrivance of Maps had given them at once a view of the whole Kingdom, and the corre­spondence (occasion'd by the improvement of Trade and Commerce) had inform'd every Mechanick in what before would have been a good discovery.

That he had seen the Itinerary of Leland, he does not deny. That he likewise made use of it is plain, because he has told us so in several parts of his Book. But do not they two very often jump, without any mention of Leland's name? It's very true they do; but suppose I say that Canterbury is a City, that there is a stately Castle at Windsor, that Oxford is an Universi­ty; am I therefore a Plagiary, because Leland or any man else has said so before me? Suppose also, I observe that St. Austin repair'd an old Church at Canterbury, that St. Cuthbert was the Saint of Dur­ham; can any man have so little sense as to fall up­on me because I make use of Bede's authority rather than Leland's? Can we think Mr. Camden travell'd England with his eyes shut? Or if he carried them open, that he could not distinguish a Wood from a Fenn, or a Mountain from a Meadow, as well as the rest of Mankind? And why then all this pother a­bout Plagiarism? He set out with a prodigious stock of Learning almost in all kinds, he survey'd the greatest part of England, he had access to all Libra­ries and Records, had the assistance of Learned men both at home and abroad; and if any can believe that one of Mr. Camden's temper would make no use of these opportunities, but rather spend thirty years in piecing up the remains of others, let him enjoy his own opinion. All I can say, is, that the publication of Leland's Itinerary would be the best defence of Mr. Camden.

In the year 1607. he put the last hand to his Bri­tannia; which gain'd him the titles of the Varro, Strabo, and Pausanias of Britain, in the Writings and Letters of Learned men. Nor did it ever after meet with any enemies that I know of; only,Letter to Bp. Usher. Sir Simon D'Ewes encourag'd us to hope for Animadversions upon the Work, after he had observ'd to a very great man, that there was not a page in it without a fault. But it was only threatning; and neither the World was the better, nor Mr. Camden's Reputation e're the worse for it.

One cannot well conceive how the compass of a man's Life should have brought a Work of this na­ture to greater perfection. But, alas, it had but a small share in his hours. Yet tho' his time was divi­ded, the whole was spent in the Service of the Pub­lick. He was always either exciting the present Age to Virtue and Honour, by representing to them the Venerable Monuments of their Ancestors; or lay­ing a Foundation for the happiness of Posterity, by forming Youth into Religion and Learning. They are two Professions that seem to look quite different ways; and yet he manag'd them to such advantage, that if he had been continually abroad, 'tis hard to imagine how the Antiquary could have been better; or if constantly in the School, how the Master could have been more diligent. He was not content to train up those who were under his immediate care, unless (like the good old Orator) he put himself in a condition to be a Guide to them, even after it should please Providence to remove him.

His Predecessor, Dr. Edward Grant, had compos'd a Greek Grammar for the use of his School. This, Mr. Camden by long experience had found to be in several things deficient, and in the whole frame not so well suited to the design, as one would desire. So, he con­triv'd a Scheme of his own, the effect of two and twenty years observation; the method whereof, up­on the publication, appear'd to be so clear, easie, and compendious, that it has ever since been taught in most Schools throughout England, as the best In­troduction to that Language.

While he was consulting the interest of the Li­ving, he did not forget to pay a just Veneration to the Dead. When the fatigue of the School oblig'd him to look out for a little recreation, he refresht his Spi­rits by viewing the stately Monuments of Antiquity. Those, I mean, which are erected to the memory of the Kings, Queens, and Nobility of England, in the Cathedral Church of Westminster. And that it might not be in the power of time or revolutions to deprive Posterity of the same pleasure, he copy'd them all out, and publisht them in the year 1600. with an Historical Account of the Foundation of that Church. He had also took some pains in col­lecting the Monuments in the Churches and Chapels of the University of Oxford, as appears from the Fragments of them still remaining.

But this was only the fruit of his spare hours, and the business of a particular place. The next publick Service, was his Volume of English Historians, pub­lisht at Francfort in the year 1603. and dedicated to his Patron Sir Fulk Grevil, as an acknowledgment for the good office he had done him, when he was promoted to be King at Arms. This it was, that freed him from the attendance of the School, that put his time in his own disposal; and (like the Mantuan Poet) he was not ungrateful to his Maecenas, nor forgot to pay the first-fruits of his ease and quiet to this his Bene­factor. Part of them were never before publisht; and such as had seen the light, he sent abroad much more correct and accurate. What great light they give into the affairs of the English, Normans, Irish, and Britains, is no news to those who think it worth their while to look into the Histories of their own Kingdom. And if these few be of so much conse­quence, what might be expected from the whole bo­dy of our English Historians? If but a little taste be so delightful, what pleasure might we promise our selves from a full meal? To see them all rang'd into order of time; to have those that are already pub­lisht, refin'd by the assistance of Copies; and such as lye still in Manuscript, rescu'd at last from dust and ashes: what a satisfaction would this be to the curi­ous, and what an honour to the Nation? If it had been done a hundred years ago, 'tis more than pro­bable, that the same hand which gave us the Bri­tannia, had furnisht us likewise with a Civil History. That he had once set about it,Britannia under the title Nor­mans. himself has told us; and I no way doubt, but one of the greatest rubs that discourag'd him, was this confusion of our old Historians. When they are got together, 'tis then time enough to think of an Universal History; but 'tis a little too soon to talk of melting and refining, when the best part of the Ore is still under ground.

The next year gave him an opportunity of pay­ing a publick respect to his great Friend and Ac­quaintance Sir Robert Cotton, by the edition of his Remains. It appears by the Original, that at first he had design'd to dedicate this Work to Sir Fulk Gre­vil; but the Volume of Historians having already gi­ven him an opportunity of making his acknowledg­ments there, he now thought it a piece of duty to show his gratitude to Sir Robert, a Person, whose Conversation and Library were the main support of his Studies.

The discovery of the Gunpowder-Plot gave him the next occasion of employing his Pen in the Service of [Page] the Publick. His Majesty was not content only to appoint a solemn Thanksgiving for that deliverance, but also thought it necessary to convince foreign Nations of the justice of his proceedings; and to give timely notice to the Reformed Churches a­broad, to be always upon their guard against those inveterate Enemies of the Protestant Reli­gion. Mr. Camden was pitch'd upon as a per­son best qualified to draw up the whole case in a Latin stile agreeable to the subject. It was publish'd in the year 1607. andIndex Li­brorum Prohibito­rum & Ex­purgato­rum. was rank'd among the Books expresly prohibited by the Church of Rome in 1667.

The Grammar, the Westminster-Monuments, the Vo­lume of Historians, the Remains, and lastly the Pro­ceedings against the Conspirators; tho' they are all of them highly useful, and very well becoming the Character of Mr. Camden, yet they fall far short of his Britannia. And no wonder: they were only the fruit of his spare hours; like so many digressions from his main design: and while that was growing, seem intended only to convince the world that he was not unmindful of the publick interest. The last of these was publisht the same year that he put the last hand to his Britannia: so that now he was at li­berty to set about in earnest, what he had had in his eye for ten years before, the Annals of Queen Eliza­beth.

This Work was begun in the year 1597. at the in­stance of William Lord Burghley; who had both an entire Veneration for the Queen, and by his con­stant favours had that interest in Mr. Camden, to which few or none could pretend. But he dying the very next year, and the difficulties of the Work sensibly encreasing, Mr. Camden did not prosecute it with so much resolution as formerly, but began to have a sort of indifference whether he brought it to any head or not. This coolness was encreas'd by the death of the Queen, which hapned some years af­ter. But when he saw no one that had more strength and leisure would take the task upon him, now the care of his Britannia was pretty well over, a strong sense of gratitude spurr'd him forward, and he could not be wanting to the commands of the best of Pa­trons, nor the memory of the best of Princes. So,Diary. in the year 1608. he fell to digesting his Materials; but did not publish before the year 1615. and came no lower than 1589. As it had been long expected and earnestly desir'd by the Learned, so did it meet with an agreeable reception from all hands, as ap­pears by the several Letters of Thanks from the greatest Persons of that time. And a very eminent man of our own Nation scruples not to affirm,Seld. Epist. praefixa Li­bro Augu­stini Vin­centii. that this, and my Lord Bacon's History of Henry the se­venth, are the only two Lives of the Kings or Queens of England which come up to the dignity of the Subject, either in fulness of matter, or beauty of composition.

The pleasure which the first part afforded, encreas'd the application of his Friends, and made them so much the more importunate with him, to consider That the infirmities of old Age were drawing on a­pace, and that he could not better employ the re­maining part of his time, either to the service of the Publick, or the satisfaction of the Curious, than by going on as he had begun. Especially consider­ing, that himself had been an eye-witness of the latter part of her reign, and maintain'd an intimate correspondence with some who had bore the greatest share in the Government. How little it was Mr. Camden's humour to leave things imperfect, let the Britannia witness. But the censures he met with in the business of Mary Queen of Scots, and the pri­vate resentments of some persons who thought him too severe in the character of their Ancestors, were enough to have made him stop his course, and not venture any farther in such a troublesome road. That Historians raise themselves almost as ma­ny Enemies as they tell Truths, is a just, tho' very me­lancholy observation; and the publication of this gave him so large experience of it, as to make him peremptorily resolve that the second part should not see the light till after his death. He wisely consider'd, that mens writings and actions do meet with a more favourable construction, after they are once remov'd out of the world; but if what he had deliver'd with the utmost sincerity, should after all give offence to particular persons, that he should however be out of the noise of their clamours, and beyond the reach of their disturbance. Tho' the whole was finisht in the year 1617. as appears from hisEpist. 147. & 155. Epistles; yet he persisted in his resolution against all the importuni­ties of Friends. And lest the common fate of post­humous Papers should be urg'd against him, he took care that a fair Transcript of it should bePuteani Vit. p. 50. Camd. Epist. 247. deposited in the hands of his intimate Friend Petrus Puteanus; and kept the Original by him, which is now in the Library of Sir John Cotton. So the second Tome came not out before the year 1625.

Dr. Smith's Life of Camden.The Records and Instruments out of which he ex­tracted his Annals, are most of them, if not all, in Cotton's Library. By a Manuscript of Dr. Good­man's (who was afterwards Bishop of Glocester) we learn, that He desir'd them of Mr. Camden, as a Le­gacy, when he dy'd; but had this answer return'd, That no man should have commanded them more freely, if they had not been promis'd to Dr. Bancroft Archbishop of Canterbury. Upon his death he translated the right of them to his Successor Dr. George Abbot, (who had undertook to publish them;) and the Bishop tells us in the same Manuscript, that he had heard Archbishop Laud say, they were deposited in the Palace at Lambeth. 'Tis probable, these were only such as related to the Ecclesiastical Affairs of that time, which Mr. Camden did not think him­self so immediately concern'd in. But what they were, cannot now be known: they must have been destroy'd in that havock and confusion made in the Library of Archbishop Laud by Prinne, Scot, and Hugh Peters; for upon a diligent search made by the late Dr. Sancroft, at his first promotion to the See of Canterbury, not one scrap of them appear'd.

From the end of Queen Elizabeth to his own death, he kept aSince pub­lisht with his Epistles. Diary of all the remarkable passages in the reign of King James. Not that he could so much as dream of living to make use of them himself, at that age, and under those many infirmities which a laborious life had drawn upon him. But he was willing however to contribute all the assistance he could, to any that should do the same honour to the reign of King James, which he had done to that of Queen Elizabeth. If this were practis'd by Persons of Learning and Curiosity, who have opportunity of seeing into the Publick Affairs of a Kingdom; what a large step would it be towards a History of the respective times? For after all, the short hints and strictures of that kind, do very often set things in a truer light than regular Histories; which are but too commonly written to serve a Party, and so draw one insensibly out of the right way. Whereas if men are left to themselves, to make their own inferences from simple matters of fact, as they lay before them, tho' perhaps they may often be at a loss how to make things hang together, yet their aim shall be still true, and they shall hardly be mi­staken in the main. One single matter of fact faith­fully and honestly deliver'd, is worth a thousand Comments and Flourishes.

Thus, the interest of the Publick was the business of Mr. Camden's life, and he was serviceable to Learn­ing till his dying day. For so much merit, one would think the greatest rewards too mean: but a little serv'd his turn, who always thought it more honou­rable to deserve, than to have preferments.Ep. 195. He never made application to any man for promotion; but so long as he faithfully discharg'd the office he had, was content to trust Providence for what should follow.

The first step he made, was the second Master­ship of Westminster-School, in the year 1575. In this station he continu'd till the death of Dr. Grant Head-Schoolmaster (which hapned in 1593.) whom he succeeded. (But before that, two years af­ter the first edition of his Britannia, he had the Pre­bend of Ilfarcomb, belonging to the Church of Salis­bury, bestow'd upon him by Dr. John Piers, Bishop [Page] of that See.) What satisfaction it was to him to see the fruits of his industry in the School, learn from his own expression of it in a Letter to Archbishop Usher. At Westminster (says he) God so blessed my labours, that the now Bishop of London, Durham, and St. Asaph, to say nothing of persons imploy'd in eminent place abroad, and many of especial note at home, of all degrees, do acknow­ledge themselves to have been my Scholars. What a com­fortable reflexion was this, That he had laid the foun­dation of those pillars which prov'd so considerable supports both to Church and State? Here he liv'd frugally, andEpist. 195. by his long labours in the School gather'd a contented sufficiency for his life, and a supply for all the charitable benefactions at his death.Epist. ead. He refus'd a mastership of Requests, when offer'd; and kept to his School,See above. till the place of King at Arms was con­ferr'd upon him without his own application, or so much as knowledge.

These were all the Preferments he was ever possest of. We might have reckon'd another, if the fol­lowing project had but succeeded. In the year 1609. Dr. Sutcliff Dean of Exeter, resolv'd upon building a College at Chelsey, for a certain number of Di­vines, who should make it their only business to con­fute the Errors of the Church of Rome. The Pro­posal was highly approv'd of by King James, who accordingly nominated the Doctor first Provost of the College;May 10. 1610. and seventeen very eminent Divines, under the title of Fellows. And because it was evident, that matters of History would of course fall in with Controversies in Religion, they concluded it necessary to be arm'd against all such cases; and so pitch'd upon two excellent Historians, Mr. Camden, and John Hayward, Doctor of the Civil Law.See Mid­dlesex un­der Chelsey. They fell to building, but found their Revenues fall short; and so the whole design drop'd.

To be particular in his Acquaintance, would be to rec­kon up almost all the learned men of his time. When he was young, Learned men were his Patrons; when he grew up, the Learned were his intimates; and when he came to be old, he was a Patron to the Learned. So that Learning was his only care, and learned men the only comfort of his life. What an useful and honourable correspondence he had settl'd both at home and abroad, does best appear from his Letters; and with what candour and easiness he maintain'd it, the same Letters may inform us. The work he was engag'd in for the honour of his native Coun­try, gain'd him respect at home, and admiration abroad; so that he was look'd upon as a common Oracle, and for a Foreigner to travel into England, and return without seeing Mr. Camden, was thought a very gross omission. He was visited by six Ger­man Noblemen at one time, and at their request wrote his Lemma in each of their Books, as a testi­mony that they had seen him.

Brissonius, Prime Minister of State in the French Court, when he was sent into England by his master K. Hen. 3. to treat of a match between his brother the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, would not return a stranger to Mr. Camden; who, tho' but second School-master of Westminster, and not full thirty years of age, had yet those qualities which effectually recommended him to the friendship and conversation of that great man. Some of the Ser­vants of the Elector Palatine (who came over about the match with Elizabeth eldest daughter to King James) were severely reprov'd by Gruter for neglect­ing to do themselves that piece of honour. He won­der'd with what face they could stay so many months in England, and all the while Neque consulere ejus oraculum unicum, neque adspicere ejus astrum primum, not consult its only Oracle, nor see the brightest Star in it. With Gruter himself Mr. Camden kept a constant correspondence, whilst he liv'd; and when he dy'd, left him 5 l. for a ring, to be a memorial of their old acquaintance.

Peireskius (that universal Patron of Learning) un­derstood the value of Mr. Camden's friendship; and as he was always ready to lend him the utmost as­sistance he was able, so did he find him highly ser­viceable in whatever related to the affairs of England. Particularly, Monsieur du Chesne, in his Preface to the Norman Writers, gratefully acknowledges, that the Elogium Emmae, the Writings of Gulielmus Pictaviensis, and several Catalogues of the Norman Nobility who came over along with the Conquerour, were all ow­ing to Mr. Camden; and that they were procur'd for him by the interest of Peireskius.

His acquaintance with Thuanus was late; but when begun, it was very intimate, and lasted till the death of that Glory of France, and the Prince of modern Historians, as Mr. Camden afterwards stil'd him.Diarie. The first Letter he sent him, was by the hands of Mr. Lisle, in the year 1606. Whether this was about the busi­ness of Mary Queen of Scots, I know not; but 'tis certain, if Thuanus had taken Mr. Camden's advice, he had not given so much offence to the English Court, by that p [...]rt of his History.

That he desir'd Mr. Camden's information upon that head, is plain from his Letter to him; but what particulars were return'd we know not: only thus much in general, That he should by all means be very nice and tender in the relation of that matter. Thus far we learn from Thuanus's own Letter sent the next year after, along with the second Tome of his History. Sed valde vereor (says he) ut tempera­mentum illud, de quo monueras, in rerum Scoticarum nar­ratione ubique servaverim. Wherein he also tells him, that if the Scotch affairs of that time could have been wholly pass'd over, he was sensible how much odium and ill will he had avoided; but that, being so very notorious, and so much in every body's mouth, it had been an unpardonable crime in an Historian to wave them. That he deliver'd every thing upon the authority of several of that Kingdom, who had been eye-witnesses, and laid no farther stress upon what Buchanan had said, than as he found it confirm'd by them. For which reasons he desires, that if any re­flections should be made upon it at Court, Mr. Cam­den would do him this friendly office, to clear him from all suspicion of being an Enemy to either the English or Scotch nation; and to satisfie every one, that he had acted in it with the utmost integrity. But King James was extremely offended to find it run so much to the disadvantage of his mother; and the more, because he knew several of the matters of fact, upon which the charge was grounded, to be utter­ly false. Whereupon he employ'd Mr. Camden to draw upSince printed by Dr. Smith, at the end of his Epistles. Animadversions upon that part of the History, and to transmit them to Thuanus; which indeed make the story much more fair on the Queen's side, than either he or Buchanan had represented it.

It has been said, That when Mr. Camden's first Vo­lume of the Annals appear'd, Thuanus writ severely to him, finding that it was so different from what had pass'd between them in Letters. If they who affirm this have Thuanus's Letter to produce, I have nothing to say to it. But if their only authority be a current report of the Kingdom, one may observe two or three cir­cumstances which seem to make against it, or at least to imply that he could have no great reason to quar­rel with Mr. Camden upon that score. For, in the beginning of his Letter sent along with the second Tome, he excuses himself, and says, he's afraid he has not altogether observ'd that moderation and ten­derness, which Mr. Camden had prescrib'd, in the Scotch affairs; and absolves him from any false information in matters of fact, when he tells us, towards the end of the same Letter, that he set down the whole matter as he had it from particular persons of that Kingdom: Rem, ut ex Sco­torum, qui interfuerant, sermonibus didici, ita literis man­davi: & ad eorum fidem scripta à Buchanano expendi. So that if Mr. Camden did gratifie his request, and sent him his observations upon that head, it seems he made no use of them. Again, if he had been led into errors, and thrown under his Majesty's displea­sure by any instructions Mr. Camden sent over, it might have been expected from one of his candour and modesty, that in the Animadversions he should at least have beg'd his pardon, and let him know, that when he writ, that was his opinion, but that he had since been better inform'd by his Majesty and the sight of Records. Whereas, instead of this, there is a vein of sharpness runs through that whole [Page] Paper, and he gives Thuanus very broad hints, that he had follow'd Buchanan but too close. So that ex­pressing his dislike of several passages in this History the very next year, if Thuanus had been drawn into those errors by Mr. Camden, he might have made his resentments long enough before the publication of the Annals.

He settl'd an intimate acquaintance with Hottoman, who was Secretary to Robert Earl of Leicester; af­ter whose return into France (where he was employ'd on an Embassy into Germany) they two kept a close correspondence. Nor must we forget the learned Franciscus Pithoeus, who settl'd a very early familiari­ty with him; or Petrus Puteanus, of whose fidelity he had so great a confidence, that when he had ta­ken up a resolution of suppressing the second part of the Annals till after his death,Dr. Barnet says, it was committed to Monsieur de Thou. Ans [...]er to Mons. Varil­las. he thought he could not lodge the Copy-in any safer hands.

His acquaintance at home lay mostly among the Learned; having no inclination, to court the favour of great men, nor time to spend upon that sort of attendance. One that could solve his scruples, in­form him in what was new, or any way help on his Designs, came to Mr. Camden with a more effectual

Mr. Tho. Savil of Oxford was one of the first of this kind; whose untimely death in the flower of his age was a very sensible loss to Mr. Camden. But his in­timate acquaintance with his brother Sir Henry Savil, made amends for it; who was so great an admirer of Mr. Camden's Learning and Goodness, that he would fain have prevail'd upon him to spend his latter days at his house in Eaton-College. I am sure (Camden's Ep. 251. says he) you might make me a happy man in my old age, without any discontent, I hope, to your self. I dare say we would all do our best that you should not repent of your living here. The same Sir Henry was exceeding ser­viceable to himEp. 251. & 252. in the settlement of his History-Lecture in Oxford; having experienc'd the difficulties by his establishment of an Astronomy-Lecture in the same University, a little before.

Archbishop Usher consulted him upon all occasions, and in returnEp 61. gave him great assistance in the affairs of Ireland; [...]ee the se­veral Epistles to Mr. Cam­den. as the learned Dr. John Jonston of Aber­deen did in the Antiquities of Scotland.

Sir Robert Cotton was his Companion both in studies and travels, both at home and abroad. He and his Library were the two Oracles Mr. Camden general­ly consulted; and his journey to Carlisle in the year 1600. was render'd much more pleasant and profita­ble by the company of so true a friend, and so great a master of Antiquities. Dr. Francis Godwin, first, Bi­shop of Landaff, and then of Hereford, afforded him the same satisfaction in his journey into Wales.

Dr. James (the first Keeper of Sir Thomas Bodley's Library in Oxford) was very useful to him in his studies, as we learn from some Letters that he re­ceiv'd from him. I am willing to take this opportu­nity of publishing them, because they all relate to the affairs of Learning: and we cannot doubt, but if these had come to hand, the excellent Editor of his Epi­stles would have allow'd them a place among the rest.

My loving and good Mr. James,

YOUR great pains to satisfie my desire, omitting there­by your private business, hath been far more than I could wish you should have undergone, and much more than I can deserve; and therefore requireth greater thanks than in words I can remember: but assure your self I will register them up in a most thankful mind. As soon as ever the year openeth, with God's grace, I will take a jour­ney to Cambridge, to satisfie my self with Essebiensis, and some other specified in your Catalogue, albeit that I see in matters before the Norman Conquest, in the paucity of Writers, they do all trace one another, and therefore few especial Notes do occur in them. In the mean, with a mil­lion of hearty thanks to you, and my hearty commendations to Mr Causton, I rest, greatly indebted to you,

Your loving Friend, William Camden.
Good Mr. Causton, and my good Mr. James,

LET it not seem strange, that I should conjoin you two thus jointly in one, when as love and good liking, with the mother of friendship similitudo studiorum, hath so assuredly link'd you together. I most heartily thank you both, the one for opening the passage and entrance, and the other for admitting me into his amity. And verily, in this behalf, I do congratulate inwardly to my self, that I have now gotten so good a Friend, unto whom (I solemnly vow) I will most willingly perform all offices of true friend­ship whatsoever. Only I am sorry that I was then absent, when I should have enjoy'd his presence the last week at London. But more sorry am I, that the good opportunity of those good MSS. hath overslipp'd me; for the Printer, who is impatient of stay, is now already forward, and my occasions will not permit me to come now to Cambridge. I have long since seen Fordon, Gervasius Tilburiensis, Gualterus Conventrensis, and Trivet; some Copies are here extant amongst my friends; and lately I happen'd upon Talbot's notes in Antonini Itinerarium: only I desire you to look into that Exameron Angliae and Notabilia Bri­stoliae, and Worcester, if there be any special observati­ons; as also in the Historical Epitome of Alexander Esse­biensis. As for his Poem of the Festival days, I long since read it over. Thus commending my self to your good love conjointly, and you both to the gracious protection of the Almighty, I heartily bid you farewell, resting

Yours most assuredly, Will. Camden.
Right Worshipful,

MY ancient good Friend Casper Gevartius living now at Paris, a man by his works not unknown to you so conversant among Books, hath written to me as much is herein enclosed. My desire is, that you would satisfie him by me, if there be in your Library any such MS. of Manilius Astronomicon. I have been inform'd, that there is one, and that a learned Student of your University hath conferr'd it with Scaliger's edition. If this be true, I most earnestly request you to communicate thus much with him, and to understand whether he be purpos'd to set it out himself: if not, whether he will be content to impart Va­riantes Lectiones with Gevartius, who (I presume so much of his candour) will not defraud him of the honour due to his Labour and Learning; if not, I will send you a Copy of Scaliger's Edition, and desire you to get some Stu­dent to confer it with the MS. and I will satisfie him to his full contentation, and shall rest indebted to you for your care herein.

Your loving Friend assuredly, W. Camden, Clarenceux.

Sir Henry Spelman calls himself his Ep. 226. ancient Friend; and in his account of the Society of Antiquaries which settl'd in London, makes Mr. Camden one of the chief. I find it before his original Manuscript of the History of Terms, by way of Preface; but the Pub­lisher thereof has follow'd an imperfect Copy, and nothing of it appears in the printed Books. It may be a piece of service to supply that defect; and not at all unseasonable in this place, since it gives us a further light into Mr. Camden's Acquaintance, and shows us what that age took to be the most effectual method for improvement of Ancient Learning.

ABout 42 years since, divers Gentlemen in London, Sir Henry Spelman's Preface to his Law-Terms. stu­dious of Antiquities, fram'd themselves into a College or Society of Antiquaries, appointing to meet every Friday weekly in the Term, at a place agreed of, and for Learning sake to confer upon some questions in that faculty, and to supp together. The place, after a meeting or two, became certain at Darby-house, where the Herald's Office is kept, and two Questions were propounded at every meeting, to be handled at the next that follow'd; so that every man had [Page] a senight's respite to advise upon them, and then to deli­ver his opinion. That which seem'd most material, was by one of the company (chosen for the purpose) to be enter'd in a book, that so it might remain unto posterity. The Society encreas'd daily, many persons of great worth, as well noble as other Learned, joyning themselves unto it.

Thus it continu'd divers years; but as all good uses com­monly decline, so many of the chief supporters hereof, either dying or withdrawing themselves from London into the Country, this among the rest grew for 20 years to be dis­continu'd. But it then came again into the mind of di­vers principal Gentlemen to revive it; and for that purpose upon the — day of — in the year 1614. there met at the same place Sir James Ley Knight, then Attor­ney of the Court of Wards, since Earl of Marlebury, and Lord Treasurer of England, Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronet, Sir John Davies his Majesty's Attorney for Ireland, Sir Richard St. George Knight, then Norrey, Mr. Hackwell the Queen's Sollicitor, Mr. Camden then Clarentieux, my self, and some others. Of these, the Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Cotton, Mr. Camden, and my self, had been of the original Foundation, and to my know­ledge were all then living of that sort, saving Sir John Doderidge Knight, Justice of the King's Bench.

We held it sufficient for that time to revive the Meet­ing, and only conceiv'd some Rules of Government and Limitation to be observ'd amongst us, whereof this was one; That for avoiding offence, we should neither meddle with matters of State nor of Religion. And agreeing of two Questions for the next Meeting, we chose Mr. Hack­well to be our Register, and the Convocator of our As­semblies for the present; and supping together, so departed.

One of the Questions was, touching the Original of the Terms; about which, as being obscure and generally mi­staken, I bestow'd some extraordinary pains, that coming short of others in understanding, I might equal them if I could in diligence. But before our next meeting, we had notice that his Majesty took a little mislike of our Society, not being enform'd that we had resolv'd to decline all mat­ters of State. Yet hereupon we forbare to meet again, and so all our labours lost. But mine lying by me, and having been often desir'd of me by some of my Friends, I thought good upon a review and augmentation to let it creep abroad in the form you see it, wishing it might be rectified by some better judgment.

The Manuscript is now in the Bodleian Library: and any one who has leisure to compare the printed Copy with it, will find the Additions under Sir Hen­ry's own hand to be so considerable, that he will have no occasion to repent of his labour.

Thus much for his Education, his Works, his Friends. Let us now view him in his Retirement. He found the noise and hurry of business extremely injurious to a broken Constitution, that was every day less able to bear it; and thought it was time to contract his thoughts, and make himself more Master of his hours, when he had so few before him. Thus, when he was towards sixty years of Age, he took a House at Chesilhurst, some ten miles from London; where he liv'd till his dying day, and compil'd the greatest part of the Annals of Queen Elizabeth.

About two years before his death, when the pains and aches of old Age had made him in a great mea­sure uncapable of study, he enter'd upon another method of serving the Publick, by encouraging o­thers in the same search. He was not content to have reviv'd Antiquity, to have nurs'd and train'd her up with the utmost care and tenderness, unless (like an indulgent Father) he provided her a Fortune, and laid a firm Foundation for her future Happiness. It was a design he had many years be­fore resolv'd upon; witness the Conclusion of his Britannia, Nihil aliud nunc restat, &c. quàm ut Deo Opt. Max. & Venerandae Antiquitati Anathema consecrarem, quod libens merito nunc voveo, &c.

This was his pious Vow; and he was willing to see it discharg'd e're he dy'd. Where to bestow this Charity, was a point that did not cost him much thought: his own Education, and other Circum­stances, gave the University of Oxford a sort of title. So, after he had settl'd every thing in due form of Law, he sent down his Gift by the hands of his in­timate Friend Mr. Heather. On the seventeenth day of May, in the year 1622. Dr. Piers Dean of Peter­burrow, and then Vice-Chancellor, declar'd in Con­vocation, how Mr. Camden had sounded a History-Lecture, and for the Maintenance of a Professor, had transferr'd over all his right in the Manour of Bexley in Kent to the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the said University. With this Proviso, That the Profits of the said Manour (valu'd at about 400 l. per Annum) should be enjoy'd by William Heather, his Heirs and Executors, for the term of 99 years, to begin from the death of Mr. Camden: and that during this time the said William Heather should pay to the Professor of History in Oxford, the sum of 140 l. yearly.

Hereupon, the University sent him a publick Let­ter of Thanks; and because they understood, Mr. Heather was a person for whom he had a singular re­spect, they voluntarily conferr'd upon him the De­gree of Doctor of Musick, along with Mr. Orland Gibbons, another of Mr. Camden's intimate Acquain­tance. This Civility procur'd them a new Benefa­ctor, and a new Lecture. For afterwards, Mr. Hea­ther, as an acknowledgment for this favour, found­ed a Musick Lecture, and endow'd it with the An­nual Revenue of 16 l. 6 s. 8 d.

The first History-Professor was Mr. Degory Whear, nominated by Mr. Camden, upon the recommenda­tion of the Chancellor, Vice Chancellor, and other Learned men. His first Essay was, a General Directi­on for the Reading of Histories; which he dedicated to his Patron. Mr. Brian Twine, a person admirably well verst in the Antiquities of England, procur'd a Grant from the Founder to succeed; but he dying before him, the right of Election devolv'd upon the University for ever.

Thus, by the same act, he discharg'd his Vow, and eas'd himself of the cares and troubles of the World. The little he had left,May 2. 1623. he dispos'd of by Will (which he drew up with his own hands, about six Months before his death) in Charities to the Poor, Legacies to his Relations, and some small Memorials to his particular Acquaintance. All his Books of Heraldry he gave to the Office; the rest, both Printed and Manuscript, to the Library of Sir Robert Cotton. But the printed part, upon the erection of a new Li­brary in the Church of Westminster, was remov'd thither by the procurement of Dr. John Williams, Lord Keeper of England, Bishop of Lincoln, and Dean of this Church, who laid hold of an expres­sion in the Will, that was capable of a double mean­ing.

He was never out of England; tho' no one could have promis'd himself a more kind reception among Foreigners. He chose a single life; apprehending that the incumbrances of a married state was like to prove a prejudice to his Studies. He liv'd and and dy'd a Member of the Church of England; and gave such clear proofs of his entire affections towards it, that 'tis a wonder how a certain Romish-Author could have the face to insinuate,Analect d [...] Rebus Ca­tholic. in Hibernia. That he only dissembled his Religion, and was allur'd with the prospect of Honours and Preferments. His zeal against PoperySee above. lost him a Fellowship in Oxford, brought most of his Works under the censure of the Church of Rome, andEpist. 19 [...] expos'd him to the lash of Parsons, Possevinus, and others. Many of his Scho­lars became eminent members of our Church; and he converted several Irish Gentlemen from Popery, as the Walshes, Nugents, O-Raily, Shees, the eldest son of the Archbishop of Cassiles, &c. Whether these look more like the actions of an Hypocrite in Religion, or the effects of a firm perswasion and a well-grounded zeal, let the world judge. After so many testimonies, Mr. Camden might very well say,Epist. 19 [...]. My Life and my Writings shall apologize for me: and despise the re­proaches of oneIbid. Who did not spare the most Reverend and Learned Prelates of our Church; Epist. 195. nor was asham'd to bely the Lords Deputies of Ireland, and others of honou­rable rank.

In his Writings, he was candid and modest; in his conversation, easie and innocent; and in his whole Life, eaven and exemplary.

He dy'd at Chesilhurst, the ninth day of November, [Page] 1623. in the'Tis by a mistake in his Monu­ment, 74. 73d year of his Age. Being remov'd from London, on the nineteenth of the same Month he was carry'd to Westminster-Abbey in great pomp. The whole College of Heralds attended in their pro­per habits, great numbers of the Nobility and Gen­try accompany'd, and at their entrance into the Church, the Prebends and the other Members receiv'd the Corps in their Vestments, with great solemnity, and conducted it into the Nave of the Church. After the Funeral-Sermon (preach'd by Dr. Sutton, one of the Prebends) they buried him in the South-Isle, hard by the learned Casaubon, and over against the ingenious Chaucer. Over the place, is a hand­some Monument of white Marble, with his Effigies to the middle, and in his hand a Book, with BRI­TANNIA inscrib'd on the Leaves. Under this is the following Inscription:



I Think I may, without the least scruple, address the courteous Reader in the same words I made use of twenty years ago, upon the first Edition of this Book; with some very small additions. The great Restorer of the old Geography Abraham Ortelius, thirty years ago, did very earnest­ly sollicit me to acquaint the World with Britain, that ancient Island; that is, to restore Britain to its Antiquities, and its Antiquities to Britain; to renew the memory of what was old, illu­strate what was obscure, and settle what was doubtful, and to recover some certainty (as much as possible) in our affairs, which either the carelesness of Writers, or credulity of vulgar Readers had totally bereft us of. A great attempt indeed, not to say impossible; to which undertaking as no one scarce imagines the Industry requisite, so no one really believes it, but he who has made the experiment himself. Yet as the difficulty of the design discourag'd me on the one side so the honour of my native Country encourag'd me on the other; insomuch, that whilst I dreaded the task, and yet could not de­cline doing what I was able for the Glory of my Country, I found (I know not how) the greatest con­trarieties, Fear and Courage, (which I thought could never have met in one man) in strict confederacy within my own Breast. However, by the blessing of God, and my own Industry, I set about the work, full of resolution, thought, study, and daily contrivance; and at spare times devoted my self wholly to it. I have made but a timorous search after the Etymology of Britain, and its first Inhabitants: nor have I positively asserted what admits of doubt; for I very well know, that the original of Countries are obscure, and altogether uncertain, over-run as it were with the rust of age, and, like objects at a great distance from the beholders, scarce visible. Thus the courses and mouths of great Rivers, their turnings, their conflu­ence, are all well known, whilst their Springs for the generality lye hid and undiscover'd. I have traced the ancient divisions of Britain, and have made a summary Report of the States and judicial Courts of these flourishing Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I have compendiously settl'd the bounds of each County (but not by measure) and examin'd the nature of the soil, the places of greatest antiquity, what Dukes, what Earls, what Barons there have been. I have set down some of the most ancient and honourable Families; for 'tis impossible to mention them all. Let them censure my performance, who are able to make a true judgment, which perhaps will require some consideration: but Time, that uncor­rupted witness, will give the best information, when Envy, that preys upon the living, shall hold its peace. Yet this I must say for my self, that I have neglected nothing that could give us any considerable light to­wards the discovery of hidden Truth in matters of Antiquity, having gotten some insight into the old British and Saxon Tongues for my assistance. I have travell'd very near all over England, and have con­sulted in each County, the men of best skill, and most general intelligence. I have diligently perus'd our own Writers; as well as the Greek and Latin ones, that mention the least tittle of Britain. I have examin'd the publick Records of this Kingdom, Ecclesiastical Registers, and Libraries, Acts, Monuments, and Memo­rials of Churches and Cities; I have search'd the ancient Rolls, and cited them upon occasion in their own stile, tho' never so barbarous, that by such unquestionable evidence Truth might be restor'd and vindica­ted. Yet possibly I may seem guilty of imprudence and immodesty, who tho' but a smatterer in the business of Antiquities, have appear'd a scribler upon the stage of this learned age, expos'd to the various censures of wise and judicious men. But to speak the truth sincerely, the natural affection I have for my Coun­try, which includes the good will of all, the glory of the British original, and perswasion of Friends, have conquer'd that shyness of mine, and forc'd me, whether I would or no, against my own judgment, to undertake a work I am so unfit to prosecute; for which I expect on all sides to be attack'd with preju­dice, censure, detraction, and reproach. Some there are who cry down the study of Antiquity with much contempt, as too curious a search after what is past; whose authority as I shall not altogether slight, so I shall not much regard their judgment. Nor am I wholly without reasons, sufficient to gain the approba­tion of men of honesty and integrity, who value the honour of their native Country; by which I can re­commend to them in these studies a great deal of pleasure and satisfaction of mind, becoming men of breed­ing and quality. But if there are such men to be found, who would be strangers to Learning and their own Country, and Foreigners in their own Cities, let them please themselves, I have not wrote for such humours. There are others perhaps who will cavil at the meanness and roughness of my language, and the ungen­tileness of my stile. I frankly confess, Neither is every word weigh'd in Varro's scale; nor did I design to gratifie the Reader with a nosegay of all the flowers I could meet with in the garden of Eloquence. But, why should they object this, when Cicero the father of Eloquence deny'd, that such a subject as this could [...], i.e. bear a flourish, which, as Pomponius said, is not a proper subject for Rhetorick.

Many, perhaps, will fall foul on me, for daring to trace the original of ancient Names by guess only; who, if they will admit of no conjecture, I fear at length must exclude the best part of polite Learning, and in that a good part of human Knowledge: for the mind of man is so shallow, that we are forc'd to ex­plain and follow some things in all Arts by guess. In Physick there are the [...], and [...], Sym­ptoms, Tokens, and Signs, which in reality are but conjectures. In Rhetorick, Civil Law, and other Scien­ces, there is an establish'd allowance for Supposition. But since Conjectures are the signs of somewhat that lies hid, and are (as Fabius says) the directors of Reason to the truth, I always accounted them the Engines with which Time is wont to draw up Truth from the bottom of Democritus's Well.

But if they will admit of any conjectures at all, I doubt not, but my cautiousness and moderation in the use of them will easily procure favour. Plato in his Cratilus would have us trace the original of Names down to barbarous tongues, as being the most ancient; and accordingly, in all my Etymologies and Conjectures, I have had recourse to the British or (as 'tis now call'd) the Welsh tongue, which was spoken by the first and most ancient Inhabitants of this Country. He would have the name of every thing to agree with the thing it self; if it disagree, I give it no admittance. There is (says he) in things [...], a Sound, a Form, a Colour; if these are not in the word, I reject it with con­tempt. As for obscure Etymologies, strain'd, far-fetch'd, and variously applicable, I thought them not worthy to be inserted in this book. In short, I have been so cautious and frugal of my conjectures, that (unless I mistake) to an impartial Reader, if I seem not [...], i.e. lucky in my adventures, I shall not seem [...], i e. too forward in adventuring. And tho' in so much scope, I have sometimes made two con­jectures upon one and the same thing, yet in the mean time I do not forget, that Unity is the sacred band of Truth.

There are those, 'tis probable, who will stomach it at a great rate, that I have taken no notice of this or that Family, when 'twas never my design to mention any, but the best; nor all of those neither, (for they would swell into Volumes) but only those that lay in the way and method I propo [...]'d for finishing this work. Yet in another place, I hope (by God's permission) to do somewhat of this kind for the honour of the English Nobility. But whoever takes it so hainously, may probably be of the number of those who have been the least serviceable to their Country, and who claim their nobility from a modern date. The same persons, it may be, will condemn me for commending some who are living; but I have done it briefly, with moderation, and an assurance of their merit, from a Reputation establish'd by the consent of the discerning world, and not from a principle of flattery. Yet from that commendation I have given them, they themselves are admonish'd, that their behaviour be not disagreeable, to the end that they may not only support, but encrease their character. Posterity, whatever Writers commit to Paper, will do justice to every one in their Characters; and to them I appeal from this present age. In the mean while, let them remember, that to praise the Good, is but to hang out a light to those that come after us; for 'tis a true saying of Symmachus, Imitation receives encouragement from the promotion of the Good; and an aemulation to virtuous Actions, is rais'd by the example of another's Honour. If any one says, that I have sought occasion to mention and commend this or that person, I am ready to confess it: for it is not criminal to use the Good with a due respect; and we ought to have some grains of allowance for the good deserts of our Friends. But which way soever it comes about, Virtue and Honour have always enemies to encoun­ter; and men generally express a veneration for what is past, and vent their spleen at what is present. Far be it from me, that I should be so partial a Judge of Men and Manners, as to think our age, under the government of such great Princes, barren of men of worth and character; but those who grudge the Virtuous a good name, I fear, may complain, that they themselves are pointed at by a similitude of man­ners, in the discredit and scandal of the bad.

Some will accuse me of leaving out this or that little Town or Castle; as if I had design'd to take no­tice of any besides the most famous and ancient: nor could it have been worth while to have mention'd them, since nothing's memorable in them but their bare Names. For that which I first propos'd to my self, was to search out and illustrate those places, which Caesar, Tacitus, Ptolemy, Antoninus Augustus, Provin­ciarum Notitia, and other ancient Writers, have recorded; the names whereof Time has either lost, chang'd, or corrupted; in search of which, I neither confidently affirm what is uncertain, nor conceal what is proba­ble. But I would not have it laid to my charge, that I have not hit upon all, tho' I have been at the expence and trouble of making an industrious enquiry; any more than it is objected to the Miner, that in digging, whilst he traces out the greater veins of metal, he overlooks the smallest and hidden ones. Or, to borrow that saying of Columella, As in a great Wood 'tis the business of a keen Huntsman to take what game he can upon the haunt: nor was it ever laid to any one as a fault, that he did not take all. The same may be said for me. Somewhat must be left for the Labours of other men. Nor is he a good Teacher (says a great man) who teaches every thing, and leaves nothing for the invention of others. Another age, a new race of men, will produce somewhat new successively. 'Tis enough for me to have broke the Ice; and I have gain'd my ends, if I have set others about the same work, whether it be to write more, or amend what I have written.

There are some, I hear, who take it ill that I have mention'd Monasteries, and their Founders; I am sorry to hear it; but (not to give them any just offence) let 'em be angry if they will. Per­haps they would have it forgotten that our Ancestors were, and we are, Christians; since there never were more certain indications and glorious monuments of Christian piety and devotion to God, than those; nor were there any other Seminaries for the propagation of the Christian Religion, and good literature, however it came to pass, that in a loose age some rank weeds run up too fast, which requir'd rooting out.

But Mathematicians will impeach me, and lay to my charge the gross Mistakes I have committed in sta­ting the Degrees of Longitude and Latitude. But spare me a little: I have collated all the Astronomical Tables, new and old, printed and MS those of Oxford and Cambridge, and those of King Henry the fifth. They differ much in Latitude from Ptolemy, but agree pretty well with one-another (not that I believe with Stadius, that the Globe of the Earth is remov'd from its Centre,) and upon that score I have rely'd up­on them. But all differ as to Longitude, and agree in nothing. What therefore could I do? Since our mo­dern Sailers have observ'd that there is no variation of the Compass, at the Isles of Azores, I have thence commenc'd the account of Longitude, which yet I have not every where taken critical dimensions of I need not ask pardon for being obscure, or fabulous, or for making extravagant digressions; for I apprehend no danger of being censur'd as unintelligible, unless it be by those, who have no taste of ancient Learning, and have not so much as dipt in our Histories: and as for Romances, I have shewn them no countenance: and to keep my self f [...]om stragling, I took Pliny's advice, and often had the title of the Book in my eye, and at the same time put the question to my self, What I undertook to write? Maps have been hitherto wanted in this Work, which would have added much to the beauty of it, and are of infinite use in these Studies, especially when there is a description too. But this is a defect which was not in my power to supply. Tho' they are now done by the care of George Bishop and John Norton, according to the description of those excellent Chorographers Christopher Saxton and John Norden. But lest I should exceed the bounds of a Pre­face: the better to accomplish this Work, I employ'd the whole bent of my Labours, for some years, to the strict enquiry after Truth (with duty and integrity, for the honour and illustration of my Country) in matters relating to Antiquity. I have not slander'd any Family, nor blasted any ones Reputation; nei­ther have I taken the liberty of descanting upon any one's Name, nor violated their Credit, nay, not so much as Jeffrey's of Monmouth, whose History (which I would by all the means I can use, establish) is yet of little authority amongst men of Learning. Neither have I affected any one part of Knowledge, unless [Page] it be that I am desirous to know. I frankly own that I am ignorant, and many times erroneous, nor will I patro­nize or vindicate my own mistakes. What Marks-man that shoots a whole day, can always hit the mark? There are many things in these Studies — Cineri suppôsta doloso, which glittering, are not gold. Many Errours are owing to a treacherous memory; for who is so much master of it, as to treasure up every occurrence there, so as to pro­duce it upon all occasions? Many Errours proceed from unskilfulness; for who is so good a Pilot as to cruise in the unnavigable Sea of Antiquity without splitting upon Rocks? And perchance I may have been led into Errours by the opinion I have had of others, whose authority I have rely'd upon. Nor truly is there a falser step to be made (says Pliny) in the paths of Truth, than when a stanch Author asserts a false thing. Inhabitants may better observe the particulars of places; but if they will inform me of any mistake, I will thankfully mend it; and add what I have unwarily omitted: what I have been too dark in explaining, I will ex­plain better, when I have a clearer light to guide me; give me but protection from Envy and Contention, which ill become men that pretend to Candour and Integrity. Yet these favours, most courteous Rea­der, let your own good nature, my pains, the common love we entertain for our Country, and the glory of the British Name, intercede with you for, in my behalf, That I may speak my mind freely without pre­judice to others, that I may stand upon the same bottom that others have done before me in the like cir­cumstances, and that the Errours which I own, you may pardon; all which, as I think they are better bestow'd by, than requested of just and good men, so I think them not fit to be ask'd of those mean and undeserving persons, whose tongues are slandering while their teeth are going, who are carping in all Com­panies, full of reproach and malice. I have learnt of the Comedian, that slander is the treasure of fools, which they carry in their tongues; and that Envy (in spight of it be it spoken) according to that long and true observation I have made, never harbours but in a sneaking, narrow, and starveling mind. Generous Souls, and men of breeding and manners, as they have learnt to slight Envy, so they have not learnt how to make use of it. But as for me and my works, there remains nothing, but that I humbly submit them with the greatest deference and veneration to the men of Learning and Sincerity, who if they do not ap­prove, at least, I hope, will pardon what I have attempted out of that zealous affection I profess for my Native Country.



Through dangerous Fords, o're ways unbeaten too
The searchers after Truth are bound to go;
This poor employ can few Professors get,
A boyish task, below the men of wit.
But 'tis a work of hardship when begun,
A load uneasie to be undergone.

Pro captu Lectoris habent sua fata Libelli.

Books take their doom from each Peruser's will,
Just as they think, they pass for good or ill.

Ad Lectorem.

MAgna per immensum celebrata Britannia mundum
Imperio, populo, rege beata suo,
Nunc prodit, renovata novis, ornata figuris:
Auctior illa tibi, notior illa tibi.
Camdeni liber est, satis est dixisse scienti:
Camdenum nescis? perlege, notus erit.
Guilielmus Sydleius Eques auratus.

Ad amicum suum Guil Camdenum, Georgii Buc Equitis aurati Reg. Sp. C. Heptastichon.

SI quàm describis terram, Camdene, Britannam,
Tam graphicè, tanta curâ, gravitate, fidéque
Herôum velles Britonum res scribere gestas
(Hac etenim sola neglecti in parte jacemus)
Historiae poterat conferri nulla Britannae.
Hoc tibi restat opus, vel non hoc fiet in aevo,
Secula quòd binos Phoenices nulla tulere.

Ad Guil. Camdenum, Edw. Grant Sacrae Theologiae Doctor.

ERgóne priscorum lustras monumenta virorum,
Ut possis facili contexere singula filo,
Quae latuere diu caecis immersa tenebris,
Antiquata usu, priscum sumptura nitorem?
Unde Britannorum nomen? quo coeperit ortu?
Incola quis primus celebres habitaverit oras?
In quavis regione doces, quaecunque vetustae
Sunt Urbes, quae vera simul Comitúmque Ducúmque
Stemmata: quae terrae dotes: quis limes agrorum,
Ordine perspicuo perstringis singula plené.
Egregium moliris opus, vel judice Momo,
Quod semper praesens, quod postera praedicet aetas;
Te Patriae stimulavit amor, te docta vetustas
Excitat, ut cunctis patriae spatiêris in agris:
Multi multa canunt, tu multum scribere tentas,
Hoc multo multos superas, qui multa tulerunt.
Tu Camdenus eris seros celebrandus in annos:
Ergo age, quo tendis gressu, patriámque venusta,
Ne labor iste tuus desit cupientibus ista.

In antiquam Guilielmi Camdeni Britanniam.

DE te deque tuo libro dum scribere carmen
Mens congesta velit, meritásque intexere laudes,
Insonuit mea Musa mihi, quid carmina quaeris?
Sit scripsisse satis, quod scripsit Horatius olim:
Hic meret aera liber Sosiis, hic & mare transit,
Et longum noto scriptori prorogat aevum.
J. W. Gen.

In postremam Guilielmi Camdeni Antiqui­tatum Editionem, Epigramma. G. Ga.

SEmentem sterili quoties tellure recondit,
Luditur optatâ fruge colonus iners.
Ventifugae nunquam dominus ditescit arenae;
Pinguis at irriguo flumine terra beat.
Foecundum facunde solum Camdene secasti,
Illud & ingenii nobile flumen aquat.
Atque ut opima solet jacto cum semine gleba
Parturit innumeris granula adaucta modis:
Sic toties cusus tibi qui fuit antè libellus,
Cultior antiquo prodiit eccè liber.
Heu! nusquam tanto respondent arva colono,
Cujus ab ingenio prominet his genius?
Sume animum. Cùm te hinc discedere jusserit aetas
Ut quaeras tritâ pascua laeta viâ;
Semper Camdenus simul & Britannia vivent:
Longaevus nequit hic, dum manet illa, mori.

In Guilielmi Camdeni Britanniam.

NEscia penè sui, generisque oblita prioris,
Anglia cùm jacuit semisepulta situ,
O quis, ait, tantum aut animis, aut arte valebit,
Vindice qui tractet vulnera nostra manu?
Camdenus patriae lugentis imagine motus
Ingenium, artem, animos versat: opemque tulit:
Mortua restituit veteris cognomina gentis,
Mortis & eripuit se patriámque metu,
Aeternum per te, Camdene, Britannia vivit,
Cúmque tua aeternùm, tu quoque gente manes.
G. Carleton.

Ad eundem.

QUae vix nota sibi fuit ante Britannia, utrique
Nunc, Camdene, orbi munere nota tuo est,
Ignotaeque velut fuerat non ulla cupido,
Sic modò sic notam mundus uterque cupit.
Sed tamen incassum: nimia nam dote superba
Indignum nullum non sui amoris habet.
Janus Gruterus J. C.

Camdeno suo Britannia.

CLarus ut Eoas sol quando adverberat arces
Et procul invisis ferit astra liventia flammis,
Nox petit Oceanum, vultusque enascitur orbi;
Sic, Camdene, tuum jubar ut fulgere per Anglos
Ceu Phoebi coepit, mox fugit, & hispida dudum,
Multumque heu squallens radiare Britannia coepi,
Non mea nunc Thetis cùm deserit alba profundum
Gratior exurgit, pallentes murice vivo
Instaurata genas, pigro nec sydus ab Orco,
Nec dux astrorum de vertice vesper Olympi,
Illa ego quam limâ repolita Britannia mirâ
Camdene tuâ, nova nunc magno Insula ponto:
Frontispi­cii explica­tio.
"Illa ego rupe super scuto horrida, & horrida gaeso,
"Hinc pelagi numen, dea spicea visitur illinc,
"Piscosus vallo Nereus, & classibus armat,
"Atque Ceres flavos spargit sua serta per agros,
"Saxea deinde strues, & quae depicta videmus
"Fronte libri, veluti fervens à fontibus unda,
"Et surgens pyramis, nostrae miracula monstrant
"Telluris, liber ipse nequit (fas) omnia vester:
Exero nunc vultus exhaustos antè ruinis,
Et nunc flore meo marcores pello vietos,
Verùm erit illa dies cùm quae micat Anglia forsan
Nebula quaeretur, cinere occultata, situque,
Atque alios lychnos dabit: Id Camdene negato
Historicum vincendo Chaos, qui noris abundè:
Haec tibi prisca, redux, tuaque usque Britannia canto.
Edmundus Bolton.

In Britanniam denuò illustratam Joh. Stradlingus.

INsula in Oceano quondam notissima, caecis
Delituit tenebris vix benè nota sibi.
Ingenii (Camdene) tui radiante tenebras
Lumine (ceu fugiunt nubila sole) fugas.
Sic rediviva viget, nec quà patet illa latere
Tu potes: Illam tu, te celebrem illa facit.




H. Cuffius.

Ad Guilielmum Camdenum, Britanniam Historica veritate denuo illustrantem.

CAmdene, laus est invidenda, praeclarum
Audire civem, patriaeque servire,
Autoritati, & gloriae perennanti.
Camdene, dum decus Britanniae campum
In aeviternae provehis sagax Famae,
Nitore regio stiloque praeclaro:
Praeclarus inde civis audis, & jure.
Quid? non decore modò Britanniam mactus,
Honore mactus ipse & gloriae punctis:
Sed hunc & illum luce tua reples mundum:
Ut, quae sibi vix nota erat prius terra,
Utramque nunc domum pulsaverit Solis.
Camdene, laudis hoc tuae est. Et extensum
Què latius volat Britanniae nomen:
Camdene, augustior tanto tibi sacro
Adorea in Memoriae exstabit altari.
Tam nominis cati est, litasse regnorum
Famae, inclutasque protulisse virtutes.
Caspa [...] Dornavius D.

In Britanniam ridivivam R. Parker Caio-Gonvil. Carmen congratulatorium.

SAlve, grata redis (memoranda Britannia) terris,
Quam juvat è tenebris exiliisse tuis!
Fallor? an antiquo mutatus sistor in orbe?
Aut te dum relego, secla priora lego?
Fallor? an Arthuros, Egbertos, Cassibelinos
Cerno redivivos ducere castra sua?
Fallor? an hîc acies saevae certare solebant?
Hîc Offa, hîc rigidus tendere Penda solet?
Festino nimium. Quae, qualia, quantaque cerno
Surgere sacra Deo, moenia, templa, domus?
Queis hic Normannis donari praedia legi?
Unde sequens soboles nomen & omen habet.
Sed quot cerno domus orbatas stirpe vetusta?
Heu quas dilapidant alea, vina, Venus?
Ut vidi, ut dolui, novus ut nunc sedibus hospes
Diceret: haec mea sunt, ito colone vetus.
Quis Genius talem (veneranda Britannia) nobis
Esse velit reducem? quo duce tanta refers?
Scilicet hoc debes Camdeno: agnosco parentem,
Et Genium, cujus te tibi reddit amor.
Foelix ipse suo libro: foelicior ipsa
Praeconem talem laudis habere tuae.
Plus loquar, an sileam? video tantum instar in ipso.
Quas Musas vocitem? sed (mea Musa) sile.
Parcus amor loquitur: major stupefactus adegit
Mirari hoc tacitè, nec scio solus, opus.

In Britanniam à Guil. Camdeno illustratam F. Adarb. Carmen.

PIctus atrox Hebridas, glacialem Scotus Hibernem
Moverat, Attacotus Vararim, Saxoque Visurgim
Conjunctis armis, animisque excindere gentes,
Subruere eximias cumulatis cladibus urbes,
Atque Britannorum nomen demergere bellis.
Ut tamen emergant quae sunt immersa ruinis,
Et decus antiquum rediviva Britannia cernat,
Ecce vetustatem Camdenius eruit omnem,
Magnarum rerum scrutatus magna sepulchra,
Submovit cineres, nigrantes dispulit umbras:
Inque prius retrò studiis se contulit aevum;
Contulit atque decus patriaeque sibique labore.

In antiquam Camdeni Britanniam H.N.L. [...].

PRisca Britannorum delevit nomina Tempus,
Antiquas urbes exitióque dedit.
Cuncta triumphato Camdenus tempore reddit,
Ingenio priscum restituitque decus.
Ingenio cedat Tempus, cedatque vetustas:
Ingenium majus Tempore robur habet.

Ad eundem.

ERrabat quaerens Antiqua Britannia lumen,
At, Camdene, tuam venit ut illa domum:
Invenit lumen, mansit, cupiensque poliri;
Hospes ait mihi sis, qui mihi lumen eris.
I. W.


SI jactare licet magnorum munera divûm,
Sibique veris fas placere dotibus;
Cur mihi non videar fortunatissima tellus?
Digna est malis, bona quae parùm novit sua.
Ʋltima lanigeris animosa est India lucis,
Suis superbus est Arabs odoribus.
Thuriferis gaudet Panchaia dives arenis;
Ibera flumen terra jactat aureum.
Aegypto faciunt animos septem ostia Nili,
Laudata Rheni vina tollunt accolas.
Laeta nec uberibus sibi displicet Africa glebis;
Haec portubus superbit, illa mercibus:
At mihi nec fontes, nec ditia flumina desunt,
Sulcive pingues, prata nec ridentia.
Foeta viris, foecunda feris, foecunda metallis;
Ne glorier, quòd ambiens largas opes
Porrigit Oceanus, neu quòd nec amicius ullâ
Coelum, nec aura dulciùs spirat plagâ.
Serus in occiduas mihi Phoebus conditur undas,
Sororque noctes blanda ducit lucidas.
Possem ego laudati contemnere vellera Boetis,
Ʋbi villus albis mollior bidentibus?
Et tua non nequeam miracula temnere Memphi.
Verùm illa major, justiorque gloria,
Quòd Latiis, quòd sum celebrata Britannia Graiis,
Orbem vetustas quòd vocârit alteru [...].

A CATALOGUE OF SOME Books and Treatises Relating to the ANTIQUITIES of ENGLAND.

Topographical Surveys of England in general.
  • ANtoninus's Itinerary.
  • Notitia Occidentalis Imperii.
  • Robert of Glocester in his Chronicle of England (MS.) has given us the length and breadth of England.
  • Comment upon the Itinerary of Antoninus, by Mr. Talbot. MS. This was much improv'd by Dr. Caius of Cambridge, and is now in Caius-College, in 2 Volumes.
  • Comment upon the same Itinerary, by Mr. Burton.
  • Leland's Itinerary (MS. in the Bodleian Library;) several Transcripts whereof have been taken by Gentlemen of Curiosity.
  • Harrison's History of England; printed in Holin­shed's Chronicle.
  • Drayton's Polyolbion.
  • Fuller's Worthies of England.
  • Dugdale's Baronage of England.
  • Monasticon Anglicanum.
  • Templa Druidum, Monumenta Britannica, &c. being large Collections and curious observations relating to the Antiquities of England, in four Volumes, MS. By Mr. John Aubrey, Fellow of the Royal Society.
  • Blome's Britannia, Wright's three years Travels; and other Surveys of England printed since 1607. are little more than Extracts out of Mr. Camden.
  • A Discourse of the Antiquities of the Castle of Windsor and Chapel there, in Mr. Ashmole's Order of the Garter.
  • AN account of a strange Tempest of Wind, Thunder and Lightning at Bedford, Aug. 19. 1672.
  • THE History of the University of Cambridge since the Conquest, by Dr. Thomas Fuller; by way of Appendix to his Church-History of Bri­tain.
  • In Sir William Dugdale's History of Imbanking, are several things relating to the Fenny part of this Country.
  • The Antiquity of Cambridge, by Dr. John Caius.
  • A MS. Treatise call'd ...... Cantabrigiensis, MS. by Richard Parker, Fellow of Caius-College in Cam­bridge. 'Tis mention'd in Fuller's Worthies, pag. 159.
  • Mr. Loggan, a little before his death, took the pro­spects of the publick buildings and Colleges in this University.
  • SIR Peter Leicester's Antiquities of Cheshire, 1673.
  • An Answer to Sir Peter Leicester's Addenda, or some­thing to be added in his Answer to Tho. Man­waring, by the said Sir Tho. 1673/4.
  • A Description Historical and Geographical of Che­shire, by Dan. King. 1656.
  • A Manuscript in the Herald's Office, relating to the County of Chester, by William Smith.
  • A Map of Cornwall, by Mr. Norden, for the perfect­ing whereof he took a journey thither. Camden's Epist. p. 72.
  • A Survey of Cornwall, by Richard Carew of Antony Esq 1602.
  • The same Book, with several Additions, is now in the hands of Mr. Chiswell.
  • Historical Account of Cornwall, by John Norden, MS. in the hands of Dr. Gale.
  • The Laws and Customs of the Stannaries.
  • A Genealogical Account of the Families in Cum­berland, by Mr. Denton. A Manuscript, copy'd into several hands.
  • The Ecclesiastical History of Cumberland, since the Foundation of the Bishoprick of Carlisle, by Dr. Hugh Todd, Prebendary of that Church, and Fellow of University-College in Oxon. MS.
  • Natural History of Cumberland (in Dr. Plot's method [Page] as to the main) by Mr. Nicolson, Arch-deacon of Carlisle. MS.
  • A Collection of the Laws, Liberties, Customs, &c. of the several Mines and Miners in Derbyshire, by Thomas Houghton. Lond. 1687. 12o.
  • The benefit of the ancient Baths of Buxton-wells, by John Jones, Med. 1572.
  • Several Observations relating to Buxton-Wells in this County. MS.
  • A Description of a monstrous Giant discover'd by a certain Labourer in this County. Publisht 1661.
  • A Discourse upon the twelve Months fasting of Mar­tha Taylor, a famous Derbyshire Girl not far from Bake-well. Publisht by John Reynolds, 1669.
  • The Wonders of the Peak, written in Latin-Verse by Mr. Hobbes.
  • The Wonders of the Peak, by Charles Cotton Esq in English Verse.
  • 'Tis said, he first wrote it in the Dialect of that Coun­ty, and made a Glossary to it; but what became of it, I know not.
  • The Liberties and Customs of the Lead Mines with­in the Wapentake of Wirksworth in the County of Derby, by Edw. Manlow Esq 1653.
  • A Survey of Devonshire, MS. by Thomas Risdon [...] who dy'd An. 1636. Wood's Athenae, Vol. 1. pag 516.
  • Collections out of the Records, Deeds, &c. belong­ing to the Church of Exeter, MS. by Mr. Pas­mor.
  • The Antiquities and Description of the City of Ex­eter. by John Hooker, 1584.
  • The same Book reprinted in Holinshed's Chronicle.
  • Exeter described and illustrated by Mr. Isaaks.
  • Of a considerable Load-stone dug out of the ground in Devonshire, weighing 60 pound, &c. Philosoph. Transact. Numb. 23. 1666.
  • THe Antiquities of the Cathedral Church of Dur­ham, collected out of ancient Manuscripts about the time of the Suppression, and publisht by Jo. Davies of Kidwelly, 1672.
  • The Legend of St. Cuthbert, with the Antiquities of the Church of Durham, by B. R. Esq. 1663.
  • A short Treatise of an ancient Fountain or Vitriolin-Spaw near the City of Durham, by E. W. Dr. of Physick, 1675.
  • Large Collections relating to the Antiquities of this Bishoprick, were made by Mr. Mickleton, a very excellent Antiquary.
  • THe History of Waltham-Abbey, by Dr. Fuller then Curate there. Lond. 1655. fol. Printed at the end of his Church-History.
  • Survey of the County of Essex, in a thin Folio, MS. by John Norden; now in the Library of Sir Ed­mund Turner.
  • 'Tis said, that Mr. Strangman of Hadley-Castle in Suf­folk, hath written the Antiquities of Essex. It still remains in Manuscript, but in what hands, I know not.
  • A Description of Harwich and Dover-Court, by Silas Tailor, MS.
  • Mr. John Ouseley, Rector of Pantfield, a person ad­mirably well verst in the History of our Nation, has spent many years in collecting the Antiquities of this County, wherein he has been very much assisted by that hopeful young Gentleman Mr. Nicholas Zeakill of Castle-Hedingham, who freely communicated the Copies of many publick Re­cords: and 'tis his request to all who are possest of any Papers relating to Essex, that they would likewise please to communicate them. It is not long before the World may expect the Work, if it meet with that encouragement from the Gen­try, which an Undertaking of this Nature may justly require.
  • THe Laws and Customs of the Miners in the Fo­rest of Dean in the County of Glocester, Lond. 1687. 12o.
  • Proposals for printing the Antiquities of Glocestershire were publisht An. 1683. by Mr. Abel Wantner, Ci­tizen of Glocester, and inhabitant of Minchin-Hampton in the same County. He had been twelve years in the collecting, but not meeting (I sup­pose) with answerable encouragement, the Book remains still in Manuscript.
  • Annalia Dubrensia, upon the yearly celebration of Mr. Robert Dover's Olympick-Games upon Cots­wold hills; written by 33 of the best Poets of that time. Publisht 1636.
  • The Military Government of the City of Glocester, by John Corbet. Publisht 1651.
  • Certain Speeches made upon the day of the yearly Election of the Officers of the City of Glocester, publisht by Jo. Dorne Esq Town-Clerk of the said City, An. 1653.
  • Collections relating to the Antiquities of this Coun­ty, were made by Judge Hales; which are now (I think) in Lincolns-Inn-Library, London, among his other Manuscripts.
  • A Description and Draught of Pen-park-hall, by Sir Robert Southwell. Philosoph. Transact. Numb. 143. 1682/3.
  • A strange and wonderful Discovery of Houses under ground at Cottons-field in Glocestershire.
  • THe Antiquities and Description of Winchester, with an Historical Relation touching several memorable Occurrences relating to the same; with a Preamble of the Original of Cities in general, Folio, MS. by Mr. Trussel.
  • A Treatise of the Antiquities of the same City, is written by Dr. Bettes. MS.
  • Some Remarkables concerning the Monuments in the ancient City of Winchester, by Mr. Butler of S. Edmonds-bury.
  • The Lieger-Book of S. Crosse, MS. in Vellam, in the hands of Henry Worsley of Lincolns-Inn, Esq
  • THe Antiquities of this County are now prepared for the Press by Sir Henry Chancey Kt. Serjeant at Law.
  • HUntingdon-Divertisement; or an Interlude for the general Entertainment of the County-feast held at Merchant-Tailors-hall, June 30. 1678.
  • Sir Robert Cotton made some progress towards a Sur­vey of this County.
  • PErambulation of Kent, by William Lambert of Lincolns-Inn, Gent. Lond. 1576. & 1596. &c.
  • A brief Survey of the County of Kent, by Richard Kilbourn, Lond. 1657. & 1659.
  • Philpot's Survey of Kent.
  • Another Survey of this County was writ by Mr. Nor­den, and is still in Manuscript.
  • The Monuments in this County are collected by [Page] John Wever in his Funeral Monuments.
  • The History of Gavelkind, or the Local Customs of Kent, by Mr. Somner, An. 1660.
  • The Forts and Ports in Kent, by Mr. Somner, with the Life of the Author by Mr. Kennet. Publish't by Mr. James Brome. Oxon. 1693.
  • The Antiquities of Canterbury, by Mr. Somner, 4o. 1640.
  • Mr. Somner's Vindication of himself about building the Market-house at Canterbury.
  • His Treatise about the Fish-bones found in Kent: 4o.
  • The Chronicle of Rochester, wrote by Edmund Be­denham, MS.
  • Textus Roffensis, a very ancient MS. belonging to that Church. See a more particular account of it in Dr. Hickes's Catalogue MSS. at the end of his Saxon-Grammar.
  • Descriptio Itineris, Plantarum investigationis ergo suscepti, in agrum Cantianum, 1632.
  • Survey of the Monastery of Feversham, by Tho. Southouse, Lond. 1671. 12o.
  • A Philosophical and Medicinal Essay of the Waters of Tunbridge, by P. Madan, M. D. 1687.
  • MAnner of making Salt of Sea-Sand in Lanca­shire. Ray's Northern-words, pag. 209.
  • The state of this County in respect of Religion, about the beginning of King James 1. by Mr. Urmston. MS. in the hands of Thomas Brotherton of Heye, Esq
  • Holingsworth's History of Manchester, MS. in the Li­brary there.
  • Borlaces Latham-Spaw.
  • THe Antiquities of Leicestershire, by William Burton Esq Fol. 1622. The late learned Mr. Chetwind of Staffordshire had a Copy of this in his possessi­on, with considerable Additions under the Author's own hand.
  • A brief Relation of the Dissolution of the Earth in the Forest of Charnwood, in one sheet, 1679.
  • SIr William Dugdale's History of Imbanking, gives a large account of several Fenns and Marshes in this County.
  • The Survey and Antiquities of the Town of Stam­ford in this County, by Richard Butcher Gent. Pub­lisht 1646.
  • A Relation of the great damages done by a Tempest and Overflowing of the Tides in Lincolnshire and Norfolk, 1671.
  • NOrden's Survey of Middlesex.
  • Fitz-Stephens Survey of London.
  • The Customs of London.
  • Londonopula, by James Howel. Fol.
  • The present state of London, by De Laund. 8o.
  • Domus Carthusiana, or the Foundation of the Charter-house, by Samuel Herne, Lond. 1677.
  • Stow's Survey of London, 1598.
  • The City-Law, translated out of an ancient MS. and printed 1647.
  • Descriptio Plantarum in Ericete Hampstedi, per Tho. John­son, in 12o. 1632.
  • The Kings, Queens, and Nobility buried in Westmin­ster-Abbey, 1603. by Mr. Camden.
  • The same enlarged by Henr. Keepe. 8o.
  • History of S. Paul's, by Sir William Dugdale, 1658. Fol.
  • The third University of England, (viz. London;) be­ing a Treatise of all the Foundations of Colleges, Inns of Court, &c. by Sir George Buck. 1615.
  • Origines Juridici [...]les, by Sir William Dugdale.
  • History of Tombs and Monuments in and about the City of London, 1668.
  • A Relation of the late dreadful Fire in London, as it was reported to the Committee in Parliament, 1667.
  • Narrative of the Fire of London, by Mr. Edward Wa­terhouse, 1667.
  • London, King Charles's Augusta, by Sylvanus Mor­gan. A Poem. 1648.
  • Grant's Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality.
  • Foundation of the Hospitallers and Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Fol.
  • LAmentable News from Monmouthshire, of the loss of 26 Parishes, in a great Flood, which hapn'd January 1607. Publish'd the same year.
  • The manner of the Wire-Works at Tinton in Mon­mouthshire. Ray, English words, pag. 194.
  • SEE Sir William Dugdale's History of Imbanking.
  • Of the lamentable Burning of East-Derham in the County of Norfolk, July 1. 1581. in verse, black Letter, publish'd 1582.
  • History of the Norfolk-Rebels, by Alexander Nevil, a Kentish-man: with the History of Norwich, and a Catalogue of the Mayors. Publish'd 1575.
  • Norfolk's Furies, or a View of Kitt's Camp, with a table of the Mayors and Sheriffs of Norwich, &c. done out of Latin into English, by R. W. 1615.
  • The Antiquities of Norwich, writ by Dr. Jo. Caius, are mention'd by Dr. Fuller, but still remain in Ma­nuscript.
  • Norwich Monuments and Antiquities, by Sir Thomas Brown, M. D. a Manuscript in the hands of the learned Dr. More, the present Bishop of Norwich.
  • Nashe's Lent-Stuff, containing an account of the growth of Great Yarmouth, with a Play in praise of Red-herring. Publish'd 1599.
  • A description of the town of Great-Yarmouth; with a Survey of Little-Yarmouth incorporated with the Great, &c. in a sheet.
  • A Survey of Norfolk was taken by Sir Henry Spelman Knight, in Latin; and is still in Manuscript in the Bodleian-Library at Oxon.
  • A relation of the damages done by a tempest and overflowing of the Tyde, upon the coasts of Nor­folk and Lincolnshire.
  • The West prospect of Linn-Regis, a sheet.
  • Urn-burial, or a discourse of the Sepulchral Urns lately found in Norfolk, by Sir Thomas Brown. 1669.
  • Mercurius Centralis, or, a Discourse of Subterraneal Cockle, Muscle, and Oyster-shells, found in dig­ging of a Well at Sir William Doylie's in Norfolk, by Tho. Lawrence, A. M. in a Letter to Sir Tho. Browne. 1664.
  • HIstory of the Cathedral Church of Peterburrow, by Simon Gunter, Prebendary. Publish'd with a large Appendix, by Simon Patrick D. D. then Dean of this Church, and now Bishop of Ely. Fol. 1685.
  • The Fall and Funeral of Northampton, in an Elegy; first publish'd in Latin, since made English with some variations and addititions, and publish'd An. 1677.
  • The state of Northampton from the beginning of the Fire Sept. 20. 1675. to Nov. 5. in a Letter to a Friend. 1675.
  • Names of the Hides in Northamptonshire, by Francis Tate. MS. (Wood's Athenae, Vol. 1. p. 349.)
  • [Page]A Survey of this County is said to have been inten­ded by Mr. Augustin Vincent. (Wood's Athenae, vol. 1. p. 349.)
  • A Chorographical Survey of Newcastle upon Tine, by ..... Grey, An. 1649.
  • England's Grievances in relation to the Cole-trade, with a Map of the river of Tine, and the situation of the town and corporation of New-castle 1655.
  • A Survey of the river Tine, grav'd by Fathorne.
  • The Antiquities of the ancient Kingdom of Northum­berland, are now ready for the Press: compil'd by Mr. Nicolson Archdeacon of Carlisle, who designs shortly to publish the Book under this Title, Nor­ðanhymbraric, or, a description of the ancient Kingdom of Northumberland. The work will consist of eight parts, whereof he stiles the —
    • I. Northanhymbria; or, an account of the Bounds, and natural History of the Country.
    • II. Northanhymbri; the Original, Language, Man­ners, and Government of the People.
    • III. Annales: the Succession and History of the se­veral Dukes, Kings, and Earls; from the first institution of the Government, down to the Conquest.
    • IV. Ecclesiastica: Religious Rites observ'd by the Pagan Inhabitants before the establishment of Christianity: together with the state of the Church, and the succession of Bishops in it, af­terwards.
    • V. Literae & Literati: the state of Learning; with a Catalogue of the Writers.
    • VI. Villare: the Cities, Towns, Villages, and other places of note; in an Alphabetical Catalogue.
    • VII. Monumenta Danica: Danish Remains; in the Language, Temples, Courts of Judicature, Ru­nic Inscriptions, &c.
    • To the whole will be prefix'd a Prefatory Discourse of the condition these parts of the Isle were in, upon (and some time before) the coming in of the Saxons: wherein notice will be taken of many pieces of Brittish and Roman Antiquities never yet observ'd.
  • Large Collections have been made by Sir Robert Shafto, relating to the Antiquities of the County of Northumberland.
  • Mr. Clavering of Callaly, a very knowing Antiquary, has also done great service to his native Country in this kind.
  • THE Antiquities of the County of Nottingham, by Dr. Robert Thoroton.
  • MAnuscript History of Alchester, in the hands of Mr. Blackwell.
  • History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford; by Anthony à Wood: fol.
  • Twine's Vindication of the Antiquity of the Univer­sity of Oxford.
  • Natural History of Oxfordshire, by Dr. Robert Plot: folio.
  • Survey of Woodstock, by Mr. Widows (Athen. Oxon. vol. 2. p. 119.)
  • Parochial Antiquities: or, the History of Ambrosden, Burcester, and other adjacent Towns and Villages in the North-east parts of the County of Oxford; delivering the general Remains of the British, Ro­man, and Saxon Ages; and a more particular ac­count of English Memoirs, reduc'd into Annals, from 1 Will. Conq. to 1 Edw. 4. with several Scul­ptures of ancient and modern Curiosities, 4o. By the Reverend Mr. White Kennet, B. D.
  • An account of an Earthquake in Oxfordshire. Phi­losoph. Transact. Num. 10. p. 166. & Num. 11. p. 180.
  • A Relation of an Accident by Thunder and Light­ning in Oxford. Philosoph. Transact. Num. 13. pag. 215.
  • ANtiquities of Rutlandshire, by Mr. Wright; Folio.
  • THE ancient Laws, Customs, and Orders of the Miners in the King's Forest of Mendipp, in the County of Somerset. London, 1687. 12o.
  • Proposals for a Natural History of Somersetshire have been publish'd by Mr. John Beaumont.
  • A Letter from Mr. Beaumont, giving an account of Ookey-hole and other subterraneous Grotto's in Men­dip-hills. Philosoph. Transact. 1681. Num. 2.
  • Ookey-hole describ'd, An. 1632.
  • Thermae Redivivae, by Mr. John Chapman, 1673. with an Appendix of Coriat's Rhimes of the Antiquities of the Bath.
  • Johnson in his Mercurius Britannicus, hath given an ac­count of the Antiquities of the Bath, with a ground­plot of the City.
  • A Discourse of the several Bathes and hot waters at the Bath, with the Lives and Characters of the Physicians that have liv'd and practis'd there. Together with an Enquiry into the Nature of S. Vincent's Rock near Bristol, and that of Castle Cary; by Dr. Thomas Guidot.
  • Enlarg'd by the same hand, with the addition of se­veral Antiquities. 1691.
  • The Antiquities of the City of Bath, collected in Latin by the same Author. MS.
  • NAtural History of Staffordshire, by Dr. Robert Plot. Fol.
  • Genealogies of the Nobility and Gentry in this County, MS. written by Mr. Erdswick, and now in the collection of Walter Chetwind Esq who very much improv'd it.
  • AN account of some Saxon Coins found in Suffolk. Philosoph. Transact. Num. 189. 1687.
  • THE Antiquities of Warwickshire, by Sir William Dugdale.
  • THE Antiquities of Westmorland, collected by Mr. Thomas Machel of Kirkby-Thore in the same County, MS.
  • This County, as to Pedigrees and the Intermarriages of greater Families, has been well consider'd and illustrated by Sir Daniel Fleming, a great Encou­rager and Promoter of Aniquities. MS.
  • STone-henge restor'd; written by Sir Inigo Jones, and publish'd by Mr. Webb, 1658.
  • Answer to Sir Inigo Jones, by Dr. Charleton.
  • [Page]Vindication of Sir Inigo Jones, by his Son in Law Mr. Webb, Architect to King Charles 1. Publish'd 1665.
  • Sammes of Stonehenge; a separate Discourse in his Britannia.
  • A short Treatise upon the same Subject was written by Mr. John Gibbons. MS.
  • Wilton-garden describ'd in 22 Copper Cutts in folio. At that time, it had the reputation of one of the finest gardens in Europe.
  • Mr. Tanner, of Queen's College in Oxford, has made large Collections in order to the Antiquities of this County. See Wiltshire, pag. 107.
  • WOrcester's Eulogie; or, a grateful acknow­ledgment of her Benefactors, by J. T. Ma­ster of Arts, a Poem, 1638.
  • A large description of Worcestershire, MS. is now in the hands of Thomas Abingdon Esquire. It was writ­ten by his Grandfather, an able and industrious Antiquary.
  • A Catalogue of all the Bailiffs, Mayors, and She­riffs of the City of York, from the time of Edw. 1. to the year 1664. by ..... Hillyard, Re­corder of the same City. York, 1665.
  • Some Observations upon the Ruins of a Roman-Wall and multangular Tower in York, with the draught, by Martin Lister Esquire. Phil. Transact. Num. 145. Jul. 10. 1683.
  • The Antiquities of the City of York, by Sir Thomas Widdrington, MS. The original Manuscript is now in the hands of Thomas Fairfax of Menston Esq See Yorkshire, pag. 734.
  • Dr. Jonston of Pontefract hath made large collections in order to the Antiquities of this whole County; which he is now digesting, and fitting for the Publick.
  • The English Spaw-Fountain in the Forest of Knares­burrow, by Edw. Dean, M. D. 1626.
  • Another Book upon the same Subject, by Mich. Stan­hop, 1632.
  • A Yorkshire Dialogue in its pure natural Dialect, 1683.
  • GIraldus Cambrensis's Itinerary of Wales.
  • A Manuscript of David Morganius, mention'd by Vossius.
  • History of Penbrokeshire, written by Geo. Owen Esq now in the hands of Howel Vaughan of Hengwrt, Esquire.
TREATISES relating to SCOTLAND, extracted out of Sir Robert Sibalds's Materials for the Scotch-Atlas.
  • THeatrum Scotiae, by Robert Gordon; in Latin.
  • Description of Edenburgh; by his Son.
  • A description of Scotland and the Isles adjacent, by Petruccius Ubaldinus: in Italian.
  • King James 5th's Voyage round his Kingdom, with the Hebrides and Orcades: in French.
  • The Original, Manners, &c. of the Scots, by John Lesly.
  • Heroës Scoti, by John Jonston.
  • A Catalogue of the Scotch Nobility: in Scotch.
  • Andreae Melvini Gathelus.
  • Topographia Scotiae; by the same hand.
  • An account of Rona and Hirta, by Sir Geo. Makenzy.
  • Metals and Minerals in Scotland, by D. Borthwick.
  • An account of Cathness, by Mr. William Dundass.
  • An account of Sutherland, by the same hand.
  • Observations upon Cathness, by the same hand.
  • An account of Hadington, deliver'd by the Magistrates of the place.
  • Description of part of the Praefecture of Aberdeen.
  • An account of a strange Tide in the river of Forth; by the Reverend Mr. Wright.
  • Vindication of Buchanan against Camden, per D.H.MS.
  • Collections relating to St. Andrews, MS.
  • The Antiquity of the Scotch Nation, MS.
  • Description of the High-lands of Scotland, MS.
  • Vindication of Scotland against Camden, by W. Drum­mond of Hawthornden, MS.
  • An account of the metals found in Scotland, by Mr. Atkinson, MS.
  • A description of Scotland, and of the Northern and Western Isles, MS.
  • Scotia illustrata, by Sir Rob. Sibalds.
  • Theatrum Scotiae; or, a description of the most con­siderable Cities and Gentlemen's Seats in the King­dom of Scotland, by J. Slezer.
  • Barclay's Treatise of Aberdeen-spaw: (Vid. Theatrum Scotiae, pag. 30.)
  • SIR James Ware hath given us an exact List of the Irish Authors, in his Scriptores Hiberniae, edit. Dublin. 1639.
  • A Descrip [...]ion of the Isle of Man, in Dan. King's Antiquities of Cheshire.
  • An accurate Description of the same Island, MS. out of which the Additional Account to the Isle of Man was extracted for me by Mr. Strahan of Baliol-College in Oxford.
  • A Description of Thule, by Sir Robert Sibalds.
  • A Description of the Orcades, by Mr. Wallace.
  • An Account of the Orcades, by Matthew Mackaile.
  • A Discovery of the Tides in these Islands, by the same Hand.
  • Description of Hethland and of the Fishery there; by Jo. Smith.
  • A Table of Hethland, with a description of it.
  • Observations upon the Aebudae.
  • An accurate Description of Jersey, by Mr Fall. 4o.

Besides these, there are great Numbers of Lieger-Books, Charters, Registers, &c. relating to the Religious Houses, preserv'd in the Libraries of Sir Thomas Bodley, Sir John Cotton, &c. and in the hands of several private Gentlemen: a Catalogue whereof, with the Proprietors, is given by Mr. Tanner in his Notitia Monastica.

Antoninuss ITINERARY THROUGH BRITAIN, As it is compar'd by Mr. BURTON with the several Editions. Iter Britanniarum à Gessoriaco de Galliis, Ritupis in Portu Britanniarum, Stadia numero CCCCL.

ITER I. A Limite, id est, à Vallo, Praetorium usque, M. P. CLVI.
Ab Remaenio.A Bremenio Cor­stopilum. m. p. xx.Bramenio Cor­stopitum.
 Vindomoram. m. p. ix. 
 Vinoviam. m. p. xix.Viconia.
 Cataractonem. m. p. xxii. 
 Isurium. m. p. xxiv. 
Ebur — 17.Eboracum Leg. vi. Vic­trix. m p. xvii.Ebur— 17.
 Derventionem. m. p. vii. 
 Delgovitiam. m. p. xiii. 
 Praetorium. m. p. xxv. 

 Iter à Vallo ad 
 Portum Ritupas. 
 M. P. CCCCLXXXI. sic; 
Ablato T [...]lg.A Blato Bulgio Castra Exploratorum. m. p. * xii.Ablat.
 * 10, & 15.
Lugu-vall.Luguvallum. m. p. xii.Lugu-vall.
 Voredam. m. p. xiiii. 
 Brovonacim. m. p. xiii. 
 Verterim. m. p. * xiii.* al. 20.
 Lavatrim. m. p. xiiii. 
* 16.Cataractonem. m. p. * xiii.* 16.
Isuriam.Isurium. m. p. xxiiii.Isuriam.
Eburacum 18.Eboracum. m. p. xvii.Eburacum. 18.
Cacaria.Calcariam. m. p. ix. 
Cambodun.Camulodunum. m. p. xx.Cambodun.
 Mamucium. m. p. xviii.Mammuc. & Manuc.
 Condate. m. p. xviii. 
* Vici.Devam. Leg. xx. * Victrix. m. p. xx.* Leg. xxiii. ci.
 Bovium. m. p. x. 
 Mediolanum. m. p. xx. 
 Rutunium. m. p. xii. 
Urio, Con.Viroconium. m. p. xi.Urio, Con.
 Uxaconam. m. p. xi. 
Penno-Cruc.Pennocrucium. m. p. xii.Penno-Cruc.
 Etocetum. m. p. xii. 
Mandues-Sed. * 16.Manduessedum. m.p. * vi. †† 16 Mandues-Sed.
 Venonim. m. p. xii. 
Bennavent. 16.Bennavennam. m. p. xvii.Bennavent. & Ban.
 Lactodorum. m. p. xii.Lactorod.
 Magiovintum. m. p. * xvii.Magint. * 12.
 Durocobrivim. m. p. xii.Duro-Cobr.
Vero-Lam.Verolamium. m. p. xii.Vero-Lam.
Sullonac.Sulloniacim. m. p. xi.Sullomac. 9.
 Londinium. m. p. xii.Longidin.
 Noviomagum. m. p. x. 
 Vagniacim. m. p. xviii. 
Duroprovis.Durobrivim. m. p. ix.Duro-brov.
* 16.Durolevum. m. p. * xiii. 
Durorvern.Durovernum. m. p. xii. 
 Ad Portum Ritupas. m. p. x. 

 Iter à Londinio ad 
XIIII.Portum Dubrim. 
 m. p. lxvi. sic; 
Dubobrus.† Durobrivim. m. p. xxvii.Dubobrus.
* Durarvenno. 15.* Durovernum. m. p. xxv.* Durarvenno. 15.
 Ad Portum Dubris. m. p. xiv. 

 Iter à Londinio ad 
 Portum Lemanis. 
 m. p. lxviii. sic; 
 Durobrivim. m. p. xxvii.Durobrius.
Durarvenno. 15.Durovernum. m. p. xxv.Durarvenno. 15.
 Ad Pontem Lemanis. m. p. xvi. 

 Iter à Londinio lv. 
Leguvallio.Guvallum ad Vallum. 
 m. p. ccccxliii. sic; 
 Caesaromagum. m. p. xxviii. 
 Coloniam. m. p. xxiv. 
 Villam Faustini. m. p. xxxv.25.
 Icianos. m. p. xviii. 
 Camboricum. m. p. xxxv. 
 Durolipontem. m. p. xxv. 
 Durobrivas. m. p. xxxv. 
Causennis.Causennim. m. p. xxx.Gausennis.
 Lindum. m. p. xxvi. 
 Segelosim. m. p. xiv. 
 Danum. m. p. xxi. 
Legeolio.Legeolium. m. p. xvi.Legeolio.
Ebur.Eboracum. m. p. xxi.Ebur.
 Isubrigantum. m. p. xvii.16.
 Cataractonem xxiv. 
Levat.Lavatrim. m. p. xviii.Levat.
14.Verterim. m. p. xiii.14.
Brocovo.Brocavum. m. p. xx.Brocovo.
Luguvalio.Luguvallum. m. p. xxii.Luguvallo.

 Iter à Londinio 
 Lindum. m. p. clvi. sic; 
Verolani.Verolamum. m. p. xxi.Verolami.
Durocobrius.Durocobrium. m. p. xii.Duro-Cobrius.
 Magiovinium. m. p. xii. 
 Lactodorum. m. p. xvi. 
 Isannavatia. m. p. xii.Isannavantia. Isan­navaria.
 Tripontium. m. p. xii.
Venonis.Vennonim. m. p. ix.Venonis.
Ratas.Ratis. m. p. 12.Ratas.
 Verometum. m. p. xiii. 
12.Margidunum. m. p. xiii.Margindun. 12.
Ad Pontum.Ad Pontem. m. p. vii. 
Croco-Cal.Crococalanum. m. p. vii.Crorolana.
 Lindum. m. p. 12. 

 Iter à Regno 
* cxv.m. p. xcvi. sic;* cxvi. 96.
 Clausentum. m. p. xx. 
 Ventam Belgarum. m. p. x. 
Gelleu.Callevam Atrebatum. m. p. xxii.Gall.
 Pontes. m. p. xxii. 
 Londinium. m. p. xxii. 

Eburaco.Iter ab EboracoEbur.
 m. p. ccxxvii. sic; 
 Lagecium. m. p. xxi. 
 Danum. m. p. xvi. 
 Agelocum. m. p. xxi. 
 Lindum. m. p. xiv. 
Corocalana.Crococalanum. m. p. xiv. 
* Deest in Ald. Cod. haec Mansio.* Margidunum. m. p. xiv. 
Vernametto.Vernemetum. m. p. xii. 
 Ratis. m. p. xii. 
 Vennonim. m. p. xii. 
xix.Bannavantum. m. p. xviii.xix.
Magio. Vin.Magiovinum. m. p. xxviii.Magio-Vin.
 Durocobrivim. m. p. xii.Durocobrius.
 Verolamum. m. p. xii. 
 Londinium. m. p. xxi. 

* Icinorum.Iter à Venta * Iceno­rum Londinium.Icin.
 m. p. cxxviii. sic; 
xxxi.Sitomagum, m. p. xxxii.xxxi.
Combret.Cambretovium, m. p. xxii.Comb.
 Ad Ansam. m. p. xv. 
Camolodun.Camulodunum. m. p. vi.Camolod.
 Canonium. m. p. ix. 
 Caesaromagum. m. p. xii. 
 Durolitum. m. p. xvi. 
 Londinium. m. p. xv. 

 Iter à Clanoven­ta Mediolanum. 
 cl. sic; 
 Galavam. m. p. xviii. 
 Alonem. m. p. xii. 
 Galacum. m. p. xix. 
 Bremetonacim. m. p. xxvii. 
 Coccium. m. p. xx. 
* xviii.Mancunium. m. p. * xvii.* xviii.
 Condate. m. p. xviii. 
* xix.Mediolanum. m. p. * xviii.* xix.

 A Segontio 
 Devam. m. p. 
 lxxxiii. sic; 
 Conovio. m. p. xxiv. 
 Varis. m. p. xix. 
 Deva. m. p. xxxii. 

 Iter à † MaridunoStud [...]i exemplari, à Caleva per Muri­dunum Viroconium [...] at (que) ita rectius legi­tur, nam Muridu­num vel Moridu­num in medio hoc itinere ponitur. Jo­sias Simlerus.
Viroconiorum.Viroconium. Viroconiorum.
 m. p. clxxxvi. sic;
Muridon.Mariduno. m. p. xxxvi.
 Leucarum. m. p. xv.
 * Nidum. m. p. xv.
 * Bomium. m. p. xv. 
 * Transpositae sunt hae duae Stationes apud Harrisonum.
Isceleia Augusta.* Iscam Leg. ii. Aug. m. p. xxvii. Iscelegua Aug. 28.
 Burrium. m. p. ix.* Iscelegu Au­gusti, vel Isce­legia Augusti: emendo ex Ptol. Iscaleg. II. Augusta. Ponit enim Ptol. propè Iscamleg. II. sic tamen, ut amborum loca semisse unius gradus longitu­dinis distent, & quadrante, quo ad latitudinem: quae distantiam faciunt circiter XXXV. M. P. hic tamen major ponitur distantia inter Iscam Dumnoniorum & Leg. II. Aug. Josias Simlerus.
 Gobannium. m. p. xii.
Magnis.Magmim. m. p. xxii. Magnis.
 Bravonium. m. p. xxiv. Bravinio.
 Viroconium. m. p. xxvii. Viricon.

 Iter ab Isca 
 Callevam. m. p. 
 cix. sic; 
 Burrium. m. p. ix. 
In locum istum Gobannium restituit Guilielmus Fulco.
 Blestium. m. p. xi. 
 Ariconium. m. p. xi. 
 Clevum. m. p. xv. 
 Durocornovium. m. p. xiv. 
 Spinas. m. p. xv. 
 Callevam. m. p. xv. 

 Alio Itinere 
 Ab Isca 
 Callevam. m. p. ciii. sic; 
 Venta Silurum. m. p. ix. 
 Abone. m. p. ix. 
 Trajectus. m. p. ix. 
 Aquis Solis. m. p. vi. 
 Verlucione. m. p. xv. 
 Cunetione. m. p. xx. 
 Spinis. m. p. xv. 
 Calleva. m. p. xv. 

 A Calleva 
 Isca Dumnunniorum. 
 m. p. cxxxvi. sic; 
 Vindomi. m. p. xv. 
 Venta Belgarum. m. p. xxi. 
 Brige. m. p. xi. 
 Sorbiodoni. m. p. viii. 
 Vindocladia. m. p. xii. 
 Durnonovaria. m. p. ix. 
 Moriduno. m. p. xxxvi. 
 Iscadum Nunniorum. m. p. xv. 

The GENERAL HEADS of the INTRODUCTION, AND Counties of England.

  • BRITAIN, i
  • — Name of, xxvi
  • Manners of the Britains, xxxiii
  • Romans in Britain, xxxix
  • Conjectures upon the British Coins, lxxxvii
  • — Additions, xci
  • Notes upon the Roman Coins, xcvii
  • — Additions, c
  • Destruction of Britain, ci
  • Britains of Armorica, cv
  • Britains of Wales and Cornwall, cvii
  • Picts, cix
  • Scots, cxiii
  • Saxons, cxxi
  • — Names of, cxxxiii
  • Saxon Coins, cxxxvi
  • Danes, cli
  • Normans, cliii
  • Division of Britain, clxiii
  • Degrees of England, clxxi
  • Law-Courts of England, clxxxiii
  • Discourse concerning Earl-Marshal, clxxxix
  • Original and dignity of Earl-Marshal, cxciii
Isle of Wight,127
Arsenals for the Royal Navy in Kent,229
Anglesey, Mona,673
Princes of Wales,695
Brigantes.Yorkshire, West-Rid.705
Bishoprick of Durham,771

Large ADDITIONS at the end of each County.

Explication of the Letters and Figures in the Text.
[a] [b], &c.refer toThe Additions at the end of each County; where the same Letters answer them.
a, b, &c.The cursory Remarks at the bot­tom of the Page.
1, 2, &c.Dr. Holland's Interpolations, set in a small Italick, at the bottom of the page.
ENGLAND By Robt. Morden


BRitain, called also Albion, and by the Greeks [...], and [...], the most famous Island of the whole world, is divided from the Continent of Europe by the Ocean. It lies over against Germany and France in aFigura Trique­tra. Trian­gular form, having its three Promontories shooting out three several ways, viz. Belerium [the Lands end] towards the West; Cantium [the Kentish Foreland] towards the East; Tar­visium or Orcas [Cathness] towards the North. On the West, between it and Ireland, the Vergivian or Irish Sea breaks in; on the North it is beaten upon by the vast and wide Northern Ocean; on the East, where it faceth Germany, it is washed by the German Ocean; on the South over against France, by the British Chanel. Thus divided by a conveni­ent distance from these neighbouring Nations, and made fit by its open harbors for the traffick of the whole world, it seems to have advanc'd it self on all sides into the sea,See in Kent. as it were, for the general benefit of mankind. For between Kent and Calais in France, it runs so far out into the sea, and the Chanel is so contracted, thata some are of opinion that a breach was there made to receive the sea, which till that time had been excluded: and to confirm it, they bring Virgil's Authority in that Verse,

Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos.
And Britain quite from all the world disjoyn'd.

Because, says Servius Honoratus, Britain was anci­ently joyn'd to the Continent. And that of Claudian they urge, in imitation of Virgil,

Nostro diducta Britannia mundo.
And Britain sever'd from our World.

And it is not unlikely, that the outward face and fa­shion of the earth may by the Deluge and other causes have been alter'd; that some mountains may have been rais'd and heightn'd, and many high places may have sunk into plains and valleys; lakes and meers may have been dried up, and dry places may have become lakes and meers; and some Islands may have been torn and broken off from the Continent. But whether it be true indeed, and whether there were any Islands before the Flood, I shall not here argue, nor give too rash a judgment upon God's Works. All know that the Divine Providence hath dispos'd different things to the same end. And in­deed it hath always been allow'd, as well by Divines as Philosophers, that Isles, scatter'd in the sea, do no less contribute to the beauty of the whole World in general, than lakes dispers'd in the Continent, and mountains rais'd above plains.

Livy and Fabius Rusticus have made the Form of this Island to resemble anSe [...]tulae Oblongae. oblong Platter, orb Bip [...]nni. two edg'd Ax; and such certainly is its shape towards the South (as Tacitus observes,) which yet hath been ill apply'd to the whole Island. For Northward the vast tract of land shooting forward in the utmost shore, groweth narrow and sharp like a wedge. The Ancients thought it so great and so very large in cir­cumference,The Pa­negyrick spoken to Constanti­us, falsly entitled to Maximi­an. that Caesar, who was the first of the Ro­mans that discover'd it, wrote, that he had found out another world, supposing it to be so great, that it seem'd not to be surrounded with the sea, but even to encompass the Ocean. And Julius Solinus Polybistor asserts, that for its largeness, it almost deserv'd to be call'd ano­ther World. Nevertheless, our age, by the many surveys made by several persons, hath now well nigh found the true Dimensions of the whole Isle. For from Tarvisium to Belerium, reckoning the windings and turnings of the shores along the West side, are computed about 912 miles. From thence along the Southern coasts to Cantium 320 miles. Hence coast­ing the German Ocean, with crooked bays and in­lets for 704 miles, it reacheth Tarvisium. So that by this computation, the whole Island is in circuit 1836 miles; which measure, as it falls much short of Pliny's, so is it also somewhat less than Caesar's.Com. l. 5. Schitinius Chius is not worth my mentioning, who in Apollonius de Mirabilibus (having told us strange sto­ries of fruits growing in Britain without kernels, and grapes without stones) makes its circuit 400Stadiis. fur­longs and no more. But Dionysius Afer in his De­scription of the World, hath given a much better ac­count of the British Islands, that is, Bri [...]ain and Ireland.

Vast is the compass of the British coasts;
A like extent no rival Island boasts.

And with him Aristides and other Greek Writers agree, who by way of excellency have truly call'd Britain [...], the great Island.

Now they that have more accurately compar'd the spaces of the Heavens with the tracts of Earth, have plac'd Britain under the 8th Climate, and include it within thec 18th and 26th Parallels, computing the longest Day at 18 Equinoctial Hours and an half. The Lands end, according to the Spherical figure of the Earth, they placed 16 degrees and 50 scruples from the farthest point westward; and the Kentish Foreland in 21 degrees of Longitude. As for the Latitude, they measure in the Southern parts 50 degrees 10 scruples; at Cathness 59 degrees 40 scruples. So that Britain, by this situation, must needs enjoy both a fertile soyl, and a most temperate air. The Summers here are not so scorching, by reason of the constant breezes which fan the air, and moderate the heats. These, as they invigorate every thing that grows, so they give both to man and beast at the same time their health and their refreshment. The Winters also here are mild and gentle. This proceeds not only from the thickness and closeness of the air, but also from the frequency of those still showers, which do with us much soften, and break the violence of the cold. Be­sides that, the seas which encompass it, do so cherish the land with their gentle warmth, that the cold is here much less severe than in some parts of France and Italy. Upon this consideration, Minutius Felix, when he would prove that the Divine Providence consults not only the interest of the world in general, but also of each part, makes use of our island as an in­stance.De Nat. Deor. l. 2. Though Britain (saith he) enjoys not so much the aspect and influence of the sun, yet instead thereof, it is refreshed and comforted by the warmth of the sea which surrounds it. Neither need we think that reflexion strange, which he makes upon the warmth of the sea; since Cicero makes the same observation. The seas, saith he, tossed to and fro with the winds, grow so [Page iii-iv] warm, that from thence it may readily be inferred, that there is a certain heat that lyes concealed in that vast fluid body. To the temperate state also of this Island Cescenius Getulicus, a very antient Poet, seems to have respect, in these his verses concerning Britain.

Probus in Virg. Geo.
Non illic Aries verno ferit aera cornu,
Gnossia nec Gemini praecedunt cornua Tauri,
Sicca Lycaonius resupinat plaustra Bootes.
Not there the spring the Ram's unkindness mourns,
Nor Taurus sees the Twins before his horns,
His Northern wain where dry Bootes turns.

Caesar also takes notice, That this country is more tem­perate than Gaule, and the cold less piercing. And Cor­nelius Tacitus observeth, That in this Island there is no extremity of cold: And farther adds, That except the vine, the olive, and some other fruits peculiar to the hotter climates, it produceth all things else in great plenty: That the fruits of the earth, as to their coming up, are forward in Britain, but are very slow in ripening. Of both which there is one and the same cause, the excessive moisture of the earth and air. For indeed our air (as Strabo hath observed) is more obnoxious to rain, than snow. How­ever, so happy is Britain in a most plentiful product of all sorts of grain, thate Orpheus hath called it The very seat of Ceres. For to this Islandf we are to ap­ply that expression,

—See here the stately Court
Of Royal Ceres!

And in antient times, this was as it were the gra­nary and magazine of the Western Empire. For from hence the Romans were wont every year, in 800 vessels larger thanLembis. barks, to transport vast quan­tities of corn,Zosimus. Eunapius [...]. for the supply of their armies in garison upon the frontiers of Germany. But perchance I may seem too fond and lavish in the praises of my own Country; and therefore you shall now hear an old Orator deliver its Encomium.Panegyric to Con­stantine. O, fortunate Britain, the most happy country in the world, in that thou didst first behold Constantine our Emperour. Thee hath Na­ture deservedly enrich'd with all the choicest blessings both of heaven and earth. Thou feelest neither the excessive colds of winter, nor the scorching heats of Summer. Thy harvests reward thy labours with so vast an encrease, as to supply thy Tables with bread, and thy Cellars with liquor. Thy woods have no savage beasts; no serpents harbour here, to hurt the traveller. Innumerable are thy herds of cattle, and the flocks of sheep, which feed thee plentifully, and cloath thee richly. And as to the comforts of life, the days are long, and no night passes without some glimps of light. For whilst those utmost plains of the sea-shore are so flat and low, as not to cast a shadow to create night; they ne­ver lose the sight of the heavens and stars; but the sun, which to us appears to set, seems there only just to pass by. I shall here also introduce another Orator, using these expressions to Constantius, Panegyric to Con­stantius. the father of Con­stantine the Great. And I assure you, no small damage was it, not only to lose the name of Britain, but the great advantages thence accruing to our Commonwealth; to part with a land so stored with corn, so flourishing in pasturage, rich in such store and variety of metals, so profitable in its tributes, on all its coasts so furnished with convenient harbours, and so immense in its extent and circuit. Also Natures particular indulgence to this our Island, a Poet of considerable antiquity hath thus express'd, addressing himself to Britain in this Epigram, in some mens opinion not unworthy to be published.

Tu nimio nec stricta gelu nec sydere fervens,
Clementi coelo temperie (que) places.
Cum pareret natura parens, vario (que) favore
Divideret dotes omnibus una locis,
Seposuit potiora tibi, matrem (que) professa,
Insula sis foelix plena (que) pacis, ait.
Quicquid amat luxus, quicquid desiderat usus,
Ex te proveniet, vel aliunde tibi.
Nor cold nor heat's extreams thy people fear,
But gentle seasons turn the peaceful year.
When teeming natures careful hand bestow'd
Her various favours on her numerous brood,
For thee th'indulgent mother kept the best,
Smil'd in thy face, and thus her daughter blest.
In thee, my darling Isle, shall never cease
The constant joys of happiness and peace.
What e're can furnish luxury or use
Thy sea shall bring thee, or thy land produce.

This happy fertility, and pleasantness of Britain, Insula For­tunatae, or the For­tunate Islands. gave occasion to some persons to imagine that these were the Fortunate Islands, and those Seats of the Bles­sed, where the Poets tell us, that the whole face of Na­ture always smiled with one perpetual spring. This is affirmed by Isacius Tzetzes, In his Comment upon Ly­cophron. among the Greeks a man of considerable reputation. And our own An­cestors, it seems, admitted the same notion, as lite­rally true. For when Pope Clement VI. (as we read in Robert of Avesbury) had declared Lewis of Spain King of the Fortunate Islands, and to effect his project, had begun to levy forces in France and Italy; 1344 our Countrymen were presently possessed with an opinion that the Pope's intent was to make him King of our Island, and that all these preparations were designed for Britain, as one of those Fortunate Islands. Nay, so prevalent was this conceit, that even our grave Embassadors, then resident at Rome, hereupon withdrew in a disgust, and hastned home to acquaint their country with its approaching danger. Nor in­deed would any man in our age be of another mind, supposing him barely to consider the Fortunate state and the happy circumstances of this our British Island. It is certainly the master-piece of Nature, perform'd when she was in her best and gayest humour; which she placed as a little world by it self, upon the side of the greater, for the diversion of mankind. The most accurate model which she proposed to her self, to beautifie the other parts of the Universe. For here, which way soever we turn our eyes, we are entertain'd with a charming variety, and prospects extreamly pleasant. I need not enlarge upon its In­habitants, nor extol the vigour and firmness of their constitution, the inoffensiveness of their humour, their civility to all men, and their courage and bra­very, so often tryed both at home and abroad; and not unknown to the remotest corner of the earth.

But concerning the most antient and the very first Inhabitants of this Island,The first Inhabi­tants, and reason of the name. as also the original of the name of Britain, divers opinions have been started; and a great many (as a certain writer has express'd it) who knew little of the matter, have yet espou­sed it very warmly. Nor ought we Britains to ex­pect more certain evidences in this case, than other nations. For, excepting those in particular, whose originals the holy Scriptures have plainly delivered, all the rest, as well as we, remain under a dark cloud of error and ignorance, concerning their first rise. Nor indeed could it otherwise be, considering under how much rubbish the revolutions of so many past ages have buried Truth. The first Inhabitants of countries had other cares and thoughts to trouble their heads withal, than that of transmitting their originals to posterity. Nay, supposing they had ne­ver so much desired it, yet could they never have ef­fectually done it. For their life was altogether un­civilized, perfectly rude, and wholly taken up in wars, so that they were long without any Learning, which as it is the effect of a civiliz'd life, of peace and leisure, so is it the only sure and certain means of preserving and transmitting to posterity the me­mory of things past. Moreover the Druids, who were the Priests among the Britains and Gauls, and to whose care was committed the preservation of all their antient traditions: and likewise the Bards, who made it their business to celebrate all gallant and remarkable adventures; both the one and the other, thought it unlawful to commit any thing to books or [Page v-vi] writing. But, supposing they had left any matters upon record, yet, without doubt, at so vast a di­stance and after so many and so great alterations [in this Island] they must needs have been lost long since. For we see, that Stones, Pyramids, Obelisques, and other Monuments, that were esteem'd more du­rable than brass it self, for preserving the memory of things, have long since ye [...]ded to, and perished by the injuries of time. But in the subsequent ages, there arose in many nations a sort of men, who were ve­ry studious to supply these defects out of their own invention. For when they could not tell what to de­liver for certain truth, yet, that they might at least delight and please some mens wanton fancy, they in­vented divers stories (every one according to the strength of his own imagination) about the original and names of People. These fancies some men quick­ly embrac'd, without a more curious search into the truth; and most were so taken with the pleasure of the fables, that they swallow'd them without more adoe.

Geoffry of MonmouthBut to omit all other writers, there is one of our own nation, Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, (whom I am loth to represent amiss in this point) publish'd in the Reign of Henry II. an History of Britain, tran­slated, as he pretends, out of the British Tongue: wherein he tells us, That one Brutus, a Trojan by descent, the Son of Silvius, Grandchild to Ascanius, and Great-grandchild to the famous Aeneas, (whose mother was Venus, and consequently himself descen­ded from Jove.) That this man at his birth cost his mother her life; and by chance having killed his Fa­ther in hunting, (which thing the Magicians had foretold) was forc'd to fly into Greece; That there he rescued from slavery the progeny of Helenus, son of Priam, overcame King Pandrasus, marry'd his daughter, put to sea with the small remainder of the Trojans, and falling upon the Island of Leogetia, was there advised by the Oracle of Diana, to steer his course towards this our western Island. Accordingly, that he sail'd through theP [...]r Her­culis Co­lumnas. Streights of Gibraltar, (where he escap'd the Syrens) and afterwards, pas­sing through the Thuscan Sea, arrived in Aquitain. That in a pitcht battle, he routed Golfarius Pictus, King of Aquitain, together with twelve Princes of Gaule, that assisted him. And then after he had built the city of Tours, (as he says Homer tells us) and overran Gaule, he crossed over into this Island, then inhabited by Giants. That having conquered them, together with Gogmagog, who was the greatest of them all, from his own name he gave this Island the name of Britain, Brutus in the year of the world 2855. be­fore the birth of Christ, 1108. in the year of the world 2855. and 334 years before the first Olympiad, and before the nati­vity of Christ, 1108. Thus far Geoffry. But there are others, who bring other grounds and reasons for this name of Britain. Sir Thomas Eliot Kt. a very learned man, derives it from a Greek Word, [...], which term among the Athenians signified their pub­lick revenues. Humphrey Lloyd, who hath the reputa­tion to be one of the best Antiquaries of this King­dom, with much assurance refers its original to the British word Pridcain, that is to say, a white form. Pomponius Laetus tells us,g that the Britains of Armo­rica in France gave it that name. Goropius Becanus will have it, that the Danes settled themselves here, and so called it Bridania, i.e. Free Dania. Others de­rive it from Prutenia [Prussia,] a part of Germany. Bodin supposeth it took its name from Bretta, a Spa­nish word, which signifies Earth. Forcatulus, from Brithin, which, as it appears in Athenaeus, was the name of a sort of drink among the Grecians. Others deduce it from the Brutii in Italy, whom the Greeks called [...]. But those Pedants are by no means to be endured, who would have it to be called Bri­tain, from the brutish manners of the Inhabitants.h

These are all the opinions (so far as I know) that were ever thought worthy regard, touching the name of Britain. But as we cannot choose, but think the fictions of foreigners in this matter extreamly ridicu­lous, so we must needs own, that divers of our own Countrymen give us no very latisfactory account. And indeed, in these and other such like cases, it is much easier to detect a falsity, than to establish a truth. For, besides that it is in it self an absurdity to seek the reason of this name in a foreign language, the general consent of the more noted Historians con­fute Laetus; all informing us, that those Britains of France went from hence, and carried the name along with them thither. Also Britain flourished under this name several hundred years before the names of Da­nia and Prutenia were ever known in the world. And what hath our Britain to do with the Spanish Bretta? (which indeed I question much, whether it be a Spanish word,) and why should this Island be so call'd, rather than any other country? It can hardly be made out, that the drink Brithin was ever used in our country; and to deduce the name of our na­tion from a liquor of the Grecians, is ridiculous. The Italian Brutii were indeed, as Strabo noteth, by the Lucani called [...], which implies as much as Fu­gitives or Rovers: But that the Brutii ever rov'd so far as Britain, can never be prov'd. To come now to the conjectures of our own Countrymen: Eliot's [...] seems very improbable, since that word was peculiar to the Athenians; and the Greeks were wont to call this Island [...], not [...]. Lloid's Pridcain, from whence he derives Britain, seems so far fetch'd, and so overstraind an Etymolo­gy, that I need not alledge, how the word Cain comes originally from the Latin Candidus; which had crept into the provincial language of the Britains.

But now could we be but once well satisfied, that thisi History of Brutus were true and certain, there would be no farther occasion for any laborious search after the Original of the British nation; that business were all at an end, and lovers of Antiquity would be excus'd from a troublesome and tedious enquiry. For my part, I am so far from labouring to discredit that History, that I assure you, I have often strained my Invention to the uttermost to support it. Abso­lutely to reject it, would be to make war against time, and to fight against a receiv'd opinion. For shall one of my mean capacity presume to give sentence in a point of so much consequence? I refer the controversie intirely to the whole body of learned Antiquaries; and leaving every man freely to the li­berty of his own judgment, shall not be much con­cern'd at any ones opinion.

And yet here I find my self oblig'd to take notice (and I hope, since I search after nothing but truth, with the Reader's pardon) that there are learned and judicious men, who endeavour divers ways to invalidate this relation, and are wont to attack me, when I offer to defend it, with these or the like ar­guments. Their first objection they draw from the age wherein these things are said to have been done, and peremptorily assert, that all is purely fabulous, (the sacred Histories excepted) whatsoever is deli­vered by Historians, as done before the first Olym­piad, i.e. the year 770 before the birth of our Sa­viour. Now these things which are told us concer­ning Brutus, precede that period by above 300 years.Censori­nus. This exception they ground upon the authority of Varro, the most learned among the Roman writers,The fabu­lous time, or age. with whom the first period of time, which was from the creation to the deluge, bears the title of [...], i.e. obscure and uncertain, so called from our igno­rance of the transactions of those times. The second, which was from the deluge to the first Olympiad, he calls [...], i.e. fabulous, because most of those Hi­stories are fabulous, even of the Greek and Roman Authors, the learned part of the world, much more among a barbarous and unlearned people, such as were doubtless, in those times, all the inhabitants of these Northern parts. In the next place they alledge, [Page vii-viii] that this relation is not confirmed by the authority of any proper writer, which in all History must be al­lowed to be the thing most material. Now they call those proper writers, who have antiquity and learn­ing agreeable; and in proportion to those, they give more or less credit. But to all this sort of Authors, as well as to the antient Britains themselves, they confidently aver, that the very name of Brutus was perfectly unknown. Farther they say, that Caesar himself hath assured us, that above 1600 years ago, upon the strictest enquiry, he could only discover thus much, that the inland-parts of Britain were inhabited by such as were the true and ancient natives; but that the Sea-coasts were peopled with foreigners, who had passed over thither out of Belgium. Tacitus also (above 1400 years ago) who had made diligent search into these matters, says, What sort of men did at first in­habit Britain, whether bred and born in that Island, or whether they came thither from foreign parts, among such a barbarous people, cannot now be discovered. Also Gildas Sapiens, who himself was a Britain, and lived above 1000 years since, says not one word concern­ing this Brutus; nay, even declares himself not well satisfied, whether the ancient Britains had any re­cords or writings at all, wherein they had transmit­ted their history and original to posterity. And therefore he plainly confesses, That he took all out of foreign writers, and not out of any writings or records l [...]ft by his own country-men. For if there ever had been any such, they were in his time quite lost, having either been burnt by the enemy at home, or carried away by the exiles into foreign parts, Ninius also, disciple of Elu­odugus, in the preface to his Chronicle, written 800 years since, complains, That the greatest Scholars a­mong the Britains, had but little learning, and that they had left no memorials. And confesseth, that whatsoever he had written, was collected out of the Annals and Chro­nicles of the Holy Fathers. They also argue, That Bede, William of Malmsbury, and all the rest, who wrote before the year 1160, seem not to have ever heard so much as the name of our Brutus; there is as to this particular in all their writings such an uni­versal silence.

They observe farther, that the very name of this Brutus was a stranger to the world, untill a most barbarous and ignorant age gave an opportunity to one Hunnibald, a trifling writer, to obtrude his Francio, a Trojan, Son to King Priam, as the Founder of the French name and nation. Hence they conclude, that when our country-men had once heard that their neighbours the French, derived their pedigree from the Trojans, they thought it below them, to to come behind a people in descent, whom they e­qualed in valour. And hereupon, 400 years ago, our Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, first of all grati­fy'd the Britains with this Brutus, as Founder of the British Nation, and feigned him not only of a Tro­jan, but also of a divine extraction. Before which time they urge that there never was any the the least mention made of such a man as Brutus.

They add moreover, that much about the same time Scotch writers set up their fictitiousk Scota, Daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, as the Foun­dress of their Nation. That thereabouts too, some persons abusing their parts, and mis-spending their time, without any ground of truth, forged for the Irish, their Hiberus; for the Danes, their Danus; for the Brabanders, their Brabo; for the Goths, their Gothus; for the Saxons, their Saxo, as the Founders of their several nations. But now this our more knowing age hath discovered all these Impostures; and since, the French have rejected their Francio as a meer counterfeit. The French, saith the most learned Turnebus, when they lay claim to a Trojan original, do it purely in emulation of the Romans. For when they saw this people so much build upon that, as the most noble pedigree, they thought it convenient to invest themselves in the same honour. Since also the most sober and thinking part of the Scots have cast off their Scota; and the force of Truth it self hath at last en­tirely prevailed against that Hiberus, Danus, Brabo, and all the rest of these mock-princes; they much wonder why the Britains should so fondly adhere to their Brutus (as the original of their Island's name) and to their Trojan extraction; as if there had been no Britains here before the destruction of Troy (which happen'd about 1000 years after the deluge) or as if there had not lived many valiant men in the world before Agamemnon.

Farther yet they tell us, that the greatest part of learned Authors, as Boccatius, Vives, Hadrianus Juni­us, Polydore, Buehanan, Vignier, Genebrardus, Molinae­us, Bodinus, and other persons of great judgment, do unanimously affirm, that there never was such a man as this Brutus. Nay more, that very many of our Country-men, persons eminent for their learning, reject him as a meer Impostor. Among whom in the first place, they produce John of Wheathamsted, He lived about the year 1440. Abbot of St. Albans, a man of excellent judgment, who wrote long ago concerning this matter in his Granarium. According to other histor [...]s (which in the judgment of some men, deserve much more credit) the wh [...]le relation concerning Brutus, is rather poetical than historical, and upon several accounts, rather fanciful than real. As first, we find no where in the Roman Histo­ries, the least mention, either of the killing of the father, or of the begetting or banishment of the son. Secondly, Ascanius, according to several authors, had no son, whose proper name was Silvius. For they give us an account but of one that he ever had, to wit, Julius, from whom afterward the Julian family had its original, &c. And thirdly, Silvius Posthumus, whom possibly Geoffry may mean, was the Son of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia, and he ha­ving had a son named Aeneas, in the 38th year of his Reign, ended his life, not by any mischance, but by a na­tural death. By all which circumstances it is apparent, that that Kingdom, which is now called England, was not heretofore named Britain, from Brutus the son of Silvius, as many will have it. But others look upon the whole as no other than a ridiculous piece of foppery and vanity, to lay claim to this nobility of descent, when we cannot ground our pretence upon any probable foundation. 'Tis virtue alone that gives nobility to any nation; and it is a greatness of mind, with exactness of reason, that makes the true Gentleman. Suitable hereunto, Seneca in his Epistles, tells us out of Plato, That there is no King, Epist. 44. who was not extracted from slaves; nor any slave that de­scended not from Kings. Let this therefore be allowed the British nation, as a sufficient evidence of their honourable original, that they are couragious and resolute in war, that they have been superior to all their enemies round, and that they have a natural aversion to servitude. In the second place, they produce William of Newbourgh, a much more ancient writer, who in this rough lan­guage, fixed the charge of forgery upon Geoffrey, the compiler of the British history, as soon as ever he had published it. A certain writer, started up in our days, hath devised strange and ridiculous tales concerning the Britains, and with a sort of impudent vanity, hath ex­tolled them far above the gallantry of the Macedonians or Romans. His name is Geoffrey, but he hath the addi­tional one of Arthur too, because he sent abroad, un­der the honourable title of an history, the Fables of King Arthur, taken out of the old fictions of the Britains, with some additions of his own, which he hath coloured over with a little Latine. The same man, with yet greater boldness, hath published as authentick prophesies (and pretends to ground them upon certain truth) the fallacious predictions of one Merlin; unto which also, in translating them into Latin, he hath added a good deal of his own invention. And a little after, Besides, in that book of his, which he en­titles The History of the Britains, how sawcily and bare-facedly he forges every thing, is obvious to any one who reads it, not altogether a stranger to the antient histories. For such men as have not informed themselves of the truth, swallow all Fables that come to hand by the lump. I say nothing of those great adventures of the Britains before Julius Caesar's landing and government, which he either feigned himself, or handed down the fabulous inventions of others, as authentick. Insomuch, that Giraldus [Page ix-x] Cambrensis,D [...]script. Cambr. c. 7. who lived and wrote in the same age, made no scruple to call it, The Fabulous History of Ge­offry. Others deride Geoffry's foolish Topography in this narration, and his counterfeited testimony of Homer; and would persuade us, that the whole sto­ry is a thing patched up of meer incongruities and ab­surdities. They remark farther, that these his writ­ings, together with his Merlin, stand condemned, a­mong other prohibited books, by the Church of Rome. Others observe, that the greatest admirers of this our Brutus, are themselves still wavering and unresolved in the point. That Author (say they) who takes upon him the name and title of Gildas, and briefly glosseth upon Ninius, in the first place imagineth this our Brutus, to have been a Roman Consul; in the next, to have been the son of one Silvius, and then at last of one Hessicion. I have heard also, that there is a certain Count Palatine ve­ry earnest to have our Brutus called Brotus, because his birth was fatal to his mother, [...], in Greek sig­nifying mortal. In the judgment of others, these men might have bestowed on the Britains a more probable, and yet a more illustrious original, if they had drawn their descent, either from Brito the Cen­taure, mentioned by Higinus; or from that Bretanus, upon whose daughter Celtice (according to Parthenius Nicaeus, a very antient author) Hercules begat Celtus, the father of the Celtae, and from which Bretanus, Hesychius deriveth the word Britain.

Bretanus.Thus I have laid before you the observations, and opinions of other men upon this subject. If I have any ways impaired the credit of that history con­cerning Brutus, no man can reasonably quarrel with me; for I hope, in matters of this nature, every man may be allowed the liberty of his own thoughts, and of publishing those of other men. For my part, it shall never trouble me, if Brutus pass current for the father and founder of the British Nation. Let the Britains descent stand good, as they deduce it from the Trojans. I shall never contradict it: nay, I shall shew you hereafter, how with truth it may be maintained. I am not ignorant, that in old time Na­tions had recourse to Hercules, L [...]vy. in later ages to the Tro­jans, for their originals. And let antiquity herein be pardoned, if she sometimes disguise the truth with the mixture of a fable, and bring in the Gods them­selves to act a part, when she design'd thereby to render the beginnings, either of a city, or of a na­tion, more noble and majestical. For Pliny well ob­serves, That even falsly to pretend to a descent from il­lustrious persons, argues some respect for vertue. And for my part, I readily agree with Varro, the most learned of the Romans, That these originals, fetch­ed from the Gods, though in themselves false, yet are at least thus far useful, that men, presuming upon a di­vine extraction, may thereby be excited to generous enter­prises, and pursue them with a more than ordinary eager­ness; which makes them seldom fail of extraordinary suc­cess. Augustin at Civi­tat. Dei. li. 3. c. 4. From which words (by the way) St. Austin gathers, that the most learned Varro was inclined to think, that all such opinions were really grounldess; though he did not openly and expresly own it. Since therefore men are not yet agreed, either concerning the notion of the name, or concerning the first In­habitants of Britain; (and whether as to these points the truth will ever hereafter be more clearly disco­vered, now it hath lain so long, and so deeply buri­ed, I must declare my self extreamly doubtful:) I hope the reader will be inclineable to excuse me too, if I modestly interpose my own conjecture, without any prejudice to or against any person: not in a contentious humour, but as becomes a man, that pretends only to discover truth; which I am now doing with such a dis-interested zeal, that even the just apprehensions of censure, could not persuade me to desist. Now, that I may with the more ease and success discover the reason of this name, if possible; I will in the first place endeavour to find out, as well as I can, who were the first Inhabitants of this Island. Though indeed these first Planters lye so close in the most hidden retirements of Antiquity, as in some thick grove; that there is but very small or no hopes of ever retrieving by my diligence, what hath, for so many ages past, lain buried in oblivion.

To run up our enquiries therefore as high as we can (omitting Caesar, Diodorus, and other writers, who will have the Britains to be [...] and Aborigines, home-bred, and never transported from any other place; imagining that mankind at first sprung out of the earth like mushromes;) we are informed by Mo­ses in the sacred History, that after the Flood, the three Sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, after their issue were multiplied to a great number, left the mountains of Armenia, where the Ark had rested, separating themselves into the several quarters of the earth, and that by them the whole world was peo­pled. It may also farther be proved, as well by rea­son, as by the authority of Theophilus Antiochenus, that when their families came to be dispersed abroad by little and little, some of their posterity at last arrived in this our Island. Whereas (says he) in old time there were but few men in Arabia and Chaldea, after the di­vision of tongues they more and more encreased. Hereupon some took their way toward the East, others to other parts of the great and wide Continent; others traveling towards the North, seeking a place where to settle, still marched on, taking possession of all that lay before them, untill they came at last even to Britain, seated in the nor­thern climates. Moses himself doth also expresly as­sert the same, when he informs us, that the Islands of the Gentiles were divided in their lands, by the posterity of Japhet. The Islands of the Genttiles, Divines do interpret to be those which lay farthest off: and Wolphgangus Musculus, a Divine of conside­rable repute, is of opinion, that the nations and fa­milies which descended from Japhet, were the first possessors of the European Islands; such as are (saith he) England, Sicily, &c. Now that Europe fell to the share of Japhet and his posterity, besides Di­vines, Josephus and other Authors, have delivered as their opinion. To which purpose, Isidore cites this passage out of an ancient writer. The Nations, Origen. l. 9. cap. 2. which sprang from Japhet, possess from the mountain Taurus to the North, all the middle part of Asia, and all Europe, as far as to the British Ocean, and gave their names both to the places, and to the People; a great many whereof, have been since changed; but the rest re­main the same. And we see in the Europeans, that [prophetical] benediction of Noah fulfilled,Genesis 9. God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant. For it was Europe, as Pliny saith, which produced that people, who were the Conquerors of all other Nations, and have more than once triumphed over the other parts, which were the share of Shem and Cham: and this was peopled by Japhet and his posterity. For from his several Sons, came the several nations; f [...]om Magog, the Massagetae; from Javan, the Ionians; from Thubal the Spaniards; and from Mesech, the Moscovites. And his eldest son Gomer, in these our most remote parts of Europe, gave both original and name to the Gomerians, l who were afterward calledm Cimbri and Cimmerii. Gomeri, Cimerii, Cumeri, &c. For that name of the Cimbri or Cimmerii, did, in process of time, almost fill all these parts of the world, and spread it self very far, not only in Germany, but in Gaule also. Josephus and Zonaras both observe, that,n Thsse who are now called Gauls, were from Gomer, formerly named Gomari, Gomeraei, and Gomeritae. And from [Page xi-xii] these Gomari or Gomeri of Gaule, I have always been of opinion that our Britains had both original and name; in which I am confirm'd by the proper and genuine name of the Britains. For the Welch to this day call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri; a Welch woman, Kumeraes; and their language Ku­meraeg. Neither do they own any other name, al­though some pretenders to learning have from thence of late, coin'd the new names of Cambri and Cam­bria. And that very Grammarian, whom Virgil lasheth in hiso Catalects and calleth the British Thucy­dides, Lib. 8. c. 3. Quintilian saith, was a Cimbrian. And from whence now can we imagine these names should be derived, but from that antient Gomer, and from those Gomeri, who were so near to us in Gaule, the seat doubtless of the old Gomerians? The learned are of opinion, that the Germans issued from Aschenaz, the Turks from Togormah, both Sons of Gomer; because the Jews at this day call the latter Togormath, and the former Aschenas. That the Thracians, Ionians, Riphe­ans, and Moschi, &c. are the Posterity of Thirax, Ja­v [...]n, Riphat, and Moschus, no man questions; for the affinity of the names sufficiently proves it. Likewise, that the Ethiopians descended from Chus, and the Egyptians from Misraim, the sons of Cham, there is no man but will readily grant; because the two people are call'd by these very names in their own languages. Why then should not we allow that our Britains, or Cumeri, are the true and genuine poste­rity of Gomer; and that from him they derive this name? For the name in it self seems very much to favour this deduction: And 'tis confess'd by all, that the posterity of Gomer did plant themselves in the utmost parts of Europe.Phil, Me­lanct. Which also the very name of Gomer intimates, a name which he ow'd not to mere chance, but to a divine designation. Forp Gomer in the Hebrew tongue signifieth bounding, F [...]nicus. or the utmost border. And here let no man, with inten­tion to defame our Cumeri or Cimbri, object what Sextus Pompeius writeth,q that Thieves in the old Gallick language were called Cimbri. For altho' the Cimbri (of whom it is likely our Cumeri of Britain were a party) in that boisterous Age of the world, wherein the Soldier was the only man of honour, rov'd from these parts of Europe, as Possidonius tells us, plundering all along as they went, as far as to the lake Mae [...]tis; yet the word Cimber signifies no more a thief, than Egyptian doth a superstitious per­son; Chaldean, an Astrologer; or Sybarite, a nice de­licare man. But because those nations had such a ge­neral propensity to such or such things, the name of the nation was applied to those who agreed with them in that humour.Upon S [...]x­t [...]s Pom­p [...]us. B [...]ros [...]s. As to this point, that Oracle Joseph Scaliger concurs with me in the same opinion. But as to Berosus, let no man wonder that I here make no use of him, from whom our Authors at this day borrow so much assistance. To declare my mind once for all,C [...]nsure of Berosus. I have no opinion of the authority of that history, which passeth under the name of Be­rosus. For I am of the same mind with several of the most learned men of the present age, as Volater­ranus, V [...]ves, Antonius Augustinus, Melchior Canus, and especially Gaspar Varrerius, who all of them esteem it nothing else but a ridiculous invention of some ob­scure Impostor. This Varrerius, in his censure of Be­rosus printed at Rome, hath said enough in reason to spoil any man's good opinion of that Author.

This is my judgment concerning the original of the Britains, or rather my conjecture. For in a matter of so great antiquity, it is easier to proceed by conjecture, than to offer at any positive deter­mination. Now this account of our descent from Gomer and Gaule, seems much more substantial, more antient, and better grounded, than that from Brutus and Troy. Nay, I do not despair to prove, that our Britains are really the offspring of the Gauls, by ar­guments taken from the name, situation, religion, customs, and language of both nations. For in all these particulars the most antient Britains and the Gauls seem to have agreed, as if they had been but one people. That I may prove this assertion, give me leave to make a small digression.The name As touching the Name, because I have spoken of it before, thus much only shall be repeated; That as the antient Gauls were called Gomeraei, Gomeritae, and by contra­ction Cimbri; so likewise were our Britains called Cumeri and Kimbri. Now that the Gauls were called Gomeri, Josephus and Zonaras, as I said before, do both witness. And that they were also called Cimbri, may be gather'd out of Cicero and Appian. Those Barbarians, whom Marius defeated, Cicero plainly terms Gauls. De Procon­sul. Caius Marius (saith he) put a check upon the Gaulish forces, who were pouring into Italy. And all Historians agree, that these were the Cimbri; and the Coat-armour of Beleus, their King, digged up at Aix in Provence, where Marius routed them, does evince the same. For these words,Forcatul [...]s out of the French Annal [...], 1235. Beleos Cim­bros, were engraven upon it in a strange character. Also writers do unanimously agree, that those were Gauls, who under the conduct of Brennus, robb'd the Temple of Delphi in Greece; and yet that the same were called Cimbri, we learn plainly from Appian in his Illyricks. The Celta or Gauls, saith he, who are called Cimbri. And now, I think it needless to have re­course to Lucan, who calls that Ruffian, hir'd to kill Marius, a Cimbrian; whereas Livy and others affirm him to have been a Gaule: or to Plutarch, by whom the Cimbri are called Galloscythians: or to Reinerus Reineccius, an excellent Historian, who, grounding upon Plutarch's words in his Sertorius, is very posi­tive that the Gauls and Cimbrians us'd the same lan­guage. Nor will I insist upon that Cimbrian word, which is the only one now extant, by Pliny produ­ced out of Philemon, to wit, Morimarusa, Morima­rusa. i.e. the dead sea, which is purely a British word. For Mor in the British tongue signifieth Sea, and Marw, dead.

Seeing therefore,The S t [...] ­tion. that these Nations agree in their most antient name, whence can we conceive that name should pass over into this Island, but along with the first Planters that came hither out of Gaul, a country separated from it but by a very narrow chanel? For the world was not peopled all at the same time; but it must be granted as a certain truth, that those countries, which lay nearest to the Moun­tains of Armenia, (where the ark rested after the flood, and from whence mankind was propagated) were first of all inhabited. As for instance, the Les­ser Asia and Greece, before Italy; Italy before Gaule; and Gaule before Britain. Erasmus Michael [...]f Naviga­tion. On this occasion we may with satisfaction consider, how the great Creator, when he fram'd the world, contrived such a con­nexion between the parts of the main land, and plac'd the Islands at such convenient distances, that no one is so remote, but that it is within a clear view of some other land. To this end probably, that when countries should come to be overburthen'd with people, they might see where to discharge them­selves; till so, to the glory of it's Creator, the uni­verse in all its parts should be replenish'd with peo­ple. We may therefore reasonably imagine, that the antient Gomeri were either pusht on by such as press'd forward for room, or sent abroad, to ease an over-peopled country, or carry'd from home by the natu­ral itch which mankind hath to see foreign countries. Upon some one or other of these accounts, those an­tient Gomeri might probably at first cross over the chanel into this our Island, which lay so near them that they could easily discern it from the Con­tinent. Reason it self also tells us, that every coun­try must have received its first Inhabitants, rather from neighbouring, than from remote places. Who would not judge, that Cyprus had its first Inhabitantsr [Page xiii-xiv] from Asia, next to it; Crete and Sicily from their neighbour Greece; Corsica from Italy; and to come nearer home, Zealand from Germany, bordering upon it; or Iseland from Norway, rather than from the remote parts of Tartary or Mauritania? In like manner, why should we not think that our Britain was first of all peopled by the Gauls, which were our next Neighbours; rather than that the Trojans, Ita­lians, Albans, or Brutians, who lye at such a vast distance from it, were its first Inhabitants. Nor in­deed do writers fetch the first Inhabitants of Britain from any other place, than from Gaul, its next neigh­bour. The innermost parts of Britain, saith Caesar, are inhabited by those, who, according to tradition, are be­lieved to be Aborigines; the Sea-Coasts, by such as came out of Belgium in Gaul on purpose to make new conquests; and these people are generally called by the names of those cities from whence they came, now they are settled in their new Plantations. For there were in Britain, as well as in Gaul, people called Belgae, Atrebatii, Parisii, Ceno­manni, &c. Tacitus also saith, If we consider all cir­cumstances, 'tis probable that the Gauls first peopled Bri­tain, which lyes so near them. Bede too, among all our writers a most constant friend to truth, gives this as his opinion. At first, saith he, this Island was in­habited only by those Britains, (from whom also it took its name) who from Armorica, as 'tis said, crossed over into Britain, and there planted themselves upon the Sou­thern Coasts. The Armorican Tract he calls the Sea-coasts of Gaul, which lye directly opposite to our Island. It makes also very much to our purpose, that Caesar relates, how in his time Divitiacus, who govern'd a great part of Gaul, had Britain also at the same time under his Dominion. And what is of yet greater moment,Britains in Gaul. Some Co­pies of Pli­ny have B [...]anni, n [...]t Bri­tanni. Pliny reckons the Britanni or Bri­tains among the maritim people of Gaul, and pla­ces them right over against our Island of Britain, near the County of Bullen: as also Dionysius Afer, a more antient writer, hath done in these verses.

Near the great pillars on the farthest land,
The old Iberians, haughty souls, command
Along the Continent, where Northern Seas
Rowl their vast tides, and in cold billows rise:
Where British nations in long tracts appear,
And fair-skinn'd Germans ever fam'd in war.

For these words, [...], [where Britains] seem to have respect to those other, [...]. And Eustathius, who wrote a Comment upon him, thinks the Britains in Gaul to be here meant; [...] are his words, [and of these Britains the Isles of Bri­tain over against them took their denomination.] But Avienus, and Stephanus in his book of Cities, are of another opinion.

Re [...]ig [...]on.Moreover there was one and the same Religion in both these Nations. Among the Britains, saith Taci­tus, you will find in use the Religion of the Gauls, and the people possess'd with the same superstitious persuasions. The Gauls, saith Solinus, after a detestable manner, to the injury rather than the honour of Religion, offer'd hu­man Sacrifices. That the Britains did the very same, amongst others, Dio Cassius assures us in his Nero. That both Nations had also their Druids, Dr [...]ids. appears plainly by Caesar and Tacitus. Out of the first, I shall here insert an entire place concerning this sub­ject. The Druids are present at all divine offices, look after all both publick and private sacrifices, and interpret the mysteries of religion. The youth in great numbers apply themselves to these Druids for education; and all people have a great reverence for them. For generally in all controversies, as well publick as private, it is they that make the determination: And whenever there is any out­rage or murder committed, when any suites arise about estates, or disputes about bounds, all is left to their judg­ment. They appoint rewards and punishments at their discretion. If any, either private person, or body of peo­ple, abide not by their decree, they forbid him the Sacri­fices. This among them is esteem'd the most grievous of all punishments. Those who are thus interdicted are reck­on'd the most profligate of mankind; all men studiously decline their company and conversation, and shun their approach, as if they feared some real infection. They are excluded from the benefit of the law, can sue no man, and are uncapable of all honours. Amongst all these Druids, there is one chief, who hath the supream authority. Upon his death, his Successor is some one that hath the best repute amongst them, if there be any such; but if there be seve­ral of equal worth and merit, he succeeds by the election of the Druids. Sometimes the sword decides, which party shall carry it. These Druids, at a set time every year, have a general assembly in the territories of the Carnutes, that lyes about the midst of Gaul, in a certain place con­secrated to that purpose. Hither resort from all parts such as have any controversies depending, and are wholly deter­min'd by the Druids.ſ This sort of religious profession is thought to have been first in Britain, and from thence carry'd over into Gaul: And even now, those that desire throughly to be instructed in their mysteries, for the most part travel into Britain. The Druids are exempt from all military duties; nor do they pay tribute, like the rest of the people. And as they are excused from serving in the wars, so are they also from all other troublesome charges whatsoe­ver. These great privileges are a cause that they have many disciples; some address themselves to be admitted, others are sent to them by their parents or kindred. There they make them (as it is said) learn by heart a great number of verses; and thus they continue under this disci­pline for several years, not being allow'd by their rules to commit what they are taught to writing; although almost in all other their affairs, both publick and private, they make use of the t Greek Character. This rule they have settl'd amongst them, I suppose, for two reasons. First, because they would not have the vulgar made acquainted with their mysterious learning; and next, because they would have their scholars use and exercise their memories, and not trust to what they have in writing; as we see it often happen, that when men rely too much upon that help, both their diligence in learning, and care in retaining, do equally abate. One of the principal points they teach, is, the Immortality and Transmigration of Souls. And this doctrine removing the fear of death, they look upon as most proper to excite their courage. They also make dis­courses to their Scholars concerning the stars and their mo­tions, concerning the magnitude of the heaven and the earth, the nature of things, and the power and majesty of the immortal Gods. Whereupon Lucan thus addresses himself to them;

Et vos barbaricos ritus morem (que) sinistrum
Sacrorum, Druidae, positis repetistis ab armis,
Solis nosse Deos, & coeli sydera vobis,
Aut solis nescire datum: Nemora alta remotis
Incolitis lucis vobis authoribus umbrae
Non tacitas Erebi sedes Ditis (que) profundi
Pallida regna petunt. Regit idem spiritus artus,
Orbe alio longae, canitis si cognita, vitae
Mors media est. Certe populi quos despicit Arctos.
Foelices errore suo, quos ille timorum
Maximus haud urget lethi metus; inde ruendi
In ferrum mens prona viris, animae (que) capaces
Mortis, & ignavum est rediturae parcere vitae.
[Page xv-xvi]
And you, O Druids, free from noise and arms
Renew'd your barbarous rites and horrid charms.
What Gods, what Powers in happy mansions dwell
Or only you, or all but you can tell.
To secret shades and unfrequented groves,
From world and cares your peaceful tribe removes.
You teach, that Souls, eas'd of their mortal load,
Nor with grim Pluto make their dark abode,
Nor wander in pale troops along the silent flood:
But on new regions cast resume their reign,
Content to govern earthy frames again.
Thus death is nothing but the middle line,
Betwixt what lives will come, and what have been.
Happy the people by your charms possest,
Nor fate, nor fears disturb their peaceful breast.
On certain dangers unconcern'd they run,
And meet with pleasure what they would not shun.
Defie Death's slighted power, and bravely scorn
To spare a life that will so soon return.

An Oak in Welch is Derw.By what name soever these their Priests were known to the Celtae, and to the Britains, in their own tongue; this word Druidae seems derived from a Greek original; to wit, [...], an Oak: not only be­cause they esteem'd nothing more sacred than the Misselto of an Oak; whence Ovid writeth thus,

At viscum Druidae, Druidae clamare solebant,
Run Druids to the Misselto, they sung.

but also because their usual residence was in groves, amongst Oaks; nor did they perform any of their ceremonies without some of the branches or leaves of that Tree. But this their practice Pliny hath in these words more particularly describ'd.Lib. 16. c. 44. The Druids (so the Gauls call their men of Religion) hold nothing more sacred than the Misselto, and the tree on which it grows, provided it be an Oak. Therefore they choose out solitary groves, wherein are no trees but Oaks, nor perform they any ceremonies without the branches or leaves of that Tree. So that from thence, (if we regard the Greek signification) they may very well be thought to have taken the name of Druidae. Indeed, whatsoever they find growing to, or upon an Oak, they take to be sent from Heaven, and look upon it as a certain sign, That their God hath for him­self made choice of that particular Tree. But it is a thing very rare to be met withall; and when it is found they re­sort to it with great Devotion. In these ceremonies they principally observe that the Moon be just six days old: For the Moon is their guide in the computation of their months and years, and of that period or revolution, which with them is called an age, i.e. thirty years compleat. And they choose the sixth day, because they reckon the Moon is then of a considerable strength, Sui dimi­dia. when she is not as yet come to her half. This product of the Oak they call by a name answering to All-heale; and when they come to it, they solemnly pre­pare a sacrifice, and a festival entertainment under the Oak, and bringing thither two white Bulls, whose horns are then, and not till then tied. This done, the Priest habited in a white vestment, climbs the Tree, and with a golden pruning-knife, cuts off the Misselto, which is carefully received in a Candido Sago. white woollen cloth by them that attend below. Then they proceed to kill the beasts for sacrifice, and make their prayers to the God, that he would bless this his own gift to those persons to whom they shall dispense it. They have a conceit that a decoction of this Misselto, given to any barren Animal, will certainly make it fruitful: also that it is a most soveraign antidote against all sorts of poys [...]n. So much religion do people commonly place in fopperies. It is farther observable, That Diodorus Siculus calls these self same Priests of the Gauls, in the same sense, [...],Saronidae. a word signifying Oaks, as all men know that understand the Greek tongue. And Maximus Tyrius likewise writes, That the Celtae or Gauls wor­ship Jupiter, of whom they make the highest Oak, saith he, to be the representation. It may also seem to pro­ceed from these Druids, that our Saxon Ancestors, (as we read in Alfric) call'd a Magician in their language, Dry.Dry. If you have a mind to be farther in­form'd concerning these men, you may consult Mela, Lactantius, Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica, and the Comedy Aulularia of Pseudoplautus.

Among their Religious,Bardi. the Gauls had also their Bards, whose office it was, to sing to the harp those songs they had made upon the great exploits of famous men; on which account, the before cited Lucan thus speaks to them,

Vos quoque qui fortes animas bello (que) poremptas
Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis aevum,
Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.
And you, old Bards, who made it all your care
To sing of war, and men renown'd in war,
When Peace returning rais'd your joyful tongue,
Secure continu'd your immortal Song.

The same sort of men have also this denomination among the modern Britains. For they now call such men Bards, who beside this their Poetical function, do also addict themselves particularly to the study of Genealogies. But there is no account left us, whe­ther the Britains believ'd, as the Gauls did, that they were descended from Dis. For this reason it was that the Gauls always reckon'd by nights, and set the night before the day in their usual account of time. And in this point it is certain, that our Britains agreed with them: for that space of time which the Latins call Septimana, and two Septimanas, they term With­nos, i.e. eight nights, and Pymthec-nos, i.e. fifteen nightsu.

Likewise both nations seem to have contriv'd one and the same form of government;Their Common wealth. for neither of them was under the rule of a single person, but as Gaul, so also Britain, had many kings. And, as the Gauls, upon extraordinary emergencies, us'd to call a publick Council of the whole nation, and choose one to be their general Commander; so the Britains did just the same upon the like occasion, as we may gather from these words of Caesar, The chief command, saith he, and management of the war was by an unani­mous consent committed to Cassibel­linus. Cassivellaunus.

Nor were these nations unlike in their manners,Their Manners. customs, or ways of living. Both were stout, and much given to war; both delighted in blood, and both of equal boldness and bravery, either in engage­ments, or exposing themselves to dangers; as we find by Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Herodian, and others. In their manners, saith Strabo, the Britains are some­thing like the Gauls; and immediately he adds, as to their fighting they are for the most part fierce and cruel, like some of the Gauls. With him Tacitus agrees, The Britains, that part of them which the Romans have not yet conquer'd, still remain, saith he, just such as the Gauls were formerly. And in another place, The Britains are next to the Gauls, and much like them. Mela tell us, That the Britains, when they fought, were armed after the fashion of the Gauls.

The Britains, says Strabo, in their wars, us'd a great number of chariots, as do some of the Gauls.

It was the custom of both nations in the field to draw up their men distinct, according to their Pro­vinces, that the several people might have an oppor­tunity to signalize their valour. That this was the practice of the Gauls, appears by that place in Caesar, The Gauls, saith he, drawn up in distinct Bodies, accord­ing to their several cities, guarded the fords. Tacitus affirms the same of the Britains, in the fight of Ca­ratacus, The troops of the several Countries stood in the front of their fortifications.

The Gauls, saith Strabo, are of a quick docile wit, and readily take any sort of learning. Nor were the Bri­tains herein inferiour; nay, Agricola, in Tacitus, prefers their parts and ingenuity before that of the Gauls, so that the same Britains, who formerly rejected even the Roman language, were now grown ambitious of eloquence.

That the Gauls were a well-meaning and a down­right honest sort of people, we have Strabo's autho­rity, and the same is implied in Tacitus, concerning the Britains, in that place, where he tells us, that they chearfully and readily bore the levies both of Men and money, and all other burthens imposed up­on them by the Empire, if they intermix'd not in­jurious provocations.

Caesar relates, that the Gauls were much inclined to alterations in their Government, out of a natural incon­stancy and levity. The Britains in like manner, saith Tacitus, were divided into several parties and factions.

By means of this levity of the Gauls, which Caesar calls by the gentle name of an infirmity; they at last became so credulous, that the Credulity of the Gauls grew proverbial, and gave occasion to that of the Poet,

Et tumidus Galla credulitate fruar.
And be a Gaul in fond credulity.

Neither in that respect have our Britains degenerat­ed; for they have an ear still open to every idle sto­ry, and out of a superstitious fear or hope, give cre­dit to any of the silliest Predictions.

We read in Strabo, that the Gauls would be high­ly concern'd, when they saw any abuse offer'd to their relations. That the same Sympathy dwells in our Britains, above what is to be found in any other nation, is a thing so notorious, and so commonly ob­served, as that it needs no proof.

The Gauls, as we find in Caesar, according to their distinction from the rest, either in birth or riches, had in proportion so many more servants and dependants in their retinue: these they call'd Ambacti;Ambacti. and this was the only piece of State amongst them. Nor do our British Nobility or Gentry,Welch. at this day, account any thing so honourable as a great retinue; from whom 'tis thought the English learn'd to carry with them such troops of Attendants. In which humor, not long since, they far outwent all other Europeans.

Caesar and Strabo do both tell us, that the houses of the Britains were seated in the midst of woods, and in all points like to those of the Gauls.

The Gauls, as Strabo writes, wore chains of gold about their necks; and Bunduica the British Queen (saith Xiphilin) wore a golden chain, with a garment of many colours. Nor is that sort of ornament any where more in use in our days, than in this Island amongst us and our modern Britains.

That both the Britains and the Gauls wore a ring upon their middle finger, we learn from Pliny.

The same Strabo observeth, That the Gauls took a pride in having long hair. Caesar tells us, That the Britains wore their hair at full length.

It appears by many Authors, that the Gauls used a certain sort of Garment, which in their language they called Brachae: B [...]achae. that these were also common to our Britains, is proved by this Verse of Martial,

Quam veteres Brachae Britonis Pauperis.
Then the coarse Brachae the poor Britains wore.

I pass over what Silius Italicus writes of the Gauls,

Quinetiam ingenio fluxi, sed prima feroces
Vaniloquum Celtae genus ac mutabile mentis.
And talking Celtae, changeable and vain,
All fire at first, but soon grown cold again.

because these qualities are common to most nations. I might here give many more particular instances of the greet agreement there was between these two nations; but I forbear, lest what I say should give occasion of scandal to some ill-natur'd men. Besides, I always lik'd that rule, Moderation is good in every thing; and perhaps also this argument from commu­nity of manners will not appear very cogent to some sort of men.

But now we come to thex Language, Language a particular, upon which lyeth the main stress of this controversie, as being the surest evidence of the original of a nation. For there is no man, I suppose, but will readily al­low, that those People which speak the same Lan­guage, must necessarily be derived from one com­mon original. As for instance, suppose all our Hi­stories that ever were written had chanced to be lost, or, suppose no Author had ever told us, that we English are descended from the Germans, the natural Scots from the Irish, the Britains of Bretagne in France, from our Britains of this Island; yet the great affinity of language, would alone manifestly prove it: nay, would be of much more weight than the authority of the best Historians. If therefore I can here make it out,y that the ancient Gauls and our Britains speak the same language; the conse­quence is so clear, that all men will be forced to al­low, that they must have certainly had one and the self same original. Nor is it of any concern in this case, what Caesar hath written, that the Gauls themselves spoke divers languages; since Strabo tells us, that they differed from one another only in Dialect. They did not all of them, saith he, use a language every way the same, but in some small matters vary'd from one a­nother. But that the language of the ancient Gauls, was the same with that of the Britains (making an allowance for some small variety in the Dialect) we may reasonably infer from that place in Caesar, where he writes, that it was usual for the Gauls, who would be throughly instructed in the Discipline of the Druids, to go over into Britain to our Druids, to learn it. Now seeing the Druids had no Books, of necessity we must conclude, that their instructions were given in the same language which was used by the Gauls. But this Cornelius Tacitus expresly affirms, The Britains and Gauls, saith he, differ not much in their speech. Up­on these reasons, Beatus Rhenanus, Gesner, Hottoman, Peter Daniel, Picardus, and all others who have search­ed into the depths of Antiquity, concur with me in this opinion. Except only some few, who are very earnest to have it believed, that the Gauls spoke the German language. But now,In these words I made use of the Bri­tish Lexi­con of William Salisbury, and ano­ther old MS. lest any man should throw dust in our eyes, that Truth may not be seen, I will here insert a collection I have made out of Au­thors of ancient Gallick words, as many at least as I could meet with. For the main body of that lan­guage hath been long since shipwrackt in the sea of oblivion. And here it will soon be seen, that very many of them, without any the least straining, but with much ease, and scarce any alteration, agree ve­ry well with our British words, both in sound and sense.

That Divona Divona. in the Gaulish tongue, signifies the God's Fountain, we have Ausonius's Authority in that Verse of his concerning a Fountain at Bourdeaux.

Divona Celtarum lingua fons addite Divis.
Divona fountain of the Gods in Gaul.

Now our Britains call Godz Dyw, and a fountain Vonan, of which two words Divonan is a compound, contriv'd according to the Latin idiom for verse-sake into Divona.

We find in several Authors, that Jupiter, whom from Thunder the Greeks call'd [...], and the Latins Tonans, i.e. The Thunderer, was worship'd by the Gauls under the name ofa Taranis. Taranis. Now Taran in British signifies Thunder; and suitable to this [Page xix-xx] sense, the Germans may be conceived to have given to Jupiter the name of Thonder. For Thursday they call Thonderdach, which is as much as to say, The Thund [...]rer's day.

The Gauls had another God, called by Lucan,b He­sus, Hesus. by Lactantius, c Heus. the Author of the Quero­lus termed him the Barking Anubis, because he was pictur'd in the shape of a Dog. Nowd Huad with our modern Britains signifies a Dog.

It is very certain, that the Gauls worshiped Mer­cury, under the name of Teutates, Teutates. as the Inventer of Arts, and Guide to Travellers. Ande Duw-Taith in the British, imports as much, as The God of Journeys. Nor am I ignorant, that Mercury, by Plato in his Phae­drus and Philebus, is called Theut. Though I know some will have Teutates to be the German Tuisco, men­tioned in Tacitus, and the same with Mars; and that from him, we, who are descended from the Ger­mans, do call Mars's day, Tuesday.Tuesday. Concerning these three Gods of the Gauls, take, if you please, these three Verses of Lucan.

Lib. 1.
Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro
Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus
Et Taranis Scythicae non mitior ar [...] Dianae.
And those vile wretches that with human blood
Teutate's and fierce Hesus's altars load,
And barbarous Taranis his shrine that vies
With curst Diana's Scythian cruelties.

We learn from St. Austin and Isidore, that these fowl Spirits, commonly called Incubi, were termed by the Gauls Dusii, Dusii. because they daily and continually pra­ctise their uncleanness. Now that which is Continu­al and daily, the Britains still do express by the word Dyth.

Pomponius Mela writeth, That a sort of Religi­ous Women, devoted to the service of a certain Dei­ty in Gaul, under a Vow of perpetual Virginity, were by them called Senae. I would rather read itf Lenae, Lenae. if I could safely do it. For those Religious Virgins, whom we now adays call Nuns,g the Britains, as we find in an ancient Glossary, calledh Leanes, from whence came originally that name of Lean-minster, now Lemster, a very ancient Nunnery among the Britains.

The Gauls, saith Polybius, called their mercena­ry soldiers in their own language, Gaessatae. Gaessatae. And the Britains at this day call their hired Servantsi Guessin.

Servius tells us, that valiant men were by the Gauls called Gessi; Gessi. andk Guassdewr among the Bri­tains signifieth a stout and valiant man.

Hither also may be referred Gesum, Gesum. which was a weapon proper to the Gauls, as Pilum was to the Ro­mans, and Framea to the Germans. But of this by and by.

As Phalanx was the proper Name of a Legion a­mong the Macedonians, so was Caterva Caterva. among the Gauls, as you may see in Vegetius. Nor is this word yet out of date among our Britains, who term a Troopl Caturfa, and war, they call Kad, and that warlike strength that lies in a Legion, Kaderne. It is read too Caterna in some Copies of Vegetius.

To this Kad may not improperly be referr'd Cateia Cateia. also, which was a sort of warlike weapon among the Gauls, as you have it in Isidore.

m Gessa, Gessa. a Gaulish weapon, Servius interprets a Spear or Pike, to which the Britishn Cethilou seems to be a­kin; and that (according to Ninnius's exposition) sig­nifies stakes burnt at the ends, as also, a warlike seed or generation.

Pausanias tells us, that the Gauls whom Brennus led into Greece, call'd that sort of horse-fight, which consists of three Horses [a breast] in their own coun­try language, Trimarcia. Trimar­cia. For an horse, saith he, was among the Gauls called Marca. Now this is absolutely a British word. For Tri with them, signifies three, and March, a horse.

In the same Book Pausanias writeth, that the Gauls cal'd their own Country Shields, Thireos, Thireos. which to this day the Britains call Tarian.

Caesar tells us in his Ephemerides or Journal, as we have it from Servius, that once being in Gaule ta­ken by the enemy, and carry'd away on horseback in his armor, they were met by a Gaul that knew him, who insultingly cry'd out Cetos Cetos. Caesar, which in the Gaulish language was as much as to say, Let go Caesar. Nowo Geduch among the Britains is a word of the same importance.

Rheda Rheda. among the Gauls, saith Quintilian, is a word of the same signification as Carnea (i.e. a Cha­riot) among the Latins. This word is not now to be found in the British Tongue; but it is apparent, that it hath been a British word, by these words at this day us'd; Rhediad (a course)p Rhedec (to run) and Redecfa (a race.) Now that all these words came originally from Rheda is beyond dispute Nor should I think it an absurdity to deduce Eporedia, Eporidia. the name of a City among the Salassi, from the same o­riginal, since Pliny saith it took its name from Horse­tamers.

There was also another sort of Chariot, that was much us'd in both nations, both call'd by one name, Covinus, Covinus. and the driver of it Covinarius. And tho' both this word is lost, and that sort of Chariot too, yet the Primitive thereof, if I may so say, remains still amongst our Britains; in whose language, the word Kowain signifiesq to carry in a Wagon.

Essedum Essedum. was also a Gaulish Wagon, or rather as Chariot fitted for the wars, which Propertius as well a Caesar attributes to the Britains;

Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis.
And stop the British Chariots with engraven yokes.

Circius Circius. is a wind, by that name very well known, to which Augustus Caesar not only vow'd, but actu­ally built a Temple in Gaul. Now Phavorinus, a Gaul by birth, declareth in Agellius that word to be of a Gallic original. Our Gauls, saith he, call by the name of Circius, that wind, which blows upon their own coast, and which is the fiercest in all those parts; so named I suppose, from its blustering and whirling. It is certain, that this particular wind is more raging and violent, than any other. Now that Cyrch a­mongst our modern Britains signifies force and vio­lence, r plainly appears by the Welch Litany.

From Livy we learn also, that the Pennine Alps, Penninum. by Caesar call'd Summae Alpes, as overtopping the rest, took that name not from Annibal Paenus [i.e. the Car­thaginian] but from the very highest Mountains there­abouts, the top whereof was consecrated, and had the name of Penninus given to it by the Mountaineers of Gaul. Now theſ tops of Mountains are called Pen by our Britains at this day; as for instance,t Pen­mon-maur, Pen, Pendle, Pencoh-cloud, Appen­ninus. andu Penni­gent, the highest mountains amongst us, have all bor­row'd their names from this word: and so hath also the Appennine in Italy.

The Cities of Gaul, which bordered upon the sea, Caesar tells us, were by the Gauls nam'd Aremoricae; Armoricae. with whom our modern Britains agree, in applying [Page xxi-xxii] the same word exactly to the same sense. For Ar­mor with them signifies By the sea, or Upon the Sea. And in the very same notion Strabo calls them in Greek [...].

In the Reign of the Emperor Dioclesian, the Pea­sants in Gaul raised a rebellion,Bachauda. and imposed upon their party the name ofw Baucadae. Now Swine-herds and Rusticks are calledx Beichiad by the Bri­tains.

The Thieves of their own Country, the Gauls, saith Sidonius,Vargae, Li. 4. Ep. 6. called by the name of Vargae. Now I have observed in the Glossary of the Church of Llandaffe, that Thieves were formerly calledy Veriad in the British

Allobroges.The Allobrogae, saith that antient and excellent Scholiast upon Juvenal, were therefore so called, be­cause Brogae among the Gauls signifies a Country, and z Al­la, another; as being translated thither from some other country. Now Bro in Welch signifies a Coun­try, anda Allan, without or extraneous; so that the Etymology is just the same in both languages.

There is, saith Pliny, an herb like Plantain, called by the Gauls Glastum,Glastum. with which many writers say the Britains us'd to paint themselves. This is that herb, which we now call Woad. Woad. It maketh a blew or sky colour, which colour is called Glas by the Welch to this day. This herb, according to Pliny, was by the Greeks called Isatis; Isatis. The Herb Vitrum. Luteum in Caesar. Pomp. Me­la correct­ed. and the Dyers termed it Vitrum, as we learn from Oribasius. Out of whom Pompo­nius Mela may easily be corrected, by inserting vitro instead of ultro, in that place, where he saith, Britan­ni, &c. ultro corpora infecti, that is, it is uncertain whe­ther it were for ornament, or some other end, that the Britains dyed their bodies with Vitrum or Woad.

C [...]ctus.The Gallathae, [or Galatians in Asia Minor] who spake the same language with our antient Gauls, had, as we learn from St. Jerome, a little shrub, which they call'd Coccus, with which they made a deep red or scarlet colour; and that very colour is at this day called Coch in the British language.

That the Brachae Brachae. was a sort of habit common to the Gauls and Britains, we have shewn before. Diodo­rus Siculus describes these Brachae as a sort of a coarse party-coloured garment. Now foul tatter'd cloaths are by the present Britains calledb Brati.

If Laina Laina. was an old Gaulish word, as is hinted in that place of Strabo, where he says, The Gauls weave themselves thick coats of coarse wooll, which they call Lai­nae; the Britains have not gone very far from that word, who now call wooll by the name ofc Glawn.

Festus Pompeius tells us, thatd Bardus, Bardus. in the lan­guage of the Gauls, signifieth a Singer. Now that word is absolutely British.

We learn out of Martial and others, that Bar­docucullus Bardocu­cullus. was a sort of garment worn by the Gaulish Bards: now ase Bard, so the other part of that word remains entire among the modern Britains, who call a cloakf Cucul.

Gaul, saith Pliny, yeildeth a peculiar sort of corn, which the natives call Brance,Brance. we Sandalum, a very fine sort of grain. Among the Britains likewise, a sort of grain, which yeilds a pure white flower, is calledg Guineth Vranc, and with us in Norfolk Branke.

The Herb, which the Greeks from its five leaves call Pentaphyllon, was by the Gauls called Pempedula, Pempedu­la. as we find in Apuleius. Nowh Pymp in the British sig­nifies five, and Deilen, a Leaf.

As Pymp for five, so Peter was the word among the Gauls for four, as we learn out of Festus, who will therefore have Petoritum, Petori­tum. a Gaulish chariot or waggon, to be so nam'd from its four wheels. Now the word Pedwar signifies four among the Britains.i

Amongst the wooden instruments, the Canterium of the Latins, (the same which we in English call a Leaver,) the Gauls, saith Isidore, call'd Guuia; Guuia. and it is now call'dk Guif in Welch.

Betulla, Betulla. Pliny saith, was a Gaulish tree; we call it Birch. He would say it were a British tree too, if he were now alive: for it grows very plentifully in Britain; and is called in Welchl Bedw.

Wine diluted with water, Athenaeus saith, the Gauls called Dercoma; Dercoma. and Dwr signifies water among our Britains.

In like manner, (not to trouble you with too ma­ny instances) Fearne, according to Dioscorides, was called Ratis Ratis. by the antient Gauls; and is now by the Britains calledm Redin. The Elder-tree was called Sco­vies Scovies. by the Gauls; and now by the Britains,n Iscaw. Serratula in Latin, in Gaulish Vetonica, Vetonica. is nowo by the Britains, and by us also, called Betony. That which in Pliny the Latins call'd Terrae adeps, i.e. the fatness of the earth, and the Gauls Marga, Marga. is by our Britains call'd Marle. That which the Latins call can­dida Marga, white Marle, and the Gauls Gliscomarga, Glisco­marga. might probably be call'd Gluysmarle by the Britains: for Gluys in Welch is as much as bright or shining. Tripetia, Tripetia. a word in Sulpitius Severus, said to be used by the Gauls for a three-footed stool, is by the Bri­tains termedp Tribet. The measure of 100 foot, the Gauls, according to Columella, call'd Candetum; Cande­tum. in British it isq Cantroed. We read in Suetonius, that the bill or beak of a bird was by the Gauls called Becco; Becco. the same is calledr Pic by the Britains.

Neither should I be so wild in my fancy, nor so extravagant as Goropius, if I should derive Sueto­nius's Galba, Galba. which signifies one over-fat, from the British wordſ Galluus, denoting One of a very big size. Or Verrius Flaccus's Bulga Bulga. for a leathern Budget, from the British wordt Butsiet; or Soldurii Soldurii. in Caesar (which in him, were such as had vow'd to live and dye to­gether) fromu Sowdiwr; or Pliny's Planarat, Planarat. for a Plow, fromx Arat, which in British signifies the same thing; or Isidore's Taxea, Taxea. for Lard, from the Britishy Tew; or Diodorus Siculus's Zithum, Zithum, Cyder. Ce [...]visia, Ale. from theirz Ci­der; or Cervisia, [beer] from Keirch, i.e. Oats, whereof the Welch in many places make beer; or rather fromz Cwrwf, which we in English call Ale.

That all these words properly belong'd to the an­tient Gauls, appears by the Authors we have cited; and you see, that as they agree in sound with our British words, so they do as fully also in their signifi­cation.

Another thing let me here add,The ends of the names of places. that since the an­tient names of places in both kingdoms had the same terminations, to wit, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, &c. it may be inferr'd that those Nations could not be altogether different. For this may be used as a convincing evidence that we English are de­scended from the Germans, because the modern names of our Towns do end in Burrow, Berry, Ham, Sted, Ford, Thorp, and Wich; all which do plainly answer and exactly correspond with the German ter­minations of Burg, Berg, Heim, Stadt, Furdt, Dorpe, Wit.

Moreover, so rational an account may be given of some Gaulish words, out of our British language, answering exactly to the nature and property of the things so nam'd, that of necessity we must conclude, either those to have been names impos'd by the Bri­tains, or else that the Britains spake the Gaulish lan­guage. An instance or two to this purpose may be sufficient.

A third part of Gaul, saith Caesar, is inhabited by those who in their own tongue are called Celtae,Celta [...]. in ours Galli; [Page xxiii-xxiv] by the Greeks Gallathae. But whence these people were called Celtae, and Gallathae, the most learned among the French could never tell us. I wish they would consider, whether this may not be deduc'd from the British wordb Gualt, Gu [...]lt. which to this day signifies the hair of the head in the Welch tongue, as Gualtoc doth Comata, i.e. long-haired: from whence the names of Celtica, and Gallathae, and Galli, may all ve­ry well seem to have been derived, only a little mol­lified by some difference in the pronunciation. Now that the Celtae were called Comati, from their large heads of hair, which they wore always at its full length, is universally acknowleged by the Learned: and as for the Letters C,Lipsius de prenuncia­tione, p 66. K, Q, and G, whether in power or sound, there is but little difference among them.

Garumna, Gar [...]n [...]e.That the noble River of Garonne in France runs with a mighty forcible, and as it were with a rough current, is a thing very well known: From whence the Poets have given it the epithets of the strong, the sea-like, the rapid Garonne. All which the British wordc Garrw doth fully import.

The river Arar, Arar, or Saonne, Saonne. moves so incredibly slow, that you cannot tell by the eye, which way it has its course. Hence by the Poets it is called the slow, and the still Arar. Now Ara with the Britains signi­fies slow and still.

Rhodanus, R [...]danus, the Rhosne,Rhosne. which receives the Arar, runs with a very swift and violent current; and is therefore term'd hasty, swift, and precipitant. The word sounds not much unlike Rhedc, which signifies celerity in running.

Strabo and others tell us, that the Mountains Ge­bennae [now called the Cevennes] run along in one continued ridge through a great part of Gaul.G l [...]nnae. Mountains of Au­ [...]e [...]ne. Cevennes. But thatd Kevin signifies the ridge of an hill amongst our Britains, appears by the British Lexicon. There is also near Otteley in Yorkshire, a long ridge of hills which I have seen, at this day called the Kevin by the people of those parts.

Whereas stones were in old time erected in Gaul by the Road-side, at the just distance of every fifteen hundred paces; and since the French Leuca Leuca. or League containeth, as Jornandes observes, just the same num­ber, ande Leach in the British signifies a Stone; I would desire the learned among the French to consi­der whether their word Leuca be not derived from thence.

Sto [...]y [...]ds. Camp [...] L [...]p. [...]ci.Near the Sea-side, in that part of France which was heretofore called Narbonensis, where Hercules and Al­bion fought (if we believe the old Fable,) on all sides for many miles together, the stones lye so thick, that one would almost think it had rain'd stones there. From whence it is by writers called the Sto­ny Shore, and the Stony Field. The French at this day call it le Craux; and yet they know not the rea­son of that name. Now in British stones are calledf Craig.

That people which in old time inhabited the Sea-coast of Gaul, lying nearest to Britain, were in their own language called Morini. Morini. Now Mor is in British the Sea, from whence that word seems to have been derived. For the Britains call Morinwyr, such as live upon the Sea-coast; as Aremorica of old, in the Gaul­ish tongue, and now in the British, signifies by the Sea-side.

Arelate, Araes.So Arelate, a famous city of Gaul, which is seated in a marshy and watry soile, may seem to have ta­ken that name purely from its situation: For Ar in British signifies, upon, and Laith, moisture.

Uxellodunum, U [...]llo [...]u­num. [now Cadenac] saith Caesar, is a Town having on all sides a rocky access, and situate on the top of a high hill. Nowg Uchel in British is as much as lofty, and Dunum Dunum. among the antient Gauls signified an high ground, or an hill, as Plutarch in his book of Rivers tells us out of Clitiphon; and the same word was also used in that sense by the antient Britains.

Pliny placeth the Promontory Cytharistes Cythari­stes. in Gaul, near Marseilles, where the town of Tolon now stands. And if you ask our present Britains what they call Cythara, i.e. an harp, in their language, they will tell you,h Telen.

Again, (to put this matter past all farther dispute) it is very evident, that though the modern French language is come from, and made up for the most part of the Latin and the German, yet nevertheless there still remain in it a great many old Gaulish words. And I have had it from some who are skilful in both languages, that very many of those French words, which can be reduced neither to the Latin, nor to the German original (and therefore may be presumed to be remains of the old Gaulish language) do come as near to the British as 'tis possible. For example. The French at this day use the word Gue­rir, the Britains Guerif, to heal. The French use Guaine, the Britains Guain, for a Sheath. The French De­rechef, the Britains Derchefu, for Moreover. The French Camur, the Britains Cam, for Crooked. The French Bateau, the Britains Bad, for a Boat. The French Gourmond for a Glutton, the Britains Germod, for too much, or beyond measure. The French Ba­ston, the Britains Pastwn, for a Staff. The French Accabler, the Britains Cablu, for to oppress. The French Havre, the Britains Aber, for an Haven. And Comb is yet in use with both nations for a Valley.

Many more words there are of this sort, by the re­cital whereof I might perhaps tire and disgust my Reader; tho' they are of very great use in this point.

Now, whereas Tacitus tells us, that the Aestii, a people of Germany, used the habits and customs of the Suevians, but a language that came nearer to the British; it makes nothing against my assertion. For those languages, that are most of all remote, do yet agree in some particulars. Thus Augerius Busbequius, Epist. 4. late Embassador from the Emperor to the Grand-Signior, has observed many German and English words in the Taurica Chersonessus.

From all these instances, this conclusion may be justly drawn; That the antient Gauls and Britains did certainly speak the same language. And from thence also we may infer this other necessary conse­quence, That the original of the Britains is to be re­ferred to the Gauls. For it is not to be denied, what we have before observed, that Gaul, as being nearer to Armenia, must needs in course have been peopled before Britain. Besides, (as Strabo tells us) as Gaul abounded in corn, so did it much more in men. It is therefore altogether reasonable to imagine, that since the Gauls sent Colonies into Italy, Spain, Ger­many, Thrace, and Asia; they did the same much rather into Britain, a country that lay so much nearer them, and as plentiful as any of them all. Now it must needs redound much to the glory of the British nation, that they drew their original from those an­tient Gauls, who were so famous for their military at­chievements; and with whom the Romans for many years maintain'd a war, not for honour and Empire, but purely for self-preservation. And these Gauls they were, who, to use the Poet's words rather than my own,

per omnem
Invecti Europam, quasi grando Aquilone vel Austro
Importata, gravi passim sonuere tumultu:
Scit Romanus adhuc, & quam Tarpeia videtis
Arx attollentem caput illo in monte superbum,
Pannones Aemathii norunt, scit Delphica rupes.
On Europe's spacious tracts, like winter's hail
Urg'd by the North, or furious South, they fell
With furious noise; as yet the Roman state
Feels the sad blow, and mourns her turn of fate.
Too well Tarpeian towers their force have known,
And Delphick Rocks, and Plains of Macedon.

And a little after,

Intravere Asiae fines: prope littora Ponti
In gentem crevere novam, quae tenditur us (que)
Ad juga Pamphilûm, Garamantica sydera contra
Inter Cappadoces posita, & Bythinica regna.
[Page xxv-xxvi]
O're running Asia's bounds, their barbarous power
Fix'd a new kingdom near the Pontick shore,
Between Bythinia and Cappadocian lands
Far as Pamphilian cliffs and Garamantick strands.

Nor ought we here to omit the arguments brought by others to prove, that the Britains are descended from the Gauls. George Buc, a man eminent both for his extraction and learning, observes out of Mekercus, that the Germans call a French-man, Wallon. And that when the German Saxons first came over hither, and heard the Britains speak the Gaulish tongue, they call'd them Walli, i.e. Gauls.i Buchanan saith more­over, that Walch doth not among the Germans bare­ly signifie a Stranger, but most properly a Gaul. And withal he observes, that the French at this day call that country Galles which we call Wales: and that the antient Scots divided all the British Nations into Gaol and Galle, that is (after his interpretation) into the Gallaeci and the Galli.

But when all is done, if our Britains are still re­solved to make out their claim to a Trojan original, I will not here make it my business to oppose them: but yetk if they will follow my advice, they had best ground their pretence to the Trojans, upon their descent from the Gauls. For it is said by some, (these are the words of Ammianus) that after the destruction of Troy, a few that fled thence, possess'd themselves of Gaul, at that time unpeopl'd. And here now, while we have these languages under our consideration,The Bri­t sh lan­guag [...]. we cannot but much admire and celebrate the divine goodness towards our Britains, the posterity of Go­mer; who, though they have been conquer'd and triumph'd over successively by the Romans, Saxons, and Normans; yet hitherto they enjoy the true name of their Ancestors, and have preserv'd entire their pri­mitive language, although the Normans set themselves to abolish it, making express laws to that purpose. The reply of that old Gentleman of Wales was not impertinent, who being ask'd by Henry the second,Giraldus in his To­pography of Wales King of England, what he thought of the strength of the Welch, and of his royal expedition against them, made his answer in these words: This nation may suffer much, and may be in a great measure ruin'd, or at least very much weakened, Great Sir, by your present and other future attempts, as well as formerly it hath often been: but we assure our selves, that it will never be wholly ruined Prop [...]r homi [...]as iram. by the anger or power of any mortal man, unless the anger of Heaven concur to its destruction. Nor (whatever changes may happen as to the other parts of the world) can I believe that any other nation or lan­guage besides the Welch, shall answer at the last day for the greater part of this corner of the world.

The Name of BRITAIN.

BUt you will say, if Cumero be the primitive name of the Inhabitants, whence then comes Albion? whence Britain? a name which hath so much pre­vailed, that the other is almost forgotten. Give me leave, as to this point, to deliver my real thoughts, which I am satisfied are the real truth. The same things may be consider'd under various circumstances, and thereupon may be justly express'd by various names, as Plato tells us in his Cratylus. And if you will take the pains to search into particular instances, both of modern and antient times, you must needs observe, that all nations have been by Strangers, call'd by names quite different from what they call'd them­selves. Thus, they who in the language of their own Country, were called Israelites, were termed by the Greeks, Hebrews and Jews; and by the Egyptians Huesi, (as Manethon observes) because they had Shep­herds for their Kings. Thus the Greeks call'd those Syrians, as Josephus writeth, who nam'd themselves Aramaeans. Those who call'd themselves Chusii, were by the Greeks, from their black faces, term'd Aethio­pians. Those who call'd themselves in their own language, Celtae, the Greeks call'd Gallatae, either from their milk white complexion, as some will have it, or from their long hair, as I just now observed. So those, who call'd themselves in their own language, Teutsch, Numidians, and Hellenus, were by the Romans term'd Germani, Mauri, and Graeci, [Germans, Moors, and Greeks.] So likewise at this day, (not to produce too many instances) they, who are in their own Tongue, call'd Musselmen, Magier, Czechi, Beser­manni, are by all other Europeans called Turks, Hun­garians, Bohemians, and Tartars. And even we in England, who in our own tongue call our selves Englishmen, are by the Welch, Irish, and Highland Scots, call'd Sasson, i.e. Saxons. After the same manner we may justly conceive, that our Ancestors, who called themselves Cumero, were upon some other account, either by themselves, or by others, called Britons; from whence the Greeks fram'd their [...], and handed the same word to the Romans. Thus much being premis'd, we will now enquire in­to the several names of this Island.

As to the name of Albion, Albion. I am not over solicitous. For it was impos'd on this Island by the Greeks, for distinction sake; all the Islands that lay round it be­ing call'd by one general name, Britannicae and Bri­tanniae, i.e. the Britains, or the British Isles. The Island of Britain, saith Pliny, so famous in the writings both of the Greeks and Romans, is situate to the north­west, at a great distance from, but just opposite to Ger­many, France, and Spain, three Countries that take up much the greatest part of Europe. It is particularly call'd Albion, whereas all the Isles, which are about it, are call'd in general Britanniae.Britan­niae. Whereupon Catullus concern­ing Caesar, hath this expression,

Hunc Galliae timent, timent Britanniae.
Both Gaul and Britain our great Caesar dread.

Also in the same Epigram, he calls this Ultimam Occi­dentis Insulam, i.e. the farthest Island of the west. The name of Albion seems to have had its rise meer­ly from a vain humour of the Greeks, and the fond in­clination of that people to fables and fictitious names, which they themselves call'd [...]. For seeing that nation have upon a mere fiction, named Italy, Hesperia, from Hesperus, the son of Atlas; France, Gallatia, from a certain son of Polyphemus, &c. I cannot but believe that in the same fanciful humour they invented for this Isle also the name of Albion, from Albion, Neptune's son; as Perottus and Lilius Giraldus have observ'd before mea: unless one should [Page xxvii-xxviii] choose rather to derive it from [...], a word, which Festus saith, signifies white in Greek, whence the Alps may have also have taken their name: for our Island is on all sides surrounded with white rocks, which Ci­cero calls Mirificas Moles, vast and prodigious piles. For which reason also in theb Coins of Antoninus Pius, The figure of Britain. and Severus, Britain is figured sitting upon Rocks, in a womans habit: and by the British Poets them­selves, is styledc Inis Wen, Inis Wen. that is, the White Island. I might also alledge, that Orpheus in his Argonauticsd, (if they be his) calls that Island, [...], The white land, which lies next to Jernis, or Ireland, and which can be no other but our Britain: the same, which in a few verses before, he seems to have call'd [...] for [...].Li. 1. de mo [...]bis contagiosis. Fracastorius also in his discourse concerning that pestilential feaver, which went in England by the name of the Sweating Sickness, delivering it as his opinion, that it was occasioned by the nature of the English soil, which lies very much upon Chalk, or a white sort of Marle, supposes that from thence our Island took the name of Albion d. He had but little honesty, and as little modesty, that was the first inventor of that idle story, not to be heard without indignation, how that this Island took the name of Albion, frome Albina, one of the thirty daughters of Dioclesian, a King of Syria, who upon their wedding-night kill'd all their husbands, and then coming over hither in a vessel without sails or oars, were the first that took possession of this Island; where a sort of carnal Spirits got them with child, and thence issued that race of Giantsf. Nor need I much busie my self to enquire, wherefore in that old Parodia, against Ventidius Bassus, it is calledInsula Cae­ruli. Insula Caeruli; considering that the Sea lies round it, which the Poets style Cae­rulus and Caerulum. So Claudian of this Britain.

Cujus vestigia verrit
—Whose steps the azure sea
Sweeps with his tide—

I omit, that it is by Aristides, call'd the Great and the farthest Island. That it was also call'd Romania, Romania. seems to be insinuated by those passages in Gildas, where he tells us, that this Island was so absolutely brought under the Roman power, That the name of the Roman slavery stuck to the very soil. And a little after, So that it might now be accounted Romania, ra­ther than Britannia. And within a page or two, An Island, bearing the Roman name, but which did not ob­serve the laws or customs of the Romans. Nay, Pro­sper Aquitanus expresly calls it, The Roman Island. Hither also may be refer'd that prediction of the Arus­pices or Sooth-sayers, when it happen'd that the Sta­tues of Tacitus and Florianus, the Emperors, were thrown down with Thunder; viz. That out of their Family should arise an Emperor, who, amongst o­ther great actions, should send Presidents over Taprobane, and should send a Proconsul into the Roman Island;Vopiscus in F [...]orta­no. which all the learned understand of our Britain, tho' it was a Province Presidial, and never Proconsular, as we shall hereafter shew. That it was ever call'd Sam [...]thea, Samothea. from Samothes, Japhet's sixth son, I can­not help it, if some will still believe. I know very well whence all that is borrow'd, to wit, out of Annius Viterbiensis, who, like a cheat, putting specious ti­tles upon bad wares, hath imposed upon the over­credulous, his own forgeries, under the name of Berosus.

But now, as to the name and original of Britain, the various opinions concerning it, have made it a very dubious point; for which reason, I will apply my self to our Britains for leave to interpose my judg­ment among the rest; that they would put a favou­rable construction upon what I do; that as they desire to know the truth, so they would pardon those that search into it, and allow me the same liberty as Eliot, Leland, Llwyd, and others have taken. For if Hum­phrey Llwyd, a most learned Britain, was not blam'd, but rather commended, for producing a new Etymo­logy of Britain, different from that common one of Brutus, without any prejudice to the story; I hope it will be no crime in me, who here meddle not with the History of Brutus, to make a short inquiry after another original. And where can I so properly search after it as in our British language, which as it is pure and unmixt, so extreamly ancient; and on this double account, we may promise our selves con­siderable assistance from it. For antient languages are highly serviceable to the finding out the first ori­ginal of things. And Plato, in his Cratylus, tells us, that the primitive names of things, long since worn out of use, are yet still preserv'd in the barbarous Tongues as the most antient. Now though those matters are so very obscure, by reason of their great Antiquity, that we rather earnestly wish for the truth, than have any reasonable hopes to discover it; yet I shall do my utmost to clear it up, and shall briefly propound my own judgment, not magisteri­ally imposing it upon any man, but still inclin'd to admit with the higest satisfaction any more probable opinion. For I love a truth of another's discovery altogether as well as my own, and equally embrace it, wheresoever I find it.

In the first place, I will take it for granted, with the Reader's leave, that all antient nations had their own proper names from the beginning, and that the Greeks and Latins afterwards fram'd names for eve­ty Country, out of those of the People, with varia­tion enough to accommodate them to their own Di­alect. Or to explain my self farther, that the Peo­ple were known and distinguish'd by their names, before the Regions and Countries which they inha­bited; and that the Countries were afterwards deno­minated from the people. Who can deny but the names of the Jews, the Medes, the Persians, Scythians, Almans, Gauls, G [...]tulians, Saxons, English, Scots, &c. were extant before those of Judaea, Media, Persia, Scythia, Almaine, Gaul, Getulia, Saxony, England, Scot­land, &c. Nor is any thing more evident, than that these last were coin'd out of the former. We find that from the Samnites, the Insubres, and Belgae, Livy and Caesar were the first that call'd the Coun­treys themselves Samnitium, Insubrium, and Belgium. From the Franks, in the time of Constantine the Great, as appears by the Coins of that Emperor, the Country where they were seated first, took the name of Francia or France. And Sidonius Apollinaris was the first that framed the name of Burgundy. Now we have all the reason in the world to believe, that just after the same manner, the Inhabitants, or else the Gauls their next Neighbours, first gave this Island the name of Britain. For several things make it pro­bable, that these Natives were called Brit Brit. or Brith in the old barbarous Language; especially that Verse which passes under the name of Sibyl.

The British tribes and wealthy Gauls shall hear
The purple waves come rouling from afar,
While tides of blood the wondring Pilots fear.

Next, the authority of Martial, Juvenal, and Auso­nius. This Island also is by Procopius called Britia; and the ancient Inscriptions, set up by the Britainsg [Page xxix-xxx] themselves, in which we read Brito, Britones, Brittus, COH. BRITON. ORDINIS BRITTON, and at Rome, in the Church of St. Maria Rotunda, NA­TIONE BRITTO. This Inscription also, which is to be seen at Amerbach in Germany (which I will here insert, because it mentions Triputium, some place in Britain, but not known.)

Centu­ [...]enis.

The Saxons also themselves, in their own Lan­guage, call'd the Britains Britas, and particularly Witichindus the Saxon, throughout his whole Histo­ry, useth the word Britae. So that without all doubt, Brit BRIT. is the primitive, from whence Brito is derived, and from whence we may rationally expect some light that may lead us farther towards the original of the name of Britain.

Now it was the general custom of all nations, to apply to themselves such names as had a respect to something wherein they either excell'd, or were di­stinguish'd from the rest. Some from the dignity of their Founders, as the Jonians from Javan, the Israe­lites from Israel, the Chananites from Chanan, the Son of Cham. Others with a respect to their particular natures, inclinations, or employments, as the Iberi, according to the Hebrew derivation, because they were Miners; the Heneti, because they were Wande­rers; the Nomades, because they busied themselves most about Cattel; the Germans, because they were accounted stout and warlike men; the Franks, be­cause free; the Pannonians, in the opinion of Dion, from Pannas, wearing coats with long cloath sleaves; the Aethiopians from their blackness; and the Albans, as born with white hair. From whence Solinus makes a remark very worthy our observation, That even the Colour of the hair did give a name to a nation. Now our Country-men, who passing under the general name of Cimbri or Cumeri, in common with the Gauls, had no other mark or character so pro­per to difference and distinguish them from the rest, as that their peculiar custom of painting their bodies. For the best writers that are, Caesar, Mela, Pliny, &c. do all agree, that the Britains us'd to paint them­selves with Glastum, or woad (and the word Glass, Glass. signifies Blue in Welch to this day.) What then, if I should suppose, [...]ritons, [...]hence [...]ook their [...]ame. [...]rith, [...]hat it is. that our Britons took that denomi­nation from their painted bodies; for the word Brith, in the antient language of this Island, signifies any thing that is painted and coloured over. Nor can any man in reason censure this, as either an absurd, or over-strain'd Etymology of the Britons; seeing it has the grand requisites in all such cases, i.e. the words sound alike, and the name (which is as it were the picture of the thing) expresseth the thing it self. For Brith and Brit are very near in sound; and that word Brith, among the Britains, expresseth to the full what the Britains really were; that is, painted, stain­ed, died, and coloured. For these Epithets the Poets use to give them; and Oppian terms them [...], i.e. having py'd or various colour'd backs.Lib. 1. Cu­ [...]egetic. Nor will it be improper here (though it may seem but of small moment) to set down an observation of my own, That in the names of almost all the antient Britains, [...]ld Bri­ [...]ains [...]ames [...]rawn [...]rom co­ [...]curs. there appears some intimation of a Colour, which without doubt arose from this custom of Paint­ing. The Red Colour is by the Britains call'd Coch and Goch, which word, I fancy, lyes couched in these names, Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, Segonax. The black colour they call Dû, of which methinks there is some appearance in Maudubratius, Cartimandua, To­godumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The white colour is called Gwyn, the express footsteps of which word, methinks, I see remaining in Venutius and Immanuenti­us. Gwellw, in Welch, signifies a Waterish colour, and this discovers it self evidently in the names of Velloca­tus and Carvillius, and Suella. Blue is in British Glas; and that plainly appears in the name of King Cuni­glasus, which Gildas interprets Fulvum, or, as it is in some other copies, Furvum Lanionem, a dark co­lour'd Butcher. Aure, the name for a Gold colour, is manifest in Cungetorix and Arviragus. A lively and brisk colour is by them call'd Teg, whereof we have some hint in Prasutagus, and Caractacus. But now, if we allow that the Britains borrow'd the names of mixt colours, together with the very colours them­selves, from the Romans (as they did certainly their Werith for Green, from Viridis; and Melin for Straw-colour, from Melinus;) then I hope I may have leave to fancy at least, that I can discover some tincture of the colour call'd Prasinus, or Grass-green, in the name of Prasutagus; and of the colour call'd Mini­um, i.e. Vermilian, in that of Adiminius, son to King Cunobelinus. Rufina also, that most learned British Lady, took her name from the Colour, call'd in Latin Rufus, the red or flame colour; like as Al­ban, the first Martyr of Britain, from Albus, i.e. White. If any man, well skill'd in that antient language, would in like manner examine the rest of the British names that occur in old writers (of which sort there are not above four or five extant,) it is very probable he will find in every one of them, some signification of a Colour. Nor ought we to omit here, that the most common and current names at this day amongst our Britains, Gwyn, Du, Goch, Lluid, were taken from the white, black, red, and russet Colour. So that it ought not to seem strange, that a nation should de­rive itsh general name from Painting, where all the people painted their bodies; and where, both in old time it was, and at present it is the fashion to take their most ordinary names from Colours. But to re­turn to our business, if all this have been foreign to it. It is most certain, that in the British Histories, an Inhabitant of Britain, is call'd in that Language, Bri­thon. The note of aspiration is not to be regarded, since the Britains (whose tongue,In Serm. Pentecost. St. Chrysostom saith, was lingua Sibila, i.e. a hissing tongue) were always much pleas'd with aspirations, which the La­tins as studiously avoided. Now as Brito came from Brith, so did Britannia also in my opinion. Britannia (saith Isidore) was so called from a word of the inha­bitants. Now, whereas the most antient Greeks (who were the first that gave this name of Britain to our Island) either upon the account of Trade, or of Piracy, were wont to make long voyages, keeping always close to the shore (as Eratosthenes hath ob­serv'd;) they might either be inform'd by the Na­tives, or learn from the Gauls, who spake the same language, that the people of this Island were call'd Brith and Brithon, Tania. So the Germans now add Landt to the names of Coun­tries. and thereupon to the word Brith, add Tania, a termination, which in Greek (as thei Glossaries tell us) signifies a Region or Country. Out of which two words, they compound the name of [...], corruptly written [...], i.e. the Coun­try of the Britons. Lucretius and Caesar have nam'd it more truly Britannia; and they are the first of the Latins that make mention of it. That the matter stands thus, as to Britain, I do the more firmly be­lieve, [Page xxxi-xxxii] because we find not in all the world besides a­above three countries of any considerable largeness, the names whereof do terminate in t [...]nia. And even those three lye all in this Western part of the world, to wit, Mauritania, Lusitania, and Aquitania k; of which I question not but that the Greeks, who first discover'd those countries, were the inventers, and that from them the Latins afterwards receiv'd them. For from the name of the Mauri, they made Mau­ritania, as much as to say, The country of the Mauri; which, according to Strabo, by the natives themselves was called Numidia. From Lusus, the Son of Bac­chus, they framed Lusitania, that is, the Country of Lusus; and perhaps they call'd Aquitain by that name, ab aquis, as Ivo Carnotensis thinks, since it is a country seated upon the water. In which sense also (as Pli­ny tells us) it was formerly called Armorica, i. e, ly­ing upon the Sea-coast. As for Turditania and Basti­tania, names of smaller countries in Spain, and con­sequently lying in these Western parts of the world, they may be very properly reduc'd under the same head, and seem to signifie no more than the countries of the Turdi, and the Basti. Nor is it unusual to com­pound a name of a foreign and a Greek word. Words are compounded, Lib. 1. (saith Quintilian) either of our own, (i.e. Latin) and a foreign word, as Biclinium; or just contrary, of a foreign word and a Latin tackt to it, as Epitogium and Anticato; or of two foreign words, as Epirrhedium. And this is the most usual sort of Composition, as to the names of countries. Is not the name of Ireland a manifest Compound of the Irish Erin and the English word Land? Is not Angleterre, a name made by the conjunction of a French with an English word? Was not the name of Franclond, (for so our old Saxons called France) a product both of the French and Saxon Language? Came not Poleland likewise from a Polish word that signifieth a plain or level, united with a German? Lastly, was not the name of Denmark compounded of a Danish, and the German word March, which signifieth a bound or limit? But in a thing so evident, more words are needless. Nor is it at all to be wondred, that the Greeks should give to our Isle this addition of tania; whenas St. Jerome, in his Questions upon Genesis, proves out of the most antient Authors, that the Gre­cians had their Colonies and Plantations along all the Sea-Coasts in Europe, and in all the Islands, even as far as our Britain. Let us, saith he, look into Varro's Treatise of Antiquities, and that of Sisinius Capito, and also the Greek writer Phlegon, and of several others, emi­nent for learning; and we shall plainly see, that almost all the Islands and Sea-coasts over the whole world, with the lands bordering upon the coasts, were generally possessed by the Greeks. For that people (as I have said before) pos­sessed all the Sea-coasts, from the Mountains Amanus and Taurus, as far as the British Ocean.

lNow that the Greeks did land in this our Island, and made their observations of the situation and na­ture of it,That the Greeks came into Britain. will be a point past all question, if we do but first observe what Athenaeus hath written concer­ning Phileas Taurominites, (of whom more anon) who was in Britain in the 160. year before the com­ing of Caesar. Next, if we do not forget the Altar with an inscription to Ulysses in Greek Letters: and lastly, if we consider what Pytheas hath related be­fore the time of the Romans, concerning the distance of Thule from Britain. For who should ever have discover'd to the Greeks, either Britain, Thule, or the Countries of Belgium, especially their Sea-coasts; un­less the Ships of the Grecians had entred the British and German Ocean, and given their Geographers an account of them? Can any one imagine, that Py­theas could ever have known any thing of what lay six days sail beyond Britain, but that some Grecian gave him information? How else could the Greeks ever come to know that there were such places as Scandia, Bergos, and Nerigon, from whence the pas­sage lay by sea to Thule? These very names seem to have been much better known, even to the most an­tient amongst the Greeks, than either to Pliny, or to any one of the Romans. Accordingly Mela tells us, That Thule had been much celebrated by the Grecian Poets: and Pliny saith, Britain was an Island famous in the writings of the Greeks and Romans. By this means it hath happen'd, that a considerable number of Greek words have crept into the British and French language; as also into the Belgic or Low-Dutch. Hereupon Lazarus Bayfius, and Budaeus, have taken an occasion very much to value their country upon this, that the French were in old time [...], i.e. Great admirers of the Greeks, and build their princi­pal argument for it upon a few French words, which still retain some marks of the Greek. And Hadria­nus Junius seems not less overjoyed, when he can here and there light upon a Belgick word that will admit of a Greek Etymologie. Now if so,Greek words in the B [...]i­tish lan­guage. In his boo [...] of Engl [...] Orthog [...] phy. then ourm Britains may glory in their Language, since it hath in it a great many words that are deriv'd from a Greek original. But the learned Sir Thomas Smyth, Secretary to Queen Elizabeth, attributes it rather to this accident, that when all the rest of Europe was disturb'd and harrass'd with war, a great number of Greeks fled hither for their own security.

Thus you have my thoughts,n and perhaps my mi­stakes, concerning the original of the people, and the name of Britain. If they are false, may the di­scovery of truth show it. In this intricate and obscure search after Antiquities, he even merits that errs but a little; and it often happens, that things, which at first sight, and upon slight thoughts, we think false, appear very true upon a more serious consideration. If I were to appear before Truth her self as a Judge, I could say no more. In the mean time, as for our Countrymen, the Britains, I do with all possible ear­nestness entreat the learned part of them, to employ in this enquiry their utmost care, diligence, and in­tention of mind; that so, at the appearance of truth, all those conjectures may vanish like mists before the sun.

The Manners of the BRITAINS.

AS for the affairs of the Britains in elder times, their State and Government, their Laws and Customs, we were promised a treatise of them, by Mr. Daniel Rogers, an excellent man and eminent for his learning, to whom I am particularly obliged; but he being snatch'd away by an untimely death, before he had done any thing upon this subject, I will here present the Reader with these few Memoirs concer­ning their old Customs,Manners and Cu­stoms of the Bri­tains. took word for word out of antient Authors.

Caesar. The mony us'd by the Britains is brass, or iron Annulis in the text: s [...]me read laminis. rings after a certain set weight instead of it. They think it unlawful to taste hares, hens, and geese; however, they keep them for their delight and pleasure. The most civi­liz'd by far of them, are those who inhabit Kent, a coun­try which lyes all along upon the sea-coast, where they are not much different from the Gauls in customs. Many of the inland people sow no corn, but live upon milk and flesh: they are cloathed with skins. All the Britains dye themselves with Woad, which makes them of a skie colour, and there­upon the more terrible in battle. They wear their hair long upon their head and upper lip, but close and bare in all other parts of the body. a They have ten or twelve of them Wives together in common, especially brothers with one another, and parents with their children; but then, if any of the women bring forth, the child is counted his only, who first marry'd her. In battles their way is generally to fight in Essedis. Chariots: Way of fighting in Chariots. First they scoure up and down in them, and fling darts, and so many times disorder the enemies ranks by the terrour of their horses and the noise of their chariot wheels. When they once wind themselves in among the horse, they light from their chariots, and fight on foot. The Coachmen in the mean time retire, and place themselves so, that their masters may readily find them, to mount a­gain, in case they are overpower'd by the number of the enemy. Thus they perform both the speed and quickness of the horse, and the steadiness of the foot in battle, and by daily use and practice are so expert at it, that upon the side of a steep hill, they can stop their horses at full speed, and take them up presently; can turn and run along upon the beam, rest upon the yoke, and from thence whip presently into their chariots. They often likewise give ground, and retreat on purpose; and when at a little distance from our Legions, dismount from their chariots, and fight the enemy at disadvantage. The method of their Cavalry was such, that it proved equally dangerous to pursue, or to be pursued by them. Moreover they never fought close and thick to­gether, but thin, and at some considerable distance; having others posted in certain order, so that one might succour an­other, and the wearied might be reliev'd and succeeded with fresh supplies.

Strabo. The Britains in stature exceed the Gauls, and their hair is not so yellow, nor their bodies so well set. Let this be an argument of their tallness, that I my self have seen at Rome some young men of them, taller by half a foot than any other men. Yet their legs were but weak, and the other parts of the body shew'd them to be not well made nor handsome. In their nature they partly resemble the Gauls, but in some things more plain and barbarous: so that some of them have not the art to make cheese, tho' they have much milk; others of them know neither the art of gardening, nor any other kind of husbandry. They have many Potentates among them. In battles they use Chariots in great numbers, British towns. as some of the Gauls do. Woods among them are instead of cities; for having cut down trees, and enclosed a large round plat of ground with them, there they build huts to live in, and make folds for their cattle; which are not design'd to endure long.

Caesar likewise. It is counted a town among the Bri­tains, when some thick wood is fenced round with a trench and rampier, where to avoid incursions they retire and take refuge.

Diodorus Siculus. The Britains live in the same manner that the antients did; they fight in chariots, as the antient heroes of Greece are said to have done in the Trojan wars. Their houses for the most part are made of reeds or wood. They house their corn in the ear, and thresh out no more at a time than may serve them for one day. They are plain and upright in their dealings, and far from the craft and subtilty of our countrymen. Their food is plain and natural, and has nothing of the dainties of rich men. The Island is very populous.

Pomponius Mela. Britain has its Nations, and its Kings over them; but all in it are barbarous. And as they are at great distance from the continent, so they are the more unacquainted with the wealth and riches in other places; theirs consisting wholly in cattle and the extent of their grounds. They Ultro Cor­pora in­fecti. But in the margin glasto vel vitro. vid. pag. 29. paint their bodies, whether for shew and beauty, or some other reason, is uncertain. They make war at pleasure, and make frequent incursions upon one another, prompted chiefly by an ambition of Sovereign­ty and enlarging their territories. They fight not only on horseback and on foot, but also in their wagons and chariots, armed after the way in Gaul, where they call them Covins, with hooks and sythes at the axletrees of them.

Cornelius Tacitus. The Britains are nearest to the Gauls, and likest them; either by virtue of the same ori­ginal, or because, that in Countries opposite to one another a like climate gives a like make and complexion to the bo­dies of each people. However, if a man considers all, 'tis probable this neighbouring country was peopl'd by the Gauls; one finds the same religious rites, and superstitious opini­ons among them. Their language is not much different from one another, and they are alike bold and forward in any dangerous enterprise; and likewise upon encounter, a­like cowardly in giving over and declining. Yet the Bri­tains shew more heat and fierceness than the other, as being not yet soften'd and render'd effeminate by much peace. For we find that the Gauls likewise were once famous for their wars, till with peace idleness came in among them, and their bravery went to wreck as well as their liberty. Which very thing is befallen those Britains who were for­merly conquer'd; whereas the rest continue such as the Gauls were. The strength of their Arms consists in their Infantry; and some of their nations fight in chariots. The greatest person among them still drives, his servants de­fend him. Heretofore they were governed by Kings, but now they are drawn under petty Princes into parties and factions. Nor was there any thing of more considerable advantage to the Romans, against the most powerful nations of them, than their not concerting one common in­terest. Seldom above one or two cities unite against a common enemie, so that whilst every one fights singly, all are conquer'd.

In another place. 'Tis common among the Britains to consult the Gods by surveying the entrals of beasts, and to go to war under the conduct of women. They make no distinction of sex in point of Government. And there­fore some learned men think Aristotle spake of the Britains,Polit. 2. c. 7. where he takes notice of some warlike na­tions beyond the Celtae, subject to the government of women.

Dio Nicaeus, out of Xiphilin's Epitome concerning the Britains in the North part of the Island. They till no ground, but live upon prey and hunting, and the fruit of trees: fish, though they have in great plenty, they will not tast. They dwell in tents, naked, and without shoes. They use their wives in common, and bring up all the children among them. The commonalty govern for the most part. They rob at pleasure, and fight in chariots. Their horses are small and swift. They themselves run at a great rate. When they stand in an engagement, they are firm and immoveable. Their weapons, are a shield and a short spear, in the lower end whereof is a piece of brass like an apple, that by shaking it they may terrifie the enemy. 96 [Page xxxv-xxxvi] They have daggers also: and they endure hunger, cold, and all kinds of labour, with wonderful patience. For in the begs to the very head they'll continue many days without food. In the woods, they live upon barks of trees and roots. They have a certain kind of meat ready upon all occasions, of which if they take but the quantity of a bean, they are neither hungry nor dry.

Herodian. They know not the use of cloaths; but about their necks and bellies they wear iron, thinking that an ornament and a sign of their great riches, as other Barba­rians do gold. They paint their bodies with sundry co­lours, with all kinds of animals represented in them, and therefore they put on no cloaths, least they hide and cover it. The people are warlike and bloody, arm'd with a narrow shield only and a spear, and lastly a sword hanging by their naked bodies: they are altogether strangers to the use either of a coat of mail or helmet, supposing that would prove but burthensome to them when they march over hogs and mosses; from which so much fog and vapour is exhaled, that the air in those parts is always thick and cloudy.

Magick in Britain.What remains (which is but little now) I will pick up here and there, and set down as briefly as I can. Pliny of Magick. But why should I take notice of these things in an art, which hath travers'd the ocean, and reach'd the utmost bounds of nature? Britain at this day honours it with so much pomp and ceremony, that one would imagine the Persians had been taught it by them.

The same Author. There grows in Gaul an herb like Plantine, Glastum Woad. called Glastum, wherewith the British wives and virgins dye their bodies all over, resembling Black­amoors by that tincture; and so they are wont at certain sacrifices to go naked. The choicest food among them is your Chenerotes,Chene­rotes. a kind of fowl less than a wild Goose. The Britains wear rings upon their middle finger; they manure their ground with Marga. Marle.

Manner of Painting.Solinus tell us, That they painted themselves with cer­tain marks, which Tertullian calls Britonum stigmata. He says farther, The Country was partly possess'd by Bar­barians; with the shapes of several beasts, artfully cut out in the bodies of them in their youth, so that these prints in their flesh might grow and increase as their bodies did. Nor is there any thing reckon'd a sign of more patience among these Barbarous Nations, than to make such deep scars in their limbs, as may receive a great deal of this dye.

Dio. They worship'd Andates, Andates. that is to say, the God­desses Victoria and Andrastes.

Shipping of the Britains.Caesar and Lucan. They had Ships, the keel and mast whereof were made of light wood; the other parts of it was cover'd over with leather. Solinus. The Sailors never eat till their voyage be finish'd. The drink us'd by them was made of Barley, (and so 'tis likewise by us at this day) as Dioscorides says, who mis-names it Curmi Curmi. for Kwrw; for so the Britains term what we call Ale. Many of them had only one wife, as Eu­sebius says, Praepar. 6. Plutarch writes, That some of them would live an hundred and twenty years, the natu­ral heat of the body being preserv'd by the coldness of the Country.

The Brit­tish Ty­rants. As for those ancient years of inhumane tyrants, Gildas speaks of, I know not what he means by them, unless he hints to those, who took upon them the govern­ment in these parts in opposition to the Romans, and were call'd at that time Tyranni. For he presently adds from S. Jerome, Porphyrie raging in the east like a mad dog against the Church, thus proceeds after his vain and wild rate, calling Britain a Province plentiful in ty­rants. I shall say nothing of their ancient Religion, for it was not really a Religion, but a dismal and confused heap of superstition. For after the Devil had involv'd the truth of Religion in mists and dark­ness,Religion of he Britains. Gildas tells us, That the specters of Britain were purely hellish, more numerous than those of Aegypt, of which some are yet remaining, strangely featur'd and ugly, and to be seen both within and without their forsaken walls, looking stern and grim, after their usual manner.

As for the Britains being at the rape of Hesione with Hercules, inferr'd from those verses of Corne­lius, (supposed by some to be the same with Nepos) while he describes the marriage of Telemon and Hesione:

Et in aurea pecula fusi
In vitant sese pateris pl [...]bs mixta Britanni, &c.
With generous wine the golden Vessels flow'd
And well-fill'd bowls went round the undistinguish'd crowd;
Britains among the rest. —

This is plainly poetical; and that the Author of it was not Cornelius Nepos, as the Germans will have it, but Josephus Iscanus, or Joseph of Exeter, I can clearly demonstrate. For he makes mention of our Henry II. and of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury.

Whether or no Ulysses came hither,Brodaeus l. 3. c. 4. Misce [...]. Ulysses ne­ver in Britain. (as Solinus says is manifest from an Altar with an inscription of Greek letters on it,) is question'd by Brodaeus: andc I should rather imagine it erected in honour of Ulysses than raised by him; tho' they would have this Ulysses to be Elizza, Japhet's grandson. For it appears by history, and we have already observ'd, that the an­tient Greeks were great travellers both by sea and land; and therefore it ought not to seem strange, if we find some names and monuments of them in ma­ny places. Now they took those names not so fre­quently from their own Ancestors, as from Heroes, who were equally, if not more honour'd among them, than Confessors and Martyrs among Christians. And therefore as those Countries newly found out, take their names from St. John, St. Dominic, St. Francis, and many other Saints; so likewise no one will deny, but the same was done among the Greeks. And of all their Heroes, which of them has ever made voyages, either more frequently, or more long and tedious than Ulysses did? No wonder then that Mariners should generally make their vows to him, and consecrate the places of their arrival with his name. Thus Ulyssipo, upon the mouth of the river Tagus, took its name; and thus in other places are those monuments of Ulysses, Laertes, and his compa­nions, which are not to be ascribed to Ulysses, as the founder of them, but as we ought to suppose, dedi­cated by Grecian travellers to that Hero, who him­self of all others was the greatest.

John Tzetzes in his Variae Historiae writes, That our British Kings made Cato the elder (who was so pro­fess'd an enemy to the vice and debauchery of the Romans) many presents, in respect and honour to his virtue; and that long before the name of Britain was known at Rome. I leave him to make good the truth of this story; but how fabulous an Author he is, the learn'd are sufficiently sensible.

Nor would I have the reader believe,Alexander the Great never in. Britain. that Alexan­der the great went from the East-Indies to the streights of Gibraltar, and to Britain, upon the authority of Cedrenus against other Historians. From thence being come into Aphasis, [...] Gades, and the British nation, and having furnish'd himself with a thousand hulks, &c. That of Trithemius out of Hunnibald, is much such stuff, re­lating, that King Bassanus put away his wife, the King of the Orcades's daughter, in the year before Christ 284 and that thereupon he made war against Bassa­nus with the auxiliaries he had from the King of the Britains.

Neither would I have any one imagine,Hannibal never in Britain. that Han­nibal carri'd on a war in Britain, because of that pas­sage of Polybius, in the Eclogae of the XI Book. [...]. For the place is corrupted, and it should be read [...] for [...], as 'tis also in the 42 Book of Dio. For in both places they treat of the Brutii in Italy; and yet I will not deny but that the Greeks about this time might arrive here. For Athe­naeus, describing from Moschion, a very ancient Au­thor, that ship of Hiero, Hiero's Ship. which was admired by every one for greatness and workmanship, tells us, That the Main-mast of it was with much difficulty at last found by a Swine-herd in the mountains of Britain, and from thence convey'd into Sicily by Phileas T [...]uromi­nites, a Mechanick: But I fear the Criticks will here also read [...] for [...], and refer it to the Brutian-Hills in Italy.

The B [...]i­tains in expedi [...]i­ons with the Cim­brians. Triadum Liber.Yet 'tis likely, that the Britains went some of them with the Cimbrians and the Gauls in those expediti­ons of theirs into Greece and Italy. For, besides the name common to both of them, in the Triades a very ancient British Book, where we find mention of three great armies rais'd in Britain; 'tis said, that a certain foreign Captain drew a mighty army out of this kingdom, which, having destroy'd great part of Europe, at last settl'd upon the Grecian sea; I suppose meaning Galatia. That Brennus, so famous both in Greek and Latin Authors, was a Britain, some think may be easily made out. For my part, I know on­ly thus much in this matter, that the name is not yet quite lost among the Britains, who in their language call a King Brennin.

Britoma­rus, a Bri­tain.However, that Britomarus a warlike Captain among them, mention'd by Florus and Appian, was a Bri­tain, 'tis plain, from the word it self, which signifies a Great Britain. I will not here wrest that of Strabo, saying, that Brennus was by birth a Prausian, that so I may thence make him a Britain. And whereas Otho Frisingensis writes,Lib. 2. c. 13. that the Briones, a race of the Cimbri, settl'd themselves towards the head of the Drave, I will not venture to alter Briones into Britones: though the Criticks of our age seldom stick at any thing.

Britain known but late to the Greeks and Ro­mans.However, to give my own opinion once for all: as the Romans, notwithstanding they grew so great and eminent, were neither known to Herodotus nor the ancient Greeks; and the Gauls and Iberians were for a long time utterly unknown to the old Histori­ans:d so I have always thought, that it was late be­fore the name of the Britains was heard of by the Greeks and Romans. As for that Tract De Mundo, which goes for Aristotle's, and makes mention of the Britains, of Albion, and Hierna, it is not so old as Aristotle, but of far later date, as the learned think. For certain, this part of the world was not known to Polybius that great Historian, who, in company with the famous Scipio, travell'd a great part of Europe about 370 years before Christ.e He tell us, That whatsoever tract lies northward between the Tanay and Narbo is unknown to this day, and that what ever is said or wrote of it, is all idle and fictitious. Much after the rate that those at present may be thought to do, who credulously perswade themselves, that Hamilco, being sent by the Carthaginians to make discovery of the western coasts of Europe, arriv'd here many years before; when there's no other ground for this voy­age but a verse or two in Festus Avienus. And that it was so late ere Britain was known, might very well be, by reason of its situation, whereby 'tis dis­joyn'd from the Continent; and also, because the old Britains were then barbarous (as other Nations in this part of the world,) and living at home, had no great commerce with other Countries. Dio is of the same opinion in this matter, saying, That Britain was not so much as discover'd by the old Greeks and Romans, and that the modern of them question'd whether it were Continent or Island; that much was written on both sides by some who had no certain knowledge, as having neither seen the Country, nor learn'd the nature of it from the In­habitants, but relying solely on those conjectures they had made, as they had time or diligence to study it. The first Latin Author that I know of, who mentions Britain, is Lucretius, in those verses of his about the difference of air.

Nam quid Britannum coelum differre putamus,
Et quod in Aegypto est, quâ mundi claudicat axis.
How different is the air oth' British Isle
From that which plays upon the wandring Nile.

Now 'tis granted on all hands, that Lucretius lived a little before Caesar: about which time, Divitiacus King of theSu [...]ssio­nes. Soissons, the most potent Prince in Gaul, govern'd the Britains, as Caesar himself informs us. But this is to be understood of the sea-coast. For the same Caesar witnesses, that there was no other parts of Britain besides the sea-coast, and what laid over against France, known to the Gauls. Diodorus Siculus writes, That Britain was never subject to any foreigner; neither Dionysius, nor Hercules, nor any God or Hero, have attempted to conquer it. C. Caesar, for his great exploits sirnamed Divus, is now the first that ever subdu'd the Britains, and forc'd them to pay tribute.

Here then our Historian (whoever he may be) should begin his history, and not higher:Consorinus de Die Na­tali. if he seri­ously considers what the most learned Varro hath heretofore said, and I have already hinted. Namely,Three, Pe­riods of time. Unknown. that there are three distinct periods of time; the first from man's creation to the deluge, which (by reason we know nothing of it) is called [...]. The second, from the deluge to the first Olympiad, in the year of the world 3189, which (because we have nothing of it but false and fabulous Fabulous.) is call'd [...]. The third, from the first Olympiad to our own times, call'd [...],Historical. because the transactions of that space are re­lated by good Historians. However, though no learned Nations, except the Jews, had any true or historical relations before that age, I know very well, that the British history of Geofrey begins three hun­dred and thirty years before the first Olympiad, which was then such a rude and ignorant age, in these parts, that our Author calls it fabulous. Hence there­fore, (lest I lay a bad foundation, and the rest prove accordingly) both because 'tis requisite in this place, and may give great light to that which is to follow; I will begin the history of the Romans in Britain, collected not from fables, which would argue the Author's vanity in writing, as well as his folly in believing; but from the uncorrupted monuments of Antiquity, with as much brevity as I can: for 'tis not my design to rob any one of the glory of a larger treatise upon this subject.


WHen Valour and Fortune had so conspir'd, or rather Providence had decree'd, that Rome should be Mistress of the world; Caius Julius Caesar, Julius Cae­sar. having now conquer'd all Gaule, casts his eye towards the Ocean, as if the Roman world was not of extent enough; that so having subdu'd all, both by sea and land, he might joyn those Countreys by conquests, which nature her self had sever'd. And in the 54th year before Christ,Pomponi­us Sabi­nus, out of Seneca. he makes an expedi­tion into Britain, either provoked by the supplies from thence sent into Gaule, during the course of that war, or because they had received the Bellovaci, who had retir'd hither, or else (as Suetonius writes) excit­ed by the hopes of British pearls, the weight and bigness whereof he was wont to poise and try in his hand; but rather for the sake of glory, as is easily credible, since he rejected the offers of the British Embassadors, who having notice of his design, came to him, promising they would give hostages, and be subject to the Roman Empire.

Take his entrance into the Island, abridg'd out of his own words. The places, ports, and havens of Britaine being not well known to Caesar, he sends C. Volusenus before with a Galley, who having made what discovery he could in five days, returns to him. The Britains having intelligence of Caesars intended expedition by the merchants, many cities among them sent Embassadors into Gaul to offer him hosta­ges, and their obedience to the Romans. Being ex­horted to continue in that resolution, he dismisses them, together with Comius Atrebatensis, who had great authority in those parts (for the Atrebates had before left Gaul, and seated themselves there) that he might persuade them to continue true and faithful to the Romans. But he, upon his first landing, was imprison'd by the Britains. In the mean time, Cae­sar having drawn together about 80 transport-ships for the two legions, and about 18 more for the horse, sets sail from the country of the Morini, at three in the morning, and about four the day following arrived in Britain, at a place inconvenient for land­ing; for the sea was narrow, and so pent in by mountains, that they could cast their darts from thence upon the shore beneath. Having therefore got wind and tide both at once favourable, he set sail, and went about eight miles farther, and there, in a plain and open shore, rid at anchor. The Bri­tains, perceiving his design, dispatched their horse and chariots, to keep the Romans from landing. Here the Romans underwent much difficulty, for those great ships could not ride close enough to the shore in this shallow sea, so that the Soldiers were forced to leap down in unknown places, and under heavy armor, from those high ships, and contend at the same time with the waves and enemy. On the o­ther side, the Britains, who knew the nature of the place, were free and uncumber'd, and fought either on the dry ground, or but a very little way in the water. So that the Romans were daunted, and fought not with the same heart and spirit they us'd to do. But Caesar commanded the transport-ships to be remov'd, and the galleys to be row'd upAd a­pertum la­tus. just over-against the Britains, and the slings, engines, and arrows to be thence employ'd against them. The Britains being terrify'd with the form of the ships, the rowing of them, and with the strangeness of the Engines, gave ground. At the same time, an Ensign of the tenth Legion, beseeching the Gods that his design might prove successful to the Legion, and exhorting his fellow-soldiers to leap down (unless they would forsake their Eagle, and suffer it to be took by the enemy; for that he would do his duty to his Country, and to his General) immediately jumps out, and advances with his Eagle towards the enemy; all thereupon follow him (nay, Caesar himself first, if we'll believe Julian. In the Cae­sars.) Now began a resolute fight on both sides; but the Romans being cumber'd with arms, toss'd with the waves, wanting footing, and withall confus'd, were strangely disor­der'd; till Caesar made the Pinnaces and ship­boats ply about with recruits to succour them. As soon as the Romans got sure footing on dry ground, they charg'd the Britains, and quickly put them to flight; but could not pursue them, their horse being not yet arriv'd. The Britains, upon this defeat, pre­sently sent Embassadors, and with them Comius A­trebatensis (whom they had imprison'd) to desire peace, laying the fault upon the rabble, and their own imprudence. Caesar, upon this, soon pardon'd them, commanding hostages to be given him, which he receiv'd in part, together with their promise to deliver the rest after. This peace was concluded on the fourth day after his landing in Britain.

At the same time, those eighteen ships wherein the horse were transported, just as they were in sight of Britain, were suddenly, by stress of a storm then a­rising, driven to the westward, and had enough to do to recover the continent of France. The same night, the moon then at full, the galleys, which were drawn to shore, were filled by the tide, and the ships of burthen, which lay at anchor, so shaken by the storm, that they were altogether unfit for service. This being known to the British Princes (namely, how the Romans wanted horse, ships, and provisi­on) they revolted, and resolved to hinder them from forraging. But Caesar, suspecting what indeed hap­pen'd, took care to bring in corn daily, and to re­pair his fleet with the timber of those twelve which were most shatter'd. While Affairs stood in this po­sture, the seventh Legion, which was sent out to fo­rage, and then busie at it, was suddenly set upon by the Britains, and encompass'd with their horse and Chariots.Fighting in Chari­ots. Their way of fighting in these Chariots (as I have already observ'd) is this: First, they drive up and down, and fling their darts, and often disor­der the ranks of the enemy with the terror and hur­ry of their horse and Chariots; and if they once get within the ranks of the horse, they light from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Coach-men draw off a little in the mean time, and place their Chari­ots in such order, that in case their masters are over­power'd by a numerous enemy, they may readily retire thither. So that they perform at once the speed and readiness of horse, and the stability of foot; and are so expert by daily use and exercise, that on the side of a steep hill, they can take up and turn, run along upon the beam, stand upon the yoke, and from thence whip into their Chariots again. But Caesar coming luckily to their relief, the Romans took heart again, and the British stood astonish'd, who, in hopes of freeing themselves for ever (by reason of the small number of the Romans, and the scarcity of provisions among them) had assembled together in great numbers, and march'd to the Roman Camp; where Caesar engag'd them, put them to flight, slew many of them, and burnt all their houses for a great way together. The very same day the British Em­bassadors address themselves for peace to Caesar; and he grants it them, doubling their hostages, and com­manding them to be sent into Gaul. Soon after, the Aequinox being now at hand, he set sail from Britain, and arriv'd safe with his whole fleet in the Conti­nent. Whither only two Cities in Britain sent their hostages, the rest neglected it. Upon Caesar's let­ters, and account to the Senate of what he had done here, a procession of twenty days was decreed him,Dio. lib. 39. though he gain'd nothing of consequence, either to himself or Rome, but only the glory of making the expedition.


The next year, having prepar'd a great fleet (for with transport-ships and private vessels, built by par­ticular men for their own use, it consisted of above 800 sail) with five legions, and two thousand horse, he set sail from Portus Itius, and landed his army in the same part of the Island where he did the forego­ing summer. But not so much as an enemy to be seen now; for though the Britains had been there in great numbers, yet terrify'd by this navy, they had retir'd into the upland country. Here Caesar encamps his army as conveniently as he could, leaving ten co­horts, and three hundred horse to guard the ships. And in the night, marching himself twelve miles up into the Country, finds out the Britains, who re­treated as far as the river, but gave him battle there; being repulsed by the Roman cavalry, they betook themselves to the woods, which were fortified both by art and nature. But the RomansTestu­dine facta. locking their shields together like a roof close over head, and o­thers raising a mount, took the place, and drove them from the woods; however, they pursu'd them no farther, as having their Camp to fortifie that night.

The day after, Caesar sent his army in three bo­dies to pursue the Britains; but soon recall'd them, upon the news that his fleet was the night before wreckt, torn, and cast upon the shore by storm. So returning to the ships, he drew them to land in ten days time, and entrench'd them within the circuit of his camp, and then went back to the same wood from whence he came. Here the Britains had posted themselves with great reinforcements, under the conduct of Cassivellaun or Cassibelin, Cassibelin. who, by publick consent, was made their Prince and Gene­ral. Their horse and Chariots encounter'd the Ro­mans in their march, with much loss on both sides. After some pause, as the Romans were took up in fortifying their camp, the Britains fell upon those that kept guard with great fierceness, and charg'd back again through two Cohorts, which with the best of two Legions Caesar had sent to their assistance, and so made a safe retreat. The day following, the Britains began to appear very thin here and there upon the hills; but at noon, Caesar having sent out three legions, and all his horse to forage, they set upon them; yet were repulsed at last with great slaughter. And now those aids they had got toge­ther went off and left them, so that the Britains ne­ver after encounter'd the Romans with their full pow­er. From hence Caesar march'd with his army to the River Thames,The River Thames. towards the territories of Cassivellaun, where, upon the other side of the river, he found a great army of the Britains drawn up, having fasten'd sharp stakes in the bottom of the river, to make the passage more difficult. However, the Romans wa­ding it up to the neck, went over so resolutely, that the Britains left their posts and fled; but not for fear of tower-back'd Elephants, as Poliaenus has it.

Cassivellaun despairing now of any good success by fighting, retains with him only four thousand Chario­teers, and resolves to watch the motion of the Ro­mans, sallying out upon their horse, when at any time they happen'd to separate and straggle in their foraging; and so kept them from ranging much in the Country. In the mean time the Trinobantes The Tri­nobantes. sur­render themselves to Caesar, desiring he would pro­tect Mandubratius (call'd by Eutropius and Bede out of some lost pieces of Suetonius Androgorius, Mandu­bratius also call'd Androge­us. and by our Britains Androgeus) against Cassivellaun, and send him to rule over them. Caesar sends him, demand­ing forty hostages and provision for his army. By their example the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bi­broci, and the Cassii likewise yield themselves to Cae­sar; from whom learning that Cassivellaun's town was not far off, fortified with woods and fens; he goes and assaults it in two places. The Britains fled out at another side; yet many of them were taken and cut off.

In the mean time, at the command of Cassivel­laun, four petty Kings of Kent, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, fell upon the Camp where­in the Romans had intrench'd their Shipping; yet the Romans issuing out upon them, repell'd them, taking Cingetorix Prisoner. Cassivellaun, upon so many defeats, but mov'd particularly by the revolt of those Cities, sent Embassadors with Comius Atre­batensis to Caesar, to treat of a surrender. He having resolv'd to winter in the continent, demands hostages, and appoints a yearly tribute to be paid from Britain to the Romans, ordering Cassivellaun to do nothing prejudicial to Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes; and so transports his whole army, with a great number of captives, at two embarkments. Thus much from Caesar of his own War in Britain. Eutropius from some pieces of Suetonius now lost, adds farther.

Scaeva, one of Caesar's soldiers, and four more with him, came over before in a little ship to a rock near the Island, and were there left by the tide. The Britains in great numbers fell upon these few Romans; yet the rest of his companions got back again. Still Scaeva continues un­daunted, overcharg'd with weapons on all sides; first re­sisting them with his spear, and after with his sword, fighting there single against a multitude. And when he was at length both wearied, and wounded, and had had his helmet and buckler beat out of his hand, he swam off with two coats of mail to Caesar's Camp; where he begg'd pardon for his rashness, and was made a Centurion.

When Caesar first came to this Island,Athenae­us. he was so moderate, and so far from the pomp and state of our present age, that Cotas (who was the greatest Officer in his camp but one) says in his Greek Commentary con­cerning the Commonwealth of Rome, that all his retinue was but three servants. When he was in Britain, says Seneca, and could not endure his greatness should be con­fin'd within the Ocean, he had the news of his daughter's death, and the publick calamities like to follow thereupon; yet he soon overcame his grief, as he did every thing else. Returning Conqueror from Britain,Pliny. he offers to Venus Genetrix, in her Temple, a Corslet of British Pearls. Some of his British captives he appointed for the Theater,Servius Honora­tus. and certain tapestry hangings wherein he had painted his British Victories. These were often took away by the Britains, being the persons represented by them; and hence that of Virgil;

Purpurea (que) intexti tollant aulaea Britanni.
And how the tap'stry where themselves are wrought,
The British slaves pull down.—

And the Britains were not only appointed to serve the theater,In the Gardens of Cardi­nal de Carpento. but also (tho' this is by the by) the Em­peror's Sedan, as appears by an old Inscription of that age, which makes mention of a Decurio over the BritishLecti­cartorum. Sedan-men. Of this Conquest of Cae­sar's thus an ancient poet:

Vis invicta viri reparata classe Britannos
Vicit, & hostiles Rheni compescuit undas.
Unconquer'd force! his fleet new rigg'd o'recame
The British Troops, and Rhine's rebellious Stream.

To this also may be referr'd that of Claudian con­cerning the Roman valour:

Nec stetit oceano, remis (que) ingressa profundum,
Vincendos alio quaesivit in orbe Britannos.
Nor stop'd he here, but urg'd the boundless flood,
And sought new British Worlds to be subdued.

Moreover Cicero in a poem now lost intitl'd Quadrigae, extols Caesar for his exploits in Britain to the very skies, in a poetical chariot as it were; and this we have upon the authority of Ferrerius Pedemontanus. For thus he writes, I will draw Britain in your colours, but with my own pencil. However, others are of opinion, that he only frighted the Britains, by a successful battle; or as Lucan says, who was hardly just to Caesar,

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis.
Fled from the Britains whom his arms had sought.

Tacitus a grave solid Author writes, that he did not conquer Britain, but only shew'd it to the Romans. Ho­race hints as if he only touch'd it, when flattering Augustus, he says the Britains wereI [...]ta­ctum. not meddled withall.

Intactus aut Britannus ut descenderet
Sacra catenatus via.
Or Britains yet untouch'd, in chains should come,
To grace thy triumph, through the streets of Rome.

And Propertius,

Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus.
Britain, that scorn'd the yoak of our command,
Expects her fate from your victorious hand.

So far is that of the Court-historian Velleius Peterculus from being true. Caesar pass'd twice through Britain; when it was hardly ever enter'd by him. For, many years after this expedition of Caesar, this Island was subject to its own Kings, Dio. and govern'd by its own Laws.

Augustus Augustus. seems out of policy to have neglected this Island, for he calls it wisdom, as Tacitus says, (and perhaps it really seem'd so to him) that the Roman Empire should be bounded, i.e. that the Ocean, the Istre, and the Euphrates were the limits which nature had set to it: that so it might be an adamantine Empire (for so Augustus expresses it in Julian) and not,In the Cae [...]ars. like a ship which is too big, prove unweildly, and sink un­der its own weight and greatness, as it has usually hap­pen'd to other great States. Or else, as Strabo thinks, he contemn'd it, as if its enmity was neither worth fearing, nor its benefit worth having; and yet they thought no small damage might be done them by those other Countreys about it. But whatever might be the cause, this is certain, that after Julius, and the Civil Wars of the Empire broke out, Britain for a long while was not heeded by the Romans, even in peaceful times. Yet at last Augustus was on his Jour­ney from Rome to invade Britain. Whereupon, Horace at that time to Fortune at Antium;

Serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos
Orbis Britannos.
Preserve great Caesar, while his arms he bends
To seek new foes in Britain's farthest lands.

And after he had gone as far as Gaul, the Britains sent their addresses to him for peace; and some petty Princes of them having obtained his favour by Em­bassies and their good services, made oblations in the Capitol,Strabo. and made the whole Island almost intimate and familiar to the Romans, so that they paid all imposts very contentedly, as they do at this day, for such commodities as were convey'd to and fro between Gaul and Britain. Now these were ivory, bridles, Torques Chains, amber and glass Ves­sels, and such like poor common sort of ware. And therefore there needs no garison in that Island. For it would require at least one Legion and some h [...]rse, if tri­bute was to be rais'd out of it, and that would hardly de­fray the charge of the garison; for the imposts must ne­cessarily be abated if a tribute was impos'd, and when violent courses are once taken, danger may be look'd for. The next year likewise he intended to make a descent into Britain, for breach of treaty and covenants; but he was diverted by an insurrection of the Cantabri and others in Spain. And therefore there is no rea­son to believe Landinus Servius, or Philargirus, who would conclude that Augustus triumph'd over the Britains, from those verses of Virgil:

Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste trophaea
Bisque triumphatas utroque a littore gentes.
Gain'd from two foes two trophies in his hands,
Two nations conquer'd on the neighbouring strands.

To that surrender of the Britains without question this of Horace relates:

Caelo tonantem credidimus Jovem
Regnare; praesens divus habebitur
Augustus, adjectis Britannis
Imperio, gravibusque Persis.
When thundring Jove we heard before,
Trembling we own'd his heavenly power.
To Caesar now we'll humbly bow,
Caesar's a greater god below.
When conquer'd Britain sheaths her sword,
And haughty Persia calls him Lord.

Tiberius Tiberius. seems to have follow'd the counsel of Au­gustus, and not to have been ambitious of extending the bounds of his empire; for he produc'd a book written by Augustus's own hand, containing the account of the Empire, how many citizens and allies were in arms, the number of fleets, kingdoms, provinces, tributes, or im­posts belonging to the State; with his advice at last of keeping the Empire within bounds. VVhich in particu­ar, as Tacitus says, pleas'd him so well, that he made no attempt upon Britain, nor kept any garison there. For where Tacitus reckons up the legions, and in what countreys they were garison'd at that time, he makes no mention of Britain. Yet the Britains seem to have continued in amity with the Romans; For Germanicus being on a voyage at that time, and some of his men being driven by stress of weather upon this Island, the petty Princes here sent them home again.

It is evident enough that Caius Caesar did design to invade this Island;C. Cali­gula. but his own fickle and unsteady temper, and the ill success of his great armies in Ger­many, prevented it.Suetonius in Cali­gula. For to the end he might terri­fie Britain and Germany (to both which he threaten'd an invasion) with the same of some prodigious work, he made a bridge between the Baiae and the Piles of Puteoli, three miles and six hundred paces in length. But did nothing more in this expedition, than receive Ad­miniusAdmini­us. the son of Cunobellin, a King of the Britains, who was vanquish'd by his father, and with a small number of men had fled and yielded himself to him. Upon that, as if the whole Island had been surrender'd, he wrote bo [...]sting letters to Rome, often charging the ex­press that was sent with them, to drive up into the very Forum and Senate House, and not to deliver them but in Mars's Temple, and in a throng Senate to the Consuls. Dio. Afterward marching forward to the Ocean (as if he de­sign'd to make a descent into Britain) he drew up his army on the shore; and then taking ship and launching out a little, returned again, and seated in a high pulpit, gave the sign of battle to his souldiers, commanding an a­larm to be sounded; and on a sudden ordered them to ga­ther shels. With these spoils (for he wanted those of the enemy wherewith to triumph) he pleased himself, as if he had conquered the very Ocean; and so having rewarded his souldiers, he brought the shells to Rome, that his booty might be seen there also. And in memory of his victory he built a very high tower, from which, Pharus. as from a watch­tower, there might be lights kept for the direction of sailers in the night. The ruines of it are sometimes (when the tide is out) seen on the coast of Holland, called by the people thereabouts Britenhuis. Here they often find stones with inscriptions; one of which was C. C. P. F. interpreted by them, I know not how truly, Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit. But more of this in the British Islands.

From hence forward the inner parts of Britain,Claudi [...]. defeated by civil wars and factions, rather than by the power of the Romans, after much slaughter on both sides, fell by little and little under the subjection of that Empire. For while they fought singly one by one they were all in the end conquered; being so resolutely bent upon one anothers destruction, that till they were all subdued, they were not sensible of an universal danger, by the overthrow of particular States. Nay such was the power of ambition among some of them, that it corrupted and drew them over to the enemy's side, making them faithful and soli­citous for the Roman interest to the destruction of their own country. The chief of these was Bericus, Bericus. who perswaded Claudius to invade Britain (which no one had attempted since J. Caesar) being then em­broiled by faction and civil wars, upon pretence of their protecting some fugitives fled to them. Clau­dius therefore orders Aulus Plautius Aulus Plautius. then Praetor, to lead an army into Britain, who had much difficulty to get them out of France; for they took it ill, Dio. that they were to carry on a war in another world, and so drew out the time with delays and backwardness. But when Narcissus, who was sent to them by Claudius, took Plautius's tribunal, and began to speak to them, the souldiers were so offended at it, that they cried out Jo Saturnalia, (for it is a cu­stom, during the Saturnalia, for the slaves to celebrate that feast in the habit of their masters) and forthwith willingly followed Plautius. Having divided his army into three bodies, lest all arriving in one place they might be hindred from landing, they were driven back by contrary winds, and so found some difficulty in transporting. Yet taking heart again, by reason that the Comet was turn'd from east to the west, whither they were sailing, they ar­rived at the Island without disturbance. For the Britains, upon the news of what I have already said, imagining [Page xlv-xlvi] they would not come, had neglected to muster, and there­fore without uniting, withdrew into their fens and woods, hoping to frustrate the enemies design, and wear them out with delays, as they had served Caesar. Plautius there­fore was at much trouble to find them out. After he had found them (they were not then free, but subject to seve­ral Kings) he first overcame Cataratacus, and after him Togodumnus, the sons of Cynobelline who dy'd before. These not being able to withstand him, part of the Bodun­ni urrender'd to him, who at that time were subject to the Catuellani. Leaving a garison there, he went on to a certain river; and the barbarians thinking it impassable by the Romans without a bridge, lay careless and negligent in their Camp without heeding it. Plautius therefore sends the Germans over, being accustomed to swim through the strongest current in their arms. These falling upon the ene­my by surprise, struck not at the men, but altogether at the horses in their chariots, which being once disorder'd, the men were not able to sit them. Next to them he made Flavius Vespasianus, who was afterwards Emperor, and his brother Sabinus, a Lieutenant, march over; who pass'd the river, and cut off likewise many Britains at unawares. However the rest did not fly, but engaged them so resolutely next day, that it continued doubtful which way the victory inclin'd; till C. Sidius Geta, after he had been well nigh taken by the enemy, gave them at last such an overthrow, that the honour of a triumph was granted him at Rome for his great service, though he had never been Consul. From hence the Barbarians drew back towards the mouth of the Thames, where by the slowing of the tide it stagnates, and being acquainted with the na­ture of the places passed it easily; whereas the Romans in following them ran great hazard. However the Germans swimming, and the others getting over by a bridge above, they set upon the Barbarians again, and killed great num­bers; but in the heat of pursuit, they fell among bogs and mires, and so lost many of their own. Upon this indiffe­rent success, and because the Britains were so far from being dismayed at the death of Togodumnus, that they made preparation with more rage to revenge it, Plautius went no farther, but fearing the worst, took care to secure what he had already got, and sent to Rome for Claudius; being commanded so to do, if affairs went ill and dangerous. For this expedition, among much equi­page and preparation, ElephantsElephants. also were provided. Claudius upon receiving this news, commits the govern­ment of the city to Vitellius his fellow-Consul (for he had put him in that Office along with himself for six months:) And now he sets sail from the city to Ostia, and from thence to Marseils; so on the rest of his journey, partly by land, and partly by sea, till he came to the Ocean: then was transported into Britain; where he went directly to his forces that were expecting him at the Thames. Having at last joined Plautius, and took the command of the army, he pass'd the river, and upon a fair engagement with the enemy, who were posted there to receive him, obtained the victory, took Camalodunum, the Royal seat of Cunobellin, and many prisoners therein, either by force or surrender. Ʋpon this he was several times greeted Em­peror; a thing contrary to the Roman practice: for it was not lawful to give that title to a General above once in one war. To conclude, Claudius having disarmed the Bri­tains, leaves Plautius to govern them, and to subdue the rest; and returns himself to Rome, having sent Pom­peius and Silanus, his sons in law, before him, with the news of his victory. Thus Dio. But Suetonius says that he had a part of the Island surrender'd to him without the hazard of a battle or the expence of blood. His stay in Britain was about sixteen days; and in that time he remitted to the British Nobility the con­fiscation of their goods, for which favour they fre­quented his temple, and adored him as a God. And now after six months absence he returns to Rome.

It was esteemed so great an action to conquer but a small part of Britain, that anniversary games, triumphal arches both at Rome and at Bullogne in France, and lastly a glorious triumph, was decreed by the Senate in honour of Claudius: and to see it, the governors of provinces and some outlaws were permitted to be present. Upon the top of the Em­peror's palace was fixed a naval crown, to imply his conquest and sovereignty of the British sea. The provinces contributed golden crowns; Gallia Comata one of nine pound weight, and the hither-Spain one of seven. His entry up into the Capitol was upon his knees, supported by his sons in law on each side; into the Adriatick sea, in a great house triumphant, ra­ther than in a great ship. The first seat was allowed to his consort Messalina, and it was farther ordain'd by the Senate, that she should be carried in aCarpen­to. Cha­riot. After this he made triumphal games, taking the Consulship upon him for that end. These plays were shew'd at once in two theatres; and many times upon his going out, they were committed to the charge of others. Horse-races were allowed, as many as could be run that day, yet they were in all but ten matches; for between every course there was bear-baitings, wrestlings, and pyrrhick dancings by boys sent from Asia for that purpose. He also con­ferr'd triumphal honours upon Valerius Asiaticus, Ju­lius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, for this victory. Licinius Crassus Frugi was allowed to ride next after him in trappings and in aVeste palmatā. robe of date-tree-work. Upon Posidius Spado he bestow'dHastam puram. a Spear without an head; to C. Gavius he gave chains, bracelets, horse-trappings, and a crown of gold, as may be seen in an antient marble atTaurini. Turin.

In the mean time Aulus Plautius carries on the war with such success, that Claudius decree'd him an Ova­tion, and went to receive him as he enter'd into the city, giving him the right-hand, both as he rid to the Capitol, and return'd from it. And now Vespa­sian Vespasian. began to appear in the world; who being made an Officer in this war in Britain by Claudius; partly under Claudius himself, and partly under the conduct of Plautius, fought the enemy thirty times, subdu'd two of their most potent nations, took above twenty towns, and conquer'd the Isle of Wight. Sueton. in Vespasian. c. 4. Upon this account, he was honour'd with triumphal Orna­ments, and twice with the Priesthood in a short time: and then besides, with the Consulship, which he en­joy'd the two last months of the year. Here also Ti­tus serv'd as Tribune under his father, with the re­putation of a laborious stout soldier (for he valiantly set his father at liberty when besieg'd,) and no less fa­mous for the character of a modest man;Suet. Ti­tus, c. [...]. as appears by the number of his Images, and the titles to them throughout Germany and Britain. What was trans­acted afterwards in Britain, till towards the latter end of Domitian's reign, Tacitus (who is best able) shall inform you. P. Ostorius, Propraetor in Britain, P. Ostori­us Pro­praetor. found affairs in disorder, by reason of the many inrodes in­to the Country of their Allies; and those the more outra­giously, because they did not expect that a General but newly made, and unacquainted with the army, would take the field in the winter to oppose them. But Ostorius being sensible that first events would either cast or raise his reputation, with such Cohorts as were next at hand, sets out against them, slew those who withstood him, and pursu'd the rest, who were dispers'd and routed, that they might not unite again and rally. And because an odious and slight peace would be neither easie to the General nor his Army, he prepares to disarm the suspicious, and to post his forces so upon the rivers Antona and Sabrina, as to check them upon all occasions. But first the IceniIceni. could not brook this, a potent nation, and not yet dimi­nish'd by wars, having before sought alliance with the Ro­mans. By their example, the other bordering nations rise likewise, encamping in a proper place, fenc'd with an earthen rampier, and accessible by a narrow passage only, to prevent the entrance of the horse. The Roman General, though without his Legions, drew up his Auxiliary troops to attack the Camp, and having posted his Cohorts to the best advantage for the assault, brings up the Horse like­wise for the same service. Thus upon the signal given, they forc'd the rampart, and disorder'd the Enemy, pent up and hinder'd by their own entrenchments. However, they defended themselves with great valor, being conscious of their own baseness in revolting, and sensible that their escape was impossible. M. Ostorius, the Lieutenant's son, had the honor of saving a citizen in this battle.

By this defeat of the Iceni, other States that were then wavering, were compos'd and setled; and so he marches with his army among the Cangi,Cangi. wasting the fields, and ravaging the Country. Nor durst the enemy engage us; [Page xlvii-xlviii] or if by ambuscade they happen'd to fall upon our rear, they suffer'd for their attempt. And now he was advanc'd Quod hyberni­am Insu­lam a­spectat. Brigan­tes. as far almost as the Irish Sea, when a sedition among the Brigantes drew him back again; resolving to make no new conquests till he had secur'd the old. The Brigantes were soon quieted, the more factious of them being punish­ed, and the rest pardoned. But the Silures were neither by severity nor mercy to be reclaim'd from their resolutions to a continual war, and therefore a Legion was encampt there to awe and restrain them. The Co­lony of Camalo­dunum. To further this, Cama­lodunum, a Roman Colony, with a strong body of Vete­rans, was planted in the new conquests; as a ready aid to withstand revolts, and a means to induce their Allies to observe laws. Some cities were, after the old Roman manner, given to King Cogidunus, that Kings them­selves migh be their tools to enslave others.

From hence they marched into the country of the Silu­res, who, besides their own natural fierceness, rely'd much upon the valor of Caractacus,Caracta­cus. eminent above all the Com­manders in Britain for his experience in affairs, either doubtful or prosperous. He knowing the Country as it lay best for his advantage, and being at the head of a weaker army, politickly transfers the war among the Ordovices,Ordovi­ces. drawing to his assistance such as were averse to us, and there resolves to try his last fortune, posting himself so, that the passes and all the odds was to his own side, and the disadvantages to ours. No access but by steep moun­tains, and where they were passable, block'd up with stones, as with a rampier, through a river ill bottom'd and fordable; and these guarded by his Majo­rum, in the Mar­gin Nati­onum. best troops. Besides all this, their several commanders went up and down en­couraging the soldiers, exciting them with the hopes of victo­ry, the little reason to despair of success, and such like motives. Caractacus riding up and down, put them in mind, that this was the day, and the engagement, that would either begin their liberty, or their perpetual bondage; reciting the names of their ancestors, who had drove Cae­sar the Dictator out of Britain; whose Valor hitherto had preserv'd them from slavery and taxes, and their wives and children from dishonor. The soldiers inflam'd with these speeches, bound themselves by vows, after their re­spective Religions, that neither wounds nor weapons should make them yield. This resoluteness of theirs amaz'd the Roman General; a river to cross, a rampier on the other side, steep mountains in the way; nay, every thing terrible and well guarded, quite daunted him. However, his ar­my clamor'd to be led on, saying, nothing was impregna­ble to valor; which was too the more encreas'd in them, by the outcry of the Officers and Captains to the same pur­pose. Ostorius observing what passes might be won, and what not; leads them on in this ardour, and passes the river with no great difficulty. Being advanc'd to the rampier, while the darts play'd on both sides, we lost more men, and had more wounded. But the Romans Facta testudine. closing their ranks and their targets overhead, easily threw down that loose and irregular pile of stones, and engaging them hand to hand upon equal terms, forced them to the mountains, where they were pursued by the Soldiers of all sorts, either heavily or lightly armed; the one galling them with darts, the other pressing up thick and close, put them into disorder, having neither head-piece nor coat of mail to de­fend them. If they stood to the Auxiliary, they fell under the sword and Javelins of the Legionaries; if they faced about to them, they were cut off by the swords and pikes of the Auxiliaries. This was an eminent victory; Ca­ractacus's wife and daughter yielded themselves. He him­self (as one mischief ever falls upon the neck of another) craving the protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes, was imprisoned by her, and delivered to the Conqueror, in the ninth year after this war had begun in Britain. Upon this, his renown spread abroad in the Island, and in the provinces adjoyning: so that his name grew famous in Italy it self; where they desired to see who he was, that for so many years had slighted the migh­ty power of that Empire. Nay, his name was not inglo­rious at Rome it self. And Caesar, by extolling his own victory, made the captive more eminent. For the people were called together as to somewhat great and wonderful. The Emperor's guards were drawn up in the plain be­fore their Camp. Then first came the King's vassals and retinue, his chains and other trophies acquir'd in foreign wars; next, his brother, his wife and daughter; and last of all himself. The address of others was base and mean through fear; but Caractacus, neither dejected nor craving mercy, spake to this purpose, as he stood at Cae­sar's Tribunal.

If the moderation of my mind in prosperity had been but answerable to my Quality and fortune, I might have come a friend rather than a captive into this city; and you, without dishonor, migh have confederated with me, roy­ally descended, and then at the head of many nations. As my State at present is disgraceful, so yours is honoura­ble and glorious: I had horses, men, arms, riches; why is it strange I should unwillingly part with them? But since your power and Empire must be universal, we in course, among all others, must be subject. If I had forth­with yielded, neither my fortune nor your glory had been so eminent in the world. My grave would have buried the memory of it, as well as me. Whereas if you suffer me to live now, your clemency will live in me for ever, as an example to after ages.

Upon this speech, Caesar pardon'd not only him, but his wife and brothers; and being all unbound, they made their address to Agrippina likewise (with thanks and com­mendations, as they had done to Caesar) she sitting in a high chair at no great distance. A thing strange and un­know to our Fore-fathers, that a woman should sit com­manding at the head of the Roman troops. But she car­ried her self as partner and an associate in the Empire, gotten by her ancestors. After this, the Senators being called together, made many glorious speeches concerning their Prisoner Caractacus; asserting it to be no less great, than when P. Scipio shewed Siphaces; when L. Paulus, Per­ses; or whoever else shew'd captive Kings unto the Peo­ple. To Ostorius they decreed the honor of a Triumph.

These Victories in Britain, are related as the most famous monuments and instances of the Roman Bra­very. Hence Seneca. Claudius might first glory in conquering the Britains, for Julius Caesar no more than shew'd them to the Romans. In another place also.

Ille Britannos
Vltra noti
Littora ponti,
Et caeruleos
Scuta Brigantes
Dare Romuleis
Colla Cathenis
Jussit, & ipsum
Nova Romana
Jura securis
Tremere Oceanum.
'Twas he, whose all-commanding yoke,
The farthest Britains gladly took;
Him the Brigantes in blue arms ador'd,
When subject waves confess'd his power,
Restrain'd with laws they scorn'd before,
And trembling Neptune serv'd a Roman Lord.

And thus Seneca the Tragoedian concerning Claudi­us, in his Octavia.

Cuique Britanni
Terga dedere, ducibus nostris
Ante ignoti, jurisque sui.
The haughty Britains he brought down,
The Britains to our arms unknown
Before, and masters of their own.

In the same place likewise, upon his passing the Thames.

En qui orae Tamisis primus posuit jugum.
Ignota tantis classibus texit freta
Interque gentes barbaras tutus fuit,
Et saeva maria, conjugis scelere occidit.
See! he whom first Thames stubborn stream obey'd,
Who unknown seas with spreading navies hid,
Secure thro' waves, thro' barbarous foes is come,
Heavens! to be murder'd by his wife at home.

Thus Aegesippus also of Claudius. Of this, Britain is an instance, which lying without the world, is by the power of the Roman Empire reduced into the world. What was unknown to former ages is now discovered by the Ro­man victory; and they are now made slaves, who being born to enjoy themselves in perpetual freedom, knew not what servitude meant: nay they, who were the whole breadth of the sea beyond the reach of any greater power, and knew not what fear was, because they knew no one to be afraid of, are now conquer'd. So that to make a descent [Page xlix-l] into Britain, was a greater action than to subdue it. In another place. He added Britain (lying hid in the Oce­an) to the Roman Empire by his conquests; which en­rich'd Rome, gave Claudius the reputation of a politick Prince, and Nero of a fortunate one. And again, which is the most remarkable. The elements themselves are fallen under the name and Empire of the Romans, who are Soveraigns of the whole globe; which is but the bounds and limits of their Dominions: and to conclude, 'tis call'd by many the Roman world. For if we consider the real matter, the Earth it self is not of so great extent as the Roman Empire; for the Roman Valor has pass'd the sea, (the bounds of it) in search of another world, and has found in Britain a new seat, far beyond the limits of the earth. So that in short, when we would deprive men, not only of the priviledges of Rome, but in a manner of the conversation of mankind, we pack them thither, and banish them out of the world. The sea is no more a bound; but the Roman knows all its corners. Josephus also, in the person of Titus to the Jews. What stronger wall and bulwark can there be than the Ocean? And yet this cannot guard the Britains against the apprehensions of the Roman arms.

Moreover, we have some verses upon this subject, writ by an excellent, but unknown Poet, rescu'd from the dust by the famous Josephus Scaliger, in his Catalecta; which being not generally to be met withal, I will here insert them; for the verses are re­ally valuable. That the Epigrams are distinct, and therefore to be sever'd, J. Obsopaeus, a very learned young Gentleman in Germany, lately inform'd me from some old manuscripts.

Antonius Delrio, reads o­therwise in some places; for which rea­son I have set down the vari­ous lecti­ons.
Ausoniis nunquam tellus violata triumphis,
Icta tuo, Caesar, fulmine procubuit.
Oceanusque tuas ultra se
respicit aras,
Qui finis mundo est,
Nunc erit
non erit imperio.
Victa prius nulli, jamiam spectata triumpho,
Illibata tuos gens jacet in titulos.
Fabula visa diu, medioque recondita ponto
Libera victori jam modò collo dedit.
Euphrates Ortus, Rhenus
incluserit arctos,
Oceanus medium venit in imperium.
Libera non hostem, non passa Britannia Regem,
Aeternùm nostro quae procul orbe jacet.
Foelix adversis, & sorte oppressa secunda,
Communis nobis, & tibi, Caesar, erit.
Ultima cingebat Tibris tua, Romule, regna:
Hic tibi finis erat, religiose Numa.
Et tua, Dive, tuum sacrata potentia coelo
Extremum citra constitit Oceanum.
At nunc oceanus geminos interluit orbes.
Pars est imperii, terminus antè fuit.
Mars pater, & nostrae gentis tutela Quirine,
Et magno positus Caesar uterque polo.
Cernitis ignotos Latiâ sub lege Britannos,
Sol citra nostrum flectitur imperium.
Ultima cesserunt adoperto claustra profundo.
Et jam Romano
cingimur Oceano.
Opponis frustra rapidum Germania Rhenum,
Euphrates prodest nil tibi, Parthe fugax.
Oceanus jam terga dedit, nec pervius ulli,
Caesareos fasces, imperiumque tulit.
Illa procul nostro semota, exclusaque coelo,
Alluitur nostra victa Britannis aqua,
Semota, & vasto disjuncta Britannia ponto,
Cinctaque inaccessis horrida littoribus:
Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverit undis,
Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus.
Brumalem sortita
Pol [...]m.
plagam: quà frigida semper
Praefulget stellis Arctos inocciduis.
Conspectúque tuo devicta Britannia, Caesar,
Subdidit insueto colla premenda jugo.
Aspice, confundit populos impervia tellus,
Conjunctum est, quod adhuc orbis, & orbis erat.
Nations, that never fear'd triumphant Rome,
Struck with thy thunder, Caesar, are o'recome.
The subject Ocean does with wonder see
Beyond his limits, altars rais'd to thee.
And the last borders of the farthest land,
Shall ne're contract the bounds of thy command.
A land now conquer'd, and untouch'd till now,
Crowns with new lawrels thy triumphant brow.
Nations unseen, and scarce believ'd as yet,
To thy victorious yoke their neck submit.
Euphrates th'East, Rhine clos'd the North before,
The Ocean now's the middle of thy power.
Unus'd to serve, unknowing to obey,
The farthest Britains, who, in silence lay,
Now to their better fortune overcome,
Encrease the fame of Caesar, and of Rome.
Thy lands did Tiber, Romulus, inclose,
And pious Numa was content with those.
But you, great Caesar, made your heavenly power
Reach to the Ocean from the farthest shore.
The Ocean too, now sees new worlds beyond,
And that's the middle, which was once the end.
Mars and Quirinus, whose peculiar care
Victorious Rome, and all her fortunes are,
And you, great Caesar's, each a glorious star;
Our laws, you see, the farthest Britains own,
Our realm's not bounded with the setting Sun.
The world's great limits to our arms give way,
And the vast Ocean's but the Roman Sea.
In vain you Germains pass the rapid Rhine,
You Parthians trust Euphrates streams in vain;
When th'Ocean trembles at the Roman sword,
And with due reverence, owns its conquering Lord.
Britain, excluded from our warmer clime,
Is now surrounded with a Roman stream;
Whose horrid cliffs, unfathom'd seas inclose,
And craggy rocks contemn invading foes.
By Neptune's watry arms, with walls supplied,
And ever wet with the insulting tide.
Where frozen fields eternal winter mourn,
And Stars once risen, never can return.
By thee, great Caesar, with a look 'tis won,
And bears thy yoke, a burden yet unknown.
Thus friends in lands impassable we find,
Thus the two worlds are in one Empire joyn'd.

But now to go on in the words of Tacitus. Thus far Ostorius went on succesfully, but now hi [...] fortune began to turn; either because discipline began to slacken on our side, and the war to be carried on less vigorously, as if it was now over upon Caractacus's removal; or else because the enemy in compassion to so great a Prince, were more animated with revenge. For they surrounded the camp­masters, and the Legionary cohorts, who were left behind to build forts in the country of the Silures; and, if they had not been timely rescued by a succour from the castles and villages adjoining, had been utterly cut off. How­ever, the Campmaster, with eight captains, and all the most forward of the common souldiers, were slain. A while after they put our foragers to flight, and also a body of horse that was sent to their assistance. Upon this Ostorius sent out some light companies, which yet could not stop their flight, if the Legions had not advanced and received the enemy. By this supply the battle was pretty equal on both sides, and at length we had the better of them: The ene­my got off with a small loss, for it was now towards night. After this they had several skirmishes, but gene­rally in woods and marshes, upon the incursions of the one or other, either by accident or design and bravery; some­times to rob and pillage, sometimes to revenge; sometimes by their officers command, and sometimes without. But the chief provocation was the obstinacy of the Silures, who were exasperated at a saying of the Roman General's; which was, that, as the Sugambri were destroyed and transported into Gaule, so the name of the Silures should utterly be extinguish'd. In this heat, two companies of our auxi­liaries, [Page li-lii] sent out rashly by some greedy officers to pillage, were intercepted by them; and they by distributing the spoil and prisoners, drew the other nations to a revolt. In this posture of affairs Ostorius dies, being quite spent with fa­tigue and trouble; The enemy rejoyc'd at it, as at the death of a General no ways contemptible; and the rather, because though he did not fall in a battle, yet he expir'd under the burthen of that war.

Didius Avitus Gallus Propraetor But Caesar having advice of the death of his lieute­nant, lest the province should be destitute of a governor, sent A. Didius to succeed. His voyage thither was quick and successful, yet he found not things answerable there; Manlius Valens with his legion having fought the enemy with great loss; and they magnified their victory, to daunt the new general: he likewise enlarg'd the news of it, with the same policy, that he might gain the more reputa­tion if he quieted the present troubles; and might the easier be pardon'd if he did not. The Silures took their advantage now, and made great incursions; till at last they were driven back by Didius.

About this time died Claudius; and Nero,Nero. who was not at all of a warlike temper, succeeding him, thought of drawing his forces out of Britain; and if it had not been the shame to detract from Claudius's glory that re­strain'd him, he had certainly recall'd them. Caracta­cus being taken prisoner, VenutiusVenutius. born among the Forte Briganti­um, in the margin. Ju­gantes, the most experienc'd souldier of the Britains, (who had been long protected by the Romans, and faith­ful to them during his marriage with Queen Cartisman­dua) now revolts from us, upon an outfall with her, which at last grew into an open war. At first the quarrel was betwixt themselves only; and Venutius's brother and relations were slyly intercepted by Cartismandua: This action incens'd them, and with a spur of ignominy, that they should be thus conquer'd by a woman, they invaded her kingdom with a strong body of arm'd and choice youths. We foreseeing this, had sent some Cohorts thither to assist her, who began a sharp fight, which at the first was doubtful, but at last well and prosperous on our side. A legion also commanded by Cesius Nasica came off with as good success.

For Didius, being pretty old, and much honour'd for his bravery and conduct, thought it sufficient to manage the war by his Officers. What had been conquer'd by his pre­decessors he took care to keep, enlarging the extent of his frontier-garisons a little, that he might be said to have made some addition to the old conquests. Though these things were transacted under two Propraetors, Ostorius and Didius in many years, yet I have given a joint ac­count of them, lest the stories might be worse apprehended by being sorted.

Verannius Propraetor To Didius, Avitus Verannius succeeded, who after some small incursions made into the Country of the Silures, was by death hinder'd carrying on the war any farther. He had the character of a severe General in his life time, and shew'd himself ambitious by his last Will. For after much flattery to Nero, he added, that if he had but liv'd two years longer, he would have conquer'd the whole Province.

Paulinus Suetonius PropraetorPaulinus Suetonius was the next Propraetor of Britain; for his conduct and reputation among the People, (who are ever making comparisons) equal to Corbulo, and ambi­tious to come up to his honour in reducing Armenia, by de­feating the rebels here. He prepares therefore to invade the Isle of Mona,The Island of Mona. which was strongly peopled, and had been a constant harbour for all fugitives. For this end he made flat bottom'd vessels, because the Sea is shallow and dangerous towards the shore there. Thus the foot being pass'd over, the horse follow'd by the ford, or by swim­ing, if the water was high. The enemy stood arm'd on the shore to withstand them, very thick and numerous, with the women running up and down among them like furies, in a mourning dress, their hair loose, and firebrands in their hands; with the DruidsDruids. around them; holding up their hands towards heaven, with dreadful curses and imprecations: this strange sight amaz'd the soldiers, who stood stock still, as if they had lost the use of their limbs, helpless and exposed to the enemy. But at last, encouraged by their General, and animating one another not to fear a rout of women and frantick people, they display'd their Ensigns and march'd on, defeating such as encounter'd them, and beating them down scorch'd and rouling in their own fires. After this, they garison'd Vicis al. victis. the towns of the Island, and cut down their woods, which by reason of the super­stitious and cruel rites and sacrifices there, were esteem'd holy. For they thought it lawful to offer the blood of Captives as sacrifice upon their Altars; and to consult their Gods by the bowels and fibres of men.

During this action, news was brought Suetonius of the Provinces revolt. Prasutagus,Prasuta­gus. King of the Iceni, fa­mous for his treasure, had made Caesar and his two Daugh­ters heirs to him; thinking by this respect and complement, to preserve his Kingdom and family from all wrong and injury. Which happen'd quite otherwise; so that his Kingdom was made a prey by the captains, and his house pillaged by the slaves. His wife Boodicea, called also Boudicea, and Voa­dica. Boodicea, to begin the Tragedy, was whipp'd, and his daughters ravished. And, as if the whole was now become lawful booty, the chief of the Iceni were deprived of their paternal estates; and those of the Blood-royal treated as the meanest slaves. Upon this insult, and to prevent worse, since they were now reduced into a Province, the people began to murmur at such treatments, to confer injuries with one another, and aggravate every thing by the worst construction they could give it. That their patience would only signifie thus much; their taking one injury would bring on another. That heretofore every State had its own King; but now they were subjected to two, the Lieutenant and the Procura­tor; the first of whom preyed upon their blood, the other upon their estates. That either the enmity or the friend­ship of their Governors proved equally pernicious; the one plagu'd them with soldiers and Officers, the other with extortion and affronts. That they could be safe of nothing, that either lust or covetousness would recommend to the Ro­mans. That in war, he had the spoil, who had the most courage and bravery to take it; but that they were for the most part pillaged by cowards and weaklings. That these were the men that bereft them of their children, and press'd them at their pleasure for foreign service; as if the Britains could fight for any country but their own. How many soldiers have they transported hither, if we reckon our selves in comparison? Germany freed it self upon this consideration, which has only a river to defend it, and not an Ocean as we have. Thus they had their Country, wives, and parents to fight for and inspirit them; while the other had only luxury and avarice. That these would retreat as Julius did, if they would but follow the bravery of their Ancestors. They ought not to be dismay'd at the success of one or two battles; and that fierceness and re­solution was the effects of misery and ill circumstances. That Heaven now seemed to compassionate their distress, in absenting the Roman General, and keeping the Legate busie in another Island. That the most dangerous part of this design was to debate it, (as they were now doing;) and that it would be of worse consequence to be discovered lay­ing such a plot, than the very attempt and execution would prove.

Being animated with these motives, they forthwith take arms, under the conduct of Boodicia, a woman of the royal family (for the Britains make no distinction of sex, in points of Government) drawing the Trinobantes to revolt with them, and such others as were not yet broken with the weight of a sovereign yoke: who all had secretly conspired to free themselves, with great spight and hatred against the Veterans. For they being newly planted in the colony Camalodunum,Colony o [...] Cama [...] ­dunum. had thrust the old Inhabitants from their houses, and dispossessed them of their lands, call­ing them Slaves and Captives; and were encouraged in this outrage by the young soldiers, who by the same calling were in hopes of the same licentiousness themselves. More­over, the Temple built in honour of Divus Claudius, seem­ed to them the foundation of a perpetual tyranny, and was an eye-sore, and the Priests chosen vnder the pretext of re­ligion to officiate there, run away with their whole estates. Besides, there could be no great difficulty in overthrowing a Colony which had no forts or castles to support it; and that our Commanders had been so improvident, as to con­sult pleasure and delight in every thing, rather than use and service. While things were in this ferment, the image of the Goddess of Victory at Camalodunum,See [...] lin in [...] without any visible cause, drop'd down, and in the fall turn'd downward, as if it yielded to the enemy. Several Enthu­siastick women foretold our approaching destruction. Strange noises were heard in their court, a perfect howling in the theatre, and a strange apparition P [...] haps in Thames. in the arm of the sea, plainly signified the subversion of that colony. Moreover, the sea look'd bloody; and in the ebb, dead mens bodies [Page liii-liv] were left upon the shore, which brought great hopes to the Britains, but despair and discouragement to the Veterans; who applied themselves to their Procurator Catus Decianus, because Suetonius was far off. He sent them a supply of two hundred men only, and those ill armed; whereas the soldiers that were in the Colony before were but few, and rely'd wholly upon the protection of the Temple. Some of them that were privy to the Conspiracy, had blinded the Colony so much in their counsels, that they had neither made trench nor ditch to defend themselves, nor so much as sent away the old men and the women, reserving the young men only; so that living supinely, as in a full peace, they mere surprised by the barbarous multitude. As for other things, they were presently overthrown by violence, or con­sumed with fire; but the Temple, where the soldiers had fled, was besieged, and on the second day taken. The Bri­tains being thus Conquerors, and meeting Petilius Cerea­lis,Petilius Cerealis. Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, which came to succour them, routed the Legion, and put all the foot to the sword. Cerealis got off with the horse, and retreated to his camp, where he defended himself. Catus the Procura­tor was so daunted at this overthrow, and the general o­dium of the Province (which was thus embroiled by his avarice,) that he sail'd into Gaul.

Suetonius however, with prodigious constancy and re­solution, marched through the midst of the enemies Coun­try to London, which was not honoured with the name of a Colony, but famous for concourse of merchants and Et com­meatu, alias com­meatuum. provisions. Being come thither, he could hardly resolve whether to make that the seat of the war or not; but considering his want of soldiers, and how much Petilius had suffered for his rashness, he determined at last to sacri­fice this one town to the safety of the rest. And not re­lenting to the sighs and tears of them that sought his aid and protection, he gave orders to march on, receiving such as followed him into his army. Those, who by weak­ness of sex or age were stay'd behind, or tempted by the pleasantness of the place to remain there, were destroyed by the enemy. The town of Verulam was overthrown like­wise; for the barbarians omitting the forts Praesidi­is (que) mili­tarium, aliàs mili­taribus. and castles, pillaged the richest places first, Et d [...]fe­rentes in tutum, a­liàs & de­fendenti­bus in tu­tum. and after they had car­ried off the spoil, went on eagerly for booty, to the more eminent places. It appear'd that seventy thousand citi­zens and confederates were slain up and down in these places. They would not sell captives, give quarter, or practise according to the Laws of war; but kill, hang, burn, crucifie, by way of retaliation upon their enemies; and all that in such haste, as if they foresaw they must speedily smart for it.

Suetonius having with him the fourteenth Legion, with the Standard-bearers of the twentieth, and some sup­plies from the places thereabouts, almost to the number of ten thousand fighting men, resolved without more ado to engage them; and to this purpose encamps his Army in a place accessable by a narrow lane only, being fenced in the rear by a wood; as sensible he should have no Enemy but on the front, and that the plain was open, so that there would be no danger of Ambuscades in it. He drew up the Legion close together in the middle, with the light soldiers on both sides, and the horse as the two wings about them. The Britains went shouting and swarming up and down in such vast numbers as never before were seen, so fierce and confident of victory, that their Wives were brought a­long with them, and placed in carts in the outmost part of the plain, to see it. Boodicia, with her Daughters by her in a chariot, went about to the several Nations, (for it was not unusual among the Britains to go to war under the conduct of a woman) assuring them that she went not as one royally descended to fight for Empire or riches, but as one of the common people for freedom and liberty, to revenge the stripes they had given her, and the dishonour they had done her daughters. That now the Roman lust had grown so exorbitant and unruly, that they left none, neither old nor young, unravished. That God's just re­venge would ever tread upon the heels of wickedness. That the Legion which had dared to fight them was already cut off; that the rest had either kept themselves in their camp, or fled for safety. That they could not endure the very huzza and clamour of so many thousands; how much less could they bear their force and onset? If they would but consi­der both armies, and the cause of war on hoth sides, they would either resolve to conquer in that battle, or to dye in it. That for her part, who was but a woman, this was her resolution; but the men, if they pleas'd, might live and be slaves.

Suetonius also was not silent in so great danger; for though he relied upon the valour of his men, yet he excited it with exhortations, suggesting that the Sonoras, a­liàe S [...] ­res. clamour and vain threatnings of the Barbarians were contemptible; that there were more women than young men among them; that being unwarlike and ill armed, they would no sooner feel their swords, which had so often conquer'd them, but they would presently fly; that in an Army of many Legions a few would gain the victory, and that their glory would be so much the greater, if so few of them did the work of a whole Army; that his advice was, they should fight thick, and after they had discharged their darts, they should continue the slaughter with their pikes and swords, and not heed the booty; all that would be the consequence of their victory. The Soldiers were so forward and cou­ragious upon this speech, and the veterans betook them­selves so readily to their darts, that Suetonius, with as­surance of the event, gave the signal. And first of all the Legion, not stirring, but keeping within the strait, (which was of great advantage to them) till the Enemy had spent their darts, sallied out in Cuncis. a wedge upon them. The Auxiliaries gave them the like shock; and the Horse breaking at last upon the Enemy, routed all in their way that could make head against them. The rest fled, but with great difficulty; for the passes were blocked up by the waggons quite round. The Soldiers gave no quarter, not so much as to the women, which, with the horses that were slain, encreas'd the heaps of carcasses along the field. This Victory was very eminent, and the glory of it not inferior to those of old times: for by the report of some, there were slain not many fewer than fourscore thousand Britains; whereas we lost but four hundred, and not many more wounded. Boodicia poisoned her self. And Poenius Post­humus, Camp-master of the second Legion, upon the news of the success and victory of the fourteenth and twentieth Legions, (having deprived his Legion of a share in that glory, and contrary to discipline and order disobey'd the commands of his General) stab'd himself.

After a general muster and review of his army, Sue­tonius took the field again, to put an end to this war. And Caesar reinforc'd him with a supply of two thousand Le­gionaries from Germany, and with eight auxiliary cohorts, and a thousand horse, by which the ninth Legion was compleated. These cohorts and some others were sent into new winter-quarters; and the country, that was either enemy or neutral, was wasted with fire and sword. But nothing was a sharper affliction to the Britains at this time, than famine; for during this uproar, they had neglected to till the ground, and giving themselves wholly to prosecute the war, had depended upon our provisions. Those na­tions which were yet unconquer'd were the more averse to treaty, upon the news of a difference between Suetonius and the new Procurator Julius Classicianus,J. Classi­cianus. sent to succeed Catus; which was very prejudicial to the publick interest. He had spread a report, that a new Lieutenant was to be expected, who, without the rancour of an enemy, or the haughtiness of a conqueror, would treat such as yeilded themselves with favour and clemency. He writ to Rome likewise, that there was no end to be expected of that war, till Suetonius was succeeded by some one else: imputing all miscarriages to his perverse conduct; but whatsoever was prosperous and lucky, that he attributed to the good fortune of the Commonwealth.

Upon this account Policletus, one of the Emperor's Li­berti, was sent into Britain, to see the state of affairs there; Nero hoping that the difference might be composed between the Lieutenant and the Procurator by his authority, and the rebellious Barbarians won over to a peace. Poly­cletus took care to shew his state and grandeur to Italy and Gaul, by a great train and retinue, and likewise to appear awful to the armies here upon his arrival. This made him ridiculous to the enemy, who being then in the full enjoyment of their liberty, knew not what the power of a Lib [...]rti. Freeman was; and thought it strange that a General and his army, after such great exploits, could thus be subject to a slave. However, every thing was related as fair as could be to the Emperour. And Suetonius, who was then employ'd in dispatching one business or other, ha­ving lost some few gallies on the shore, and the men in them, was commanded (as though the war continued) to deliver up his Commission to Petronius Turpilianus [Page lv-lvi] who had just before been Consul. Petronius Turpilia­nus. He neither troubled the enemy, nor was troubled by them; calling this lazy and un­active course by the honourable name of a real peace: And thus having quieted the former broils without advancing the conquest, Trebellius Maximus Propraeter. he deliver'd the Province to Trebellius Maximus.

He was of an unactive temper, and unexperienc'd in war-affairs; and so govern'd the Province after as soft a manner as he could. Now the barbarous Britains began to be tainted, and to yeild to the charms of vice; and the civil wars of the Empire was a fair excuse for the remis­ness of the Lieutenant: but the soldiers grew mutinous; for being formerly inured to labour and discipline, the pre­sent peace and idleness made them wanton and haughty. Trebellius grew odious and contemptible to his army by his baseness and avarice. Their indignation at him was the more enflam'd by Roscius Caelius, Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, who was formerly out with him; and now, by reason of the civil wars, more than ever. Tre­bellius charg'd Caelius with all the mutinies and neglect of discipline in the Army; and Caelius him, with the ruine and beggery of the Legions. During these quarrels and contentions, all sense of respect and deference was lost in the Army. At last the disorder was so great, that Trebellius, being deserted by the wings of his Army, and the cohorts who went over to Caelius, and lastly reviled and affronted by the Auxiliaries, was forced to fly to Vitellius. Not­withstanding the absence and removal of the Consular Lieu­tenant, the Province continued quiet and peaceable; go­vern'd by the Lieutenants of the particular Legions, all of equal authority; though Caelius's boldness gain'd him more sway than the rest.

During the civil war between Galba, Otho, and Vi­tellius,Vectius Polanus, Propraetor. Vectius Bolanus was sent by Vitellius to succeed him. He made no reformation of discipline, was as little troublesome to the enemy as his predecessor, and as care­less of the licentiousness of his army: only this difference there was, that Bolanus was innocent and free from crimes which might make him odious; so that instead of awe and authority, he had gain'd the love of his Army. And al­though Vitellius sent for some supplies out of Britain, yet Bolanus deferred it, upon a pretence that Britain was not so well quieted as to admit it. But soon after, the great esteem of Vespasian in this Province, induc'd Britain to de­clare for him; for he had commanded the second Legion here under Claudius, and was eminent for his bravery and conduct. Yet this revolt was not without opposition from the other Legions; in which many Captains and soldiers being advanc'd by Vitellius, were very loth to change a Prince who was so well known among them. The soldiers of the fourteenth Legion, call'd the Conquerors of Britain, (being remov'd from hence to the Caspian war by Nero, and after, as they sided with Otho, de­feated) were sent into Britain again by Vitellius, but re­call'd by Mutianus.

During this civil war, there was no mutinies in the British army. And indeed in all the civil wars of the Empire, the troops there were more peaceable and quiet than in any other provinces: perhaps their distance and separa­tion from the rest of the world by the ocean, might cause it; or possibly by the many expeditions they had made, they might the less relish the entertainment of an enemy. Yet by these publick dissentions, and the frequent news of them, the Britains upon Venusius's instigation, began to think how they might shake off the yoke of that Empire: for besides a fierce heady temper that was natural to him, and a hatred to the Romans, he was spurr'd on in this attempt by a pe­culiar spight at his Queen Cartismandua.Cartis­m [...]dua. Cartisman­dua govern'd the Brigantes, nobly descended, and more powerful than ever, since she had treacherously taken King Caractacus, and done Claudius Caesar a kind of triumph by presenting him to that Emperor; for that famous shew of Caractacus to the people was a sort of Triumph. From hence grew riches, and from them luxury; so that despising her husband Venusius, and having intercepted his relati­ons, she made Vellocatus, her husband's armour-bearer, partner of her bed and throne: The Royal family was soon shaken with this wickedness; the city adhering to the husband, and the Queen's lust and cruelty to the adulterer. Venusius therefore having drawn in all the assistance he could, and joyn'd the Brigantes, (who themselves had revolted to him) reduc'd her to the last extremities. She applied her self to the Romans for relief, and after many engagements, was at last rescu'd out of dangerous circum­stances by our forces. However the Kingdom fell to Ve­nusius, and the War to us.

Now, Vespasian the Em­peror. Julius A­gricola. L [...]gio xx. while Mutianus govern'd the City under Vespa­sian, Julius Agricola, who had declar'd for Vespasian, and was a person of great integrity and valour, was made Commander of the twentieth legion in Britain, which had declin'd the Oath for a long time; and there he heard that his predecessor had carried himself seditiously. For that legion had run a-head, and became formidable even to the Consular Legats. The Praetorian Legat was not able to rule them, but whether through his own ill dispositions, or those of the souldiers, is uncertain. Thus being appointed to succeed him, and to punish them, he took such an ad­mirable mean, as to seem rather to have found them du­tiful, than to have made them so. And though Vectius Bolanus was then Lieutenant here, and govern'd more mildly than was fit for so fierce a Province; yet Agricola laid a restraint upon himself, and smother'd the heat of his own temper, that it might not increase and grow vi­sible; knowing very well the necessity of complaisance, and of mixing his profit with his honour.

But when Vespasian, with the rest of the world had gain'd Britain also, he sent great Captains and brave Armies here; and the enemies hopes were abated. Petilius Cereaiis Propraetor. Peti­lius Cerialis enter'd the country of the Brigantes with great terrour, possess'd by the most numerous people of this Province; to whom he gave many, and some of them very bloody defeats; and indeed either spoil'd or con­quer'd the greatest part of their country. Thus Cerialis seem'd to have eclipsed the fame and conduct of any that could come after him; when Julius Frontinus,Julius Frontinus Propraetor. a great man, and as eminent as could be after such a predecessor, succeeded to the same charge with like glory. He sub­dued the strong and warlike nation of the Silures: where he had not only a stout enemy, but great difficulties also from the situation and nature of the country, to cope with. In this state was Britain, and in this posture was the war, when Agricola was sent over in the middle of summer. Our souldiers minds and hopes were bent upon rest, and an end of the war for that year; and the enemy intent upon a fair opportunity to begin it. The Ordovices, a little before the arrival of Agricola, had almost entirely routed a wing of ours that was quartered in the frontiers of their country; and by this means the whole Province was ready to break out, all approving the example, either as desirous of war, or to see the mind and worth of the new Lieute­nant.

Agricola, though the summer was almost over, and though his souldiers lay dispers'd up and down the Pro­vince, expecting no farther trouble for that year (all which retarded and cross'd his expedition;) and though some thought it more advisable to secure such places as were suspicious: yet he resolves to forestall these dangers; and having drawn together the Ensigns of the Legions, and a pretty good body of Auxiliaries, and finding the Ordo­vices durst not come down into the plains, he drew up his men, and put himself at the head of them; that by ex­posing himself a-like in danger, he might make them equally couragious. Having almost cut off this whole na­tion, and knowing he must push on to gain a reputation, and that every thing hereafter would fall answerable to the event of his first actions: he determines likewise with­out more ado to make himself master of the Isle of Mona;The Island Mona. which, as I have already said, would have been conquer'd by Paulinus, if a revolt of the whole Province had not prevented him. But this design being not laid before, they wanted ships for the expedition; which notwithstanding were supplied by the contrivance and resolution of the Ge­neral. He commanded a choice body of auxiliaries, who were well acquainted with those shallowes, and, by the cu­stom of their native country, able in swimming to govern themselves, their horses, and their arms at the same time, to throw aside their luggage, and march over suddenly. Which was so effectually done, that the enemy, who expected a fleet, and were thinking of the ships and the sea that must be first pass'd; were surprised and daunted, as sup­posing nothing could be hard or invincible to men that be­gan a war with such resolution. Thus a peace was sought, the Island surrender'd, and Agricola became great and famous; as having upon his first entrance, a time usually spent in ostentation and ceremony, encounter'd so much toil and hazard with such success.

However, Agricola (not growing vain upon the success) would not allow this to be a Victory or Expedition, which was only to keep those in order who were formerly subdued: he would not so much as suffer the news of it to be adorn'd with laurel. But by this endeavour to conceal his glory, he really made it the more eminent; every one thinking what strong presumptions he must have of large perfor­mances hereafter, that would diminish and lessen the great­ness of this action. Now knowing the disposition and temper of his Province, and being taught by the sad ex­perience of others, that affairs would never be settled by fighting, while wrongs and injuries were permitted; he resolves in the next place to cut off the cause of war: and to begin at himself first, he made a reformation of his own family, a thing no less difficult to some, than to govern a Province. He committed no publick business to the ma­nagement of his servants or his freemen; He would never advance his souldiers upon private and particular ends, nor upon the recommendation and intercession of any Captain; but would still raise the best, taking it for granted that such would be most faithful. He had an eye upon every thing, but would not rigorously exact performance. As for small faults, he would pardon them; but would severely cor­rect those that were hainous. However, punishment was not always inflicted by him; often the repentance of the offender was took for the offence: chusing rather not to prefer such as were like to offend, than to have them condemn'd for it. He made the payment of corn and tribute which was imposed, more easie and tolerable by laying it on e­qually; and cutting off the exactions, which were a greater grievance than the tribute it self. For the people were compell'd before to wait the opening of the publick Grana­ries, and both to buy and sell their own corn after the rate set to them. The Purveyors also would command them to carry it about, and into far distant places; so that the Country should sometimes carry from the nearest Camps to those which were far off and out of the way; till, to the particular gain of these, every place compounded for car­rying where it might most conveniently. By a redress of these grievances in the first year of his Lieutenancy, he brought peace into some credit, which by the neglect or con­nivance of his predecessors, was little less odious than war it self.

Vespasian dy'd now abouts; who upon these vi­ctories, and his own personal valor under Claudius, is thus address'd to by Valerius Flaccus;

Tuque ô Pelagi qui major aperti
Fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit
Oceanus, Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos.
—O you, whose glorious reign
Can boast new triumphs o're the conquer'd main,
Since your bold navy pass'd the British Sea,
That scorn'd the Caesars, and the Roman sway.

Titus Em­peror. When Titus, who was the love of the world, succeed­ed his Father; Agricola, as soon as the Summer came on, drew his Army together: those who in their march behaved themselves modestly, he commended; but those who went loose and stragling were reprimanded by him. He always chose the place of encampment himself, and would still try the friths and thickets first in person; and that his own territories might not be pillaged by the enemies, he would never give them quiet or leisure, by reason of his own excursions; and then, when he thought he had suffici­ently alarm'd them, he would give over, that they might again tast the happiness of peace. By these means, many Cities, which liv'd upon equal terms till that time, gave hostages, and submitted themselves; receiving our gari­sons, and permitting us to build castles among them; which he performed with that care and prudence, that these were the only new forts in Britain that were never attempted afterwards.

The following winter was spent in a wise project. For whereas the Britains liv'd after a rude stragling manner, and therefore ready to break out into open war upon every occasion; that by pleasures he might induce them to rest and quietness, he exhorted them privately and publickly assisted them to build Temples, places of publick resort, and fine houses; those that were forward, he commended; but those who were slow and backward, he reproved. And thus the honor of being his favorite, imposed a kind of necessity upon them. Moreover, he took care to have No­ble mens sons brought up in the knowledge of [...] liberal arts; preferring the parts of the Britain [...] h [...] [...] [...]se of the Gauls; so that they, who but lately despised the Roman language, did now affect and study the graces of it. From that time also our modes and dresses became in request a­mong them, and the Toga. Gown commonly wore. Thus by degrees they came at last to those excitements to debauchery, Portico's, Baths, and Banquets; which went by the name of genteelness among the ignorant, when they were indeed but badges of their yoke and bondage.

In the third year of his wars here, he discovered new Countreys, wasting all along as he marched to the very Taus, for that is the aestuary's name; Aestuarie of Tau [...]. which so terrified the enemy, that, though our army was sadly harrassed with ill weather, yet they durst not give us battle; besides, he had leisure to build forts and Castles where he pleased. It has been observed by the skilful in these arts, that no Cap­tain whatsoever has chose out places more to advantage than he did; no castle of his raising was ever taken by force, surrender'd upon terms, or quitted as uncapable of defence. Their sallies were frequent, and they were always prepar'd with a year's provision against long sieges. Thus we win­ter'd there without fear, each one being able to defend it self; which disappointed the enemy, and made them de­spair. For, as formerly they would regain in winter what they lost in summer, they were now worsted alike in both seasons. In all these actions, Agricola would never rob another of the honor due to him, but let him be Captain, or whatever other Officer, he would faithfully attest the bravery of the Action. Some have counted him too sharp and bitter in his reproofs; and it must be granted, that as he was affable and courteous to the good, so was he mo­rose to the bad. But then anger never continued longer than the reprehension lasted. If he pass'd a thing by without notice, there was no fear upon that account; for he thought it more excusable, even to commit the offence, than to hate an offender.

The fourth summer was spent in setling what he had already overrun; and if the valor of his armies, and the glory of the Roman Empire could have permitted it, they needed not have sought any other boundary in Britain. Glota and Bodotria (the two arms of opposite seas, which shoot into the Country) are parted by a narrow strip of land only, which was then secured by our garisons: so that the Romans were masters of all on this side, having pent up the enemy as it were within another Island.

In the fifth year of this war, Agricola first took shipping, and sail'd over to certain nations never before known of; which after many prosperous encounters he subdued; and then put garisons into those parts of Britain which lie to­wards Ireland, more out of hopes than out of fear. For Ireland Ireland. being situated between Spain and Britain, and lying convenient for the French Sea, would with many other advantages have united those mighty members of the Empire. As for its bigness, 'tis less than Britain, but larger than the Islands of our sea. The soil, the tempera­ture of the air, the nature and manners of the people, are not much different from the British. The ports and ha­vens are better known, by reason of more trade and com­merce. Agricola had formerly received a Prince of that country, driven out by civil wars; and under pretence of friendship had kept him for a fair occasion. I have often heard him say, that with one legion and some few auxiliaries, Ireland might be conquer'd and retain'd; and that it would be of great import and consequence to our interest in Britain, if the Roman forces were on all hands; and liberty as it were banish'd out of sight.

About this time dy'd Titus, who for these exploits of Agricola, was saluted Emperor fifteen times, as Xiphilin tells us, and as 'tis manifest from an old coin. Under Domitian, Agricola in the sixth year of his Lieute­nancy, being apprehensive of a general insurrection Ampla Civitas. al. Am­plas civi­tates. in those large cities, and remote countries beyond Bodotria, and that his march would be made very troublesome by the enemy; sent out a fleet that summer to try the creeks and havens of the large country beyond it. Thus Agricola was the first that ever seconded his land army by a fleet; and what was very great, that brought war upon them both by land and sea. Oftentimes it happen'd that the troopers, the foot soldiers, and the seamen would meet and make merry together in the same camp; each one magnifying his own feats and adventures, and making their vaunts and comparisons souldier-like, the one of the woods and high mountains, the other of the dangers of the waves and tem­pests. The one valuing himself upon the land and the [Page lix-lx] enemy, the other upon the sea it self subdued by him. The Britains (as we understood by the prisoners) were amaz'd and daunted at the sight of this fleet, considering that if once their sea was discover'd and navigable, all retreat and refuge would be cut off. Whereupon the Caledonians, with great preparation, but (as 'tis always with things unknown) not so great as reported, broke out into open war, and assaulted our castles; that by being aggressors they might discourage us: so that some poor spirits on our side, under shew of prudence, advis'd Agricola to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather make a voluntary re­treat than a forc'd one. In the mean time, we had advice that the enemy's design was to divide and attack us in ma­ny places at once. Whereupon, lest he should lie under disadvantage by the number of the enemy and their know­ledge of the country, he likewise divided his army into three bodies. They having intelligence of this, forthwith took another course, and in one entire body fell all upon our ninth legion, as being the weakest; and between sleep and fear in the night, cut off our centinels, and broke in among them. Thus the battle began in the very camp, when Agricola having found out the enemies march by his scouts, traces them, and sends in the lightest of his horse and foot upon their backs, which were seconded with the huzza's of the whole army, and the appearance of their colours, towards break of day. This danger on all sides terrifi'd the Britains, and the Romans taking heart at it, and knowing there could be no danger, fought now for honour. They gave them a fresh onset, and after a sharp dispute at the very gates, put them to the rout; while both our armies were contending, the one to come up timely with their assistance, the other not to seem to need it. If the fens and woods had not protected the enemy in this flight, they had been utterly conquered. Upon this constancy, and the news of our victory, the whole army grew so resolute, that they thought nothing invincible to them; they clamour'd to be led into Caledonia, and to fight their way through to the remotest part of Britain. Thus they, who were but just now requiring wary conduct, are forward and blustering when the event is seen. And this is always the case in war; every one claims a share in that which is successful, but misfortunes are always imputed to one single person. However, the Britains attributing all this to good luck and the conduct of the General, and not to any valour in them, were not at all dejected, but went on to arm their young men, to convey their wives and children into safe places, and by assemblies and Religious rites to establish a confederacy among them. And thus both armies left the field in great heat.

This summer, a Cohort of Usipians, rais'd in Germany, and sent over into Britain, undertook a very strange and memorable adventure. Having kill'd their Captain and some Soldiers, that were dispers'd among them to shew them how to exercise, they fled and embark'd themselves in three vessels, compelling the masters to carry them off; but only one of them doing his duty, the other two were slain upon suspicion: and this strange kind of voyage (the fact being not yet nois'd) was much admir'd. Afterward being toss'd up and down, and falling upon some Britains that oppos'd them in their own defence, often victorious and sometimes baffled, they came to that pinch for want of provision at long run, that they eat one another; first of all the weakest, and after that as the lot fell. Thus having floated round Britain, Britain [...]i [...]'d round. and lost their ship in con­clusion for want of skill in sailing, they were taken first by the Suevians, and then by the Frisians, for pirates. Some of them being bought by the merchants, and by change of masters brought to our side of the river, grew famous upon the account they gave of this adventure.

In the beginning of the summer, a great misfortune be­fel Agricola in his own family; for he lost his son, who was about a year old. His carriage under this affliction was neither vain-glorious, (like some great men's in those cases) nor on the other hand soft and effeminate. Among other consolations to divert him from this sorrow, he made war one. Having therefore sent his fleet before, (which by making a descent here and there might render the conster­nation greater and more uncertain) he prepar'd and fol­low'd himself with the army, to which he had added some of the stoutest Britains, such as after the test of a long peace he had found faithful, and march'd to the hill Gram­pium, where the enemy had posted themselves. For the Britains without dismay at the loss of the last battle, intent upon nothing now but revenge and slavery, by leagues and treaties muster'd up their whole power; being at last sensible that a common danger must be fenc'd off by confederacy and union. About thirty thousand arm'd men were now reckon'd in the field, besides a great number of youth, and lusty old men who had been formerly famous soldiers, and still retain'd the skars and badges of their bravery. Galgacus,Galgacu [...]. both by birth and merit, the chief commander, as the multitude was eager to be engaged, is said to have made this speech to them.

When I consider the cause of this war, and our present necessity, I have great reason to presume, that this day, with this unanimous resolution of yours, will give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole Island. We have liv'd thus long in the full enjoyment of our liberty: and now there's no other Country beyond this, nor indeed sea to secure us; while the Roman navy can thus hover upon our coasts: so that arms and fighting, as honour will recommend them to men of valour, so will self-preserva­tion to the worst and most cowardly of us at this time. The battles heretofore which with various success have been fought against the Romans, have always rely'd upon our bravery, and expected a turn from it. For we are the very slower of the Britains, and therefore seated in the most inward parts of the Country, without the ken of those Nati­ons enslav'd by the enemy; so that our eyes are yet un­polluted and free from the contagion of foreign tyranny. There's no country farther on this side of it, nor liberty on that; this corner, which has been hitherto unknown to fame, hath hitherto preserved us. Now the remotest part of Bri­tain lyes open to them; and people think every thing great and magnificent that's strange and unknown. Beyond us there's no country, nothing but waves and rocks; Interi­ores Ro­mani, al. Infestiores vel inter ea. the land inward is all under the Roman Vassalage already. Tis in vain to curry favour with them by address and submis­sion; their pride and haughtiness is not to be thus laid, who ransack the universe, and when they have plunder'd all lands, and want more, set sail and rummage the wide ocean to find them. Where the enemy is rich, there the prize is wealth; where poor, 'tis ambition: neither the East nor the West have sufficed them: these, and these only, covet and gape after the wealth and poverty of the whole World, with equal appetite and pleasure. Spoil, murder, pillage, passes with them under the false names of Govern­ment: and where they make solitude, there they think they have made peace. Children and relations by nature are tender and dear to every one; yet they press them, they be­reave us of them to make them slaves in foreign Countries. Our wives and sisters, if they escape ravishing in a violent and hostile manner, yet under the name of guests and friendship they are certainly debauch'd by them. Our goods and fortunes become theirs by the name of tribute, and our corn by that of provision. Our bodies and hands are put by them to the drudgery of paving bogs and woods, with a thousand stripes and indignities to boot. Those, who are naturally born slaves, are but once sold, and then main­tain'd at the owner's cost: but this Isle of Britain daily purchases, daily feeds and maintains its own bondage at its own charge. And, as in a private family the last co­mer is ever the most scouted by his fellow-servants; so in this old bondage of the World, we (who shall be the last and the vilest slaves in the universe) are now to be de­stroyed, if they can do it. For we have no fields to culti­vate, neither mines nor havens to be employed in; and therefore to what purpose should they let us live? Besides, the courage and resolution of the conquer'd is never grate­ful to the conquerour. And this distance and privacy it self, as it makes us safe, so 'twill make us the more suspe­cted. Thus, seeing we have nothing to relie upon, let us put on resolution; as well those who tender their own safety, as they who value honour and glory. The Trinobantes, Trinob [...] tes. under the conduct of a Woman, extirpated one of their Colonies, and forced their Castles; nay, if success had not slacken'd their diligence, they might have entirely ridded themselves of the Roman yoke. We are as yet whole and untouch'd: we were born free; Unde [...]st [...]nd [...] ­mus, [...] abund [...]. let us shew them in the first onset the bravery of the men they'll meet with on this side Caledo­nia. Do you imagine the courage of the Romans in war to be every jot as great as their debauchery in peace? Their glory is all owing to our dissentions; the faults of their ene­mies has been made use of to raise the reputation of their army. As nothing but success could have held that medly army of theirs, pickt up out of so many several nations, to­gether, [Page lxi-lxii] so they would soon dissolve upon a miscarriage; un­less we can suppose that the Gauls and Germans, nay, to our shame be it spoken, many of our own Countrymen, will lend their lives to establish a foreign power, who have yet been much longer enemies than slaves to them, and go on with a true zeal and affection for this quarrel. No, this is nothing but the effect of fear and terrour, which are no great mo­tives of endearment; these removed, their hatred will break out as their fear grows causless. We have all the motives that excite to victory on our side. The Romans have no Wives to encourage them to stand to it, no parents to up­braid them if they run away; they have either no country at all many of them, or at least not here to animate them. Their number is so small, as they stand in fear, gazing at the haven, the sea, the woods, and every thing strange a­bout them; that they seem pent up here, and deliver'd into our hands by Providence. Let us not be daunted by the shew they make, by the glare and shining of their gold and silver, which will neither defend them, nor hurt us. We shall find those of our side in the very body of the enemy. The Britains know very well 'tis their own game and in­terest: the Gauls are still mindful of their lost liberty; and the Germans will desert them, as the Usipians but lately did. Besides this, there's nothing can put a stop to us; the Castles are emptied, the Serum Coloniae, aliàs Co­lonia. Colonies consist but of old men, and the Cities are in discontent and faction, while they un­willingly obey those who unjustly govern them. You see the Roman General and army here before you. There's the tributes, mines, and all the plagues and punishments that attend slavery: 'tis to be tried by this days engagement, whether we are to endure them from this moment for ever, or to be immediately reveng'd of them. And therefore, since we are now to dispute this with them, let us think both up­on our ancestors and our posterity.

This speech was cheerfully received by the army, who, after their barbarous fashion, seconded it with songs, accla­mations, and such like jargon clamour. And now the companies began to close, and a great glister to appear from the army, whilst some of the boldest advanced, and the army was drawing up; when Agricola, though he found his men hearty, and was hardly able to withold them, yet for their farther encouragement made a speech to them af­ter this manner.

This is now the eighth year, Fellow-soldiers, that by the fortune and good providence attending the Roman Empire, and by your loyalty and service, we have carryed on the Conquest of Britain with success; and that by many expe­ditions and encounters, wherein, as the circumstances requi­red it, we have shewed either valour against the enemy, or labour and patience even above nature it self. In all these, I have had no reason to complain of you for my sol­diers; neither have you any cause to blame the conduct of your General. We have both exceeded. I have extended this Conquest more than any other Lieutenant, and you have done more than any former army. We are not only said and imagin'd to be, but we are actually and indeed possest of Britain, in the utmost extent thereof. Britain is now found and subdued by us. In our marches over boggs, hills, and rivers, when we have been spent and weary, how of­ten have I heard the valiant among us, asking when this enemy would face them, when they would give them bat­tle? We have now unkennel'd them; we have them here before us. We have our wishes, and an occasion to shew our valour. If we win this victory, every thing will be plain and easie to us; if we lose it, every thing will prove cross and froward. For, as this tedious march, those woods and aestuaries we passed through, is glorious and honourable to us while we advance against the Enemy; so if we run away, those things which are of the greatest advantage to us now, will then become most fatal and dangerous. For we are not so well acquainted with the nature of the coun­try as the enemy, nor so well furnished with provision; but we have as many hands, and as good arms, and thereby may have every thing. For my part, I am satisfied, that to run away can never be safe, either for a General or his army; and that to dye in the bed of honour is better and more desirable, than to live scouted and in disgrace. Be­sides, a mans safety and honour are inseparable: And if it should so happen, 'twill be no small glory to have dyed in the very outmost part of the earth, and in the end of na­ture. If a new nation, or an unknown enemy, were now to encounter you, I would exhort you by the examples of o­ther armies; but now I can only prompt you to reflect upon your former actions, and put the question to your own eyes. These are the very men that last year fell upon one Legion of you in the night, and were routed by the mere noise and clamour of us. These are the arrantest cowards of the whole Island, otherwise they had not been so long alive. For, as 'tis in woods and forests, the strongest game is not to be started but by force and ranging, whereas the time­rous and fearful are scar'd and scoure off presently upon the first noise; so the best and stoutest of the Britains we have already met with, and dispatcht: what remains is nothing but a herd of cowardly runnagades. We have now at last an opportunity to engage them; but that is not be­cause they give it us, but we have overtaken them, as they stand in the height of fear and confusion, like stocks before us, ready to present us with a memorable and an ea­sie victory. Let us put an end, therefore, to this war; let us make this the happy day wherein the fatigue and labour of the Commonwealth, after fifty years continuance, was concluded; and let your country see, that their army here can neither be charged with prolonging the war, nor flipping any opportunity to compleat the conquest.

Agricola was going on, when the soldiers show'd great signs of their resolution and eagerness; and upon the first period gave their applause, and immediately ran to their weapons. So Agricola seeing them sufficiently animated, drew them up in this order. The auxiliary foot, in all 8000, he placed in the middle, and wing'd them with 3000 horse on each side: behind them he drew up the le­gions before the camp, that the victory might be the more glorious by being won, if possible, without the loss of a Roman; and that in case of necessity they might be ready to assist them. The British army was drawn up upon the hill, so as to serve both for shew and terror; the first battalion on even ground, the next still a degree higher, as the hill as­cended. The field between rung with the noise of the horse and chariots ranging up and down there. Agricola, per­ceiving the enemy to be too numerous for him, and fearing least he should be over-wing'd, and so stank'd by them, stretches out his front, though somewhat too thin; inso­much that many advis'd him to bring up the legions. Yet he being more enclin'd to good hopes than impressions of fear, alighted from his horse without altering, and put himself at the head of his foot.

The fight began at some distance; wherein the Britains shew'd great art and courage; for with their broad swash­ing swords and short bucklers, they would strike aside, or bear off the darts of their enemies; and return great vol­lies of their own against us. Agricola thereupon comman­ded three cohorts of the Batavians and Tungrians to ad­vance, and come to handy strokes with them. They were expert and able at it; whereas the enemy by reason of their little targets and unweildly swords, lay under great disad­vantage: for the swords of the Britains being without points were unserviceable in a close fight, or at a distance. Now, as the Batavians began to lay about them, to strike at them with the pikes of their bucklers, to push them in the very faces, to make riddance of those that stood below, and to fight their way up the very mountain; the other co­horts being spurr'd up with emulation, fell on likewise, and beat down all before them, so fast, that many half dead, or wholly untouch'd, were left behind for hast upon the spot. In the mean time, as the horse began to fly, the charioteers mix'd themselves to fight among the foot; though we were under some apprehensions from them in particular, yet by reason of the closeness of their ranks, and the inequality of the ground, they prov'd of no consequence. This was not like a horse-engagement, but close and still, over-bearing one another with the down-right force and weight of the horses. Many times the chariots as they run up down at rovers, and the frighted horses that had lost their riders, and scour'd about as their fear guided them, would over-run their friends that met them, or cross'd their way. And now, they on the hill that had not been yet en­gaged, perceiving the small number of our army, began to advance, and wheel in upon the backs of us: but Agri­cola having foreseen that danger, easily repell'd them by four wings which he had kept as a reserve upon occasion; and these made them give back presently, as fast as they came forward. So now, this project of the Britains was turn'd upon themselves: for the wings were immediately order'd to leave the front, and wheel about upon the backs of the enemy. Upon this the seene began to be very tra­gical along the plain; one pursuing, another wounding, a [Page lxiii-lxiv] third taking, and killing that prisoner as soon as he could take another. Now whole regiments of the enemy, accord­ing to their several dispositions, though arm'd and more nu­merous, fairly turn'd their backs, whilst others of them disarm'd, ran desperately upon the swords of their enemy. The whole field was nothing now but a mixt heap of swords, carcasses, mangled limbs and blood; and some­times rage and valour in the last gasp of the conquer'd: As soon as the enemy drew near the woods, they began to rally, and cut off the most forward of our men, that had follow'd rashly, and were unacquainted with the country. So that if Agricola, who was every where at hand, had not sent out some of the best and lightest of his cohorts to scour the country, and commanded the horsemen to light where the woods were thick, and to range them up and down on horseback where thin, we might have suffer'd considerably by this rashness. But, when they saw us united, and in orderly pursuit of them, they fled again, not in troops as before, and with an eye upon one another, but dispers'd and straggling into remote and by-places. At last, night and weariness put an end to the chase. Of the enemy there fell 10000, of us 340, among whom was Aulus Atticus Commander of a Cohort, carry'd on too far by the heat of young blood, and the fierceness of his horse. The victory and the spoil made the night pleasant to the Conquerors. But the Britains, wandring up and down the field in a la­mentable condition, both men and women, spent the night in calling their lost friends, and carrying off the wounded, in forsaking and burning their own houses out of rage and fury, and in shifting from one hole to another. Sometimes, in consult with one another, and in taking hopes thereupon; then again, broke with compassion, and oftner madness, at the sight of their wives and children. And 'tis certain, that some of them laid violent hands upon their own wives and Children, to prevent the more unhumane hands of the enemy. The day following shew'd the greatness of this victory more fully. Every where silence and desolati­on: no stir upon the mountains, the houses burning afar off, and not a soul to be met with by our scouts, who were sent into all parts of the Country, but found that the flight was uncertain, and that the enemy were scatter'd and dispers'd. Hereupon Agricola, the summer being far spent, so that he could not disperse the war, marched with his army into the Country of the Horesti. Having re­ceived hostages from them, he commanded his Admiral to sail round Britain, furnishing him with all things necessary, and sent the terror of the Romans before. He himself marched on slowly, that by this delay he might awe his new conquests; and so put his army into winter quarters. About the same time the fleet, with good success and credit, put in at B. Rhe­nanus reads it Rham [...]n­sis. Trutulensis, the haven where it set out, and coasting along the nearest Latere, al. Litare. side of Britain, arrived again there. Britain first cer­tainly dis­covered to be an Isl [...]nd. Isles of Orkney. And then having doubled the point of the outmost sea, they first discovered Britain to be an Island: and at the same time found out the Isles of Orkney, and subdu'd them, which had been only heard of till that time. Orosius and some others after him, falsly ascribe this to Claudius.

Agricola having sent a plain account of these trans­actions, without either gloss or addition, by letters to Do­mitian; the Emperor receiv'd it (as his manner was) with a shew of great joy; though really with great trouble and concern. He was conscious to himself, that his late triumph in Germany was unjust and ridiculous, having bought certain people of that country, and drest them up in cloaths and hair like captives; whereas now a victory great and real, wherein so many thousands of the enemy slain, was applauded by every one. It was dangerous he thought, that the honour of a private man should eclipse the glory of a Prince: And that he had suppress'd the study of Ora­tory and other Liberal Arts to no purpose, if another could thus undo him in the art of war; that for other matters they might be bore with, but no one ought to be a General but a Prince. Being tormented with these thoughts, and (what was ever a sign of mischief) very much alone in his closet, he concluded, it would be best to conceal his re­sentments till the noise of this victory, and the love and respect he had gained in the army was abated: for as yet Agricola was in Britain. And therefore he took care that triumphal honours, statues, and every thing usual upon such a solemnity, should be decreed him, and that in very ho­norable terms by the Senate; and withal, made a report to be spread, that the Province of Syria, then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, Lieutenant, and reserv'd for some persons of quality, was designed for him. 'Twas also commonly thought that he sent a Free-man, one of his Cabinet-Council, to Agricola, with a Commission for Syria, and instructions, that if he were in Britain, it should be delivered; and that the messenger, meeting Agri­cola upon the sea, spoke not one word of it, but returned with it to Domitian: yet whether this be true, or a bare surmise (as agreeable enough by the carriage of that Prince) is uncertain. However, Agricola had surrendered up his Province peaceable and quiet to his Successor. And now, that his entry to Rome might be obscure and private, he came (as he was order'd) by night into the city; and at night was admitted into the Palace: where the Emperor receiv'd him with a dry kiss, and spoke not one word to him; and so drew off among the rest of the Attendants.

Agricola's successor, according to some, was Cn. Trebellius, in my opinion Salustius Lucullus, Sallustius Lu [...]lus, Lieute­nant of B [...]itain. Arvira­gus the Britain. who was soon put to death by Domitian, for suffering a new sort of spears to be called Lameae Luculleae. At which timef Arviragus flourisht in this Island, and not in Claudius's time, as Geffry of Monmouth imagines. For that of Juvenal is to be understood of Domitian.

Omen habes, inquit, magni clari (que) triumphi,
Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno
Cal [...]d Arbela in an old Scholiast of Juvenal.
—The mighty omen see,
He cries, of some illustrious victory.
Some captive King thee his new Lord shall own,
Or from his British chariot headlong thrown,
The proud Arviragus comes tumbling down.

Then also flourished at Rome Claudia Rufina, a Bri­tish Lady, eminent for her extraordinary beauty and learning, commended by Martial in these verses,

Claudia caeruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis
Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet?
Quale decus formae Romanam credere matres
Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.
Among the painted Britains, Claudia, born,
By what strange arts did you to Roman turn?
What shapes! what heavenly charms! enough to raise
A noble strife in Italy and Greece.

This is she that St. Paul mentions in his second Epistle to Timothy, according to J. Bale, and Matthew Par­ker, Archbishop of Canterbury: nor is it inconsistent with Chronology, though others differ from that opi­nion.

And thus in Domitian's time,Britain a Province. the farther part of this Island was left to the Barbarians, as neither plea­sant nor fruitful; but this hither part was fairly redu­ced to a compleat Province: which was not govern'd by Consular or Proconsular Deputies,Britain [...] Praesidi [...]l Province. but was counted Praesidial and appropriate to the Caesars; as being a Province annext to the Empire after the division of Provinces made by Augustus, and having Propraetors of its own. Afterwards, when Constantine the Great had new model'd the Commonwealth, this Province was govern'd by a Deputy, under the Prae­torian Lieutenant of Gaul, together with the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Bri­tain, and the Duke of Britain in times of war; besides praesidents, receivers, &c. But farther, out of those 29 Legions, which were the constant and standing guard of the Roman Empire,What Le­gions were in Britain. Dio, 55. three of them were garison'd here; namely, the Legio secunda Augusta, the Legio sexta victrix, and the vicesima victrix. But this is to be understood of Severus's time; for before that, we find there were other Legions here, and many more. And although Strabo writes, that oneOrdo. Legion of soldiers was sufficient to command Britain, yet under Claudius the Legio secunda Augusta, the Le­gio 9. of Spain, and the 14th Legion, call'd Gemina Martia victrix, were kept here: nay, even in Vespa­sian's time, Josephus tells us, there were four Legions [Page lxv-lxvi] garison'd in this Island. The words are, Britain is encompassed with the sea, and is not much less than our world. The inhabitants are subject to the Romans, who keep the numerous people of that Island in subjection with four Legions. [...]i [...]ine of Cities. And doubtless these stations and gari­sons of the Legions and Roman soldiers,a prov'd very often the foundations of Towns and Cities; and that not only in other Provinces, [...]he Ro­ [...]an yoke. but in Britain too. Thus the yoke of subjection was first laid upon the Britains by troops and garisons, which were constantly kept here to the great terror of the Inhabitants; and then by tribute and imposts: upon which account they had their Publicans, that is to say, Cormorants and Leeches, to suck the blood out of them, to confiscate their goods, and exact tributeMortuo [...]um no­ [...]ne. in the name of the dead. They were not permitted so much as to enjoy the laws of their own country, but had their courts and benches fill'd by such Magistrates as the Romans sent them, [...]owardus [...] his Pro­ [...]bunalia with their rods and axes. For the Provin­ces had their Propraetors, Legats, Praesidents, Praetors, and Proconsuls, and each particular City its peculiar Magistrates. The Praetor held a kind of Assize once every year, and then decided all causes of more than ordinary consequence; sitting in great state upon a high Tribunal, with his Lictors round him, bearing rods and axes for the awe and punishment of the peo­ple. This Magistrate was every year to be appointed anew: but that was not all neither; they fomented discord and faction among the people, giving great countenance to such as they could make tools of to enslave others.

Yet, however grievous this yoke was, it prov'd of very good consequence to us. For together with it came in the blessed Doctrine of Christ Jesus, (of which hereafter,) and upon the light of his glorious Empire, barbarism soon vanish'd from among the Britains, as it had done in all other places upon the approach of it. For Rome, as Rutilius says,

Legiferis mundum complexa triumphis,
Foedere communi vivere cuncta facit.
—Triumphant all the world commands,
And with new laws unites the conquer'd lands.

And in another place very elegantly, and very truly, to the same.

Fecisti patriam diversis gentibus unam.
Profuit injustis te dominante capi.
Dum (que) offers victis proprii consortia juris,
Urbem fecisti quod priùs orbis erat.
All countries now in one vast nation joyn,
And happily subdu'd their Rites resign.
Thy juster laws are every where obey'd,
And a great city of the world is made.

For not to mention the other Provinces, the Romans (by planting their Colonies here, and reducing the natives under the forms of Civil Government and So­ciety, by instructing them in the liberal Arts, and sending them into Gaul, to learn the laws of the Ro­man Empire; whence that of Juvenal,

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos,
Gaul's eloquence taught British Lawyers art.

did at last so reform and civilize them by these laws, and the example of their other customs, that for the modes of their dress and living, they were not infe­riour to those of any other Provinces. [...]he Rom. [...]orks in [...]ritain. Their build­ings and other works were so very stately, that we cannot look upon the remains of them at this very day, without great admiration: and the common people will have these Roman fabricks to be the works of the Gyants, whom in the North parts they callEthnicus Eatons, for Heathens, (if I mistake not.) They are without question very wonderful and stately, particularly the Picts wall, [...]he Val­ [...]um, or [...]icts wall of which in its proper place; and the High-ways throughout the whole country, which lye sometimes through dreined fens, sometimes through low valleys raised high for them, [...]he Ro­ [...]an mili­ [...]ary ways. and pav'd; and withal are so broad, that two carts may easily drive by one another without touching. An account of them we have thus in Galen. Galen, l. 9. c. 8. me­thodi. Trajan repair'd the ways, paving such as were wet and miry, or else raising them: such as were rough [...]d over-grown with thorns he clear'd and ridded, and where rivers were not fordable he made bridges; if a way lay too much about, he made it more direct and short; if it lay over a difficult or steep mountain, he drew it through pl [...]es more easie: if a road was haunted by wild beasts, or wa [...] deso­late, he had it transferr'd through such parts of the c [...]n­try as were better inhabited; and if the way was rugge [...] he took care to smooth and level it. Yet these of ours are so pared in some places, by the country people's digging sand out of them, that they are hardly to be known; though otherwise as they lye through by-grounds and pastures, they plainly appear by their height.

These were call'd by the Romans, Viae Consulares, Regiae, Praetoriae, Militares, Publicae, Cursus publici, and Actus, as we find by Ulpian and Julius Frontinus. Ammianus Marcellinus calls them Aggeres Itinerarii and publici: Sidonius Apollinaris, Aggeres, and tellu­res inaggeratae: Bede and modern Authors, Stratae. Our Historians (who are without question in an er­ror,) will have only four ways of this nature; the first Watlingstreat, so called from I know not what Vitellius, to whose charge this way was committed; (and indeed the Britains call'd Vitellianus in their lan­guage Guetalin) named also Warlaemstraet; which lay by Verulam, and in some places is also called High-dike, High-ridge, Forty-foot-way, and Ridge-way, by those that live thereabouts. The second they com­monly call Ikenild-streat, which began in the country of the Iceni: the third, the Fosse, because (as some think) it was ditch'd on both sides: the fourth, Er­minstreat, a German word, deriv'd from Mercury (as I am inform'd by the very learn'd J. Obsopaeus,) who was worship'd among our forefathers the Germans, by the name of Irmunsul, i.e. Mercury's Pillar. And that Mercury presided over the high-ways, the Greek word it self [...], does sufficiently intimate; and besides, his square statues (formerly called Hermae) were every where erected in the high-ways. Yet some imagine that these ways were made by one Mulmutius, I know not who, many ages before the birth of Christ: but this is so far from finding credit with me, that I positively affirm, they were made from time to time by the Romans. When Agricola was Lieutenant here, Tacitus tells us, that the people were commanded to carry their corn about, and into the most distant countreys, and not to the nearest Camps, but to those that were far off and out of the way. And the Britains (as the same Author has it) complain that the Romans put their hands and bodies to the drudgery of ridding out Woods and paving Fens, with a great many stripes and indignities. And we find in old Records, that in the days of Honorius and Arcadius, there were made in Britain certain High-ways from sea to sea. That they were done by the Romans, Bede himself tells us. The Romans liv'd within that wall (which as I have already took notice) Severus drew cross the Island, to the Southward; as the Cities, Temples, Bridges, and High-ways made there, do now plainly shew us. In lay­ing such ways, the Romans were wont to employ their Soldiers and the people, that they might not grow factious by too much ease. High-ways (says Isodorus) were made almost all the world over by the Romans, for the convenience of travelling, and to employ the common people. And the condemnation of Crimi­nals, was many times to work at them, as may be in­ferr'd from Suetonius in the life of Caius. Cap. 27. And more­over we see the Via Salamantica, or Silver-way, in Spain, and in France certain military ways made by the Romans, not to mention the Via Appia, Pom­peia, Valeria, and others in Italy.

Along these High-ways,Sueton. in Octavius. Augustus at first had cer­tain young men set at some small distance from one another; but after that, wagons instead of them, that thus he might have quick and speedy intelligence from all parts of the Empire. And near upon these roads were the cities built,Mansions. as also inns or mansions for the [Page lxvii-lxviii] accommodation of travellers with all necessaries,Muta [...]i­ons, or [...]ing. [...] and mutations (for so those places were then call'd,) where travellers could change their post-horses, draught-beasts, or wagons. And therefore, whosoever seeks for the places he finds mention'd in Antoninus's Itinerary any where but by these ways, will certainly wander, and run into mistakes.

And perhaps it may deserve our notice, that at the end of every mile along these roads, there were erected Pillars by the Emperors, with figures cut in them to signifie the number of miles. Hence Sido­nius Apollinaris.

Antiquus tibi nec teratur agger,
Cujus per spatium satis vetustis
Nomen Caesareum viret columnis.
Nor let the antient causey be defac't,
Where in old pillars Caesar's name's express't.

Varro, lib. De lingua Lat.By the sides of them were also the graves and mo­numents of famous men, to put the traveller in mind of his own mortality by that of theirs. For the re­pairing of them, there were standing laws, as we may see in the Theodosian Code, under the Title De Itinere muniendo; to excite every one to further this bu­siness with the utmost zeal and readiness. There were also Overseers appointed for them. And in our an­cient Laws,Laws of S. Edward. there is mention made De pace quatuor Cheminorum, that is, of the peace of the four prin­cipal roads.

Nerva.During Nerva's time, we have no account left us of this Island by Authors. Under Trajan, Trajan. the Bri­tains seem to have revolted; and that they were sub­dued again,Adrian Emp. J. Seve­rus, Pro­praetor. appears by Spartian. In Adrian's reign, Julius Severus was Lieutenant here, who being re­call'd upon an insurrection in Judaea, the Britains had certainly freed themselves from the Roman yoke, if Adrian himself had not come in person hither, who in his third Consulship (in the year of Christ 124) seems by the valour of his army to have defeated them. For in a Coin of his we see a General with three souldiers, which I suppose are to represent the three legions of Britain, with this Inscription, EXER. BRITANNICUS: and another with this Inscription, RESTITUTOR BRITANNIAE. This Prince re­form'd many things in the Island, and drew a Wall fourscore miles long to separate the Barbarians from the Romans;Spartian. making it of great timber planks fixt in the ground, and joined one to another, not unlike a hedge. For which expedition the Poet Florus plays thus upon him:

Ego nolo Caesar esse,
Ambulare per Britannos,
Scythicas pati pruinas.
Caesar may reign secure for me,
I won't be Caesar, no not I;
To stalk about the British shore,
Be wet with Scythian snow all o're.

To which Adrian reply'd;

Ego nolo Florus esse,
Ambulare per tabernas,
Latitare per popinas,
Culices pati rotundos.
Florus may rake secure for me,
I won't be Florus, no not I;
The streets and idle shops to scower,
Or in by-taverns lewdly roar,
With potent rummers wet all o're.

Cl. Priscus Licinius, Propraetor of Britain.At this time M. F. Cl. Priscus Licinius was Proprae­tor of Britain, who was with Hadrian in that expe­dition of his against the Jews, as appears by this old Inscription in a broken marble: ‘M. F. CL. PRISCO.

In the reign of Antoninus Pius, Anto [...] Pius E [...] who by a Constitution of his, made all within the bounds of the Roman Empire citizens of Rome, the war broke out again here;L [...]llius Urbi [...] Prop [...]ae­tor. C [...] ­nus. but was so well ended by L [...]llius Urbicus the Legate, by removing the barbarians, and making ano­ther wall of earth, that upon it he was sirnam'd Bri­tannicus, and had great commendation for taking some part of their country from the Brigantes, be­cause they had made incursions into Genouma, a neigh­bouring Province belonging to the Romans.Paus [...] in his A­cadica D [...]g [...]s [...] 36. Archig [...] ­bern [...]. And at this time, as may be gather'd from Jabolenus, Seius Saturnius, was Archigubernus of the fleet in Britain. But whether it be meant that he was Admiral, or Chief-Pilot, or the Master of a Ship, let the Lawyers de­termine.

The Britains falling from one war into another, began to revolt again in the time of Antoninus the Phi­losopher. To quiet which commotions,Antoni­nus the Philoso­pher. Ca [...]p [...] ­nius A­gricola Proprae­tor. Eume [...] Cap [...] ­nus. Calphurnius Agricola was sent over, who seems to have succeeded very happily. The glory of putting an end to this war, Fronto, who was inferior to none for Roman eloquence, but himself one of the greatest masters of it, attributes to the Emperor Antoninus. For, though he remained at his Palace here in the city, and committed the care of it to another, yet in his opinion (like the Pilot sitting at the helm of the ship) he deserv'd the glory of the whole expedition and voyage. At that time Helvius Pertinax was a soul­dier in Britain, sent thither from the Parthian Wars, and there detain'd.

In the reign of Commodus, Commo­dus E [...] there was nothing but wars and seditions throughout Britain. For the bar­barous Britains, having got over the wall, made great waste in the country, and cut off the Roman Gene­ral and his army.Ulpius Marcel [...] Prop ae­tor. So that Ʋlpius Marcellus was sent against them, who succeeded so well in this expedi­tion, that upon his great bravery he began to be en­vied, and was recall'd.Xiph [...] out of Dio. This General was vigilant above all others; and to the end that they about him might be as watchful, he wrote every evening twelve Tables, such as commonly are made of Tilia. Linden-wood, and commanded one of his attendants to carry the same to some of the souldiers, now at one hour of the night and now at another. Whereby they might think their General was ever awake, and they themselves might sleep the less. Of his temperance he adds likewise. Though he was na­turally able to abstain from sleep, yet that he might do it the better, he was very spare in his diet. For that he should not eat his bellyful of bread, he had it brought from Rome for him; that by reason of the age and staleness of it, he might eat no more than was barely necessary. Upon his being recall'd from Britain, the army grew heady and dissolute, and all manner of discipline began to be disregarded; so that they denied submission to Commodus as Emperor, though he was sirnam'd Bri­tannicus by his flatterers. Moreover they sent fifteen hundred of their fellow souldiers into Italy against Perennis, who had not only a shew of favour, but a real sway and interest in the Emperor, accusing him of displacing Senators to preferEqu [...] ­stris [...] viros. Gentlemen to their Offices, and of a plot and design he had upon the Emperor's Life. Commodus gave credit to it, and deliver'd him up into their hands, who scourg'd him severely, beheaded him, and declared him an enemy to his country. These broils were at last quieted by Helvius Pertinax, but not without great danger,Helvius Pertinax Proprae­tor. be­ing almost himself slain (and left as such among the dead) in appeasing them.

Thus Britain was delivered in peace by Commodus to Clodius Albinus, Clodius Albinus, Proprae­tor. Capit [...] ­nus. Junius S [...] ver [...]s P [...] prae [...]o [...]. sirnamed afterwards for his great atchievements in Britain, Caesareus: but was soon or­der'd to resign to Junius Severus, for a speech of his wherein he had with too much liberty inveigh'd a­gainst the conduct and administration of the Em­perors.

The Chri­stian Reli­gion in Britain.At this time, the clouds of superstition and igno­rance began to disperse, (that is, not when M. Au­relius, and L. Verus were Emperors, as Bede writes, but in Commodus's reign, when Elutherus was Bishop of Rome) and the light of the Christian Religion by the means of Kingc Lucius King Lu­cius. to shine in this Island. Who (as 'tis said in the Old Martyrologies, which were wont to be read in Churches) admiring the in­tegrity and holiness of the Christians, sent Eluanus and Meduanus Britains to Pope Eleutherus, intreating him that he and his subjects might be instructed in the Christian Religion. Upon this, immediately the Pope dispatched certain holy men hither, namely Fugatius and Donatianus with letters, which are yet extant, dated in the second Consulship of L. Aure­relius Commodus, which was together with Vespronius; and by these the King and others were taught the mysteries of the Christian Faith. Whence that of Ninnius upon this King: King Lucius is sirnam'd Leuer-Maur, that is to say [a Prince] of great glory, upon the account of religion propagated in his time. d As for those who call the story of King Lucius into question (as many do at this day) as if there was no such King as he at that time in Britain, which they suppose was long before reduc'd into a complete Province; I would have them remember, that the Romans were wont by an old custom to have Kings as their tools of servitude in the Provinces; that the Britains at that time denied their submission to Commodus; and that all that part of the Island without the Wall was freely enjoy'd by the Britains. Moreover, that An­toninus Pius, Capitoli­nus. some years before, having ended the war, left the Kingdoms to be rul'd by their own Kings, and the Provinces to be govern'd by their own Counts. So that nothing hinders, but that Lucius might be a King in those parts of the Island which were never subject to the Romans. For certainly that passage of Tertul­lian (who wrote then abouts) does refer to this con­version of the Britains to the Christian Religion;Against the Jews, c. 7. and that very aptly, if we consider the time and the meaning of it. Some Countreys of the Britains that proved impregnable to the Romans, are yet subjected to Christ. And a little after, Britain lies surrounded by the Ocean. The Mauri and the barbarous Getulians are block'd up by the Romans, for fear they extend the limits of their Countreys. But why should I speak of the Ro­mans, who by the power of their armies secure their Em­pire? neither are they able with all their forces to extend this Empire beyond these nations. Whereas the Kingdom of Christ, and his Name, goes much farther. He is every where believ'd in and worshipp'd by all those na­tions above mention'd, &c.

But that Britain before this, even in the very in­fancy of the Church, receiv'd the Christian Religion, our Ecclesiastical writers (who have spent both time and pains in this search) do endeavour to assure us; namely, thate Joseph of Arimathea, an eminent De­curio, [...]le. M. Parker. [...]. F [...]x. sail'd from Gaul into Britain; andf that Clau­dia Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens, (thought to be she whom St. Paul mentions in his latter Epistle to Timothy, and Martial the Poet so extraordinarily commends) was a British Woman. They cite Doro­theus, who passes for the Bishop of Tyre, for farther evidence; for in his Synopsis he relates that Simon Ze­lotes, after he had travell'd Mauritania, was at last kill'd and buried in Britain; and also that Aristobulus (mention'd by Paul in his Epistle to the Romans) was made Bishop of Britain. This Nicephorus confirms, though he speaks ofThe Brutii in [...]taly. Britiana and not of Britain. Moreover, upon the authority of Symeon Metaphrastes and the Greek Kalendar, they tell us that Peter was in this Island, and display'd the light of the Gospel here; and also from Sophronius and Theodoret, thatg St. Paul after his second imprisonment at Rome, came hither. Hence Venantius Fortunatus (if we may credit a Poet) thus speaks either of him, or his Doctrine:

Transiit Oceanum, & qua facit Insula portum,
Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule.
The Ocean pass'd, and ventur'd bravely o're
To British realms and Thule's farthest shore.

However, there's nothing more considerable in this point, than that passage but now quoted from Tertullian, and what Origen says; namely,4. Up n Ez [...]cu [...]. that the Britains had received the Faith, and were qualified before by their Druids for that purpose, who always taught them to believe there was but one God. And that of Gildas is in my opinion very weighty, who after a touch upon Boadicia's rebellion, and an ac­count how the same was reveng'd, says,Under Nero. In the mean time, Christ, the true sun, displaying his glorious rays upon the whole world, not like the sun from his temporal firma­ment, but from the most exalted thrones of heaven which is eternal and endless; first vouchsafed his beams, that is, his doctrine, in the time (as we know) of Tiberius Caesar, to this cold frozen Island, situated as it were at a great di­stance from the visible sun. And by the by, thus also Chrysostom, of the Christian Religion's being in this Island. The British Isles situate beyond our sea, and lying in the very Ocean, felt the power of the word, (for Churches and Altars are even there erected) of that word, I say, which was naturally planted in the hearts of every man, and is now in their lips also. The same Author.In his Ser­mon upon Pe [...]tecost. Epit [...]ph of Mar­c [...]lla. a Widow. How often in Britain did men eat the flesh of their own kind? Now they refresh their souls with fastings. S. Je­rom likewise. The Britains who live a part from our world, if they go in pilgrimage, will leave the western parts, and seek Jerusalem, known to them by fame only and by the Scriptures. But now let us pass from the Church to the Empire.Pertinax Emp. Upon the murder of Com­modus, Pertinax was made Emperor, who imme­diately dispatch'd away Albinus for Britain. But Per­tinax after a reign of eight hundred and two days, being put to death likewise, Didius Junius (who also quickly had the same fate) at Rome,Sev [...]rus Emp. Pescennius Niger in Syria, Clodius Albinus in Britain, and Septimius Se­verus in Pannonia, all at the same juncture set up their pretence to the Empire. Severus (who was nearest Italy) got first to Rome, where being made Empe­ror by the consent of the souldiers and the Senate; that he might not leave an enemy behind him, im­mediately with great cunning,Albinus Emp. pretended to make Albinus Emperor, who then commanded the army both of Gaul and Britain: and thus by stamping his image upon the coins, erecting statues to him, and conferring the Consulship upon him, he politickly sooths him up. After this he marches into the east against Niger, and in a set battle defeated and slew him. Then he laid siege to Byzantium, and after three years carried it; and at last reduc'd the Adia­beni, Arabians, and other nations. Thus rais'd with success, he grew impatient of a partner and rival, and so set assassinates upon Albinus; but the success not answering his design, he openly declares him an enemy, and with all the dispatch he could, marches into Gaul against him: where Albinus with the choice of his British army had posted himself to receive him. Upon engaging, the Albinianites fought so stoutly, that Severus threw off his purple, and was put to the rout with his whole army. But the Britains pursuing the enemy in some disorder (as if the victory was already theirs,) Laetus, who was one of Severus's Cap­tains, and stood expecting the issue with his men fresh and untouch'd, now hearing that Severus was cut off, and thinking that he himself might set up for Emperor, fell upon them and put them to flight. Upon this, Severus, having rallied his men, and re­assum'd his purple, pursued them likewise with great eagerness, and so came off with success, having, [Page lxxi-lxxii] among many others slain Albinus himself. And now Severus, sole Emperor of the whole world, first sent Heraclianus, Heraclia­nus Pro­praetor. D. l. 28. Tit. 6. Virius Lupus Proprae­tor. and then Virius Lupus Propraetor and Le­gate (call'd by Ulpian the Lawyer, President of Bri­tain) to take possession of Britain. This Virius Lupus (as we shall observe in its proper place) repaired many Castles here. However, he was at long run forc'd to buy a peace of the Maeatae at a great rate (ha­ving made some of them prisoners) because the Ca­ledonii, who had promised to check the excursions of the Maeatae, had not perform'd that Article. And finding himself unable to curb them in their inroads, after much calamity suffer'd from 'em, he sent for Se­verus himself in person to his assistance. Severus em­braced the occasion very joyfully, both that he might wean his sons (who grew luxurious and debauch'd) from the pleasures of the City, and add the name of Britannicus to his other titles; and though now above sixty years old, and withall gouty, he resolves upon this expedition together with his sons, Bassianus (whom he call'd Antoninus and Augustus) and Geta Caesar, with the legions. The Britains sent Embassadors immediately to offer peace; whom, after he had designedly stay'd a long time, till all things were prepar'd and ready for the war, he dismiss'd without coming to any con­clusion; and having left his son Geta (whom at his first arrival in Britain he made Augustus) in the hi­ther part of the Island, which was in subjection to the Romans, that he might administer justice and go­vernment among them; he himself with Antoninus march'd into the remoter parts of the country, where, without coming to any battle, he employ'd himself in cutting down the woods, building bridges, and draining the fens: and yet by ambuscade and sickness lost fifty thousand of his men. Thus Dio. But He­rodian makes him to have had several skirmishes, with success, while the Barbarians from the fens and thick woods (where they had posted themselves) sallied out upon the Romans. At last however, he forc'd them to a league, upon condition, that they should part with no small share of their country to him. And that which is the most glorious action in his reign, he built a wall from sea to sea quite cross the Island. Up­on the account of these victories, he stamp'd his coins with this Inscription VICTORIA BRITANNICA, and assum'd the title of Britannicus Maximus. His son Geta had also the title of Britannicus, as appears by his coins. Yet without observing this league, the Britains began afterwards to revolt; which gall'd him to that degree, that in an Oration to his soldiers he re­commended the utter extirpation of them in those Verses of Homer:

Nemo manus fugiat vestras caedem (que) cruentam,
Non faetus gravida mater quem gestat in alvo
Horrendam effugiat caedem.
— Let none your mercy share,
Let none escape the fury of the war:
Children unborn shall die. —

Having in some sort quieted these Rebels, he dy'd at York, not so much out of any infirmity of body, as out of grief and concern at the wickedness of his son Antoninus (who with his own hands had made two several attempts upon his life) with these words in his mouth, I receiv'd the Commonwealth disorder'd in all parts of it, and I leave it in peace even among the Britains. His corps was, after their military way, carried out by the souldiers, put in the fire, and the day solemniz'd with races by the souldiers and his sons. Perhaps it would look like a piece of levity in me, if I should relate the prodigies that happen'd before his death; namely, the blackness of the sacrifices, the cypress crown offer'd him by a saucy buffoon in these words, You have been every thing, now be a God. The method (since it may divert the reader) I will here subscribe.

The Apo­theosis, or Deificati­on of the Emperor. It is a custom among the Romans to consecrate those Emperors, who die leaving either sons or successors behind them. And they who are thus honour'd, are thought to be rank'd among the Divi. Now the city is to be all in mourning, Herodian. with some allay of festival solemnity. For they bury his body as they do those of others, in great state. The Image of the deceased person they draw as near as they can, and lay the same in the entry to the palace upon an ivory bed very large and high, with a cloth of gold spread over it. And this Image lies pale here to resemble the deceased person. The bed is attended the greatest part of the day on both sides of it; on the left side, all the Se­nators in mourning habits, and on the right the Matrons, whether honourable by descent or marriage. Of these no one is either to wear gold, or jewels, but to be dress'd in a thin white garment like mourners. This solemnity con­tinues for seven days, Physicians coming in daily to visit him, and as if the body were a real patient, still signify­ing they have less and less hopes of him. At length when they find the party to be quite dead, the young men of best quality among the Knights and Senators, take up the said bed upon their shoulders, and carry it by the via sacra into the old Forum, where the magistrates of Rome us'd to lay down their offices. Now, on both sides the Forum were certain steps like stairs: upon these on the one side stood the young sons of the senators, and most eminent men in the city; on the other the principal Ladies singing hymns and sonnets after a melancholy and mournful manner, in praise of the dead person. When this is done, they take up the bed again and carry it into Mars's Field: in the broadest part whereof is erected a square Rostrum, eaven on all sides, and built of nothing but great timber like a tabernacle. The inside of it is stuff'd with combustible matter; the outside of it is adorn'd with hangings, richly embroider'd with gold, and works of ivory, and beautified with seve­ral pictures. Within this stood another much less, but of the same make and furniture, with wide gates and doors in it. Above that likewise a third, and then a fourth, and so on, still proportionably less than the lower, to the very uppermost, which is least of all. The shape and form of it may be compar'd to those towers, which, for the burn­ing of fire in the night to direct mariners, are built near ha­vens, and are commonly called Phari, i.e. light-houses or watch-towers. The bed being laid in the second taber­nacle, spices, all sorts of perfumes, fruit, herbs, and sweet juices, are provided and thrown upon it. For there's no country or city, no person of degree or quality, but in honour of the dead Prince will contribute presents of that nature. When these spices are heaped up to a considerable quantity, and all the place filled with them, then they that are Knights, ride round the pile in a certain set order, in their course and recourse, warlike and regular. The Coaches likewise are drove about it by the Senators, who in that are to signifie and resemble the Roman Generals and famous Princes. When this solemnity is over, the succeeding Em­peror takes a torch and puts it to the Tabernacle; then every one throws fire to it, and the pile is presently in a flame, by reason of the combustible matter and dry spices that are in it. About the same time an Eagle is let fly from the uppermost and least Tabernacle, as from the top of it; which is supposed to carry the Prince's soul into heaven: and henceforth the Emperor is worshiped among the other Deities. This is out of my way; but now to return.

Severus's son Antoninus Caracalla Antoni­nus Ca [...] ­calla. continued for some time to prosecute the remains of this war by his Cap­tains; however he soon came to a peace, and surren­der'd their forts and territories to them. Notwith­standing, he assum'd the title of Britannicus, nay, was so vainly ambitious, as to call himself Britannicus Maximus. The name of Britannicus was likewise us'd by his brother Geta. For thus some Coins of his are inscrib'd; IMP. CAES. P. SEPT. GETA PIUS. AUG. BRIT. PONTIF. TRI. P. III. COS. II. PP.

From hence forward for a long time together, Wri­ters have omitted the British history: neither was Alexander Severus slain in Sicilia, a town of Britain, (as some would have it,) but in Gaul. Thus much on­ly appears from an old stone, that Nonius Philippus, Nonius Philipp [...] Proprae­tor. Gallie [...]s Emp. Panegy­rick [...]p [...] to Con­stan [...]us. Thirty Tyrants. under Gordianus Junior, was Propraetor here.

Gallienus growing dissolutely luxurious, the Roman Empire, either for want of care and conduct, or else because 'twas so fated, fell to pieces; and among the rest, this Province revolted from the Roman Emperor. For at that time the thirty Tyrants stood in compe­tition for the Empire; of whom, Lollianus, Victori­nus, Posthumus, Tetrici, and Marius, all in this Island, then govern'd it, as I suppose; for their Coins are daily found here in great plenty. Under Aurelian, Bonosus, Bonos [...] a great drunkard, and by birth a Britain, to­gether [Page lxxiii-lxxiv] with Proculus, endeavour'd to make himself Emperor, claiming all Britain, Spain, and that part of Gaul called Braccata, (which were govern'd for two months by Florianus;) but being at last defeated by Probus, after a very long and sharp engagement, he hang'd himself; and so 'twas said of him, there hung a tankard, and not a man.

[...]robus [...]mp. [...]imus.However Probus found other troubles to entertain him in Britain. For one (whom Probus himself, induc'd by the commendation of his familiar Victorinus Maurus, had promoted here) was raising a revolt; and therefore he, by way of expostulation, gave Victorinus a repri­mand for it. Victorinus having obtained leave to go to him, went as a fugitive from the Emperor, and being kindly received by the Tyrant, kill'd him by night, and so return'd to Probus, and preserved the Province by this blow. Now, who this Tyrant was, we are not inform'd by any Author; he may seem to be that Cl. Com. Laelianus, Laelianus Emp. whose Coins are found in this Island and in no other country. Probus also trans­planted the Burgundians and the Vandals (whom he had before reduced,Burgundi­ans and Vandals in B [...]itain.) and settled them here: and they afterwards prov'd very serviceable to the Romans up­on every commotion. Now, whereas Vopiscus writes, that Probus permitted the Britains to have Vines; a very learned man is of opinion that this pas­sage might slip unwarily from him, as if the Country were unfit for vines; whereas to the contrary it bears vines, and for certain had formerly great store. The many rival Tyrants at that time in this Province oc­casioned the exclamation of Porphyry, who lived in that age; [...]rom. Britain a fruitful Province in producing Ty­rants.

Carus and Carinus Emp.After this, Carus Augustus gave this Country to his Son Carinus, with Gaul, Spain, and Illyricum. That he carried on a war here, some infer from those ver­ses of Nemesianus. How much we may depend up­on it, I cannot tell:

Nec taceam quae nuper bella sub arcto
Foelici, Carine, manu confeceris, ipso
Pene prior genitore Deo.
Nor, great Carinus, e're shall latest fame
Forget our noble actions in the North,
When round the Pole you spread your awful name,
And match'd the God your Sire's immortal worth.

In Dioclesian's time, Carausius, a Menapian born, of base extraction,Dioclesian [...]nd Maxi­ [...]ian [...]mp. but a man of good conduct and cou­rage, and eminent for his brave actions at Sea, was made Governour of Bononia in Gaul, to secure that sea, which was then infested with Saxon and French Pirates. Having from time to time took many of the Barbarians Prisoners, and neither given all the prizes to the Emperor's Exchequer, nor restor'd it to the right owners in his Province; and after that supprest fewer and fewer of them: it began to be suspected, that he admitted them on purpose, in hopes of inter­cepting them with the booty taken, whereby he might enrich himself. Upon this, he was to have been slain, by an order from Maximian the Emperor. But having intelligence of it, under the state and character of Emperor, [...]ar [...]usius [...]mp. he took possession of Britain; thither he brought the Fleet he had to defend Gaul: there he built more ships after the Roman manner, was joyn'd by the Roman Legion, kept out foreign Troops, press'd the French merchants to his service, garison'd Bononia, and converted the revenues of Britain and Batavia to his own use. Moreover, with hopes of booty in the Provinces, he drew no small Forces of the Barbarians to his alliance, (particularly the Franks, whom he had train'd to sea-service,) and infested all the sea-coasts about him. Maximian, with a brave army, (The The­ [...]an Le­ [...]ion. some of which gloriously suffer'd Martyrdom in this expedition) march'd a­gainst him; but when he was advanc'd to the sea-coast; for want of seamen, and being daunted at the rage and danger of the British Ocean, he made a hault, and there began a treaty; whereby it was concluded that Carausius should enjoy the Govern­ment of Britain, as the properest person to defend the Inhabitants against all Invasions. This is the rea­son that in all Carausius's silver Coins we find two Em­perors shaking hands, with this Inscription round it, CONCORDIA [...]ugusto­ [...]m. AUGG. Maximian now march'd with his army against the Franks, who then inhabited Batavia, and had assisted Carausius; but were unexpectedly so surpriz'd by him, that they forthwith submitted themselves. In the mean time Carausius govern'd Britain with great authority, and in perfect peace; he repair'd the wall between the mouth of the Clud and Carun, to keep out the Barbarians (as Ninnius, Eluodugus's Scholar, tells us) and fortified the same with seven castles; and moreover built a round house of hewen stone upon the bank of the river Carun, so called from him; with a triumphal Arch in memory of his Victory. However, Buchanan thinks it to have been Terminus's Temple, as we shall observe in Scot­land.

When Dioclesian and Maximian had made Constan­tius Chlorus and Maximianus Galerius fellow partners of the Empire with them, to the end they might bet­ter keep what they had got, and recover what they had lost; Constantius having raised an Army, marches towards Bononia in Gaul, otherwise called Gessoriacum (which Carausius had strongly garison'd) and invested the place sooner than was imagined; blocking up the haven with huge timber beams struck down in it, and by heaps of great stones; which, notwithstanding the shock and violence of the sea, continued firm for many days together. But, as soon as the Town was surrender'd, it was so shaken by the first tide, that the whole work was disjointed, and fell to pieces.Eumenius the Pane­gyrist. And while his Fleet was getting ready for his British expedition, he cleared Batavia of the Franks, who were then possessed of it, and transplanted many of them to cultivate some barren places of the Empire.C. Alectus Emp.

In this juncture of affairs, Carausius was treache­rously slain by Allectus, his bosom friend and prime Minister; who thereupon usurp'd the Government to himself. Upon this news, Constantius mann'd out several distinct Fleets, so that Alectus knowing nei­ther what course to take, nor where to expect him, grew sensible the Ocean was not so much his fence and refuge, as his Prison. The Fleet setting out in bad weather, and when the sea ran high, had the fortune, by reason of a mist, to escape the British Na­vy, which lay out by the Isle of Wight to observe and attend them: and therefore as soon as he had arrived and put his army ashore, he set fire to his whole fleet, that there might be no hopes of refuge but in victory. Allectus, as soon as he saw Constantius's fleet upon the coast, left the shore where he had posted himself, and in his flight was accidentally met and encountred by Asclepiodotus, Captain of the Life­guard; but his confusion was such, that, as if he had been under an alienation of mind at that time, he run on desperately to his own ruine; for he neither drew up his army, nor put his cavalry in any order, but with his barbarous mercenaries, after he had put off his Robes that they might not discover him, rush'd upon the enemy, and so in a tumultuary skirmish was kill'd, without any note of distinction about him. For which reason they had much ado to find him among the dead bodies, which lay in heaps about the field and on the hills. The Franks and other survi­ving Barbarians, upon this, determined to plunder London, and escape by sea with the booty: but a party of ours, that were separated from the army in foggy weather, coming luckily to London at the same time, fell upon them, and pursu'd them up and down the streets with a great slaughter, not only to the re­scue and safety of the Citizens, but also to their great pleasure, in being eye-witnesses of the rout. By this victory the Province was recovered, after it had been seven years or thereabouts governed by Carausius, and three more by Allectus. Upon this account, Eume­nius writes thus to Constantius. O, important victory, worthy of many triumphs; by this Britain is restored, by this the Franks are defeated, and other nations in that confederacy reduc'd to their due obedience. To conclude, the sea it self is scour'd to compleat our quiet. You, great Cae­sar, as for your part, may with justice glory in this disco­very of another world; and by repairing the Roman Na­vy, of adding a greater Element to the Roman Empire. A little lower also. Britain is so perfectly reduced, that all the nations of that Island are under an absolute sub­jection.

Persecu [...]i­on in Bri­tain.Towards the end of Dioclesian's and Maximian's reign, when the long and bloody persecution in the Eastern Church broke out in the Western Church also with great violence, many Christians suffered martydrom in it. The chief among them was Alba­nus Verolamiensis, St. Alban. Julius, and Aaron a citizen of Exe­ter, of which in their places. For the Church surviv'd them with great triumph and happiness, being not, even by a continued persecution for ten years together, stifled or destroyed.

Constanti­us Chlo­ [...]us Emp.Dioclesian and Maximian having abdicated the Empire, Constantius Chlorus, who till that time go­verned the Commonwealth under the title of Caesar, was made Emperor. To his share fell Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul and Britain. Italy and Africa he surren­der'd to Galerius, and contented himself with the rest. Being a Soldier in Britain, under Aurelian, he mar­ry'd Helena, the daughter of Coelus or Caelius, a petty Prince here, and by her had that Constantine the Great in Britain. For, in this all writers do agree with the great Baronius, Baronius, Hist Eces. (a except one or two mo­dern Greeks, who are but inconsiderable, and vary from one another, and a certain eminent per­son, who grounds upon a faulty passage of J. Firmi­cus. Chlorus was compell'd by Maximian to divorce this wife, and marry his daughter Theodora. This Helena Helena. is the same, who in old Inscriptions is call'd Venerabilis & Piissima Augusta, both for her Christian piety, her suppressing of Idols at Jerusalem, erecting a Church in the spot where Christ suffered; and for the good invention of the Cross, so mightily cele­brated by Ecclesiastical writers. Yet the Jews and Gentiles call her in reproach Stabularia, because the Manger, where Christ was laid, was sought out by this pious Princess, and a Church built by her in the place where the stable stood.Of the [...] [...]th of Theodo­siu [...], Hence St. Ambrose. They tell us that this Lady was first an Inn-keeper, &c. This good Inn-keeper Helena went to Jerusalem, and there found out the place of our Lord's passion, and the manger where her Lord lay. This good Inn-keeper was not igno­rant of him, who cur'd the traveller that the robbers had wounded. This good Inn-keeper did not care how base and vile she was thought, so she but gained Christ. Constantius her husband is no less commended for his piety.Eus [...]b [...]u [...] A man, who rejecting the superstition and impiety of worshipping many Gods, has frankly own'd the being but of one God, Governour of all things. Whereupon, to discover the creed of his own Courtiers, he gave them free liber­ty, either to sacrifice to their Gods and stay with him, or to refuse and be gone. But those that chose to go, rather than leave the worship of the true God, he retain'd with him, cashiering those who had here­upon declin'd the worship of the true God; imagi­ning that such would prove treacherous and disloyal to him also. This excellent Emperor dy'd in his last expedition in Britain against the Caledonians and o­thers of the Picts, at York; and was (as he had ap­pointed) succeeded by his Son Constantine, See Suidas, why he was c [...]lled Poor. who had been declared Caesar.

Some few days before the death of Constantius, his Son Constantine went post from Rome to York,Constan­tine the Great Em. ha­ving fresh horses provided him at every stage for that purpose: and that no one might follow him, he took care to lame all the horses belonging to the state for those services, save only such as were for his own use; and there he received the last gasp from his dying father. Hence an antient Orator thus to him. You enter'd the sacred Palace, not as ambitious of the Empire, but as one ordain'd and appointed; and forthwith your fa­ther's family had the happiness of seeing you in right succeed him. F [...]r there was no doubt but he had the right and ti­tle, who was the first son that providence bestowed upon the Emperor. However, he seem'd to be forced upon this great dignity by the soldiers, and particularly by the importunity of Erocus, King of the Almans, who went along with him to assist him. The Soldiers, with regard to the publick, A Pan [...]gy­rick spoken to Con­stantine the Great. and not out of private affection, put the royal robes upon him; he wept at it, and spurr'd away his horse, that he might avoid the importunity of the ar­my, &c. but his modesty at last yeilded to the good and happiness of the Commonwealth. Hence the Panegyrist exclaims, O fortunate Britain, and now happy above all lands, in first seeing Constantine Caesar.

Caesar, as soon as settled in the throne, prosecuted those wars his father had carried on against the Cale­donians and Picts; sell upon the remoter parts of Bri­tain, (that, as one says,Gelasius Cizicenus, l. 1. Act. Conc. Ni­cen. c. 3. are the witnesses of the sun's setting) and the people of the Islands thereabouts; conquer'd some of them by dint of force, others (for he had Rome and greater things in his eye at that time) he drew to his alliance by sums of money: nay, some that were his enemies he so reconciled, as to be his friends; and others, who were his inveterate adversaries, he drew over to be his perfect intimates. After that, he made such a glorious Conquest of the Franks in Batavia, that golden coins (whereof I have seen one) were stamp'd with the image of a woman sitting under a trophy, resting one hand upon a Cross-bow, with this subscription, FRAN­CIA; and GAUDIUM ROMANORUM, round it. So having defeated the other Barbarians in Ger­many, and reconcil'd the Germans and the Gauls to him, he drew his soldiers out of Britain, Gaul, and Germany, amounting to the number of 90000 foot and 80000 horse, and set forward for Italy. Maxen­tius (who at Rome then laid claim to the Empire) was likewise overcome by him; and thus having de­feated the tyrant, and reduc'd Italy, he restor'd the world to the blessings of peace and liberty. And as it is in an old Inscription; INSTINCTU DIVI­NITATIS, MENTIS MAGNITUDINE, CUM EXERCITU SUO, TAM DE TYRANNO, QUAM DE OMNI EJUS FACTIONE, UNO TEMPORE JUSTIS REMPUBLICAM ULTUS EST ARMIS. i.e. By divine instinct, and the great­ness of his own soul, he managed his forces so, as to tri­umph both over the Tyrant and all his adherents; and so at once, by a just war, did revenge the quarrel of the Re­publick.

However, that he return'd to Britain, is hinted to us by Eusebius in these words, At last Constantine sailed over to Britain, surrounded by the sea: and having overcome them, he began to think of other parts of the World; that he might relieve them who were in distress, and needed it. Likewise in another place, After he had instill'd the pious principles of humanity and modesty into his army, he invaded Britain, as a country enclosed by the sea; which, as it were, terminates the Sun's set­ting with its coasts.

Of Britain, those Verses of Optatianus Porphyrius to Constantine, are to be understood.

Omnis ab Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro
Pacis amat cana & comperta perennia jura,
Et tibi fida tuis semper bene militat armis,
Res (que) gerit virtute tuas, populos (que) feroces
Propellit, cedit (que) lubens tibi debita rata,
Et tua victores sors accipit hinc tibi fortes,
Te (que) duce invictae attollant signa cohortes.
The Northern nation vex'd with Western storms,
To your commands and peaceful laws conforms.
Serves in your arms, and to your colours true,
Subdu'd herself, helps others to subdue.
Her easie tribute uncompell'd she pays,
While your brave troops your conq'ring Eagles raise,
And heaven rewards you with deserv'd success.

About this time (as is manifest from the Theodosian Code) Pacatianus was Vicegerent in Britain;Pacatia [...] vicegeren [...] of Brita [...] in the 13 year of Constan­tine the Great. for then there was no such thing as a Propraetor and Le­gate, but in lieu thereof a Vicarius.

This Emperor was very happy in the enjoyment of much praise and commendation; and he highly deserv'd it. For he not only set the Roman Empire at liberty, but dispelling the clouds of superstition (which were great at that time) he introduc'd the pure light of the Gospel, opened temples for the worship of the true God, and shut up those that were dedicated to the false. For as soon as the storm of that persecution was over, those faithful servants of Christ, who had withdrawn in those dangerous times, and abscon­ded [Page lxxvii-lxxviii] in the woods, deserts, and private caves; began to appear in publick. They rebuilt the Churches that were thrown down, laid the foundations of Temples in honour of the holy martyrs, and continued to go on and finish them; and, as if it were to manifest and display the banners of their victory, they celebrated festivals, and with pure hearts and hands performed their holy solemnities. And therefore he is honoured with these Titles, IMPERATOR FORTISSIMUS AC BEATISSI­MUS. PIISSIMUS. FOELIX. URBIS LIBERA­TOR. QUIETIS FUNDATOR. REIPUBLICAE INSTAURATOR. PUBLICAE LIBERTATIS AUCTOR. RESTITUTOR URBIS ROMAE ATQUE ORBIS. MAGNUS. MAXIMUS. IN­VICTUS. INVICTISSIMUS. PERPETUUS. SEMPER AUGUSTUS. RERUM HUMANA­RUM OPTIMUS PRINCEPS. VIRTUTE FOR­TISSIMUS, ET PIETATE CLEMENTISSI­MUS. Et in legibus, QUI VENERANDA CHRI­STIANORUM FIDE ROMANUM MUNIVIT IMPERIUM. DIVUS. DIVAE MEMORIAE. DI­VINAE MEMORIAE, &c.

That is,

An Emperor most valiant, most blessed, most pious, happy, Redeemer of the City, Founder of Peace, Establisher of the Commonwealth, Encreaser of the publick Liberty, Restorer of the City of Rome and the whole World, Great, Great­est, Invincible, Most Invincible, Perpetual, Ever Au­gustus, Best Governour of humane affairs, Most Valiant, Most Merciful. And in the Laws, with these, Who fortified the Roman Empire with venerable Christianity, Sacred, Of blessed memory, Of divine memory, &c.

And he is the first Emperor, that I can find, who in Coins and publick Memorials was ever stiled Domi­nus noster; yet at the same time I am not ignorant, that Dioclesian was the first, after Caligula, that would allow the title of Dominus to be publickly given him.

However, it seems to have been a great over-sight and imprudence in this mighty Emperor, that he open'd a passage to the Barbarians into Britain, Ger­many, and Gaul. For, when he had reduc'd the northern nations, to that degree, that they were not able to annoy him, and had newly built the city of Constantinople, that he might suppress the mighty growth of the Persians, who then began to rival the Roman empire; he drew the legions from the frontier gari­sons partly into the east, building forts and castles to supply the want of them, and partly to remote cities; so that presently after his death, the Barbarians forced the towns and castles, and broke into the Roman Provinces. For this reason Zosimus gives him the character of the first and greatest subverter of that flourishing Empire.

Govern­ment in Britain under the later Em­perors.But after that Constantine had new modelled the Empire, it will not be improper to observe here in short, how Britain was govern'd under him, and in succeeding times. He appointed certain Praefecti Praetorio over the East, Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul; and two Masters of the soldiers, the one over the horse, and the other over the foot, in the West, who were call'd Praesentales.

As for Civil matters, they were administer'd in Britain by the Praefectus Praetorio of Gaul, who sup­ply'd that Office by a deputy, honour'd with the title of Spectabilis. Vicege­rent of Britain. Under him were two Consular Deputies, answerable to the number of the Provinces; and three Praesides, who were to determine all causes whether Criminal or Civil.

As for military matters, they were under the rule and management of the Master of the foot in the East; and to him were subject the Count of the Britains, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain, and the Dux Britanniarum; who had each of them the title of Spectabilis.

The Count of Britain Count of Britain. seems to have presided over the inner parts of the Island; and had the command of seven companies of foot, and nine cornets of horse about him.

The Count of the Saxon shore, Count of the Saxon sho [...]e. who was to defend the coast against the Saxons, and by Ammianu [...] Marcellinus is call'd Comes Traclus Marit [...]mi; had seven companies of foot, twoVexilla­tiones. troops of horse, the second legion, and a cohort, under him.

The Duke of Britain, who was to take care of the marshes, and defend them against Barbarians, had the command of 38 garisons, consisting in all of 14000 foot and 900 horse: so that at that time, if Panciro­lus has cast up this account right, Britain had 19200 foot and 1700 horse, or thereabouts.

There were besides these Officers,Count of the Impe­rial Lar­gesses. the Comes Sacra­rum Largitionum, who had the care of all the Empe­ror's gifts and largesses. He had under him in Bri­tain, a Rationalis Summarum Britanniae, or Receiver-General; Praepositus Thesaurorum Augustensium in Bri­tannia, or Lord-Treasurer; and a Procurator Gynegii in Britannia, or an Overseer of the Gynegium in Britain, the place where the Cloaths of the Emperor and army were woven. Also the Comes rerum priva­tarum, or Keeper of the Privy Purse, had here in Britain his Rationalis rei privatae, or private Auditor: not to mention the Procurator Ludi Gladiatorii, or Overseer of the Fencing-School, in Britain (men­tion'd by an old inscription,) with others of an infe­rior rank.

Upon the death of Constantine, Constan­tine Emp. Britain fell to his son Constantine; who being spurr'd on by an ambiti­on of soveraignty to invade the rights of others, was slain by his brother Constans. Constans Emp. Being exalted with this victory, Constans possess'd himself of Britain, and the other Provinces, and came hither with his bro­ther Constantius. Hence that address of Julius Firmi­cus (not the Pagan Astrologer, but the Christian,) to them. In the winter, a thing which was never done hitherto, nor will hereafter, you have triumph'd over the boisterous and swelling waves of the British Ocean. A sea unknown to us hath trembled, and the Britains are sur­pris'd at the unexpected coming of their Emperor. What further would you atcheive? The elements themselves do yeild themselves conquer'd by your virtues. This Constans conven'd the Council at Sardica against the Arrians, which consisted of 300 Bishops; among whom were the Bishops of Britain, who after they had condemn'd the hereticks, and confirm'd the Nicaene-Creed, voted Athanasius innocent. But the young Prince,Athana­sius in Apol. 2. with­out any farther application to state affairs, grew dis­solute and voluptuous: this made him burthensome to the Provincials, and unacceptable to his army; so that Magnentius, Count of the Jovij and the Herculei, Magnenti­us, called also Tap [...] ­rus. set upon him in a village called Helena, as he was hunting, and there slew him; fulfilling the prophesie, that he should end his life in his Grandmother's lap; from whom that town was denominated. This Mag­nentius was born amongst the Laeti, in Gaul, but his Father was a Britain: and now, upon the murder of Constans, he assumed the Imperial robes in Gaul, and drew Britain to side with him; but for three years together was so warmly oppos'd by Constantius, that at last he laid violent hands upon himself; one of the most fortunate of Princes, for favourable weather, plentiful harvests, and peace and quietness with the Barbarians, things of great moment in the rate and estimate of Princes among the vulgar. But, for what reason this Magnentius is called, in an old Inscription long since dug up at Rome, Taporus, I leave others to enquire. Fonthus it is read there; speaking of the Obelisk, erected in the Circus.

Interea Taporo Romam vastante tyranno,
Angelus Rocha.
Augusti jacuit donum studium (que) locandi.
Under vile Taporu's tyrannick sway,
The royal present unregarded lay.

At this time, Gratian, sirnamed Funarius, Gratianus Funarius. was General in Brirain; who was father of Valentinian the Em­peror. He was called Funarius from a Rope, A. Marcel­linus. which in his youth he had to sell; and though five soldiers attempted to take it from him, yet they could not with all their force do it. Upon his return home, and the loss of his Commis­sion, his goods were confiscated to the Emperor; for he was reported to have entertained Magnentius.

Magnentius being thus murder'd,Constan­tius. Paulus Catena. Britain submitted it self to Constantius; and forthwith Paul, a Notary born in Spain, was sent here, who under the mask of friendship [...]nd kindness would attempt the ruine of others with great s gacity. That he might punish some soldiers who had con­spired with Magnentius, when they were not able to make resistance, and he had outragiously like a torrent broke in [Page lxxix-lxxx] upon them; Am [...]an. Ma cellin. l. 14. he seized upon many of their Estates. And thus he went on with great slaughter and ruine, condemn­ing many of the freemen to Irons, and some of them to bonds and fetters, by arraigning them of faults that were no ways imputable to them. Hereupon, a crime so foul was committed, as will brand the Reign of Constantius with eternal infamy. Martin, Vicege­rent of Britain. There was one Martinus, that go­verned these Provinces as Vicegerent or Deputy; who, out of compassion to the miseries and calamities of these inno­cent people, applied himself often to the said Paul, that the guiltless might be spar'd; and when he found his inter­cession was to no purpose, he threatned to leave the Pro­vince, h [...]ping that that would awe and stop the proceed­ings of this malicious persecutor of these harmless and quiet people. Paulus, thinking this would spoil his trade, and be­ing a devilish fellow for a train of mischief (from which ve­ry faculty he was called Catena) took care to hook in the Deputy, who defended others in the like danger. And he went very near to bring him bound prisoner, with Tribunes and many others, before the Emperors Comita­tus Impe­ratoris. Privy Council. This imminent danger so inraged him against Paulus, that he drew his sword and made a pass at him; but being not home enough to dispatch him, he stabb'd himself in the side with it. And this was the unhappy fate of that just man, that had the courage to protect others from injury and op­pression. After this villany, Paulus, all in blood, returned back to the Princi­pis castra. head quarters, bringing several with him, almost ready to sink under their chains, and reduced to great sorrow and misery. Of these, some were outlaw'd, some banished, and others put to death. At last, God's vengeance fell upon him, and he himself underwent the just reward of his outragious cruelty, being burnt alive in the reign of Julian.

Afterwards (these are the words of Ammianus Marcellinus) when by the inroads of those barbarous na­tions, the Scots and Picts, the peace of Britain was di­sturbed, the frontiers wasted, and the Provinces wearied, and grew heartless with the many slaughters that had been formerly made of them; Julius, who by Constantius was declared Caesar, and his Partner in the Empire, being then in his winter quarters at Paris, was in such circum­stances, that he durst not venture to relieve them (as Constantius before him did) lest he should leave Gaul without all rule and government: considering also that the Almans were in an uproar at that time. He took care therefore to send LupicinusLupicinus. to settle matters in these parts, who was Magi­ster Armo­rum. Master of the Armory at that time; a warlike man, and an expert Soldier, but proud and haughty; and like a Tragoedian (as they say) Tragico cothurno Strepen­tem. strutting about in his high shooes: of whom it was long doubted whether his fault was more covetousness or cruelty. He therefore, with a supply of light armed souldiers, consisting of Herulians, Batavians, and several Companies of the Maesians, marched in the midst of winter to Bologn. Having got ships, and embarked his men, he took the advantage of a fair wind, and arrived at Rhutupiae,Rhutupiae. a place just oppo­site, and from thence marched to London; London. that there he might resolve according to the state of affairs, and proceed the sooner to give them battle.

Under this Constantius, who was a great favourer of the Arians, that heresie of theirs crept into Bri­tain; wherein from the beginning of Constantine the Great, a sweet harmony between Christ the head, and his members there, had continued; till such time as that deadly and perfidious Arianism, like a serpent spitting out her venom upon us from beyond sea, made even brothers grow inveterate to one another's ruine. And thus a pas­sage being made, as it were, over the Ocean, all other cru­el savages, spouting from their mouths the deadly poison of every heresie, wound their own country (to which novelty is ever grateful, and every thing that's old, nauseous and contemptible. Sulpitius Severus.) In favour of these Arians, Constantius conven'd a Council of four hundred western Bishops at Ariminum; allowing all of them necessary provisions. But that was deemed by the Aquitanes, French, and Bri­tains, very unbecoming; and therefore refusing that maintenance from the Emperor, they chose rather to live at their own charges. Hilary in his E­pistle to the Bi­shops, calls those, Bi­shops of the Pro­vinces of Britain. Three only out of Britain, who were not able to maintain themselves, were maintained by the State; having refused a contribution from the rest, as more safe and honourable to live upon the publick, than at the charge of particular persons.

After this, upon the death of Constantius, Julian Emperor. Am. Mar­cellin. Julian the Apostate (who set up for Emperor in competiti­on with Constantius) drove Palladius, one of his great Officers, out of Britain, and sent away Alipius, who was Praefect in the same Island to Jerusalem, to rebuild it; where such strange flashes of fire broke out near the foundations, as deterr'd them from that at­tempt: and many thousand Jews, who were for­ward in advancing that work, in opposition to the decrees of providence, were overwhelmed in the rubbish. This dissolute Emperor, and pretended Phi­losopher, durst not (as 'tis already observed) come to the relief of the oppressed Britains; though at the same time he extorted every year great quantities of corn for the support of his German Armies.

In the reign of Valentinian the Emperor,Valentini­an, Emp. when all nations were at war with one another, Britain was continually insested by the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacotti. Upon this, Fraemarius, King of the Almans, was sent here, and made Tri­bune of a body of Almans (which at that time was eminent for their strength and number,) to check the Barbarians in their incursions.

However, by confederacy among these barbarians, Am. Mar­cellinus, l. 27 & 28. Bri­tain was reduced to great misery; Nectaridus, Count of the sea-shore slain, and Bulchobaudes the General, cut off by treachery. This news was received at Court with great concern, and the Emperor sent Severus, at that time Domesu­corum Ce­mitem. High Steward of his Houshold, to punish these insolen­cies; if good fortune should put it in his power. But he was soon after recalled, and succeeded by Jovinus, who sent back Possibly a place cor­rupted. Theodosius. Proventusides with all speed, to intimate the necessity there was of greater supplies, and how much the present state of affairs required it. At last, upon the great distress that Island was reported to be in, Theodosius was dispatch'd hither, eminent for his exploits and good for­tune. He having selected a strong body of men out of the Legions and Cohorts, began this expedition with great hopes. The Picts Picts. were at that time divided into two na­tions, the Dicalidonae and Tecturiones; and likewise the Attacotti, a warlike people, and the Scots,Attacots. Scots. were ranging up and down the country for spoil and booty. As for Gaul, the Franks and Saxons (who border upon it) were always making inroads both by land and sea; and what by the spoil they took, the towns they burnt, and the men they kill'd, were very troublesome there. If fortune would have favoured, this brave Captain, now bound for the remotest part of the world, was resolved to have curbed them. When he came to the Coast of Bo­logn (which is severed from the opposite Country by a nar­row sea, apt to run high at some times, and again to fall into a plain and level surface, like a champaign country, at which time 'tis navigable without danger) he set sail, and arrived at Rhutupiae, a safe harbour over against it. When the Batavians, Herulians, the Jovii, and Victores (brave bold men who followed him) were landed likewise, he set forward for London, an ancient town, London, called Au­gusta. called in after ages Augusta. Having divided his army into several bodies, he fell upon the enemy, dispersed up and down the country, and laden with spoil and booty. They were soon routed, and forced to leave their prey; which was nothing but cattle and prisoners, they had took from this miserable Country. After he had made restitution of the booty to the respective owners, saving only some small part to refresh his army, he entered the City in great state, which (though in the utmost affliction and misery at that time) soon re­vived upon it, in hopes of recovery, and protection for the future. This success soon put him upon greater designs; yet to proceed warily, he considered upon the intelligence he had got from fugitives and captives, that so great a mul­titude as the enemy (composed of several nations, and those of a fierce heady temper) were not to be routed but by stra­tagem and surprise. Having published his declaration, and a pardon therein to such as would lay down their arms; he order'd all deserters and others dispers'd up and down the country for forage and provision, to repair to him. This brought in many; upon which reinforcement, he thought to take the field, but deferred it upon other considerations, till he could have CivilisCivilis. sent to be his Deputy; a man somewhat passionate, but very just and upright; and also Dulcitius,Dulcit [...]s. a gallant Captain, and experienced in the arts of war. Afterwards, taking heart, he went from Au­gusta, [Page lxxxi-lxxxii] formerly called Londinum, with a good army, (which with much ado he had raised) and thereby proved a great support to the sinking state of the poor Britains. He took in all such places as might favour him in cutting off the enemy by ambuscade, and imposed nothing upon the common souldiers, but what he would do himself. Thus he discharged the office of an active and hardy souldier, as well as of a brave General; and by that means defeated several nations, who had the insolence to invade the Ro­man Empire; laid the foundation of a lasting peace, and restored both Cities and Castles that were reduced to great streights, to their former happiness. In this juncture, there happened an ill accident, which might have been of dangerous consequence, if it had not been timely prevented. One Valentinus,Valentine raises a di­sturbance in Britain. of Valeria Pannonia, a proud man, and brother-in-law to Maximinus (that intolerable Depu­ty, afterwards Lieutenant) was banished for an hei­nous crime into this Island; where, like some savage of a restless temper, he put all things in disorder by plots and insurrections against Theodosius, and that pure­ly out of pride and envy, he being the only man that could cope with him. However, that he might proceed with conduct and security in these ambitious pursuits, he endeavoured to draw in all exiles and deserters to him, with the encouragement and prospect of much booty. But these designs taking air, and coming to the General's ear before they were full ripe for execution, he took care like a wise Captain, to be before hand with him, both to prevent and punish the conspirators. Valentinus himself, with some of the chief of his cabal, he committed to Dulcitius to see executed; but upon laying things together, (for he was the wisest and most experienced souldier of his time,) he would suffer no farther enquiry after the other Conspira­tors, lest the general terror which it would strike, might again imbroil the Province, which was now in peace and quietness. From this he turned his thoughts upon the re­formation of some things, which now grew intolerable; being freed from all dangers that might divert him, and sensible that fortune was ever favourable to his de­signs; and so he applied himself to the repairing of Cities and garison-towns (as we have already said) and the strengthening the Frontiers and Castles with watches and intrenchments. Having thus recovered the Province, which was possessed by the enemy, he restored it so compleatly to its former state, that upon his motion, it had a Rector Legiti­mus. Valentia. lawful Governor set over it, and was afterwards, by the Prince's order, called Valentia. The Areans, a sort of men insti­tuted by the ancients, were displaced by him as corrupt and treacherous; being plainly convict of giving intelligence of our affairs to the Barbarians for rewards and bribery. For their business was to run to and fro with news from the neighbouring Countreys to our Captains. After these regu­lations, and some others made by him with great applause, he was sent for to Court, leaving the Provinces in such a calm and happy condition, that he was no less honoured for his success and victories, than Furius Camillus, or Cursor Papirius. And so being attended with the ac­clamations of all, as far as the sea, he sailed over with a gentle gale, and arrived at the Prince's camp, where he was received with great joy and commendation. For these famous exploits here, a statue on horseback was erected in honour of him, as Symmachus, to his son Theodosius the Emperor, informs us. The founder of your stock and family, was one that was Gene­ral both in Africa and Britain, honoured by the Senate with his Statues on horse-back among the ancient Heroes. Thus Claudian likewise, in his Commendation.

Ille Caledoniis posuit qui castra pruinis,
Qui medio Libyae sub casside pertulit aestus,
Terribilis Mauro, debellatorque Britanni
Littoris, ac pariter Boreae vastator & Austri.
Quid rigor aeternus? Coeli quid sydera prosunt?
Ignotumque fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso
Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule,
Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hiberne.
Brave he, that quell'd the Caledonian foe,
And pitch'd his frozen tents in constant snow.
That on his faithful crest undaunted bore,
The furious Beams on Lybia's parched shore.
How vain's eternal frost, and angry stars,
And seas untried by fearful Mariners?
The wasted Orkneys Saxon gore o'reflow'd,
And Thule now grew hot with reeking blood.
Cold Ireland mourn'd her slaughter'd sons in vain,
And heaps of Scots that coverd all the plain.

And in another place.

Quem littus adustae
Horrescit Lybiae, ratibusque impervia Thule,
Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos
Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone sequutus
Fregit Hyperboreas remit audacibus undas;
Et geminis fulgens utroque sub axe trophaeis,
Tethyos alternae refluas calcavit arenas.
Scorch'd Lybia's borders tremble at his power,
And Thule's cliffs that scorn the labouring oar.
He the light Moors in happy war o'recame,
And Picts that vary nothing from their name.
With wandring arms the timorous Scots pursued,
And plough'd with ventrous keels the Northern flood.
Spurn'd the bold tide, as on the sand it rowls,
And fix'd his trophies under both the Poles.

Thus Pacatus Drepanus likewise of him.Gratiam Emperor. What need I mention the Scot confined to the boggs there, or the Saxons, who are ruined by sea? After him, Gratian succeeded in the Empire, who also declared Theodosius, son of that Theodosius before mentioned, Emperor: which was took so ill by Maximus his rival (born in Spain, descended from Constantine the Great,M [...]ximus the [...]y­rant. Z [...]simus. and then commanded the Army in Britain) that he set up for Emperor himself; or, as OrosiusOrosius. says, was against his will greeted so by his soldiers. A man just and vali­ant, and worthy of that honour, if he had not come to it by usurpation, and against his allegiance. First,Prosp [...] Tyro. he routed the Picts and Scots as they made an inroad here; and then transporting the flower of the Britains, and arriving at the mouth of the Rhine, he won over all the German forces to his party, fixed his Court at Triers (whence he was called Imperator Trevericus; Gregorius Turonensis.) and thence, as Gildas says, stretching out his wings, one towards Spain, and another towards Italy, he raised taxes and tributes among the barbarous nations of Germany, by the meer terror of his name. Gra­tian at last took the field against him, but after skir­mishes for five days together, was deserted by his ar­my, and so put to flight. Upon that he sent St. Ambrose his Embassador to treat for a peace; which was con­cluded, but with great equivocation and treachery. For Maximus dispatched away Andragathius in a close chariot; spreading a report,Cedrenus. that Gratian's wife was arrived from Britain, and was carried in it. Upon which news, Gratian went, out of affection, to meet her; but as soon as he came out of the coach, An­dragathius leapt out with the rest of his gang, and murthered him. Ambrosius was sent again to beg the corps; but was not so much as admitted, because he had refused to communicate with those Bishops that had sided with Maximus. Upon this success, Maximus had his son Victor declared Caesar,Zosimus. punished the Captains that adhered to Gratian, and setled his affairs in Gaul. He was also acknowledged Empe­ror at the request, or rather demand of his Embassa­dors, by Theodosius Augustus, who then governed in the East; and his Picture was set up in Alexan­dria. And now he had impoverished the Common­wealth, and satisfied his own covetousness by a gene­ral extortion. The pretence he had for his tyranny, was to defend the Catholick Religion. Priscillian, Priscillia­nistae. Sulpitiu [...] Severus. and some of his sect, being at the Council of Bourde­aux convict of heresie, and having appealed to the Emperor, were by him condemned to death; not­withstanding, that Martin, a holy man, and Bishop of Tours, humbly besought the Emperor to abstain from the blood of those unfortunate wretches; al­ledging, that a sentence of Excommunication would be sufficient punishment, and that it was a thing new, and unheard of, that a secular Judge should give sentence in an Ecclesiastical matter. These were the first, that (to the ill example of after ages) were put to death by the Civil power for Heresie. After this, he entered Italy with so great terror, that Valentinian fled with his mother to Theod [...]sius, the Cities of Italy opened their gates to him, and did him all the ho­nour [Page lxxxiii-lxxxiv] imaginable; particularly Bononia, where this inscription is yet extant.

Bono Reipub.

In this juncture the Franks made inroads into Gaul, but Nannius and Quintinus, Sulpitius Alexan­der. two great Captains (to whom Maximus had committed the education of his son, and the government of Gaul) repelled them with great slaughter, forc'd them not only to give hostages, but to deliver up the authors of that war. Valentinian now addresses himself to Theodosius to relieve him in this misery, being thrust out of his throne by an Usurper; but had for some time no more than this answer,Zonaras. That it was no ways strange to see a seditious servant superior to that master, who had himself rejected his true Lord: For Valentinian was tainted with Arianism. Yet at last, after much in­treaty, he set forward with an army against Maximus, who was then without the least apprehension of it in Aquileia; for he had guarded all the passes through the mountains, and secured the haven with his fleet; and with great resolution and confidence, welcomed Theodosius with a battle at Siscia in Pannonia; Zosimus. and then again with another, which was fought very ob­stinately under the conduct of his brother Marcellus: yet both with such ill success, that he was obliged to retreat to Aquileia, and was there taken by his own soldiers, as he was distributing money among them, stript of his royal robes, and led to Theodosi­us. By his order he was put to death, after he had reigned five years. Hence that of Ausonius in praise of Aquileia.

Non erat iste locus: meritò tamen aucta recenti,
Nona inter claras Aquileia cieberis urbes
Itala ad Illyricos objecta colonia montes,
Moenibus & portu celeberrima: sed magis illud
Eminet, extremo quòd te sub tempore legit,
Solverat exacto cui justa piacula lustro
Maximus, armigeri quondam sub nomine lixae:
Foelix qui tanti spectatrix laeta triumphi,
Punisti Ausonio Rutupinum Marte latronem.
And thou, since new deserts have rais'd thy name,
Fair Aquileia shall't be ninth in same.
Against Illyrian hills, thy cliffs are shown,
Thy walls and harbour gain thee vast renown:
But this new praise shall make thee ever proud,
That here the Tyrant chose his last abode,
And pay'd the vengeance he so long had ow'd:
That thou vile Maximus did'st last receive,
Rais'd to a Monarch from a Knapsack-slave.
Blest town! that all that noble triumph view'd,
And saw Rhutupium's thief by Roman arms subdu'd!

Andragathius finding now his condition desperate, threw himself over shipboard into the Sea. Victor, Maximus's son, who was in Gaul, was likewise rout­ed, taken, and put to death. The Britains, who sided with Maximus, as some writers say, invaded Armorica, and there seated themselves. Theodosius soon after his victory, entered Rome with his son Honorius in triumph, and made an edict, That no one should challenge or keep any honour conferred upon him by the tyrant; but should return to his former state, and pre­tend to no more. Valentinian likewise: That all edicts of Maximus, the worst of tyrants, should be repealed. Ambrosius, at the funeral of Theodosius, had this saying; Maximus and Eugenius are wretched instances now in hell, to shew us how dangerous it is to rebel against a lawful Prince. In a word, this victory was thought so great and memorable, that the Romans from thence forward,Pro [...]pius. made that day an universal festival.

Honorius Emp. Theod [...]sius was succeeded in the west by his son Honorius, a boy of ten years old; who was commit­ted to the care and tuition of Flavius Stilico, a very famous man, that had accompanied Theodosius in all his wars and victories; and was by him gradually raised to the greatest Offices in the army, as also per­mitted to marry into the Imperial family: yet cloy'd with this success, and falling into ambitious attempts, he lost his life miserably. For some years, he attend­ed the affairs of the Empire with great diligence, and secured Britain against the Picts, Scots, and Saxons. Hence that of Claudian, making Britain say,

Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
Munivit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernem
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis.
Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto
Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis.
And I shall ever own his happy care,
Who sav'd me sinking in unequal war.
When Scots came thundring from the Irish shores,
And th'Ocean trembled, struck with hostile oars.
Secur'd by him, nor Scottish rage I mourn,
Nor fear again the barbarous Picts return.
No more their vessels, with the dubious tide,
To my safe ports the Saxon pirates guide.

At that time Britain seems to have been safe enough from any enemy; for in another place 'tis thus, in the same Poet.

domito quod Saxona Thetis
Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto.
That seas are free, secur'd from Saxon power,
And Picts once conquer'd, Britain fears no more.

And when Alaric (King of the Goths) threatned Rome, that Legion garisoned then in the frontiers against the Barbarians, was drawn from hence; as Claudian in his account of the supplies sent for from all quarters seems to intimate.

Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis,
Quae Picto dat froena truci, ferroque notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.
Here met the Legion, which in Britain laid
That curb'd the fiery Scot, and oft survey'd
Pale ir'n-burnt figures on the dying Picts.

About this time flourished Fastidius, Fastidius Genad [...]. Bishop of the Britains, who wrote some books of Divinity, very learned, and worthy of so high a subject.Chrysan­thus. Niceph. Chrysan­thus also, son of Bishop Martian; who under Theo­dosius being a Consular Deputy in Italy, was made Vicegerent in Britain; where he was so much prais'd and admired for his administration of affairs, that a­gainst his will, he was made Bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople. These people began a schism in the Church, and were calledi.e. Pu [...]e Cathari, had their peculiar Bishops, and were themselves a distinct sect; obstinately, but impiously denying, That one relaps'd to a state of sin after baptism, The Tri­partite H [...] ­story. could not afterwards be saved. This was that Bishop, who (as we read) was wont to take no more of the Church revenues for his own use and subsistence, than two loaves every Sunday.

As the Roman interest began now to decline in the west, and the barbarous nations to break into the Provinces in the continent; the British army, to pre­vent their being involved in the like broils, and con­sidering the necessity there was of choosing a brave Emperor for repelling the Barbarians; applied them­selves to think of that matter. First, They made choice of Marcus, Marcus Emp. and obey'd him as Emperor in those parts. He, not answering their expectation, was soon put to death;Grati [...] Emp. and then they set up Grati­an, a country man of their own, and having put the royal robes and crown upon him, attended him as their Prince; but falling into a dislike of him too, they dethroned him after a reign of four months, and in conclusion put him to death. Next, they chose Constantine, one of the common soldiers,Constan­tine Emp upon the sole account of his name, which they took for a good omen. For, from the very name of Constantine, they entertained themselves with certain hopes, that he would rule with success and courage, and defeat the Barbarians; as Constantine the Great did, who was made Emperor in Britain Constantine setting sail from hence, arrived at Bologn in Gaul, and easily drew in all the Roman army as far as the Alps, to side with him. He defended Valentia with great bravery a­gainst the Emperor Honorius; and fortified the Rhine with garisons, which had for a long time been neglected. He built also forts to command the passes of the Cottian, Poenine, and Maritime Alpes. In Spain, by his son Constans (who of a Monk, was [Page lxxxv-lxxxvi] now made Augustus) things were likewise managed with good success: and by letters to Honorius, excusing himself, as forced to this by his soldiers, Honorius pre­sented him with an Imperial robe. This raised his mind so, that having passed the Alps, he began to think of Rome; but upon the news then brought him, that Alarick the Goth was dead (who was a great pro­moter of his interest) he went back to Arles; where he sixt the seat of the Empire, commanding it to be call­ed the City Constantina, and a Convention of seven provinces to be held there. His son Constans was sent for out of Spain, that they might concert affairs. Constans leaving his Princess and his furniture at Sarragosa, and committing Spain to the care of Ge­rontius, went streight to his father. When they had been together for many days, and no danger was ap­prehended, Constantinus giving himself up wholly to luxury, advised his son to return to Spain. But ha­ving sent away his Attendants before, while he staid behind with his father, the news was brought him from Spain, that Gerontius had set up Maximus (one of his servants) Emperor, and that he was preparing to advance against him at the head of the Barbarians. Upon this ill news, Constance, along with Decimius Rusticus, who, fromOfficio­ [...]um Ma­ [...]ter. Master of the Offices, was now preferred to be a Prefect, having sent Edobeccus before to the German nations, marched towards Gaul with the Franks and Almans, and the other forces, in­tending speedily to return to Constantine. But Con­stans was intercepted at Vienne in Gaul by Geronti­us, and put to death; and Constantine himself was besieged in Arles. Honorius sending one Constantius to his relief, put Gerontius in such a fright, that he run away; which so enraged his soldiers, that they in­vested his house, and reduced him to such a pinch, that first he beheaded his faithful friend Alanus, and then Nunnichia his wife, upon her request to die with him; and last of all, laid violent hands upon himself. Constantine, [...]h [...]. [...]s [...]us. upon the severeness of this siege, and the unhappy engagement of Edobeccus, began to de­spair, and after he had held out four months, and reigned four years, threw off the Imperial robes, and the burthen that attends them; then took upon him the Orders of a Presbyter, surrender'd Arles, was carried into Italy, and beheaded with his son Julian, (to whom he had given the title of Nobilissimus) and likewise Sebastian. From that time, Britain returned to the subjection of Honorius, and was happy for a while under the gallant and wise conduct of Victori­nus, [...]ctorius [...]overnor [...] B [...]itain. who then governed the Province, and put a stop to the inroads of the Picts and Scots. In commen­dation of him, there are extant in Rutilius Claudius, these verses, very worthy of that author.

Conscius Oceanus virtutum, conscia Thule
Et quaecunque ferox arva Britannus arat.
Quà praefectorum vicibus fraenata potestas
Perpetuum magni foenus amoris habet.
Extremum pars illa quidem discessit in orbem,
Sed tanquam medio rector in orbe fuit.
Plus palmae est illos inter voluisse placere,
Inter quos minor est displicuisse pudor.
Him Thule, him the vanquish'd Ocean knows,
And those vast fields the fiery Britain ploughs.
T'abuse their power where yearly Praefects fear
A blest increase of love rewards his care.
Tho' that great part another world had shown,
Yet he both worlds as easie rul'd as one.
'Tis nobler gentle methods there to use
Where roughest means would merit just excuse.

Alarick having took Rome, Honorius recall'd Victorinus with the army; upon which the Britains betook themselves to their arms, and seeing all at stake, freed their cities, and repell'd the Barbarians. All the country of Armorica likewise, and the other Provinces of Gaul follow'd their example, and rid themselves; [...]simus. casting out the Roman garisons, and forming themselves into a distinct Commonwealth, as they thought best convenient. This rebellion of Britain, and the Baltick Nations, happen'd just as Constantine usurp'd the Empire; when by his neg­lect of affairs, the Barbarians, in motion at that time, infested the Provinces without controul. Yet a while after, the cities of Britain applied themselves to Hono­rius for aid; in answer to which address he sent them no supplies, but letters to exhort them to take care and defend themselves. The Britains animated by these letters of Honorius the Emperor, took up arms accordingly to defend their own cities; but being overpower'd by the Barbarians (who from all quarters came in upon them) they sent their earnest petitions again to Honorius to spare some assistance.Histori [...] Misce [...]a. Upon this he granted them one legion; which upon their arrival, soon routed a great body of the enemy, drove the rest out of the Province, and cast up an earthen wall between the Frith of Edenburgh and the Cluid; which notwithstanding prov'd of very little use. For, as soon as the legion was recall'd to de­fend Gaul, they return'd, easily broke through this frontier, and with great outrage rov'd, plunder'd, and destroy'd every thing. Again, they send their Em­bassadors to represent their grievances, with gar­ments rent, and sand upon their bare heads (Observe the manner,) to beg assistance of the Romans. Upon this,Militares manus. Gallio Raven­nas. three companies under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna was sent them by Valentinian; these like­wise routed the Barbarians with great valour, and in some measure rescu'd the Province from its distress and misery.Gildas. They made a wall also of stone (not rais'd at the publick and private costs as the other was) with the help of the poor natives, built after the usual manner, quite cross the country from one sea to the other, Between the Mouth of Tyne and Eden. by those cities that were perhaps built there for fear of the enemy: They exhorted them to be couragious, and left them patterns to make their weapons by. Upon the Southern shore of Bri­tain also, where their ships lay (because the barbarous ene­my might enter there) they built turrets at some distance from one another, that lookt along way to the sea; and so the Romans intending never to return more, took their last farewell.

Now was the state of affairs every where in a lamentable and wretched posture. The Empire fell down-right lame (as it were) and decrepit through the extremity of old age; and the Church was grie­vously pester'd with Hereticks, who spread their poy­sonous doctrines universally, amidst the calamities of war. One of whom was Pelagius born here, who dero­gating from the grace of God, taught in this Island, That we might attain to a perfect righteousness, Sigib. Pembl. an. 428. by the merit of our own works. Another was Timotheus, who blasphemously disputed against the Divinity and In­carnation of our Saviour.

Now was the Roman Empire in Britain fully ex­pir'd,Curonicon Anglo Saxon. it being the four hundredth seventy sixth year from Caesar's coming in; when under the govern­ment of Valentinian 3. the Roman Forces were transported by that Gallio spoke of, for the service of France; and having buried their treasures, and bereft Britain of her youth by frequent musters, left her incapable of defence, and a prey to the ravage and barbarity of the Picts and Scots. From whence Prosper Aquitanus took occasion to write truly, That, At this time through the Roman insufficiency, the force and vigour of Britain was totally exhausted. And our Malmsbury-Historian: When the tyrants had left none but half foreigners in our fields, none but gluttons and debau­chees in our cities; Britain, robb'd of her vigorous youth, and altogether uncultivated by the exercise of arts, became a prey to its neighbours, who gap'd after her destruction. For immediately after, many lost their lives by the incur­sions of the Picts and Scots, many villages were burnt, and cities demolish'd, and all things turn'd topsy turvy by fire and sword. The Inhabitants of the Island were much perplex'd, who thought it better to trust to any thing than to a decisive battle: some of 'em betook themselves by slight to the mountains, others having buried their treasures (many of which have been dug up in this age) made for Rome, to beg assistance there. But as Nicephorus truly stated the matter, Valentinian the 3d not only could not recover Britain, Spain, and France, which were wrested from his Empire; but lost Africa into the bargain. 'Twas not without reason therefore, that Gildas cried out, that Britain was rob'd of her souldiers, of her mili­tary forces, of her rulers, (though barbarous as they were) and of her numerous youth. For, beside those whom Maximilian, that Usurper, and the last Constantine [Page lxxxvii-lxxxviii] drew off; 'tis plain, from ancient Inscriptions and the Notitia, that these forces were in the service of the Romans, scatter'd throughout their Provinces, and still recruited from Britain:

Ala Britannica Milliaria.
Ala IIII. Britonum in Aegypto.
Cohors Prima Aelia Britonum.
Cohors III Britonum.
Cohors VII. Britonum.
Cohors XXVI. Britonum in Armenia.
Britanniciani sub Magistro peditum.
Invicti juniores Britanniciani inter auxilia Palatina.
Exculcatores jun. Britan. inter auxilia Palatina.
Britones cum Magistro Equitum Galliarum,
Invicti Juniores Britones intra Hispanos
Britones Seniores in Illyrico.

No wonder that Britain was expos'd to foreigners, when so many and so considerable forces were daily drawn from her; which confirms that remarkable piece of truth in Tacitus, That there was no strength in the Roman armies, but what came from abroad.

Whilst I thus treat of the Roman Empire in Bri­tain (which lasted, as I said, about 476 years) I cannot but consider with my self, how many Colo­nies of Romans must be transplanted hither in so long time; how many souldiers were continually sent from Rome for Garisons; how many were dis­patch'd hither, to negotiate either publick or their own private affairs, who intermarrying with the Bri­tains, seated themselves here, and multiplied their Families. For wheresoever (says Seneca) the Romans conquer'd, they inhabited. So that I have oftentimes con­cluded it much more probable,How the Britains are de­riv'd from the Tro­jans. that the Britains should derive themselves from the Trojans by these Romans (who doubtless descended from them) than either the Arverni, who from Trojan Blood stile themselves brethren to the Romans; or the Mamertini, Hedui, and others, who claim kindred with the Trojans upon fabulous grounds. For Rome that common Mother, (as one calls her) challenges all such for her citizens,

Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.
Whom conquer'd she in sacred bonds hath tied.

And 'tis easie to believe that the Britains and Romans, by a mutual engrafting for so many years together, have grown up into one Nation; since the Ubii in Germany, twenty eight years after their Colony was planted, made this answer with respect to the Ro­mans in it:Tacitus. b. 4. hi [...] This is the natural country of those that were transplanted hither; as well those that have marryed a­mongst us, as those that have issue by us. Nor can we think you so unjust, that you would have us murder our Parents, Brethren, and Children. If the Ubii and the Romans, in so short a space of time came to the na­tural relation of Parents, Brethren, and Children; what shall we think of the Britains, and the Romans, who were so many years associate? What likewise may we say of the Burgundians, who, from a tincture of their blood (during a short abode in the Roman Pro­vinces) call'd themselves the offspring of the Ro­mans? Not to repeat what I have already said,Ammi. Marcel. lib. 28. that this Island was call'd Romania, and the Roman Island.

Thus much, rejecting all fictions, I have summa­rily (though by piece-meal,) observ'd out of the ancient monuments of antiquity; touching the Roman Governments in Britain, their Embassadors, Pro­praetors, Presidents, Vicegerents, and Rectors. But I would have done it more fully and accurately, had Ausonius kept his word, who promises to reckon up all those, who

Aut Italum populos, Aquilonigenasque Britannos
Praefecturarum titulo tenuere secundo.
In Italy or Britain's Northern shore,
The Praefect's honour with success have bore.

But since 'tis agreed on all hands among the learned, that ancient Coins give great light, and contribute much to the understanding of old Histories; I thought it not amiss, to present the Reader with some such Pieces, as well of the Britains (who first stoop'd to the Roman Yoke) as of some Roman Emperors, (who more immediately relate to Britain,) out of the Col­lection of the famous Sir Robert Cotton of Connington; who with great care has made the Collection, and with his wonted generosity, freedom, and readiness, did impart them to me.

Conjectures upon the British Coins.

'TIS probable you may expect that I should make some short remarks upon the Coins which I have here represented. But for my part, I freely declare my self at a loss what to say to things, so much obscur'd by their distance and antiquity; and you, when you read these conjectures, will plainly perceive that I have only grop'd in the dark.

I have observ'd before from Caesar, that the ancient Britains used brass-money, rings, or plates of iron ac­cording to a certain set weight; and there are that affirm they have found some of these in urns. Be­sides these, there are now and then found in this Island, gold, silver, and brass coins, of several shapes and weight; most of them hollow on one side; some without letters, others with letters curiously wrought. And such as these I could never hear were digg'd up in other places; till of late Nicholas Faber Petrascius (a noble young Gentleman of Provence in France; and of great knowledge and exactness in the Study of Coins,) shewed me some such that had been found in France. But to come to those I have here given you.

The first is Cunobelin's, who flourished under Au­gustus and Tiberius; upon which (if I mistake not) are engraven the heads of a two-faced Janus; pos­sibly, because at that time Britain begun to be a little refined from its barbarity. For Janus is said to have first changed barbarity into good breeding; and for that reason, to be painted with two faces, as if he had hammer'd the same visage into quite another thing.

The second likewise is Cunobelin's with his face and name; and on the reverse the mint-master with the addition of the word TASCIA; which in British signifies a Tribute-Penny (as I am informed by D. David Powel, a man admirably skilled in that language;) perhaps from the Latin Taxatio, for the Britains do not use the letter X. And upon the same account, we see Moneta often upon the Roman Coins.

The third is also the same Cunobelin's, with a horse and CUNO; and with an ear of corn and CAMR, which seems to stand for Camalodunum, the palace of Cunobelin.

The fourth by the VER seems to have been coin'd at Verulam.

The fifth likewise is Cunobelin's.

The sixth, wanting the assistance of letters, I know nothing of.

The seventh, which is Cunobelin's, with this In­scription Tasc Novanei, with a woman's head, I dare not positively affirm to have been the Tribute-money of the Trinovantes, who were under his government. Apollo with his harp, and the name of Cunobelin on the reverse, bring to my mind what I have somewhere observed of the God Belinus; namely, that the an­cient Gauls worship'd Apollo under the name of Be­linus. And this is confirmed by Dioscorides, who expresly says, that the Herba Apollinaris (in the juice whereof the Gauls used to dip their arrows) was call'd in Gaulish Belinuntia. From which I durst almost make this inference, that the name of Cunobelin, as also that of Cassibilin, came originally from the wor­ship [Page]

Tabula I. Nummi Britannici. Page lxxxvii

[Page] [Page]

Tabula II. Nummi Britannici Page lxxxviii

[Page] [Page lxxxix-xc] of Apollo; as well as Phaebitius and Delphidius. Unless one should rather imagine, that as Apollo for his yellow hair was called by the Greeks [...], and by the Latins Flavus; so by the Britains and Gauls, Belin. For a man of a yellow complexion in British is called commonly Melin, Belin, Felin; and for that reason, the ancient Belinus, Cunobelin, and Cassibelin (called also Cassivellaun) seem to import as much as Yellow Princes. For the Britains tell you that CUNO is a name of dignity; and at this day they call a thing that's principal or chief, Cynoc. But that it was certainly a term of honour, is pretty evident from Cungetorix, Cunobelinus, Cuneglasus, Cuneda, and Cune­dagius, among the Britains; and Cyngetorix, Convicto­litanus, Conteodunus, among the ancient Gauls: all names of Princes. And I know moreover, that Gildas renders Cuneglasus in Latin Lanio fulvus or furvus, i.e. a deep yellow or black butcher; called by other a sky or glass-colour'd Prince: that also they interpret Cuneda, a good Prince. But that the Ger­man Koning, and our King came from this Cuno, I dare not so much as imagine. In the mean time, I am content to have sported with this variety of con­jectures, that I might not expose my self to the ridi­cule of others.

The eighth has aEssida­rius equus. Chariot-horse with a wheel under it; and by the BODUO on the reverse seems to have belong'd to the people of the Boduni, or to Queen Boadicia, called also Voadicia, and Bundeicua.

The ninth; wherein one on horse-back with a spear and shield; and CAERATIC in letters scat­ter'd: from which I should guess it to have been one of that warlike Caratacus, so much commended by Tacitus.

The tenth; in one side whereof is written REX under a man on horseback; and COM on the other, enclines me to believe, with some others, that it was one of Comius Atrebatensis, whom Caesar mentions.

The eleventh; which has on it a half moon with this Inscription REX CALLE, would agree well enough to Callena a famous City.

The twelfth has a winged head, with the word ATEULA; on the Reverse a Lion, with this In­scription Ulatos. All my enquiry after the meaning of these words has been in vain. Only I have seen the Goddess Victorie in the very same figure upon the Roman Coins; but do not yet apprehend that the Britains ever called Victory ATEULA. That they named Victory Andate, I have already observed from Dio; but whether that was the same with ANDAR­TA, worship'd by the Vocontii in Gaul, I leave to the judgment of others.

Here also you see the 13th with the word DIAS in a Pentagon, and on the reverse a horse.

The 14th with a hog, and this inscription VA­NOC; on the reverse the head of a Goddess, pos­sibly Venus, or Venutius, mentioned by Tacitus.

The 15th, a head with an helmet upon it, and DURNACO, but whether he was that Dumnacus, a Prince of the Andes, whom Caesar mentions, I know not.

The 16th with a horse, and ORCETI.

The 17th the Image of Augustus, and Tascia; on the reverse a bull pushing.

The 18th CUNO within a laurel garland; and on the reverse, a horse, with TASCE.

I have likewise seen another with Pegasus and CAMU; on the reverse whereof was a man's head with an helmet, a shield between ears of corn, and CUNO. Another with a horse but ill shaped, and EISU, perhaps one of ISURIUS; and on the re­verse, an ear of corn. Another, wherein was a sol­dier with a spear; and on the reverse, within a wreath or chain, SOLIDU. I cannot believe, that it was that piece of money called Solidus, which in that age was always gold; whereas this is silver. It may with greater probability be referred to the Solidurii; Solidurii. for so the Gauls called thoseViros [...]ev [...]tos. Caes. Com. who had resolved to live and die together. The terms were these, that they should enjoy all the advantages of life in common, with the persons they had settled such a league with­all: that if any violence should be offered them, they should either joyn in the same fortune, or kill them­selves. Nor was there ever any of these that refused to die after the party was slain, to whose friendship he had devoted himself. Whether these souldiers, who as stipendiaries were devoted to some Prince or State, and called in several nations of Europe almost by the same name, Soldiers, Soldats, Soldados, &c. whether these (I say) had their name from the Sol­durii, is a point I had rather recommend to the con­sideration of others, than determine my self. Tho' I am rather inclined to another opinion, that they were only called Solidarii in after ages, to distinguish them from such as by reason of their fees, served without the solidi or pay.

Whether this sort of money went commonly cur­rant in the way of trade and exchange, or was at first coined for some particular use, is a question a­mongst the learned. Now my opinion of the mat­ter (if I may be allowed to interpose it) is this. Af­ter Caesar had appointed how much tribute should be paid yearly by the Britains, and (under Augustus) they were opprest with the payment of portage, both for exporting and importing commodities; they had by degrees other taxes laid upon them, namely forStativ [...] in the Copy for Sativis corn-grounds, plantations, groves, pasturage of greater and lesser cattle; as being subdued to obey as subjects not as slaves. I have thought that these coins were first stampt for this use; for greater cattle, with a horse; for lesser, with a hog; for woods, with a tree; for corn ground, with an ear of corn; as in that of Verulam or St. Albans, inscribed VERU. But those with a Man's head, seem to have been coinedPro Tri­buto Ca­pitationis. for Poll-money, which was personal or laid upon the Head of every single person; upon women at twelve, and men at fourteen years of age. Which Bunduica or Boadicia, a Queen of the Britains, complains of to her subjects in these words: Ye both graze and plow for the Romans; nay, you pay an annual tribute for your very bodies. I have all along thought, that there was a cer­tain esort of money coined on purpose for this use; seeing in Scripture it is called expressly the Tribute-money, and Hesychius interprets it, [...], i.e. Census, is a certain money paid for every head. And I am the more confirmed in this opinion, because in some of them there is the Mint-master stamping the money, with TASCIA, which among the Britains signifies a Tribute-peny. Not but I grant that afterwards these came into common use. Nor can I reconcile my self to the judgment of those who would have a hog, a horse, an ear, a Janus, &c. be the Arms of particular People, or Prince; since we find even in those that one and the same Prince and People used several of these Arms, as Cunobilin stamp'd upon his coins a hog, a horse, an ear, and other things.

But whether this Tribute-money was coined by the Romans, or their Provincials, or their Kings, when the whole world was tax'd by Augustus, I cannot easily tell. One may guess them to have been stamp'd by the British Kings, since Britain, from the times of Ju­lius Caesar to those of Claudius, lived under its own Laws, and was left to its own Kings; and since they have on them the effigies and titles of British Princes. For 'twas a received custom among the Romans, to have Kings as instruments of slavery; who, as they were in some measure the Allies of the Romans, by degrees (as is usual for the conquered) were inur'd to their customs, and seem to have begun to coin their money by the Roman methods, and weights; as also to write their own name upon it. But a con­trary instance we find in Judaea, gathered from our Saviour's Answer; That they had Caesar's Image and Superscription, and were probably coined by the Ro­mans. Which Cardinal C. Baronius, a most admi­rable Ecclesiastical Historian, tells us in these words: It was a custom among the Romans, that money should be coined by the Emperors according to the tribute or tax, and should not always keep the same Standard; but, by a proportion to the increase or decrease of tributes, it here­in differed from common money, that this had always the same value, but the tax or tribute-money was alter'd ac­cording to the different quality of the tribute. Though some learned men do not close with Baronius in this point.

Additions to Mr. Camden, Concerning British COINS.


THese eighteen first described, are in Mr. Camden; those which follow, are partly out of Speed's History, partly from other friends. Before we come to the particulars, I desire to premise in general,

I. That we find very little mention of the Britains, or their affairs, till Julius Caesar; who left a brief but material description of the country and people, their manners and customs, particularly concerning their traffick, and the great instrument of it, money: which, he saith, was not Coin, but rings and pieces of brass and iron, delivered out by weight; as it was also in the beginning at Rome. So that they had no mark upon their metals of exchange; which seems some­what odd, seeing that the invention is so easie, rea­dy, and useful for human conversation. But especi­ally, since in Abraham's time coined or stamped money was current amongst merchants, and called by a par­ticular name, shekel, taken (it may be) from the weight of it. And Jacob is said to have given or paid to H [...]mor, father of Sichem, for a part of a field, cen­tum agnos; which is interpreted, Act. 7.16. not lambs, but pretio argenti; commonly explained, centum pro­batos nummos. This ignorance, I say, is strange; ex­cept we affirm the transmigration of the Predecessors of the Britains, to have been before Abraham's time, from the Northern parts of Asia, not so well civilized as the Eastern; where Coin seems to have been an­tiently, even before Abraham, the current instrument of traffick. Long before Caesar's time, Polybius tells us, that these Islands were frequented both by Greeks and Phaenicians, trading for tinn and other commo­dities. But it seems those crafty people were careful to conceal from these generally accounted heavie Nor­thern nations, the value and usefulness of money.

II. The Coins I have seen of the Britains, for the most part are neither gold nor good silver, but of mixed metals; and those compositions very different, and not as yet by any, that I know, endeavoured to be discover'd: perhaps, since the quantities of them are so small, and their value taken from the fairness of their impression. Nor can we give any certain ac­count of their weight, because we have very few of one stamp, or perfect; and some of them also may be probably thought counterfeited.

III. The Coins of the Britains are not unlike those of the antient Gauls; as those of our Saxons, to those of the first race of the Kings of the Franks, who set­tled in France near the time that the Saxons invaded Britain: concerning which a farther account shall be given by and by. But in this we find the Saxons (as the English after them,) to differ both from the Gauls and Franks; that they did not so often change the weight or value of their Coins, much less raised and decryed the same piece, according to the pleasure or necessities of the Prince. An action, lawful indeed; but, without very great caution, detrimental and prejudicial to the Subject. But in this, themselves confess the English to understand their interest bet­ter than the French.

IV. I can hardly satisfie my self, why we have so many Coins of Cunobeline, and so few of other Prin­ces more famous, at least in Roman story; (for of British Historians, we have none certainly antienter than Gildas; and he only speaks of those near or of his own time.) But we have nothing of Caratacus, Arviragus, &c. but conjectural. Some of those of Cunobeline, I know, are modern; perhaps also Cuno, signifying (as Camden observes) a Prince, may be applied (especially since many Coins have no more than Cuno,) to divers Princes, and is added to the end of the names of several, mentioned in Gildas: perhaps also he reigned a long time. But the best reason seems to be, either because he lived some while at Rome; or that London was then a famous city for trade; and therefore had both more money, and bet­ter preserved.

Remarks upon Mr. Camden's Conjectures.

I am not satisfied in the first of Mr. Camden. If it 1 be a Janus, I had rather apply it to the shutting of Ja­nus's Temple by Augustus; in whose time Cunobeline lived at Rome; and both himself and the Britains were benefited by that general peace. But I fear, that is not the head of Janus; for the faces upon his Tem­ple and Coins were divers, one old, the other young; but this seems made for two young women's faces, whether Cunobeline's wives, sisters, or children, I know not.

To the third; I conceive the horse was so frequent­ly 3 stamped upon their Coins, because of their extra­ordinary goodness in this country. The like is upon divers Cities and Provinces in Gallia. Or to shew, that they were, in their own opinion, excellent horse­men. The Boar also, and Bull, were Emblems of strength, courage, and fierceness: and I find that an­tiently the Romans used for their Ensigns, horses, wolves, boars, &c. till Caius Marius's third Consul­ship, who then first ordained the Eagle only to be the standing Ensign of the Legions: as Trajan, after the Dacian War, set up Dragons for Ensigns of the Co­horts.

In the sixth, the horse seems fasten'd by one fore 6 and the opposite hinder-foot, to some weight; as if it signified the invention of one of their Princes, to teach them some pace or motion. The wheel under him, amongst the Romans, intimated the making of an Highway for Carts. So many of which being in the Romans time made in this country, well deserved such a memorial.

The seventh, Novane, seems to be the same with 7 the two and twentieth, wherein is Tasci Novanit. some unknown city in the Dominion of Cunobeline. Reverse, a hog and wolf concorporated.

The ninth Speed thinks probably to be Caracta­cus, 9 the valiant and renowned King of the Silures. The Britains called him Caradaue, and gave him the Epithets Uric fras, forti brachia. But others read it Epatica; which may keep its native signification, since we find Parsly, the Palm, Vine, Myrtle, Cynoglossum, Laserpitium, and other plants, sometimes figured, some­times only named upon Coins; as you may find in Spanhemius.

Com. in the tenth, I cannot conceive to have 10 been Comius, made by Caesar King of the Atrebates, (Arras;) because he seems not to have had any power in Britain, where the greatest part of his stay was in prison; and at his return into his own country he headed a rebellion against the Romans. Besides, in other Coins it is Comm. which either signifies some City, or other Community, to have coined it; or to have been stamped in the time of Commodus the Em­peror. For I cannot think it signified Commorus, by Greg. Turon. or Venant. Fortunatus named Duke of Britannia Armorica. A. C. 550.

The thirteenth, an Octogone, seems to have been of 13 a Christian Prince; for by it the Christians anciently figured the Font for baptism. In Gruter's Inscripti­ons, p. 1166. are verses of St. Ambrose, upon the Font of St. Tecla.

Octogonus fons est munere dignus eo.
Hoc numero decuit sacri baptismatis aulam
Surgere, quo populo vera salus rediit. i.e.

The font is an Octogon, a figure (or number) wor­thy of that function. It behoved the place (or court) of holy Baptism to be raised in this number; by which true salvation is restored to the people.

And it is a common observation, that as six was the number of Antichrist, so eight, of true Christianity.

The fourteenth seems to be a wolf and boar, 2 fierce 14 beasts joyned together, and the head of a town or city, Vano Civit. Mr. Speed applies it to Venutius, a valiant King of the Brigantes, married to Cartisman­dua, who betrayed the noble and gallant Caractacus.

In the fifteenth, one letter seems to be misplaced. 15 [Page xciii-xciv] Durnacum was the city Tournay; and the head is as they usually decipher cities.

The sixteenth, with a woman's head, Orceti, if truly spelt, is the name also of some city unknown to us.

Conjectures upon the Coins added.

19 The nineteenth is in Mr. Speed, but the letters ill wrought and placed: he reads it Casibelan, the first General of the Britains against the Romans. His country seems to have been North of the Thames, and to have comprehended part of Hartford and Buckingham shires. Yet he conquer'd the chief City of Imanuentius, whom he slew, and whose son Man­dubratius fled to Caesar in France, and brought him hither. See more of him in Tab. 11, Co. 4.

20 The twentieth is of Cunobeline, son of Theoman­tius, nephew to Casibelan; by the British writers cal­led Kymboline. The head seems to be of a woman. On the Reverse, a Sphinx, a figure so acceptable to Augustus, that he engraved it upon his seal. Where­fore it may be, it was placed upon this Coin, to please the Emperor, a more than ordinary friend to Cuno­beline, who was declared a friend to the Romans; and is said to have lived many years in Rome.

23 In the twenty third seems to be the head of a city; inscription Vanit. seems to be the same with Vanoc. Co. 8.

24 The twenty fourth seems not the head of a person, but of a place, probably Camalodunum, when Chri­stian.

25 The twenty fifth, Arivogius, is, both by Speed and Archbishop Usher, thought to be Arviragus; of whom more Co. 27. Ononus I understand not.

26 The twenty sixth is probably of Cartismandua, Q. of the Brigantes, whereof Caledonia was one part. A woman infamous for betraying the warlike Carac­tacus into the hands of the Romans; and for abusing her valiant husband Venutius.

27 The twenty seventh, a crowned head, with many strings of pearls about it, is thought to be Arviragus. I wish there were more than bare conjectures for it. For I do not find that Arviragus was a Christian, as this Coin declares, there being a cross and a string of pearles about it; an ordinary ornament of the cross in the first peaceable times of the Church. Harding, I think, is the only Author who affirms him a Chri­stian: but 'tis generally said, erga Religionem Christia­nam bene affectus, (Vit. Basing.) and that he gave to the first preachers of Glastenbury so many hides of land, as helped much to maintain them. And Gildas saith, that it was well known that the Christian Reli­gion was brought into Britain in the latter end of Ti­berius's time. He lived in great reputation in Domi­tian's time, whose flatterers, upon some prodigies ap­pearing, foretold him of some great good fortune to him, as that Arviragus should be thrown down from his chariot.

29 The twenty ninth. Dr. Plot, who hath published these three, thinks to be Prasutagus and Boadicia; but I see no resemblance of one or more faces. I rather imagine it to be some fortification.

31 The one and thirtieth was put into my hands, as belonging to York; in Antoninus and antient Au­thors, written Eburacum. But I take it to be a Gal­lick Coin, and to signifie either the Eburovices, or ra­ther Eburones, which were inhabitants of the country of Liege. The head seems to be of a City, rather than, as Bouteroue thinks, of Ambiorix, Cotivulcus, or some other of their Princes.

33 The three and thirtieth is also to design some city or country, it may be of the Auscii, (now Ausch in Gascoine) or some other unknown. It is to be no­ted, that after the example of the Romans, (who stamped the armed head of a young woman, proba­bly Rome, a notable Virago, who gave name to the city, with the word Roma, on one side of their Coin,) other cities and countries placed also the head; yet not always helmeted, but commonly in the dress of the place where coined.

British Coins. TAB. II.

That the first was of some British Prince in esteem 1 for an holy man, I collect from the pearls about his head, set in the ancient form of a glory: as also by the hand under the horse for the reverse. Many of these British coins are adorned with pearls. I con­ceive the reason to be, the plenty of them in this country; so great, that Julius Caesar is said to have un­dertaken his expedition for obtaining them, and that at his return he dedicated a shield covered with Bri­tish Pearl, in the Temple of Venus. In some coins of Constantine the great, of Arcadius, Eudoxia, and others in Gretzer, l. 1. c. 15, 16, is an hand signify­ing some favourable action of Providence towards them: as reaching to take Constantine into heaven: crowning Arcadius, &c. In this it may intimate the sustaining of his Cavalry. This is only conjecture; since we know not the person.

The second and third by their rugged and un­handsom 2.3. looks seem to have been some of the ancient British Princes; but the letters being worn out, forbid us to guess who they were.

The fourth is Cassivelaunus, others name him Cassi­belinus 4 or Velanus, as if he were a Prince of the Cassii, a people not far from the Trinobantes, part of the dominion of his brother Immanuentius, whom he slew; and deposed his son Mandubratius, who thereupon fled to Caesar, and was restored by him to his just dominion. But this action caused Mandubratius to be looked upon as an enemy and traitor to his country, and so hated, that he accompanied Caesar in all his wars; and left the Kingdom to his son, or nephew, Cunobeline. His son lived in Rome with the favour of Augustus and the Senate, who declared him a friend of the Romans, as is plainly intimated in that Speech of the generous Prince Caractacus. From these transactions we may ob­serve, 1. That the Romans by this submission and request of Manubratius had a just cause of War against Cassi­belinus, and consequently against all the Britains, who chused him their General. 2. That this con­quest was exceedingly beneficial to the nation and countrey, which, by the Romans, acquired civility, if not humanity also, and prudent government; good husbandry too, and improvement of wealth and trade both by sea and land; and thereby prepared them for receiving the Gospel. 3. That the Britains quickly apprehended these benefits and advantages; and therefore more readily embraced, and more cheerfully, than most other nations, submitted to the laws and customs of the Romans; as appears by Ta­citus in the life of Agricola. And though it may be, that the doctrine of the Druids, despising the heathen Gods, acknowleding only one God, and rewards and punishments after death, might contribute to their embracing the Gospel; yet I think that the very great courage, high generosity, and excellent parts of the people did more; being once convinced that the Roman laws and government was better than their own.

Of the fifth the letters are too imperfect: if the re­verse 5 be not a pavilion, or seat of state, I know not what it is.

The sixth seems to be a visor, the letters now not 6 visible: or it might be ill-made in imitation of Com­modus, usually set forth with his head wrap'd in a Lion's skin, feigning himself to be Hercules.

The seventh is a British, rough, uncomb'd head; 7 the letters are vanished. Those above the Horse on the reverse seem to be set the averse way, from the right to the left hand.

The eighth, as likewise the twenty fourth and 8 thirty sixth, seem to be a Ship or Galley with oars. Vid. Mons. Bouteroue in Clothaire, An. Ch. 511. the fi­gure is better there expressed than in ours. It was coined by a Christian Prince or City; because all of them are adorned with crosses, either upon the stern or yards. S. Aug. Ser. 22. de diversis, saith: It is ne­cessary for us to be in the ship, and to be carried in the wood that can pass through the sea of this world. This [Page cxv-cxvi] wood is the Cross of our Lord. S. Paulinus seems to refer it to the yards; Et rate ornata titulo salutis. S. Chrys. rather to the stern, (Quod Christus sit Deus) Crux navigantium gubernaculum. The same doth Ephr. Syrus. Upon divers Coins of the Roman Emperors is a stern joyned to a globe; as if they steer'd the whole world. On the reverse is Duro, which I que­stion not was Durobernia or Canterbury, now the chief seat of the great Archbishop and Primate of the Na­tion.

9 The ninth is an Horse, under the Sun and Moon: whether it signified (according to their opinion) that beast to be chiefly subject to those Planets; or, that next the Sun and Moon, the chiefest benefit they reaped was from the Horse, or any other imaginati­on, I am ignorant.

10 The tenth is an Head, and I think, foreign, and not British; most of those being without ornament, but this hath a Crown or Garland. And what if Dubno should be mistaken for Dumnorix, or some other Prince unknown to us.

11 The eleventh hath an Head with a Diadem of two rows of Pearls; perhaps for some of the Oriental Emperors and not unlikely of Constantine the Great, both for the goodness of the face, and his being one of the first who carried that sort of Diadem. He may well be placed here, as being born of a British Lady. The reverse is a Dove hovering over a Cross, an em­blem not unusual in the first times of Christianity; intimating, that the Cross is made beneficial unto us by the Holy Spirit. Masseius and Osorius testifie, that the Christians at their first coming to Meliapor (the city of St. Thomas) found such a one there engraved in stone in his own time, as was verily believed. The like is reported by Bosius in the vault of St. John Lateran; and by Chiffletius upon an Altarstone in Besançon.

The twelfth of Cunobeline: the letters upon the 12 reverse begin the name of some place, but what I know not.

13 The thirteenth, by the letters BR, seems to be the head of Britannia, as there were many the like of Rome and other places: the reverse is also, accord­ing to many Roman Coins, a man on horseback, as in that exercise they called Decursio.

14 The fourteenth seems a Woman's Head with a Crown; the letters worn out. On the reverse, compared with the sixteenth, twenty fourth, and thirty fifth, seems to be inscribed some sacred vessel or utensil.

15 The fifteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth, having no inscriptions, are to us unintelligible. The sixteenth seems an ill-shapen Galley with the keel upwards.

19 The nineteenth seems to be the head of some Town or Country: some say, that Julius Caesar, but 'tis more certain, that Claudius brought one or more Ele­phants into Britain against their enemies.

20 The twentieth hath an Head covered with an an­tick sort of Helmet. The reverse seems an ill-fashio­ned Gryphon. It is somewhat strange that those fond kind of imaginations should have lasted so long, and in these remote parts of the world.

21 Concerning the twenty first, vid. Tab. 1. c. 29. what it, or the twenty second signifies, I cannot ima­gine.

23 The twenty third seems the figure of an ordinary British foot-soldier, armed with a head-piece and ar­mour down to his thighs; and a club upon his shoul­der.

24 The twenty fourth hath a Galley with a Cross upon the stern, yet not at the handle of the stern, being up­on the wrong side of it. Vid. Coin 8. The letters I 25 understand not, as neither the reverse. The twenty fifth also is utterly unknown.

26 The twenty sixth seems to be the head of some of the Gothic kings of Spain; the like being found in Ant. Augustinus, and Monsieur le Blanc. On the re­verse is a kind of Dragon, seen also upon the Greek and Gallick Coins, as well as British. Such a one as this is by Monsieur le Blanc described for Childeberts, pag. 58.

27 The twenty seventh, twenty eighth, and twenty ninth, having Runic inscriptions, might probably be made for some of the kings of Cumberland, in which County are still extant some Runic Monu­ments.

The thirtieth hath an Head, which I would gladly 30 believe to be of Arviragus; because on the reverse is an Essedarius or Covinarius, a fighter upon a chariot, with his dart or like weapon, in one hand, and his quiver of arrows at his back. A kind of fight, which was strange to Julius Caesar, and forced him to turn his back.

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis,
Great Caesar flies, the Britains he had sought.

So terrible was it to the Romans, that his flatterers upon some imagin'd prodigy, took it to be an omen of the overthrow of Arviragus, a very couragious and warlike Prince. De temone Britanno Excidet Arvi­ragus.

The thirty first is, in the learned Monsieur Boute­roue's 31 judgment (from whom it is copied) supposed to be king Lucius, the first Christian king of Britain. The truth of whose story is largely discoursed by Archbishop Usher in his Primord. Eccles. Britan. where he seems to say, that it is confirmed by all Hi­storians, that king Lucius, king in Britain, was the first Christian king in the world. Which also seems strongly confirmed by what he saith, That the Scots beyond the wall, under Victor I. immediate successor to Euaristus (under whom Lucius was converted) received also the Christian Faith, pag. 41, 42. But that there is some difference about the time when king Lucius lived, but greater about what part of Britain he reigned in. As likewise concerning his re­signing the kingdom, and going to preach the Gospel in Bavaria, and being martyr'd near Coire, in the Grisons Country, then called Rhaetia.

The thirty second also is out of Monsieur Bouteroue, 32 who rationally thinks it to be the head of Boadicia, wife to Prasutagus king of Norfolk and Suffolk, &c. a woman of prodigious wit and courage. Gildas calls her Leaenam dolosam, the crafty or deceitful Lionness. She slew 80000 of the Romans, destroy'd their chief City and Colony, Cumalodunum; Verulamium also, and some say London. She slew the ninth Legion; but being overcome by Paulinus, she either died for grief, as some say; or by poison, as others.

The thirty third is easily intelligible. The reverse 33 of the thirty fifth seems to be a Tabernacle, or some such holy vessel, standing upon a foot, and having a Cross upon the top. I understand it not; nor any of the rest, being all ancient Runic characters: nor doth it appear whether they belong to this Country, or to Spain. The Runic Characters anciently were the writing of the Visi, or Western Goths, who lived in Denmark, Norway, Jutland, &c. For the Ostro, or Eastern Goths of Sweden, and those Countries, swarmed and conquered Eastward in and towards Asia: who, though they seem to have had the same language with the Visigoths, yet had a different cha­racter; framed as it seems from the Greek, some say by Ulphilas their Bishop, near or upon the Black-Sea; and it is still preserved in the copy of the Gos­pels translated into that language by him: and is for the most part still extant in that they call the Codex Argenteus, being wholly written in silver letters, re­serv'd with great and deserved veneration in Sweden: but transcribed and printed by the very worthy and learned person Mr. Franc. Junius, the younger. But the Visigoths seem to be those who came Westward; who conquer'd part of Italy, and of France; all Spain, and part of Africk; where they reigned in great splendor many years, till the invasion of the Moors. They also acquired the Northern Parts of Britain, keeping (as it seemeth) their ancient Runic Chara­cters. And though most of the ancient Runic Coins I have seen either in Ant. Augustinus, Paruta, or La­stannoza's book de las monedas desconocidas; yet I have only set down those which are new to me, and which being sent by that very courteous, intelligent, and diligent Antiquary, Mr. Ralph Thoresby of Leeds in Yorkshire, I conceive rather belong to those of Northumberland, Cumberland, &c.

Tab. III. Nummi Romani. Page XCVIII
Tabula IV. Nummi Romani. Page XCVIII

Ne vel tantillum paginae vacaret, Visum est addere, fere ex Eruditissimo Bouterovio Alphabetum enummis Antiquis desumplum.

Notes upon the Roman Coins.

THE first of the Romans after Julius Cae­sar, that resolv'd to subdue Britain in ear­nest, was Claudius; who shipping over his army, reduced the south part into the form of a Province. And about that time, this first piece of money, with an abbreviated Inscripti­on, seems to have been coin'd: TI. CLAVD. CAES. AVG. P. M. TR. P. VIIII. IMP. XVI. i.e. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribunitia potestate 9. Imperator 16. To explain these titles once for all. After Julius Caesar, who laid the foundation of the Roman Monarchy, all his successors in honour of him assumed the titles of Caesar or Augustus; as if they were above the pitch of humane nature, (for things that are sacred we call August;) that also of Pontifices Maximi or High-Priests, because they were consecrated in all the kinds of Priesthood, and had the Oversight of all Religious Ceremonies: they usurped likewise the Tribunitian power (but would not by any means be call'd Tribunes,) that they might be inviolable. For, by virtue of this authority, if any one gave them ill language, or offer'd them any violence, he was to be put to death without a hearing, as a sacrilegious person. They renewed this Tribunitian power every year, and by it computed the years of their reign. At last they were call'd Emperors, because their Em­pire was most large and Ample, and under that nat [...] was coucht both the power of Kings and Dictapo [...]. And they were stil'd Emperors, as often as they did any thing very honourable either in person, or by their Generals. But, since in the reverse of this coin there is a triumphal arch, with a man on horseback between two trophies, and the title DE BRITAN; I should imagine, that in the 9th year of Claudius (for so I reckon from the Tribunitian power) there were two Victories [over the Britains.]

2 In the second Coin (which is also one of Claudius Augustus) by this Inscription, TI. CLAVD. CAES. AVG. GER. TR. P. XII. IMP. XIIX. we learn that in the twelfth year of his reign, after he had been successful in Britain, he was saluted Emperor the eigh­teenth time; and the Ploughman with a Cow and a Bull inform us that at the same time a Colony was placed in Camalodunum. The Romans (says Servius) clad after the Gabine fashion, (i.e. with part of their gown covering their head, and the other part tuckt up,) when they had a design to build a city, yok'd on the right hand a Bull, with a Cow on the inner side, and in that habit held the crooked plough-tail so as to make all the earth fall inwards. By thus drawing a furrow, they markt out the track of the walls, lifting up the plough where the place of the gates was to be.

3 The son of Claudius (whose the 3d Coin is with Greek characters) was by a Decree of the Senate ho­nour'd with the sirname of BRITANNICVS to use as peculiar to himself; upon the account of his Fa­thers success. He it was for whom Seneca pray'd, That he might quiet Germany, aperiat. make an inroad into Britain, and ducat. maintain his fathers triumphs with new ones of his own. But what then must be the meaning of that half ship with an Inscription to this sens [...], The Metropolis of King Etiminius? Well, truly who this Etiminius should be, does not appear to me; unless one should imagine him to be that Adiminius, Cuno­belin's son, who (as Suetonius says) took protection under C. Caligula.

4 The fourth Coin, which is Hadrian's, with this In­scription, HADRIANVS AVG. CONSVL III. PA­TER PATRIAE; and on the reverse EXERCITVS BRITANNICVS (or the British army) represented by three souldiers; I should imagine to point out the three legions that serv'd in Britain in the year of Christ 120 (for then he was third Consul,) namely, the Secunda Augusta, the Sexta Victrix, and the Vice­sima Victrix.

5. 6. The fifth and sixth (both of Antoninus Pius) with this Inscription, ANTONINVS AVG. PIVS. P. P. TR. P. COS. III. and on the reverse of the one, Britain sitting on the rocks, with a military ensign, a spear, and a shield; but on that of the other, the same Britain sitting upon a globe. These seem to have been stamp'd by the British Province, in honour of Antoninus Pius, at his coming to the Empire, in the year of Christ 140. The military habit of the Province of Britain, assures us, that at that time it flourished in military discipline. So the money coined by Italy in honour of him, upon this occasion, has such a figure sitting upon a globe, with a Cornucop [...], to signifie plenty of all things: that by Sicily, has the figure, with ears of corn, to denote fruitfulness and that by Mauritania, a person holding two spears with an horse, to imply the peculiar glory of that Province in Cavalry. And hither also is to be referr'd the ninth, which is the same Antoninus's, but not put in its pro­per place.

The 7th (which is Commodus's) only teaches us, 7 that upon the account of a victory over the Britains, he took the name of Britannicus. for on the reverse, we see Victory with a branch of a Palm-tree holding a shield, and leaning upon the shields of the conquer'd Britains, with this Inscription, VICTORIA BRI­TANNICA.

The 8th (which is Caracalla's, but is not put in its 8 proper place) plainly shews by the Numerals that he conquer'd the enemy in Britain in the year of our Lord. 14. as also by the Trophy, which Virgil in these verses has described more lively than the best En­graver can possibly do.

Ingentem quercum decisis undique ramis
Constituit tumulo, fulgentia (que) induit arma
Mezenti ducis exuvias, tibi magne tropheum
Bellipotens: aptat roranteis sanguine cristas,
Tela (que) trunca viri.
And first he lopp'd an Oak's great bran hes round,
The trunk he fasten'd in a rising ground.
And here he fixt the shining Armor on,
The mighty spoil from proud Mezentius won.
The Crest was plac'd above that dropt with blood,
A grateful trophy to the warlike God;
And shatter'd spears stuck round.—

The same inference is to be made from the 12th, 12 which is the same Caracalla's.

In those of Severus and Geta, there is no diffi­culty. 10. 11.

Who this Aelian was, does not yet appear. Some 13 reckon him to be A. Pomponius Aelianus among the 30 Tyrants. Others make him Cl. Aelianus among the six Tyrants under Dioclesian. And some there are who think that this was the very Tyrant in Britain, under Probus the Emperor, whom Zosimus mentions without telling us his name, and of whom we have spoken before. But at what time soever it was, I am altogether of opinion that he was called Augustus in Bri­tain, because his Coins are found only in our Island, with this Inscription, IMPERATOR CL. AELIA­NVS PIVS FOELIX AVGVSTVS. On the re­verse, VICTORIA AVGVSTI, which hints that he subdued some Barbarians or other.

The Coin of Carausius, with this Inscription, IM­PERATOR 14 CAIVS CARAVSIVS PIVS FOE­LIX AVGVSTVS, and on the reverse, PAX AV­GVSTI, seems to have been stamp'd after he had scowrd the British Sea of the Pirates.

When Allectus (who made away Carausius) had 15 usurp'd the Government, and behaved himself stout­ly against the Barbarians, he stamp'd this Coin, with the Inscription, VIRTVS AUGVSTI. By the Let­ters Q. L. some would have meant Quartarius coyn'd at London; others, a Quaestor or Treasurer of Lon­don.

After Constantius Chlorus had ended his days at 16 York, and was solemnly deified, this money was coyn'd in honour and memory of him, as appears by the Inscription, and the Temple between two Ea­gles. The letters underneath, P. LON. shew that the money was stamp'd at London.

17 His wife, Flavia Helena, a Lady of British birth (as our Histories tell us, and that excellent Historian Baronius confirms) after her son Constantine the Great had routed the Tyrant Maxentius, and having secur'd the Commonwealth, received the titles, Fundator qui­etis, Founder of peace; and Liberator orbis, Deliverer of the world: she also had this money coyned, in honour of her, at Triers, as appears by the Letters S. TR. i.e. Signata Treviris, stamp'd at Triers.

18 [...]l. Constantinus Maximus Augustus, that great orna­ment of Britain, coin'd this at Constantinople, (as ap­pears by the letters underneath, CONS.) with the inscription of GLORIA EXERCITVS; to ingra­tiate himself with the army, who in that age had the disposal of the Empire, and not the Emperor.

19 Constantinus Junior, son of Constantine the Great, (to whose share Britain fell among other Countries) stamp'd this Coin while his father was living. For he is only stiled Nobilis Caesar, a name that was wont to be given to theDesigna­tis Imper [...]i successori­ [...]us. Heirs apparent of the Empire. We may gather, from the building, and PROVIDEN­TIAE CAES. that he and his brother built some pub­lick work; and from P. LON. that it was coyned at London.

20 This Coin, inscrib'd Dominus noster Magnentius Pius Faelix Augustus, seems to have been stamp'd by Mag­nentius (whose father was a Britain) and design'd to ingratiate himself with Constantius, after he had con­quered some publick enemy. For the Characters DD. NN. AVGG. i.e. Domini nostri Augusti, intimate that there were then two Augusti, or Emperors. The words VOTIS V. MVLTIS X. witness that the peo­ple thenVota [...]ucupa­bat. solemnly prayed, That the Emperor might flourish five years, and multiplying that number, with lucky acclamations unanimously wish'd him many ten years. And this is farther made out by that passage in Nazari the Panegyrist, The Quinquennial feasts of the blessed and happy Caesars possess all hearts with abun­dance of joy; but in the appointed revolutions of ten years, our eager vows and swift hopes are at a stand. The let­ters P. AR. shew this Denarius to have been stampt at Arles.

21 Constantius, after he had defeated Magnentius, and recovered Britain, had this coined in honour of the army. The R. in the basis possibly, shews that it came out of the mint at Rome.

22 This Coin (stampt at Antioch, as appears by these small letters underneath) was made in honour of Va­lentinian, after he had reduced Britain from its decay­ing condition, and called that part he had recovered, from his own name Valentia.

23 To this Coin of Gratian's I have nothing to say, but what I just now observed upon that of Magnen­tius.

24 When Magnus Maximus was created Emperor by 25 the army in Britain, as also his son Flavius Victor; this 26 money was coined in compliment and honour to the soldiers: and Theodosius, after he had dispatcht them, stampt that with the Inscription, VIRTVTE EX­ERCITVS, upon the very same account.

27 In that golden Coin of Honorius, there is nothing observable, but that from AVGGG. we infer that there were then three Augusti, or Emperors; which was after the year 420. when Honorius was Emperor in the West, Theodosius Junior in the East, and along with them Constantius (who had conquer'd that Con­stantine, elected upon account of his name,) made Emperor by Honorius. As for that CONOB, it shews it to beObriz [...] pure gold, stampt at Constantinople.

For, as far as my observation has carried me, I ne­ver met with Con [...]b. in any Coins but golden ones.

I could add a great many more Roman Coins, (for there are prodigious quantities every day found through this kingdom, in the ruines of old demo­lished cities,In The­sa [...]ris & slaviss [...]s. l. 1. c. de [...]ri pub. profecut. Lib. 12, 13. C. Th. de suscept. praepos. in the treasure coffers or vaults hidden in that age, and in the funeral urns.) But I was ve­ry much surprised how such great abundance should remain to this day, till I had read that melting down of antient money was prohibited by the Imperial Constitutions.

Having now represented those antient Coins (Bri­tish and Roman)S [...]is ty­pis. in their proper forms; I cannot but think it the reader's interest to insert here a Cho­rographical Table of Britain, (when a Roman Pro­vince) with the antient names. Not that I promise to make it compleat; for who can pretend to that? But such a one, as, if you learn nothing else from it, will at least teach you this, that there are continual changes in this world, new foundations of cities laid, new names of nations trump'd up, and old ones reje­cted. So that (as the Poet says.)

Non indignemur mortalia corpora solvi,
Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori.
Vain mortals, ne're repine at heaven's decree,
When sad examples shew that towns themselves can dye.

Roman Coins. TAB. III. By Mr. Walker.

IMperator, at first was an appellation of Honour given by the soldiers to their Commander, that had 1 obtained a great victory over the enemies; but after­wards it was a title given to the chief General of their armies, as all the Emperors were.

The Tribunes also of the people were accounted sa­cred persons, and therefore might safely accuse any man to the people. They were always of Plebeian families; but the Emperors being Pontifices Maximi were Patritian. And therefore that their power might be uncontroulable, not being capable of the Tribune­ship, they obtained to have Tribunitiam potestatem, i.e. all the power of a Tribune; which was also conferred upon them every year, or as often as they desired it. Sometimes they refused it, and some­times they conferr'd it on one of their Confidents; and sometimes for five years. So that it is not true, which most of the Medal Writers, and Camden amongst them, say, that the number of the Tribunitia potestas was the number of their reigns. See the book of Coins and Medals in Augustus.

I have added the second, a Britain naked, fighting 2 with a man, armed with sword and buckler; out of the judgment of divers learned men, though I have not seen any with such inscription.

In the third is expressed the manner how the Ro­mans 3 settled the Countries they conquered: which was by planting strong Colonies of Romans in places convenient; whereby they both kept the conquered in peace, and entred into conversation and business with them by introducing frugality, husbandry, tra­ding, &c.

To the seventh, Commodus was by his flatterers cal­led Britannicus; whereas the Britains either endea­voured 7 or actually chosed another Emperor. Lampr.

To the sixteenth, I find one Aelianus chosen Em­peror 16 by the army of Lollianus, after they had flain him at Mentz.

To the seventeenth, C. Carausius was a man of very 17 mean birth; but by his parts, courage and industry, together with the money he had got from the Pirates, (never restoring what he took, either to the Empe­ror, or the persons robbed) advanced to that high degree. He was of Menapia, but (as it seems) not that in Gallia, but in Ireland.

Roman Coins. TAB. IV.

THese, as likewise the rest of the Roman Coins, are so common and well known, that there needs no explication of them. The ninth, tenth, &c. 9. 10. are added; because, though those contain nothing upon them expresly concerning Britain, yet Julius Caesar was the first that discovered, and made some small progress in reducing the nation. No mention of this is on his Coins, because then he was not su­pream, but acted as a General commissionated by the Senate; and the power of putting his Image upon Coins was not given him till afterwards, and till he had obtained the supream power. The reverse of this is Augustus; because under him the Britains lived in peace and liberty; probably secured by Cunobelinus, who (as we said before) lived at Rome in his time.

11 The eleventh is of Vespasian, who contributed more than any other to the conquest of Britain; and by his valour and success there, obtained that glory, which brought with it the Empire.

12 The twelfth is of Decimus Clodius Albinus, a great Gourmond, but a good Justicer, a valiant and expert soldier. He was a noble Roman, but born at Adru­metum. Commodus would have made him Caesar, I suppose because he was accounted of a gladiatorian humor also; but he refused it, yet accepted it from Severus. When Severus went against Pescennius Ni­ger, to keep him quiet in Britain, where he comman­ded the Legions, he named him Caesar, and Sophinius; and a little after, partaker or companion in the Em­pire. But Pescennius being overcome, he went streight against Albinus; who hearing of it, met him with his British Legions in arms; where divers sore battles were fought with various success. Till at Lyons, Al­binus was, by the treachery of some of his Officers, vanquish'd, sorely wounded, and basely and unwor­thily used by Severus; who cut off his head, sending it to Rome, where it was set upon the publick Gallows, and his body left in the Praetorium till it stunk, and was torn by dogs. It appears by divers of his Coins, that he was also Augustus, but not long before his death.

The thirteenth is of M. Aurelius Marius, placed 13 here, because some say that he was born in Britain: at first a smith, but being afterwards a soldier, got by his prodigious strength and valour, after Posthu­mus's death, to be chosen Emperor. Some say, that he reigned but three days; but by his many Coins, it appears that he reigned longer, both in Britain and Gaul. The soldier that killed him, up­braided him, that it was with a sword which himself had made.

The fourteenth. I had here placed Bonosus, a Bri­tain, 14 son of a Rhetorician, a very valiant warlike man, and the greatest drinker of his age. He commanded Rhaetia, (the Grisons country) and the confines of the Roman Empire towards the Germans: and having lost the fleet upon the Rhine left in his charge, for fear of punishment he rebelled, and declared himself Augustus. Probus, after a great battle, took and hanged the Usurper. In his stead therefore I have taken the Coin of Aemilianus, being very rare, be­cause I could find neither in metal or writing any one of Bonosus.

The fifteenth, being a rare Coin of Delmatius, I 15 have described, though not so nearly related to Bri­tain, being son to the brother of Constantine the Great, chiefly to fill up a void place.

As also, because Roman Coins are so well known, and very few more than what are here described, con­cerning Britain; for the better understanding of exo­tick Coins, as of the Franks, British, and Saxon; I thought it not amiss to insert an Alphabet of such letters as are usually found upon them. Some I have omitted, because I did not know them. The first Alphabet is of the Runic, which also hath some part in most of the rest.

The Destruction of BRITAIN.

THE Romans having now withdrawn their Forces, and abandon'd Britain, the whole frame of affairs fell into disorder and mi­sery; Barbarians invading it on one hand, and the Inhabitants breaking out into factions on the other; whilst each one was for usurping the Govern­ment to himself. They lived (says Ninius) about for­ty years together in consternation. For Vortigern, who then reigned, was apprehensive of the Picts and Scots, and of some attacks from those Romans who remained here. He was also fearful of Ambrosius Aurelius or Aurelia­nus, who still survived that hot engagement, wherein his parents, then Governours, were cut off. Upon this, Vor­tigern sends for the Saxons out of Germany to his assi­stance; Gildas. [...]axons cal­ [...]ed into [...]ritain. who instead of auxiliaries, turn'd most cruel enemies, and after the several events of many battles, dispossessed the poor Britains of the most fruitful parts of the Country, their ancient inheritance.

But this woful destruction of Britain, shall be re­presented (or rather deplored) to you in the melan­choly words of Gildas the Britain, all in tears at the thoughts of it. This Gildas is [...]n some [...]S. Co­ [...]ies in France call'd Que­ [...]uius, as I [...]ad it [...]rom the [...]amous Barnah. Brisonius. The Romans being drawn home, there descend in great crowds, from the little narrow bores of their Carucis. [...]tick [...]ale. Carroghes or Carts, wherein they were brought over the Scitick vale, about the middle of summer, in a scorching hot season, a duskish swarm of vermine, or hide­ous crew of Scots and Picts, somewhat different in man­ners, but all alike thirsting after blood; who finding that their old confederates [the Romans] were marched home, and refused to return any more, put on greater boldness than ever, and possessed themselves of all the North, and the remote parts of the Kingdom to the very wall; as if they were the right native Proprietors. To withstand this invasion, the towers [along the wall] are defended by a lazy garison, undisciplined, and too cowardly to ingage an enemy; being enfeebled with continual sloth and idleness. In the mean while the naked enemy advance with their hooked weapons, by which the miserable Britains, pulled down from the tops of the walls, are dashed against the ground. Yet those who were destroyed after this manner, had this advantage in an untimely death, that they escaped those miserable sufferings which immediately befell their brothers and children. To be short, having quitted their Cities and the high Wall, they betook themselves to flight, disbanding into a more desperate and hopeless dispersion than ever. Still the enemy gave them chase; still more cruel punishments are prepared; as Lambs by the bloody butcher, so were these poor creatures hew'd to pieces by their enemies. So that they may justly by their stay there, be compared to herds of wild beasts. For these miserable people did not stick at robbing one another for supplies of victuals; so that in bred dissentions enhanced the misery of their foreign suf­ferings, and brought things to that pass, by this spoil and robbery, that meat (the support of life) was wanting in the country, and no comfort of that kind to be had, but by recourse to hunting. Again, therefore, the remaining Bri­tains send their lamentable petitions to Aetius (a man of authority in the Roman State) after this manner:

To Aetius, thrice Consul,This is in s [...]me Co­pies Agi­tius; in o­thers E­quitius Cos. with­out the numerals. The Groans of the Britains. The Barbarians drive us to the Sea, the Sea again to the Barbarians; thus bandied between two deaths, we either perish by Sword or by Water.

Notwithstanding, they obtain no remedy for these evils. While in the mean time famine grows more sharp and pinching to the faint and strowling Britains, who reduced to such straits by these intolerable sufferings, surrender themselves to the enemy, that they may have food to re­cruit their spirits. However, others would not comply, but chose rather to infest them from their mountains, caves, and braky places with continual sallies. From that time forth for many years, they made great slaughter of the ene­mies as they went out to forage, not relying on their own strength, but trusting in God, according to that of Philo: The help of God is certainly at hand, when man's [Page ciii-civ] help faileth. The boldness of our enemies gave over for some time, but the wickedness of our Britains was with­out end. The enemies left us, but we would not leave our vices. For it has ever been the custom of this nation (as it is now at this day,) to be feeble in repelling an enemy, but valiant in civil wars, and in carrying on a course of sin, &c. Well, these impudent Irish robbers return home, with a design to come again shortly. The Picts in the re­motest part of theIn the text Insu­lae; in the mar­gin Pro­vinciae. Island, began from henceforth to be quiet, yet now and then making some spoil and ravage. In these cessations of arms, the scars of this famine began to wear out among the desolate Britains, but another more keen and virulent was sprouting up to succeed it. For during the forbearance of former ravages, the Kingdom enjoyed such excessive plenty, as was never remember'd in any age before; which is ever accompanied with debau­chery. For it then grew to so high a pitch, that it might be truly said at that time; Here is such fornication as was never among the Gentiles. Nor was this the only prevailing sin of that age, but all other vices that can be ima­gined incident to humane nature, especially (which also now at this day overthrow all goodness among us) a spight to truth, and the teachers of it, a fondness for lyes and those that forge them, imbracing evil for good, and a veneration for lewd­ness instead of virtue, a desire of darkness rather than light, and entertaining Satan before an Angel of light. Kings were anointed not by God,Kings a­nointed. but were such as were known to be more cruel than the rest; and were soon after put to death by their own Anointers, without due examination of the truth, and others morce fierce and cruel elected. Now if any one of these Kings seemed more mild than other, or a little more exact in his proceedings; all their malice and designs were without respect darted at him, as the subverter of Britain; and they weighed every thing that offended them in the same scale; if there was odds given, it was to condemn good actions, which were most displeasing; so that the prophesie denounced of old against Israel, may fitly be applied to them, A lawless generation, ye have for­saken the Lord, and provoked to wrath the holy one of Israel; why should ye be smitten any more, still multiplying iniquity? Every head is sick, and every heart is heavy. From the sole of the foot to the crown of the head, there is no soundness in it. Thus they acted quite contrary to their own safety, as if no re­trieve and cure could be bestowed upon the world, by the mighty Physician of us all, Nor was this the demeanor on­ly of the Laity, but the Clergy and Pastors too, whose ex­amples should be a guide to all others. Yet many of them were notorious for their drunkenness, having debauched themselves with wine to a perfect sottishness: or else for being swoln with pride and wilfulness, full of contention, full of gall and envy, and incompetent judges of good and evil. So that (as at this day) Princes were plainly con­temned and slighted, and the people seduced by their own follies into boundless errors; and so misguided. In the mean time, God intending to purge his family, and reform it from such great corruptions by the bare apprehensions of imminent sufferings; a former report is again broached, and presently flies abroad with fair notice, that now our old enemy's approaching with design to destroy us, and in­habit the land, as they did formerly, from the one end to the other. Notwithstanding all this, they became not pe­nitent, but like mad horses, refusing (as we say) the reins of reason, run on upon the broad way of wickedness, lea­ving the narrow paths which lead to happiness. Where­fore (as Solomon says) when the obstinate servant is not reformed with chiding, he is whipt for a fool, and conti­nues insensible.A Plague. For a contagious plague fell so outragiously among these foolish people, and without the sword swept off such numbers of them, that the living could scarce bu­ry the dead. But they were not yet mended by this cor­rection; that the saying of the Prophet Esay might be also fulfilled in them, And God called them to sorrow and mourning, to baldness and sackcloth; but behold they fell to killing of calves, to slaying of rams: Loe, they fell to eating and drinking; and said withall, let us eat and drink, for to morrow we die. For the time drew near, wherein the measure of their sins, like that of the Am [...]rites heretofore, was filled up. They took counsel together what was the most effectual and conveni­ent course to withstand those barbarous and frequent inroads of the aforesaid nations, and how the booties which they took should be divided. Then the whole Council, together with the proud Tyrant, being blindly infatuated, devise this security, or rather destruction for their country; that the fierce Saxons of ever execrable memory,Saxons [...] into the Island. and detested by God and man, should be admitted into the Island, like so many wolves into the sheep-fold, to defend them from the northern Nations. A thing more destructive and pernici­ous than ever was done to this Kingdom. O the mist and grossness of this sense and apprehension! O the dull and blockishness of these Souls! Those, whom at a distance, they dreaded more than death, now these foolish Princes of Egypt (as I may say) voluntarily invite into their own houses, giving (as 'tis said) such mad counsel to Pharaoh.

Then that kennel of whelps issued out upon us from the den of the barbarous Lioness, in three vessels, called in their language Cyules, but in ours, long Galleys; The [...] man C [...] les. which with full sail, lucky omens and auguries, pontended that they should hold the land whither they were then bound, for three hundred years, and that one hundred and fifty years, or one half of the said time, would be spent in frequent ravages. Having first landed in the east part of the Island, by the appointment of this unfortunate Tyrant, they stuck fast there, pretending to defend the country, but rather oppress'd it. The foresaid Lioness, being advised that her first brood had succeeded, pours in a larger herd of these devouring brutes, which arriving here, joyn them­selves to the former spurious issue. From henceforth, the seeds of iniquity, the root of bitterness, those plagues justly due to our impieties, shoot out and grow among us with great increase. These Barbarians being received into the Island, obtain an allowance of provisions, pretending them­selves falsly to be soldiers, and willing to undergo any hard­ships for the sake of the kind Britains that entertained them. These favours granted, stopped (as we may say) the Curs mouth for some time. Then they complain that theirEpi [...] nia. monthly pay was too little, industriously seeking a­ny colourable cause to quarrel; declaring they would break their league, and ravage the whole Island unless a more liberal maintenance was allowed them. Without more ado, they presently shew they were in earnest by their following actions (for those causes which had pulled down vengeance on our former wickedness were still greater;) so that from sea to sea the country is set on fire by this prophane eastern crew, who ceased not to consume all the Cities and country thereabouts, till the whole surface of the Island, as far as the western Ocean, was burnt by these terrible flames. In this devastation, comparable to that of the Assyrians heretofore against Juda, was also fulfilled in us (according to the History) that which the Prophet, by way of lamen­tion, says, They have burnt with fire thy sanctuary, they have polluted the tabernacle of thy name in the land. And again, O God, the Gentiles are come in­to thy heritage, they have defiled thy holy temple, &c. So that all the Colonies were overturned with En­gines, and the inhabitants, together with the Bishops, Priests, and all the People, cut off by fire and sword together. In which miserable prospect, a man might likewise see in the streets, the ruines of towers pulled down, with their stately gates; the fragments of high walls; the sacred altars, and limbs of dead bodies, with clots and stains of blood hudled together in one mixt ruine, like a wine-press: for there was no other graves for the dead bodies, than what the fall of houses, or the bowels of beasts and fowls gave them.

In reading these things, we ought not to be angry at honest Gildas for inveighing so keenly against the vices of his Countrymen the Britains, the barbarous outrages of the Picts and Scots, and the insatiable cruelty of our Saxon Ancestors. But rather being now, by engrafting or mixture for so many ages, be­come all of us one people, and civilized by religion and liberal arts, let us reflect upon what they were, and we ought to be; lest God likewise, for our sins transplant other nations hither, that may root us quite out, or at least enslave us to them.

Britains of ARMORICA.

[...]ldas.IN these miserable, and most woful times, some remains of the poor Britains being found in the mountains, were there butchered in great numbers; others, pinched with famine, surrendered themselves to the enemy as their slaves for ever, provided they might not presently be put to death, which was to be taken for a very great favor. Some retired beyond sea, singing under their spread sails after a howling manner, instead of a parting song, to this purpose: Thou hast given us [O Lord] as sheep to be devoured, and scattered us a­mong the heathen. Yet others remained in their native country, though with great fear, trusting their lives to vast mountains, dreadful precipices, intrenched places, to woody forrests, and rocks in the sea. Some of those who passed beyond sea, were they without question, who to secure themselves, went in great numbers to Armorica in France, where they were received very kindly by the Armoricans. Which (a not to menti­on a community of language, that of Armorica being almost the same with our British or Welch, nor other Authors who agree in this point) is proved by an Au­thor in the next age to it, and born in Armorica, who has writ the life of S. Wingualof the Confessor. A race of Britains (says he) imbarked in little vessels, were transported over the British sea to this land, a barba­rous nation of the Saxons, terrible and warlike, and all of like manners, having possessed themselves of their native Country. Then that dear race shut themselves within this corner, where being wore out with fatigue, they are set­led in a quiet country. Yet our Historians tell us, that the Britains were long before this seated on that coast. Malmesbury says, That Constantine the Great was salu­ted Emperor by his army, and order'd an expedition for the Superio­ [...]s terras. higher parts, brought away with him many British Souldiers; by whose means, having obtained the Empire with successful victories, he planted such of them, as had run through the full course of Souldiery, in a certain part of Gaul towards the west upon the shore; where to this day their posterity are prodigiously increased, and some­what altered in modes and language from our Britains. This was certainly an order of Constantine the Emperor: Let the old souldiers enter upon the vacant lands, and hold them freely for ever. [...]od. Theod. [...]ib. 7. Tit. [...]0. Likewise Ninius, Maxi­mus the Emperor, who slew Gratian, would not send home the souldiers that had followed him out of Britain, but gave them many countreys, from the Poole above Mons Jovis, to the city called Cantguic, and to the western heap, or Cruc-occhidient. He that writes notes upon Ninnius, adds falsly, That the Armorican Bishops beyond sea, went from hence in an expedition with Maximus the Tyrant, and when they could not return, lay the western parts of France level with the ground; and taking their wives and daughters to marriage, cut out all their tongues, lest the children should speak their language. And upon this ac­count, we call them in our language Lhet Vydion, i.e. half silent, because they speak confusedly. I cannot gain­say the authority of these men; but yet am of opini­on, that the children of these veterans willingly re­ceiv'd the Britains that fled out of their own Coun­try. However, the name of Britains does not ap­pear by the Writers of that age to have been in these parts, before the Saxons came into Britain; unless those be they, whom Pliny seems to place in Picar­dy, and who are called Brinani in some Copies. For whoever imagines with Volaterranus, from the fourth book of Strabo, that Britannia was a city of France; let him but look upon the Greek Text, and he may easily learn that Strabo speaks there of the Island Bri­tain, and not of a City. As for that verse of Diony­sius Afer, which I have already cited, some are in­clined rather to understand it (as Stephanus does) of our Britains, then (as Eustathius does) of them in Armori­ca, especially seeing Festus Avienus, an ancient Wri­ter, has thus rendered it:

Cauris nimiùm vicina
Flavaque caesariem Germania porrigit ora.
Cold Britain, plac'd too near the Northern winds,
And yellow hair'd Germany her coast extends.

Nor let any man think that the Britanniciani Britanni­ciani. men­tioned in the Notitia, came originally from hence; who were really those troops of Souldiers that were raised in our Britain.

Before the arrival of our Britains, this Country was called Armorica, Armonica. i.e. situated by the sea side; after that, to the same sense, in our British tongue, Llydaw, Lexovit perhaps in Pliny. that is, upon the shore; and by our Latin writers of the middle age, Letavia. Zonaras. And therefore I suppose them to be the Laeti which Zosimus talks of in Gaul, when he takes notice that Magnentius the Tyrant was born among the Laeti there, and that his father was a Bri­tain. TheseCalled by Pro [...]opius, Arborici; and by a­nother, the Country it self Cor­nu Galliae, the horn of France. Armorici (during the reign of Constan­tine, who was chosen for the sake of his name; and the time the Barbarians quite over-ran France, turn­ed out the Roman Garisons) made themselves a di­stinct Commonwealth. But Valentinian the Younger, by the assistance of Aetius, and the mediation of St. German, reduced them. At that time Exuperan­tius seems to have reigned over them. Of whom, Claudius Rutilius, thus:

Cujus Aremoricas pater Exuperantius oras
Nunc post liminium pacis amore docet:
Leges restituit, libertatemque reducit,
Et servos famulis non sinit esse suis.
Where great Exuperantius gently sways,
And makes the Natives love return in peace;
Restores their laws, and grateful freedom gives,
Nor basely lets them be his servant's slaves.

From these verses, I cannot tell but Aegidius Ma­serius might conclude that the Britains were servants to the Armorici, and [...]egained their freedom in spight of them. The first mention of the Britains inb Armorica that I know of, was in the year 461, a­bout thirty years after the Saxons were call'd into Britain; for then Mansuetus a British Bishop (among others of that dignity in France and Armorica) first subscribed in the Council of Tours. In the ninth year after, these new Inhabitants of France, seeing the Visigoths possess themselves of the fertile coun­treys of Anjou and Poictou, set upon them, and were the only men that stopped them from seising all France into their own hands. For they sided with Anthemius, the Roman Emperor, against the Goths; so that Arvandus was condemned of high treason,Sid. Apol­linar. for writing letters to the King of the Goths, advising him to conquer the Britains who lived upon the Loire, and to divide France between the Goths and Burgun­dians. These Britains were a cunning sort of people, An. 470. warlike, seditious, and stubborn upon the account of their valour, numbers, and allies, says Sidonius Appollinaris in his complaint of them to his friend Riothimus, as he himself calls him (but Jornandes stiles him King of the Britains,) who being afterwards sent for by Anthemius, went with a supply of 12000 men to the Romans; but before he could joyn them, was defeat­ed in a fair engagement by the Goths, and so fled to the Burgundians, who were then Confederates with the Romans. From that time, the Armorici being subdued by little and little, the name of Bri­tains grew so great in this new countrey, that the whole body of inhabitants began to fall under it, [Page cvii-cviii] and the tract it self to be called Britannia Armorica, and to be stiled by the French Britannia Cismarina. Hence J. Scaliger;

Vicit Aremoricas animosa Britannia gentes,
Et dedit imposito nomina prisca jugo.
Armorica stout Britain overcame,
And with her yoke impos'd her ancient name.

For that they fell upon their friends who had enter­tained them, is manifest (among others) from the words of Regalis Bishop ofVene­tensis. Gregor. Turon. lib. 10. c. g. Vennes, concerning him­self and friends. We are enslaved to the Britains, and undergo a hard yoke. In after times, they courage­ously defended their lives and liberties against the French; at first under the conduct of petty Kings, and afterwards under Counts and Dukes; though (as Glaber Rodolphus has it,) their whole wealth con­sisted in being freed from tribute, and in having plenty of milk. And hence William of Malmesbury, who wrote five hundred years ago, says thus of them; They are a generation of men very needy at home; and therefore earn foreign pay in other places by very toilsome methods. If they be but well paid, they stick not (either upon the score of right or kindred) at engaging in civil wars, but are mercenary, and for the side that bids most.


THE rest of the Britains (who were mise­rably forc'd to seek a Country in their own native one) underwent such a weight of calamity as cannot to the full height of it be express'd: being not only harrassed by a cruel war carried on far and near against them by the Saxons, Picts, and Scots; but every where oppress'd by the intolerable insolence of wicked Tyrants. Who, and what these were, about the year 500, you shall hear in short from Gildas, who liv'd at that time, and was himself an eye-witness. Constantinus Constan­tinus. among the Damnonii, though he had bound himself by an express oath before God and the Saints, that he would do the duty of a good Prince, yet slew two children of the blood royal, and their two Tutors (both valiant men) in two Churches, under the Amphibalus (As an old Glos­sary in­terprets it. or sacred vest­ment hary on both sides) which the Abbot wore, ha­ving many years before that put away his lawful wife, and defil'd himself with repeated adulteries.

Aurelius Conanus, also called Caninus.Aurelius Conanus, wallowing in parricides and adul­teries, and hating the peace of his country, was left alone like a tree withering in the open field. His father and brothers were carried away with their own wild whim­seys, and surprised by an untimely death.

Vortiporius,Vortipo­rius. a tyrant of the Dimet [...], the unworthy son of a good father, in his manners like a Panther, be­ing as much spotted with his sins: sitting in the throne in his grey hairs, full of craft and subtilty, and defiled with parricides and adulteries, turn'd off his wife, committed a rape upon her daughter, and then kill'd her.

Cuneglasus,Cunegla­sus. in Latin Lanioc fulvus, a bear riding upon many, and the coachman that drives the chariot which holds the bear, a despiser of God, and oppressor of the Clergy, fighting against God with sins, and men with arms; turned off his wife, industriously sought out holy men to injure them, was proud of his own wisdom, and confided in the uncertain strength of his riches.

Maglocunus,Maglocu­nus. an Island Dragon, (who had deprived many tyrants of their Kingdoms and lives) would be ever first in at a mischief; his strength and malice was generally above that of others; he gave largely, sinned pro­fusely, fought stoutly, and excelled all the Commanders of Britain both in extent of Dominions, and in the stature and gracefulness of his person. In his youth he fell upon his Uncle, then a King, and his courageous souldiers, and destroyed them with fire and sword. Afterwards, when the fantastick thoughts of reigning in an arbitrary manner were extinguished, he fell into such a remorse of conscience, that he profess'd himself a monk; yet he soon returned to his vomit, and breaking his former vows to a monastick life, despised his first marriage, and fell in love with the wife of his own brothers son then living, killing the said brothers son and his own wife, after he had lived some time with her; and then he married his brothers sons wife, on whom he had settled his affections. But the relation of these things belongs to Historians, who have hitherto falsly made them to succeed one ano­ther, when at the very same time (as appears from Gildas who speaks to them all severally) they usurp'd a tyranny in distinct parts of the Island.

These few remains of the Britains withdrew them­selves into the western parts of the Island, namely,Corn­weales, Brit­weales, Walsh, Welsh [...] those we call Wales and Cornwall; which are forti­tified by nature with hills and aestuaries. The first of those Countreys was call'd by the Saxonsd Brit­weales, and the other Cornweales, as those in France Galweales. For any thing that was exotick and fo­reign, was nam'd by them Walsh; and for the same reason the Walloones in Holland, and the Vallachi upon the Danube, were originally so call'd. These Brit­wales [or Welshmen] were a warlike people, and for many ages maintained their liberty under their petty Kings. Although they were shut out from the English by a trench of wonderful make, cast by King Offa, yet they were ever now and then breaking in, and wasting their cities with fire and sword; and likewise were repay'd by the Saxons with most grie­vous outrages. At last in the reign of Edw. the first,Statut [...] Wall [...]a. (as he writes it of himself) The Divine Providence, which disposeth all things rightly, among other dispensations of his mercy, by which he has vouchsafed to adorn us and our Kingdom of England, hath now by his mercy subjected the Kingdom of Wales, with the inhabitants thereof, (who held formerly of us) wholly and fully without any let or hindrance to our property and dominion; having annexed and united the same to the crown of our said Realm as one member of the self same body. Notwithstanding in the next age, nothing in the world could induce them to endure this servitude, no accommodation could be made between them; and this spight, and hatred upon it between the two nations, could never be extinguished, till Henry the seventh (descended from the Welsh) was favourable and easie to them, and Hen. VIII. admitted them to the same laws and liberties that the English have. Since that, and some time before, the Kings of England have found them to be of untainted loyalty and obedience. However the Cornwalli were soon reduced under the dominion of the Saxons, in spight of all the opposition they re­solutely made to defend their country; being over­match'd in number, and their territories not so well guarded by nature, as to protect them.

But what we have said already, may suffice for the Britains and the Romans. However, since I here treat of the Inhabitants, I must not pass on without heeding what Zosimus relates,Lib. 1. Vandals and Bur­gu [...]dians in Bri [...]a [...] (though I took no­tice of it before;) That Probus the Emperor trans­planted the Vandals and Burgundians he had conquered, into Britain, who being settled here proved very serviceable to the Romans whenever a sedition was hatching. But where they could be seated, unless it were in Cambridgeshire, I cannot tell. For Gervasius [Page] Tilburiensis takes notice of an old Vallum in this County, which he calls Vandelsburg, and says it was done by the Vandals.

I would not have any one imagine, that in the time of Constantius, the Carthaginians were seated here; grounding their opinion upon that passage of Eumenius the Rhetorician, Nisi forte non gravior Bri­tarmiam ruina depresserat, quam si perfusa tegeretur Oceano, quae profundissimo Poenorum gurgite liberata, ad conspectum Romanae lucis emersit, i.e. Unless the grievance where­with Britain was opprest, were not greater than if it had been quite overwhelmed with the Ocean But now freed from a deep gulf of the [Poeni] lifts up it's head at the sight of the Roman light. For there is an old Copy which belong'd to Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, and after that to the Right Honou­rable Baron Burghly Lord High Treasurer of Eng­land, wherein it is read Paenarum gurgitibus. And he seems to treat of those grievances and punishments with which they were gall'd under Carausius.

From that of Agathias likewise, in the second book of his History, The Britains are a nation of the Hunns; I would not have any one scandalize the Britains, or conclude them to be Hunns. For in one Greek Copy it is read [...] and not Britones, as I have been assured long since by the most learned Francis Pithaeus; and as J. Lewenclaius, a most deserving person for his knowledge in History, has now published it.


NOW for the other Inhabitants of Bri­tain; and first of the Picts; who in the order of Antiquity are allow'd by Histo­rians to come next the Britains. Hector Boetius derives these people from the Agathyrsi; Pom­ponius Lactus, Aventinus, and others from the Ger­mans. Some will have them from the Pictones in France, and Bede from the Scythians. It happen'd (says he) that the Picts sailed from Scythia (as the re­port goes) in some few gallies into Ireland, and that having desired a seat of the Scots there without success, they went over to Britain by their advice, and settled upon the north part of it, about the year 78 (as many would have it.)

In such112 variety of opinions, I don't know which to adhere to; however to shew as well as I can, how the truth of this matter stands, I will venture to deli­ver my own thoughts of it. And unless the Autho­rity of Venerable Bede was a sufficient counterpoise to any conjecture, I should be apt to think that the Picts were not transplanted from other countreys; but originally Britains, and the offspring of them. I mean those very Britains, who before the Romans came here, inhabited the north part of the Island; and those who being a nation averse to slavery, and then refusing to be hamper'd by the Romans, af­terwards joined them. For just as those Britains did, who in the Saxon invasion being loath to part with their liberty, withdrew and retreated to the west­parts of the Island, Wales and Cornwall, full of craggy hills: so doubtless the Britains in the Roman war, ra­ther than be brought under slavery (the very worst of evils) shifted to these northern parts, frozen by excess of cold, horrible in its rough and craggy places, and imbogued by the washing in of the Sea, and the sens in it; where they were defended not so much by their weapons, as by the sharpness of the air and wea­ther, and grew up with the natives of the country into a populous nation. For Tacitus tells us, that the enemies of the Romans were driven into these parts (as into another Island) by Agricola his father in law; and no man questions but they were Britains that peopled these remote parts of the Island. For can any one fancy, that all those Britains at war with the Romans (that amounted to an army of 30000 fight­ing men, led out at once against Agricola; and who gave Severus such great defeats, that in one ex­pedition, seventy thousand of his Roman and confe­derate Troops were cut off) were every soul of them destroyed, without one remaining to propagate posterity; so that we must needs fill the place with foreigners from Scythia or Thrace? I am so far from believing it (though Bede hath said it upon the credit of others) that I had rather affirm them to have been so fruitful and multiplying, that their own country was unable to allow them either room or food; and that therefore they were constrain'd to overflow, and in a manner overwhelm the Roman Province; as af­terwards they certainly did when the Scots settled there among them. But because Bede writ this ac­cording to the report of others in those times, I am very apt to believe that some from Scandia (which was heretofore, together with all that northern tract, call'd Scythia) might arrive among these Northern Britains, by way of that continu'd set of Islands, lying almost close to one another.

However, lest any one imagine that I here impose upon my self by a specious lie, I think I can shew from the manners, name, and language of the Picts (wherein they will appear to be very agreeable with our Britains,) that they were indeed the very Britains themselves.

And therefore without taking notice that neither the Picts (according to Bede,) nor the Britains (ac­cording to Tacitus) made any distinction of Sex in point of Government, or excluded the Females from the Crown: that fashion of painting and dawbing themselves with colours, was common to both nati­ons. Thus much we have already observ'd among the Britains; and Claudian will shew us the same among the Picts.

Nec falso nomine Pictos
—In happy war o'recame
The Picts that differ nothing from their name.


Ferro (que) notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.
—And oft survey'd
Pale ir'n-burnt figures on the dying Pict.

Isidorus is no less clear in this matter. The Pict's name exactly answers their body; because they squeeze out the juice of herbs, and imprint it in their bodies by prick­ing their skins with a needle, so that the spotted nobility bear these scars in their painted limbs, as a badge and in­dication of their honour. Now, shall we imagine that these Picts were Germans, who never had any such mode of painting among them? or that they were the Agathyrsi of Thrace, a people so very far off? and not rather that they were the Britains themselves, seeing they were in the same Island, and had the very same custom of painting?

Nor are these Barbarians (who so long infested the Romans by their sallies from the Caledonian wood) expressed by any other name in old Authors, such as Dio, Herodian, Vopiscus, &c. than that of Britains. Likewise Tacitus (who gives a full account of that war, that his father in law Agricola carried on in this outward part of Britain) calls the Inhabitants by no other name than this of Britanni and è Caledonia Bri­tanni; whereas these new-comers the Picts had been [Page cxi-cxii] here ten years before, according to the report of our modern writers, which I would have notice taken of, because Tacitus knew nothing at all of them in his time. Nor would those Roman Emperors, who car­ried on the war with success against them, namely Commodus, Severus, with Bassianus and Geta his sons, have assumed the title of Britannici upon the conquest of them, in case they had not been Britains. With­out doubt, if the Romans (to whom every thing un­known was magnificent) had conquered any other nation different from the Britains, and, which they knew not of before; whether they had been call'd Picts or Scots, would have had those titles of Picts or Scots in their Coins and Inscriptions. Tacitus con­jectures from their red hair and the bigness of their limbs, that they came originally from Germany; but immediately after, he more truly ascribes it to the climate, which models the bodies in it. Whereupon also Vitruvius: Those parts towards the north-pole pro­duce men of huge bulk, taunish colour, and lank red hair. Moreover, that the Caledonians, (who were without dispute Britains) were the very same with the Picts, we have another hint in that of the Panegyrist, Caledonum aliorumque Pictorum sylvas, &c. as if the Caledonians were no other than the Picts. And that these Caledonians were a British Nation, Martial in­timates in this verse of his,

Quinte Caledonios Ovidi visure Britannos.
Friend Ovid, who your voyage now design
To Caledonian Britains, &c.—

Ausonius also; who at the same time shews us they were painted, when he thus compares their colour to green moss mixt with gravel;

Viridem distinguit glarea muscum
Tota Caledoniis talis pictura Britannis.
Green moss with yellow sand distinguish'd grows,
Just so the Caledonian Britain shows.

But as these went current for a long time by no other name than that of Britains, and that too drawn from their painted bodies; so afterwards about the time of Maximinian and Dioclesian (before which the word Picts is not to be met with in any Writer,) when Britain had been so long a Province that the Inhabi­tants began to understand the Provincial Latin; these then seem first to have been call'd Picts to distinguish them from those who were confederate with the Ro­mans and call'd Britains. And what could give occa­sion for calling them Picts, but that they painted themselves? But if any one does not believe that ever our Britains made use of the Provincial Latin, he has not observ'd, what care was taken by the Romans to induce the Provinces to speak that language, nor what multitudes of Latin words have crept into the British tongue. So that I need not urge this point any farther with the authority of Tacitus; who writes, that in Domitian's time, the Britains affected the eloquence of the Roman language. But as for this name of the Picts, Lib. 4. c. 37. the authority of Flavius Vegetius will clear all doubts concerning it. He in some mea­sure demonstrates, that the Britains us'd the word Pictae to express a thing coloured, in the very same sense that the Romans did. For he says that the Bri­tains call'd your Scout-pinnaces Pictae, the sails and cables thereof being dy'd blue, and the mariners and souldiers clad in habits of the same colour. Certain­ly, if the Britains would call ships from their sails of blue-dye, Pictae, there is no reason in the world, why they should not give the name Picti to a people that painted their bodies with several colours, and espe­cially with blue (for that is the dye that woad gives.)

This farther makes for our purpose, that the Nor­thern Picts, converted to Christianity by the preach­ing and example of S. Columbanus, are called in the old Saxon Annalsa Brittas Pechtas, as if one should say, British Picts.

Language of the Picts.The reason why I have not many arguments drawn from the language of the Picts, is, because hardly a syllable of it is to be found in any Author: however it seems to have been the same with the British. Bede tells us, that a Vallumb began at a place, called in the Pictish tongue Penuahel; now Pengual in British plain­ly signifies a head, or the beginning of the vallum. More­over in all that part of the Island, which was longest possest by the Picts, (and that was the East part of Scotland,) many names of places seem to implie a British original: for example, Morria, Marnia, from the British word Mor, because those countreys bor­dered upon the sea: Aberden, Abenlothne [...], Aberdore, Aberneith; that is to say, the mouth of the den, of the Lothnet, of the Dore, and of the Neith; from the British word Aber, which signifies the mouth of a river. So Strathbolgy, Strathdee, Strathearn, that is, the vale of Bolgy, of the Dee, and of the Earne; from the word Strath, which means a vally in British. Nay, the ve­ry Metropolis of the Picts owns its name to be the off-spring of no other language but the British; I mean Edinburgh, (which Ptolemy calls Castrum alatum,) for Aden signifies a wing in British. Nor will I wrest it to an argument, that some of the petty Kings of the Picts were called Bridii, that is to say in British,c painted, as I have often observed, already. From what has been said, it pretty clearly follows, that [...]e language of the Picts was not different from that of the Britains; and therefore that the nations were not several and distinct, although Bede speaks of the lan­guage of the Picts and Britains as quite different; in which place perhaps he may seem to have meant on­ly dialects, by the term of language.

Nor is it strange that the Picts should, by their in­cursions, give great slaughter to their Countrymen the Britains, seeing at this day, in Ireland, those that are there subject to the English, have no such mali­cious and spiteful enemies, as their own fellow-natives the Wild-Irish. For, as Paulus Diaconus has it, Just as the Goths, Hyppogoths, Gepidians and Vandals, changing their name only, and speaking the self same language, en­countred one another often with great sharpness; so also did the Picts and Britains, especially when the last became confederates with the Romans. These (such as they are) were the motives that induced, and in a manner forced me to think the Picts a remainder of the Britains. But perhaps the authority of Bede may countervail all this; and if it please the Reader, let the tradition of so great a man, though built upon the mere report of others, prevail against and cast these conjectures.

Ammianus Marcellinus divides the Picts into Dical [...] ­donii and Vecturiones; D [...] d [...] V [...] n [...]. I should rather read it Deucali­donii, and do suppose them to have inhabited the West coast of Scotland, where the Deucalidonian Ocean comes up. Although I formerly imagined them to be thus called, as if one should say Nigri Caledonii (for Dec signifies black in British,) just as the Irish at this day call the Scotch of that country Duf Allibawn, that is to say, black Scots; and as the Welch called those Pi­rates that infested them from that coast, Yllu du, the black Army; yet a man may conjecture that they took that name from their situation. For Deheu Cale­donii implies the Caledonians living on the right hand, that is, to the Westward: as those other Picts dwel­ling towards the left, or the East, (which Ninnius calls the left-hand-part,) were termed Vecturiones, perhaps deduced from the word Ch [...]vithic, which sig­nifies so in British; and are fancied by some to be corruptly named in Ptolemy Vernicones. An old Saxon fragment seems to express them by the word Pegweorn, for so it names an enemy-nation to the Britains; whereas the antient Saxons called the Picts,d Pehits, and Peohtas. Hence in Whitkindus, Pehiti is every where read instead of Picti.

The manners of those antient and barbarous Bri­tains, that afterwards went by the name of Picti; C [...] a [...] ne [...] [...] Pic [...] Pa [...] we have already described from Dio and Herodian. It remains now that I add what followed. Upon the de­cline of the Empire, when the Romans unwarily rai­sed those Troops of Barbarians; some of these Picts, [...] [Page cxiii-cxiv] drawn over by Honorius (when the state of the whole Empire was calm, into the standing Army of the Empire) were called Honoriaci. These, in the reign of that tyrant Constantine, (e who was elected upon the account of his name) laid open the passes of the Pyrenees, and let the Barbarians into Spain. And at length (having first by themselves, and after with the Scots their Allies, infested this Province of the Ro­mans) they began to civilize: those of the South be­ing converted to Christianity by Ninia or Ninianus the Britain, [...]ede. a very holy man, about the year 430. but those of the North, who were separated from the o­thers by a craggy ridge of high mountains, by Colum­banus, a Scot of Ireland, and a Monk also of singu­lar holiness, in the year 565. Who taught them (wherever he learned it) to celebrate the feast of Easter, between the 14th day of March and the 20th, and always upon Sunday; and also to use another kind of tonsure than the Romans did, namely, that like the imperfect form of a Crown. These points were sharply contested for a long time in this Island, till Naitan, King of the Picts, with much ado, brought them to a conformity with the Roman Church. In this age many of the Picts, according to the manner of those times, went in Pilgrimage to Rome; and among others one of them is recorded in the Antiquities of St. Peter's Cathedral there, in these words, [...]sterius, Count [...] the [...]cts. Asterius, Count of the Picts, and Syra with his men, have performed their Vows. At last, they were so confounded by the Scots, rushing in upon them from Ireland, that being defeated in a bloudy Engage­ment, about the year 740. they were either quite ex­tinguished, or else by little and little fell into the name and nation of the other. Which very thing befel the mighty Kingdom of the Gauls, who being con­quered by the Franks, sunk by degrees into their name.

When the Panegyrist intimates, that before Caesar's time Britain was haunted by its half naked Enemies the Picts and Scots, he seems to speak according to the custom of that age; for certainly they were not then in Britain under that name.

Moreover, seeing Sidonius Apollinaris says thus in his Panegyrick to his Father-in-law,

—Victricia Caesar
Signa Caledonios transvexit ad us (que) Britannos,
Fuderit & quantum Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum.
Tho' Caesar's conq'ring arms as far
As Caledonian Britains urg'd the war,
Tho' Scots and Picts with Saxons he subdu'd.

I cannot but exclaim in the words of another Poet.

Sit nulla fides augentibus omnia Musis.
No credit justly should the Muses find,
That soar so high, they leave the truth behind.

Caesar, ever large enough in things that shew his own glory, would never have concealed exploits, if he had done them. But these writers seem not un­like some good learned Authors of this age, who in writing the history of Caesar, tell us that he conquer'd the French in Gaul, and the English in Britain; whereas at that time there was then no such names in being, as either that of the English here, or that of the French there; for those people, many ages af­ter, came into these countries.

That the Pictones Pictones. of Gaul were the same nation with our Picts, I dare not, with John Picardus, be­lieve; seeing the name Pictones was famous in Gaul, even in Caesar's time; and these of ours are no where exprest by that name: unless it be in one passage of the Panegyrist, where I know that Pictonum, by a slip in the transcriber, is put for Pictorum.


THE place among the British Nations next in order to the Picts, is in justice due to the Scots; but before I treat of them, lest some spiteful and ill-natur'd men should misconstrue those things for calumny, which with all sincerity and plain-dealing I have here collected out of antient Writers concerning the Scots; I must caution the Reader, that every word here is to be referred to the old, true, and genuine Scots only; whose poste­rity are those that speak Irish, who possess for a long way together that now called the West part of Scot­land, and the Islands thereabouts; and are commonly termed Highland-men. For those more civilized, who inhabit the East part of the country, though they are adopted into that name, yet are not really Scots, but of the same German original with us English. This they cannot but confess, nor we but acknow­lege; being called, as well as we, by the aforesaid Highland-men, Sassones. Besides, they speak the same language that we do, namely the Saxon, with some variation in Dialect only; which is an infallible proof of the same original. In which regard, I am so far in this from casting any reflection upon them, that I have rather loved them the more, as men of the same blood and extraction, and have ever respected them, even when the Kingdoms were distinct, and now much more, since by the favour of God we are uni­ted into one body, under one sovereign head of Eng­land and Scotland; which may the Almighty sancti­fie to the good, happy, prosperous, and peaceful state of both nations.

Thef beginning and etymology of the Scotch na­tion, as well as its neighbours, is so wrapt up in mists and darkness, that even the sagacious Buchanan either did not discover it, or only discovered it to himself: for he has not answered the expectation of the world concerning him in this point. Upon this account, I have long forbore entring the lists, and playing the fool with others, in admiring fables. For, a man may as colourably refer the original of Scotland to the Gods, as to Scota, that sham-daughter of Pharaoh,Scota, Phara [...]h's daughter. King of Aegypt, who was married to Gaithelus, son of Cecrops, the founder of Athens. But, as this opi­nion is rejected by those that are ingenuous among the Scots themselves, as sprung from a gross ignorance of Antiquity; so this other of a later date, absurdly ta­ken from a Greek original, that the Scots are so called quasi [...], that is to say, obscure, ought likewise to be hissed out, and exposed, as spightfully contrived in dishonour to a most famous and warlike nation. Nor is that opinion of our Florilegus, namely, that the Scots are so called, as arising from a confused med­dley of nations, universally current. Yet I cannot but admire, upon what grounds Isidorus could say,l. 9. c. 2 That the Scots in their own tongue have their name from their painted bodies, because they are marked by iron needles with ink, and the print of various figures. Which is al­so cited in the same wordsg by Rabanus Maurus, in his Geography to the Emperor Lodovicus Pius, now ex­tant in Trinity College Library at Oxford.

But seeing Scotland has nursed up those that can trace her Original from the highest steps of Antiquity, [Page cxv-cxvi] and do it both to their own honour, and that of their Country, if they will but employ their whole care and thoughts for a while upon it; I will only give some short touches upon those things, which may afford them some light into the truth of it, and offer some others, which I would have them weigh a lit­tle diligently: for I will not pretend to determine a­ny thing in this controversie. First therefore of their original, and then of the place from whence they were transplanted into Ireland.Ireland the C [...]un­try of the Scots. For 'tis plain, that out of Ireland, (an Isle peopled formerly by the Britains, as shall be said in its proper place,) they were transpor­ted into Britain; and that they were seated in Ire­land when first known to any Writers by that name. So Claudian, speaking of their inroads into Britain;

Totam cum Scotus Hibernem
Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis.
When Scots came thundring from the Irish shores,
And th'ocean trembled struck with hostile oars.

In another place also,

Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Hiberne.
And frozen Ireland moan'd the crowding heaps
Of murther'd Scots.—

Orosius likewise writes, that Ireland is peopled by nations of the Scots. Agreeable is also that of Isidore. Scot­land and Ireland are the same: but it is called Scotland, because it is peopled by nations of the Scots. Gildas calls them Hib [...]rnos grassatores, Irish robbers. Bede also, The Scots who inhabit Ireland, an Island next to Britain. And so in other places. Eginhardus, who lived in the age of Charles the Great, expresly calls Ireland, the Island of the Scots. Thus also Giraldus Cambren­sis, That the Scotch nation is the off-spring of Ireland, the resemblance of their language and dress, as well as of their weapons and customs, continued to this day, do sufficiently prove. But now for that I had to offer to be consi­dered by the Scots.

Ga [...]o [...]l, [...] G [...]thel, and Gael.Since they who are the true genuine Scots, own not the name of Scots, but call themselves Gaoithel, Gael, and Albin; and many people are called by their neighbours after another name than what they give themselves, by which the first rise of a nation is often traced; as for instance, the people of the lower Pan­nonia, who call themselves Magier, are called by the Dutch Hungari, because they were originally Hunns; those bordering upon the forest Hercynia, go by the name of Czechi among themselves, whereas they are called by others Bohaemi, because they are the off-spring of the Bott in Gaul; the Inhabitants of Africa, who have also a name among themselves, are nevertheless called by the Spaniards Alarbes, because they are Ara­bians; the Irish, who call themselves Erenach, are by our Britains called Gwidhill; and both the Irish and Britains give us English no other name than Sasson, be­cause we are descended from the Saxons. Since these things are thus, I would desire it might be examined by the Scots, whether they were so called by their neighbours, quasi Scythae. For as the low Dutch call both the Scythians and Scots by this one word, Scutten; so it is observed from the British writers, that our Bri­tains likewise called both of them Y-Scot. Ninnius also expresly calls the British inhabitants of Ireland Scythae, and Gildas names that Sea, over which they passed out of Ireland into Britain, Vallis Scythica. V [...]llis Scy­thica. For so it is in the Paris Edition of him, whereas others absurd­ly read it Styticha vallis. Again King Alfred (who 7 hundred years ago turned Orosius's History into Saxon) translates Scots by the word Scyttan; and our own borderers to Scotland do not call them Scots, but Scyttes and Scetts. In his H [...] ­podigma. For as the same people are called (so Walsingham has it) Getae, Getici, Gothi, Gothici; so from one and the same original come Scythae, Scitici, Scoti, Scotici.

But then, whether this name was given this nation by the neighbours, upon account of its Scythian, man­ners, or because they came from Scythia, I would have them next to consider.Lib. 6. For Diodorus Siculus and Strabo expresly compare the old people of Ireland,S [...]rabo, l. 4. (which is the true and native country of the Scots) with the Scythians, in barbarity. Besides, they drink the blood out of the wounds of the slain, they ratifie their leagues with a draught of blood on both sides, and the wild Irish (as also those that are true Scots) think their honour less or greater, in propor­tion to the numbers they have slain; as the Scythians heretofore did. Farther, 'tis observable, that the main weapons among the Scots, as well as among the Scy­thians, were bows and arrows. For Orpheus calls the Scythians [...], as Aelian and Julius Pollux, Sagittarii, that is to say, Archers; whereupon the learned are of opinion that both nations took their name from their skill in arching. Nor is it strange, that several nations should take the same name from the same manners; since those that have travelled the West-Indies tell us, that all stout men, who with their bows and arrows infest the whole India, and the Islands about it,Caribe [...] Benz [...] are called by this one name of Caribes, though they are of several nations.

But that they came from Scythia, the Irish Histo­rians themselves relate; for they reckon Nemethus the Scythian, and long after that Dela, (descended from the posterity of Nemethus, that is to say, of Scythian extraction) among the first inhabitants of Ireland. Ninnius also, Eluodugus's Scholar, expresly writes thus: In the fourth age of the world (he means that space between the building of the Temple and the Babylonish Captivity) the Scythians possessed themselves of Ireland. Agreeable with this is the authority of mo­dern writers; of Cisnerus in his Preface to Crantzius; Tom. 1. p. 37 and Reinerus Reineccius, who says, there remains descen­ded from the Scythians a nation of Scots in Britain, &c. Yet I very much question, notwithstanding the Getes were a Scythick nation, whether Propertius means our Irish in this of his,

Hiberni (que) Getae, Picto (que) Britannia curru.
And Irish Getes, and British foes that ride
In painted Chariots—

But the honour of the Scots (forsooth) is not to be saved in this point,From whence the Sco [...] cam [...] [...] Irelan [...]. unless they be transplanted from Spain into Ireland. For this, both they and their Historians as zealously stickle for, as if their lives and liberties were at stake; and indeed not without rea­son. And therefore all this is but lost labour, if there are no Scythians to be found in Spain.Scyth [...] in Sp [...] That the Scy­thians then were there, (not to mention that Pro­montory among the Cantabri, called Scythicum, next to Ireland; nor to heed what Strabo writes, that the Cantabri were like the Scythians in manners and bar­barity,) is clearly shewn us by Silius Italicus, who was born in Spain. For that the Concani, Conca [...]. a nation of Cantabria, were the off-spring of the Massagetae, that is, the Scythians, appears by this verse of his;

Et quae Massagetem monstrans feritate parentem
Cornipedis fusa satiaris Concane venâ.
Lib. [...].
Concans, that show themselves of Scythian strain,
And horse's blood drink from the reeking vein.

Some few lines after, he informs us that the Sarmatae (who are granted by all to be Scythians) built Susana, a City of Spain, in this verse,

— Sarmaticos attollens Susana muros.
Susan, that rears her proud Sarmatian walls.

From these Sarmatae, or Scythians, the Luceni, Luceni. which Orosius places in Ireland, seem to be descended, see­ing Susana is reckon'd by the Spaniards themselves a­mong the Lucensii, as likewise the Gangani of Ireland from these Concani. For the Lucensii and Concani a­mong the Cantabri were neighbours; as the Luceni and Gangani were in that coast of Ireland which lies towards Spain. If any one starts the question, Who these Scythians were that came into Spain? I can say nothing to it, unless you'll allow them to have been Germans. I wish the Scots themselves would consi­der a little farther of it.Germa [...]s in Spain That the Germans formerly enter'd into Spain, not to urge Pliny who calls the Oretani of Spain, Germans; Seneca, who was himself a Spaniard, will shew us.De C [...] ad Al [...] L. 4. c. 1. The Pyrenees (he says) did not stop the passage of the Germans; the freakishness of humane nature drew it self into these impassable and un­known ways. And that the Germans were called Scy­thians, may not only be gather'd from Ephorus and Strabo, who call all those nations towards the north Scythians; but also from Pliny, The name of the Scy­thians [Page cxvii-cxviii] (says he) is every where used among the Sarmatae and Germans. Aventinus is a witness, that the Ger­mans were nam'd Scythae and Scythulae by the Hunga­rians. Now to derive their Original from the Scy­thians can no ways be dishonourable, since they are not only a most antient people, but have conquer'd many other nations; and have ever been invincible themselves, and free from the yoke of any other em­pire. I must not omit, that the Cauci and Menapii, (who were reckon'd among the most famous nations in Germany) are placed by the same names, and at the same distance by Ptolemy in Ireland; which makes it probable, that they took both their name and original from the said Germans.

[...]a [...]s.If the Scots are not descended from these; I would have them consider, whether they are not the off-spring of those Barbarians, who were driven out of Gallaecia in Spain by Constantine the Great; accord­ing to King Alphonsus's Chronicle. For it is from those parts that they would have themselves to have been transplanted into Ireland. If they examine what these Barbarians were, I do not doubt, but they'll agree with me, that they were Germans; For in the reign of Gallienus, Orosius says that the remoter Germans possess'd themselves of Spain then wasted; and who could these remoter Germans be but the Scythians? But that edition of Aurelius Victor, publish­ed by Andreas Schottus, calls those Germans, Franks. Yet seeing these Franks and the remoter Germans sailing out of Germany, were carried a long way by stress of weather into the ocean; and, as Nazarius says to Constantine, infested the Spanish coasts all along our seas; who can ever believe that they left Ireland (a most fruitful Island, and rarely well situated for cruising upon Spain) for the dry barren soil of Biscay? Nay rather, as the Norwegians from Scandia in the time of Charlemain, and afterwards, often invaded Ireland and got possession there; so we may ima­gine, and that very probably, that formerly the Franks did the same, and that they were transported from thence to Spain; and being driven out there by Constantine the Great, [...]sius, [...]. 7. return'd to Ireland. 'Tis also like­ly, that more of them afterwards went thither, as well when the Vandals and the Goths made those tragical outrages in Spain, and the barbarians fell to war among themselves, and so kill'd and plunder'd one another; as when the invasion of the Saracens gaul'd the Spaniards, and drove many of them into Gallitia and Cantabria. But let others examine these matters; it may suffice for me, that I was at least wil­ling to remove this cloud.

The next query I would offer to be consider'd by them, is, how it comes to pass that the Irish, who are the Ancestors of the Scots, and the Scots them­selves, glory in the name Gael and Gaiothel; and in their languages are called Gaicthlac; and why they named that part of Britain where they first settled, Argathel: From what original can they derive these names? From the Gallaeci in Spain, many of whom doubtless shifted into Ireland; and whose first origi­nal is to be fetch'd from the Gallati or Gauls? or from the Goths, as some moderns are of opinion, who would deduce the word Gaiothel, (as Cathalonia in Spain) from the Goths? Here they may seek proofs from the resemblance between the Gothick language and the Irish; which yet has no congruity with any other language of Europe that I can find, but only the British and the German. How true that of Huntington may be; The Scots came from Spain to Ireland in the fourth age of the world; a part of them still remaining speaks the same language, and are called Navarri; I say how true this passage is, let others judge. I here take no notice of David Chambres, a Scotchman, who has been informed by the Jesuites, that the Scotch language is spoke in the East-Indies. I am afraid the distance of that country might prompt the credulous man to take the liberty of telling a lye, which he never made.

G ths and Hig [...]lan­ [...]ers have [...]he same [...]pparel.If arguments may be drawn from the habits; we shall soon find the same dress and apparel among the Highl [...]nders of Scotland, that was formerly used by the Goths; as appears by Sidonius, who in his description of a Goth, has given you the fair draught of a Scotch Highlander. They shine (says he) with yellow; they cover their feet as high as the ancle with hairy untann'd leather; Their knees, legs, and calves are all bare. Their garment is high, close, and of sundry colours, hardly reaching down to their hams. Their sleeves only cover the upper part of their arms. Their inner coat is green, and edged with red fringe. Their belts hang down from the shoulder. The lappets of their ears are cover'd with Flagellis locks of hair hanging over them (for so the manifold and distinct twists that there are in the hair of the Scotch and Irish, are properly called.) Their Arms are hooked Spears (which Gildas terms uncinata tela) and hatchets to fling. Th [...]y were also strait bodied coats (as Porphyrio says) without girdles. In Horat. de Arte Poet. If this is not the very habit of the Irish-Scots, I appeal to their own judgments. I would also have them think upon this passage of Giraldus Cambrensis in his first Book De Institutione Principis: When Maximus was transported from Britain into Gaul (with the whole strength of men, arms and ammuniton, that the Island could raise) to possess himself of the Empire, Gratian and Valentinian brothers and partners in the Empire, shipped over the Goths (a nation hardy and valiant, being at that time either their allies, or subject and obliged to them by some Imperial favours) from the borders of Scythia, into the north parts of Bri­tain, in order to annoy them, and make them call back the usurper with their youth. But they being too strong, both by reason of the natural valour of the Goths, and also because they found the Island destitute of men and strength, possest themselves of no small territories in the northern parts of the Island. But now, who these Goths were, others must find out, unless they may be al­lowed to be Scots; and perhaps they may have some light into that search from Procopius, where Belisa­rius answers the Goths, expostulating why they had granted Sicily to the Romans, in these words.Lib. 2. de Bello Go­thorum. We permit the Goths likewise to have Britain, which is much more excellent than Sicily; being heretofore conquer'd by the Romans. For 'tis reason that they who bestow favours, should receive either equal thanks, or an equal return of kindness. To this also may seem to be referr'd what the Scots write of Fergusius the Scot's being a com­panion of Alarick the Goth at the sacking of Rome;Lib. 6. cap. 25. what Irenicus tells us of Gensricus King of the Vandals going over to Scotland and Britain; and what Cambren­sis (I know not upon how good authority) relates of the Gaideli or Scots, taking not only their name, but their original from the Vandals; who (as P. Diaconus in­forms us) were the same with the Goths. Nor is it to be thought a diminution of the glory of the Scots, if they own themselves the progeny of the Goths, when the most potent Kings of Spain value themselves upon that extraction; and the greatest of the Nobility a­mong the Italians either derive their pedigree from the Goths, or at least pretend to do it.Levinus Lemnius. And the Emperor Charles the fifth was wont to say in good earnest, that all the Nobility of Europe were derived from Scandia and the Goths. However, all this is not so weighty, as that I dare persuade my self, that the Scots are the real off spring of the Goths.

In short,Diodorus Siculus, I would have the learned part of the Scotchmen consider, whether they are not descended from the old British Inhabitants of Ireland, (for it is certain that the British formerly inhabited Ireland,) and whether they were called Scythae or Scoti, be­cause they were like the Scythians in manners; or be­cause they were the real Scythians that came out of Scandia or Scythia, (to whom the Gallaeci, Franks, or Germans driven out of Spain, and also the Goths or Vandals, joined themselves, when Spain was im­broil'd with a bloody war) or else that medley of people that flocked into Ireland, and thereupon got that name among the nations thereabouts. The lan­guage (says Giraldus) of the Irish is called Gaidelach, be­ing as it were a compound of all other languages. And Florilegus, whencesoever he takes it;Under the year 77. The Scots have their Original from the Picts and Irish, as being made up out of several nations. For that is called ScotScot. which is amassed together out of several things. Almans. Agathias, l. 1. Thus the Al­mans (according to Asinius Quadratus) went by that name, because they arose from a medley of different men. Neither can it seem strange to any one, that so many nations should formerly crowd into Ireland, seeing that Island lies in the center between Britain and Spain, and very advantageous for the French-Sea; [Page cxix-cxx] and that in these eight hundred years last past, it is most certain from History, that the Norw [...]gians, and the Oustmans from Germany; and that the Eng­lish, the Welsh, and the Scots out of Britain, have planted and settled themselves there. This is the sum of what I would desire to be considered by the Scots in this matter. In the mean time let them remember, I have asserted nothing, but only hinted some things, which may seem pertinent to this enquiry. If all this gives no light into the original of the Scots, they must apply themselves for it elsewhere, for I am per­fectly in the dark in this point; and have followed the truth, (which has still fled from me) with much labour to no purpose; yet I hope nothing is said in this search that can reasonably disgust any one.

W [...]en the S [...]ts [...] into B [...]it [...]in. G. Bu ha­ [...]. H. Lhui­dus.Concerning the time when the name of Scots was first broached in the world, there is some dispute; and upon this very point Humfrey Lhuid (the best of Antiquaries by the best of Poets) is quarrelied by Buchanan; For Lhuid having said that the name of Scoti was not to be found in Authors before Con­stantine the Great, Buchanan flies upon him, catches him fast, and with two petty arguments thinks to dispatch him; the one drawn from the Panegyrist, and the other from his own conjecture. Because the old Panegyrist says, that Britain in Caesar's time was infested by the Irish enemies; By consequence (for­sooth,) the Scots at that time were planted in Britain; whereas no one before ever said so much, as that those Irish had then any settlement, much less that they were Scots. The Panegyrist without question, after the common way of writers, had his eye upon his own times in it, and not upon those of Caesar. As for the conjecture, it is not his own, but that of the most learned Joseph Scaliger. For in his notes to Propertius, while by the by he restores that verse of Seneca's to the true Reading,

  • Ille Britannos
  • Et caerulos
  • Colla Cathenis,
  • Ultra noti
  • Scuta Brigantes
  • Jussit, &c.
  • Littora ponti,
  • Dare Romuleis.

He puts it Scotobrigantes; and forthwith cries out, that the Scots are indebted to him for the discovery of their original; for my part, I am sorry I cannot se­cond this opinion, having ever honour'd him upon many accounts, and much admir'd his learning. For this conjecture is not the product of Copies, but of his own ingenuity and parts▪ and the sense will bear either Reading, caerule [...]s scuta Brigantes as all the Books have it, or Caeruleos cute Brigantes, as the most learned Hadr. Junius reads it. Yet Buchanan, (chusing ra­ther to play the fool with his own Wit and that of another, than to close with the common and true Reading) cries up this conjecture to the skies. First because Authors do not inform us, that the Britains painted their shie [...]ds. Secondly, that he said Scoto-Brigantes, for difference sake, that he might distin­guish them from the Brigantes of Spain and Ireland Lastly, that in this verse he might distinguish be­tween the Britains and the Brigantes, as different na­tions. But if one may dispute this point, what should hinder them from painting their shields, who painted themselves and their chariots? To what end should he coin the new word Scoto-Brigantes for di­stinction sake? When he calls them Caeruleos, and says they were subdued by Claudius, does not this suffici­ently distinguish them from the other Brigantes? That observation of the Britains and Brigantes, as being different nations, does not look like a Poet, who could never be ignorant of the poetical way of expressing the whole by a part. Wherefore, seeing these pleas will not carry it, I will reinforce Bucha­nan with a supply from Egesippus, who is commonly thought very antient. For where he treats of the greatness of the Romans, he says;i.e. Ire­land. l [...]b. 5. c. 15. Scotland f which owes nothing to other Countreys, dreads them, and so does Saxony, inaccessible by reason of its bogs. But hold, this argument will not come up to the point; for he liv'd since Constantine, as appears by his own Writings; nor does this make any more for the Scots living in Britain, than that verse of Sidonius. but now cited. Yet a more weighty reason than all this, is that which the most famous and learned J. Cragius has started after a nice enquiry out of J [...]sephus Ben G [...]ri [...]n con­cerning the destruction of Jerusalem, that the Scots in a Hebrew copy are expresly so named, where Munster in his latin translation falsly puts the Britains for the Scots. But I have not sufficiently discovered in what age this Ben-Gorion lived. 'Tis plain he lived since Flavius Josephus, seeing he has made men­tion of the Franks.

Yet if I may engage against so many great men in this controversy: As far as I have observed, the first mention of the Scotch nation we meet with in Authors, is in the reign of Aurelian. For Porphyry, who then writ against the Christians, takes notice of them in these words, as S. Hierom tells us.Against the P [...] ­gian [...], [...] Cresip [...]er. Nor has Britain, a fruitful province in the hands of Tyrants, nor the Scotch nations, nor any of those barbarous nations all round to the very Ocean, heard of Moses and the Pro­phets. At which time also, or a little before, Anti­quaries observe that the names of those mighty na­tions the Franks and Almans, were first heard of in the reign of Gallienus. That of some Authors there­fore is not grounded upon sure authority; that the Name and Kingdom of the Scots flourish'd in Britain many ages before the birth of Christ. Rather take the time of it from Giraldus. When Nellus the great reigned in Ireland, the six sons of Muredus King of Ulster possess'd the north parts of Britain. So from these a nation was propagated, and call'd by a peculiar name Scotland, which inhabits that corner even to this day. But that this happen'd about the time when the Ro­man Empire began to decay, is thus inferr'd. In the reign of Lagerius, son of this Nellus, in Ireland, Pa­trick, the Irish Apostle, came thither; it being then much about the year 430 after Christ's nativity. So that this seems to have fallen about the time of Hono­rius Augustus. For, whereas before they lived after a rambling manner, without any fixed abode, as Am­mianus says, and had long infested Britain and the marches thereof; then they seem to have settled in Britain. But they would have it.The Lib. [...] P s [...]ten­sis purs hi [...] retur [...] unde [...] the year 424. that they then first return'd from Ireland, whither they had withdrawn themselves, when they were routed by the Romans and the Britains; and they take this passage of Gil­das to be meant of that time. The Irish robbers return home, with design to come back again shortly. About this time Reuda mention'd by Bede, is thought by some to have settled himself in this Island, upon a winding of the River Cluid northward, either by force or love.Bede, l. 1. c. 1. From this Captain (says he) the Dal­reudini are so called to this day: for in their tongue dal signifies a part; and from this Reuda it is (as others think) that we call them R [...]dshanks. 'Tis thought also that this Simon Brech (whom the Scots affirm to have been the founder of their nation) flourish'd in these times. The true name of him was Sinbrech, that is to say, freckled Sin, as we read it in Fordon; perhaps the very same Brichus, who about the age of S. Patrick with Thuibaius, Macleius and Auspacus, Scotchmen, infested Britain; as we find it in the life o [...] S. Car [...]ntocus.

But since the Scots, who live in Britain, call the Country which they inhabit Alban and Albin, Alban a [...]d Albin. and the Irish themselves Allabany; it will be no disingenuous inquiry, whether this Allabany may not have some re­mains of the old name Albion; or whether it may not come from Albedo, whiteness, (for that they call Ban) so that Ellanban may be as much in Scotch as a white Island; or whether it might not come out of Ireland, which is call'd by their Poets Banno, and so Allabany be as much either as another Ireland, or a se­cond Ireland. For Historians call Ireland [...]cotia Major, and the kingdom of the Scots in Britain Scotiae Minor. Moreover, seeing the Scots call themse [...]ves in their own language Alvin, Albin and Alvinus. (whence Blondus has named them Scoti Albienses, or Albinenses, and Buchanan Al­bini) let the Criticks consider, whether that in S. Je­rom, where he inveighs against a certain Pelagian, a Scotchman, should not be read Albinum for Alpinum; An Alpi [...]e Dog. S. A [...]n a [...] the Ma [...]yro­logie, [...]. S [...]p [...]. is call'd A [...] ­pinus. when he calls him, An Alpine D [...]g, huge and corpulent, who can do more mischief with his h [...]ls than with his [Page]


[Page] [Page cxxi-cxxii] teeth, for he's the off-spring of the Scotch nation bordering upon Britain: And he says in another place, he was overgrown with Scotch browis. I do not remember that ever I read of Alpine Dogs in any Author, but that theg Scotch Dogs were then famous at Rome, as appears from Symmachus. Seven Scotch Dogs (says he) were so admired at Rome [...]cotch [...]ogs, l. 2. [...]pist. [...]76. Prae [...] ­ [...]nis die. the day before the Plays, that they thought them brought over in iron-cages.

But when the Scots h came into Britain to the Picts, though they provoked the Britains with continual skirmishes and ravages, yet the Scotch-state came not immediately to a full growth, but continu'd a long time in that corner where they first arriv'd: nor did they (as Bede says) for the space of one hundred and twenty seven years, [...]b. 1. cap. [...]. take the field against the petty kings of Northumberland, till at one and the same time they had almost quite routed the Picts, and the kingdom of Northumberland was utterly destroyed by Civil wars, and the invasions of the Danes. For then all the north part of Britain fell under the name of Scotland, together with that inner country on this side the Cluid and Edinburgh Frith. For that this was a part of the kingdom of Northumberland, [...]de. and in the possession of the Saxons, is universally agreed up­on. By which means it comes to pass, that all the inhabitants of the East part of Scotland (called Low­land-men, as living Low) are originally Saxons, and speak English. But that such as live towards the West (called Highland-men from their high situation) are re­al Scots and speak Irish, as we observ'd before; being mortal enemies to those Lowlanders that speak English.

That the Attacotti, [...]ttacotti. a warlike nation, did infest Britain along with the Scots, we have the authority of Ammianus Marcellinus: and that these were a part of the Scotch nation, is the opinion of H. Lhuid; but how true I know not.2. con­ [...] Jovia­ [...]n. St. Jerom expressly calls them a British People. Who tells us, that when he was young, (probably in the Emperor Julian's time) He saw in France the Attacotti a British People, feeding upon man's flesh; and when they found in the woods, droves of hogs, herds of beasts or sheep, that they us'd to cut off the buttocks of the herdsmen, and the paps of the women, and look upon these as the richest dainties. For here we are to read Attacotti upon the authority of Manuscripts, and not Scoti with Erasmus, who at the same time owns the place to be faulty. Though I must confess in one Manuscript it is Attigotti, in another Catacotti, Vincentius in his Spe­culum read [...] it Attigotti. I Aethi­cus's Geography they are read Cattiganci. and in a third Cattiti. But of the Scots it cannot, as 'tis commonly, be understood; for Jerom in that place speak­ing of the Customs of several nations, begins the sen­tence immediately following, thus: The Scotch nation has no wives peculiar to single men, &c. And in ano­ther place, where Jerom mentions the Attacotti, Eras­mus puts in the room of it Azoti. These (as we learn from the Notitia) were Stipendiaries in the decline of the Roman Empire. For they are reckon'd amongst the Palatine-Aids in Gaul, Attecotti juniores Gallicani, and Attecotti Honoriani Seniores; and in Italy, Attecotti Honoriani juniores. By this addition of Honoriani, they seem to have been some of those Barbarians that Honorius the Emperor receiv'd into league, and listed them in his army not without great damage to the Empire.

Among the nations that made incursions into Bri­tain, the Ambrones Am­brones. are reckon'd up by John Caius, (one who has employ'd his time upon the best Stu­dies, and to whom the Commonwealth of Learning is extreamly indebted) upon reading these words in that part of Gildas, where he treats of the Pic [...]s and Scots. Those former enemies, like so many Ambro­nes lupi. ravenous wolves, enrag'd with extremity of hunger and thirst, leap­ing over the sheep-folds, and the shepherd not appearing; carried with the wings of oars, the arms of rowers, and sails driven forward by the winds, break through, and butcher all they come near. Here the good o [...]d man remembred that he had read in Festus, how the Am­brones pour'd into Italy along with the Cimbrians; but then he had forgot that Ambro (as Isidore observes) signi­fies a Devourer. And neither Gildas nor Ge [...]ffrey of Monmouth (who calls the Saxons Ambrones) use the word in any other sense. Nor have I ever found in any ancient Author that there were other Ambrones that invaded Britain.


[...]glish [...]ons.WHen the Roman Empire, under Va­lentinian the younger, was decli­ning; and Britain botha robb'd of her ablest men by frequent levies, and abandon'd by the Roman garisons, was not in a condition to withstand the incursions of the Picts and Scots: [...]all'd [...] Guor­ [...]rn. Vortigern, (who either was constituted Ge­neral by the Britains, or, as some think, usurp'd that title)b in order to confirm his own government, and to recover the sinking state, sends for the Saxons out of Germany to his relief. He was, (says Ninnius) apprehensive of danger from the Picts and Scots, c from the R [...]man power, and from Aurelius Ambrosius. The Saxons immediately, under the command of Hengist and Horsa,d arriv'd in Britain with their Ciules e, (for so they call'd their flat-bottom'd boats or pin­naces) and by their success against the Scots and Picts in two several engagements, rais'd their reputation considerably. And because the Britains did absolute­ly depend upon their conduct, they sent for fresh sup­plies out of Germany, partly to man the frontier ga­risons,f and partly to divert the enemy upon the sea­coast. Guortigern, (says Ninnius) at the instance of Hengist, sent for Octha and Ebissa to come and aid him; and they, with forty of their Ciules, sailing round the Picts coasts, wasted the Orcades, and possess'd themselves of a great many Islands and countries Trans mare Fre­sicum. beyond the Frith, even as far as the borders of the Picts. At length, being mightily satisfied with the lands, customs, and plenty of Britain, and building upon the cowardize of the natives; under the pretence of ill pay and short diet, they enter into a league with the Picts, raise a most bloody war against their Entertainers, the Britains, in all parts put the poor frighted Inhabitants to the sword, [Page cxxiii-cxiv] wast their lands, raze their cities; and after many turns and changes in their several battles with Aure­lius Ambrosius, (who had took upon him the govern­ment,Aurelius Ambrosi­us; by Gildas Ambrosius Aurelia­nus. g in the administration whereof his parents had lost their lives) and theh warlike Arthur: at length dispossess the Britains of the best part of the Island, and their hereditary estates. At which time (in a word) the miserable natives suffer'd whatever a Con­queror may be imagin'd to inflict, or the conquer'd fear. For auxiliary troops stocking daily out of Ger­many, still engag'd a fresh the harrass'd Britains: such were the Saxons, the Jutes, (for that is their right name, not Vites,) and the Angles. They were indeed distinguish'd by these names, but promiscu­ously call'd Angles and Saxons. But of each of them let us treat severally and briefly, that, so far as is pos­sible, we may discover the originals of our own na­tion.

Only, I must beg leave first to insert what Witi­chindus, a Saxon born, and an ancient writer, has left us concerning the coming over of the Saxons. Britain, being by Vespasian the Emperor reduc'd into the form of a province, and flourishing a long time under the protection of the Romans; was at last invaded by the neighbouring nations, as seeming to be abandoned by the Roman aids. For the Romans, after that In the tex [...] Mar­tialis; bu [...] in the margin Possibly Martia­nus. Martian the Emperor was murder'd by his own soldiers, were heavily annoy'd with foreign wars, and so were not able to furnish their allies with aids, as they had formerly done. How­ever, before they quitted this nation, they built a large wall for it's defence, going along the borders from sea to sea, where they imagin'd the enemy would make the most vigo­rous assaults. But after a soft and lazie people were left to encounter a resolute and well-disciplin'd enemy, it was found no hard matter to demolish that work. In the mean time, i the Saxons grew famous for their success in arms, and to them they dispatch a humble embassy to desire their assistance. The Embassadors being admitted to audience, made their addresses as follows. Most noble Saxons, The miserable Bretti. for Bri­tanni. Britains, shatter'd and quite worn out by the frequent incursions of their enemies, upon the news of your many signal victories, have sent us to you, humbly request­ing that you would assist them at this juncture. k A land large and spacious, abounding with all manner of necessa­ries, they give up entirely to your disposal. Hitherto, we have liv'd happily under the government and protection of the Romans; next to the Romans, we know none of grea­ter valour than your selves, and therefore in your courage do now seek refuge. Let but that courage and those arms make us conquerors, and we refuse no service you shall please to impose. The Saxon Nobles return'd them this short answer. Assure your selves, the Saxons will be true friends to the Britains; and as such, shall be always ready both to relieve their necessities, and to advance their inte­rest. The Embassadors pleas'd with the answer, return home, and comfort their countrymen with the welcome news. Accordingly, the succours they had promis'd being dispatch'd for Britain, are receiv'd gratefully by their allies; and in a very little time clear the kingdom of invaders, and restore the country to the Inhabitants. And indeed, there was no great difficulty in doing that, since the fame of the Saxon courage had so far terrify'd them, that their very presence was enough to drive them back. The people who infested the Britains, were the Scots and Pehiti, in the margin Picti. Picts; and the Saxons were supply'd by the Britains with all necessaries to carry on the war against them. Upon which, they staid in the country for some time, and liv'd in very good friendship with the Britains; till the Commanders (observing that the land was large and fruitful, that the natives were no way inclin'd to war; and considering that themselves, and the greatest part of the Saxons, had no fix'd home) send over for more forces, and striking up a peace with the Scots and Picts, make one body against the Britains, force them out of the nation, and divide the country among their own people. Thus much Witichindus.

The origine and etymologie of the Saxons, like as of other nations, has been confounded with fabulous conjectures, not only by Monks, who understood nothing of Antiquity, but even by some modern men, who pretend to an accuracy of judgment. One will have them deriv'd from Saxo, son of Negnon, and brother of Vandalus; another from their stony temper; a third from the remains of the Macedonian army; a fourth from certain knives; which gave occasion to that rhime in Engelhusius,

Quippe brevis gladius apud illos Saxa vocatur,
Unde sibi Saxo nomen traxisse putatur.
The Saxon people did, as most believe,
Their name from Saxa, a short sword, receive.

Crantzius fetches them from the German Catti, and the learned Capnio from the Phrygians.l Of these every man is at liberty to take his choice; nor shall I make it my business to confute such fabulous opini­ons.m Only, I think the conjecture of those learn­ed Germans, who imagine that the Saxons are de­scended from the Saci, Saxons from the Saca [...] [...] Asia. the most powerful people of Asia;n that they are so called, as if one should say Sacasones, that is, the Sons of the Sacae; and that out of Scythia or Sarmatia Asiatica, they pour'd by lit­tle and little into Europe, along with the Getes, the Swevi, and the Daci; L. 11.14 lanct [...]. deserves credit the best of any other. And indeed, the opinions of those men, who fetch the Saxons out of Asia, where mankind had its rise and growth, does not want some colour of rea­son. For besides that, Strabo affirms, that the Sacae (as before the Cimerii had done) did invade remote Countries, and called a part of Armenia Sacacena, after their own name; Ptolemy likewise places the Sassones, Suevi, Massagetes, and Dahi, in that part of Scythia: and CisnerCisn [...]. has observed, that those nati­ons, after they came into Europe, retained the same vicinity they had formerly in Asia.

Nor is it less probable that our Saxons came from either the Sacae or Sassones of Asia,Mit [...]. Nea [...]. than it is that the Germans are descended from the Germani of Persia, mentioned by Herodotus; which they almost posi­tively conclude from the affinity of those Languages. For that admirable Scholar, Joseph Scaliger, has told us, that Fader, muder, brader, tutchter, band, and such like, are still used in the Persian Language, in the same sense as we say, father, mother, brother, daugh­ter, bond. But when the Saxons first began to have any name in the world, they lived in Cimbrica Chersonesus; which we now call Denmark; where they are placed by Ptolemy, who is the first that makes any mention of them. And in that place of Lucan,

Longisque leves Axônes in armis.
Light Axons in long arms.

We are not to read Saxones (as some Copies have it) but the truer reading is Axônes. Axô [...] Peop [...] Gaul. While they lived in this Cimbrica Chersonesus, in the time of Dioclesian, they came along with their neighbours the Franks, and mightily infested our coasts; so that the Romans appointed Carausius to repell them.o Afterwards, passing the river Albis, part of them broke in by de­grees upon the Suevian Territories (which at this day is the Dukedom of Saxony) and part took pos­session of Frisia and Batavia, which the Franks had quitted. For the Franks, who had formerly inhabit­ed [Page cxxv-cxxvi] the inmost of those Fens in Friseland (some where­of are now washed into that Sea, which at this day we call the Zuider-see) and afterwards had possessed themselves of Holland, being received into protection by Constantius Chlorus, Constantine the Great, and his sons, and sent to cultivate the more desart parts of Gaul: these (I say) either forcing a passage with the sword into more plentiful countries, or else, (as Zosimus [...]simus. tells us) driven out by the Saxons, left Hol­land. From which time, all the inhabitants of that Sea-coast in Germany, who lived by piracy, have gone under the name of Saxons, as before they were called Franks. Those (I mean) who lived in Jutland, Sleswick, Holsatia, Ditmarse, the Bishoprick of Breme; the County of Oldenburg, East and West Friseland, and Holland. For the Saxon nation (as is observed by Fabi­us Quaestor Ethelwerd, [...]thelwerd [...]ephew's [...]ephew to [...]ing [...], ston­ [...]shed a­ [...]out the [...]a [...] 950. who was of the Royal line of the Saxons) included all the Sea-coast, between the ri­ver Rhine, and the city Donia, which now is commonly called Dane-marc. This Author (not to conceal a person, who has been so serviceable to me) was first discovered by the eminent Mr. Thomas Allen of Ox­ford (a person of great learning) and amongst many others, communicated to me.

From this coast it was, that the Saxons, encou­raged by the many slaughters of the Romans, fre­quently broke into the Roman provinces, and for a long time annoy'd this Island, till at last Hengist himself came. That this Hengist set sail for England out of Batavia or Holland, and [afterwards] built the Castle of Leyden, is confirmed not only by the Annals of Holland, but also by the noble Janus Dou­sa, a man of admirable parts and learning, who of that burg or tower, writes thus.

[...]he se­ [...]nd Ode L [...]yd [...]n.
Quem circinato moenium ut ambitu,
Sic arcuatis fornicibus novum
Putatur Hengistus Britanno
Orbe redux posuisse victor.
The mighty Hengist, if we credit fame,
On circling arches rais'd this stately pile,
O're British Seas when he in triumph came,
And brought new Lawrels from the conquer'd Isle.

The Jutes, [...]tes. so called (p as many think) from the Gutes, Getes, or Goths, (for a Manuscript copy reads Geatun) did no doubt inhabit the upper part of Cim­brica Chersonesus, which the Danes to this day call Juitland. 'Tis possible they may have descended from the Gutti, whom Ptolemy places in Scandia, and whose present seat is G [...]thland. But here I must cau­tion you against assenting to the opinion of Jornan­des, [...]rtian, [...]bellius [...]o Ca­ [...]nus, [...] that this was the Country of those Goths, who conquered and over-run Europe; since the most an­cient, and best approved writers have told us, that they lived beyond the Ister, near the Euxine Sea, and were formerly called Getes.

In what place the Angles [...]e An­ [...]s. lived, is a thing debated, and the opinions concerning it are several. Most Authors place them in Westphalia, where Engern now stands, and where the Suevi-Angli, mentioned by Tacitus and Ptolemy, had their abode. With whom I agree, if they mean only of Tacitus's age; but I fancy they came down afterwards to the Sea-coasts. Others seek for them in Pomerania, where there is a very considerable town called Angloen. But seeing these reach into the more inland parts of Ger­many, at so great a distance from the sea, we must seek out some other place where to seat our Angles; and Bede has directed us to seek them between the Saxons and the Jutes. [...]. 1. c. The Angles (says he) came out of that country, which is called Angulus, and is said from that time to lye waste, between the countreys of the [...]ata­ [...]. And the [...]ein of [...]nden, [...]e Ma­ [...]cript [...]ds it, Vita­ [...]. [...]gle in [...]ma [...]k: Seat of Angles. Jutes and Saxons. But since between Juitland and Holsatia (the ancient seat of the Saxons) there is a small province in the Kingdom of Denmark and under the City of Flemsberg, called at this day † An­gel, which Lindebergius, in his Epistles, terms Little-England; I am pretty well assured that I have found the ancient Seat of our Fore-fathers; and that from this very place the Angles came into our Island. And what makes me more confident in my assertion, is the authority of that ancient Author Ethelwerd, who writes thus; Old Anglia is situated between the Saxons and Giots, the capital town whereof is called in Saxon Sleswick, but by the Danes Haithby. In the very same place Ptolemy seems to seat the Saxons; so that the middle-age Poet is probably in the right.

Saxonia protulit Anglos,
Hoc patet in lingua, nivcoque colore.
Their rise to Saxony the Angles owe,
Their language, this, and native whiteness show.

Part of these Angles marching into the inner quarters of Germany, and mixing themselves with the Longo­bards and Suevians, broke into Italy, and are gene­rally supposed to have left behind them some relicks of their name; such are Engelheim, the native coun­try of Charles the Great, Ingolstad, Engleburg, En­glerute in Germany, and Angleria in Italy. What the etymology of the name is, I dare not positively say: however, I utterly reject that Angulus, Son of Humb [...]us, and Queen Angela, whom some silly peo­ple would have to be the founders of our Nation. Nor can I believe that it had its name from Angulus, a corner (as if it were a corner of the world) which is intimated in those common verses.

Anglia terra ferax, & fertilis angulus orbis,
Insula praedives quae toto vix eget orbe.
With richest wares, that take their happy birth,
Or from the face, or bowels of the earth,
Our fruitful corner of the world is blest,
Not joyn'd, and scarce beholden to the rest.

And as for Goropius's conjecture, that the Angli are derived from an angle, i. e, a Fishing-rod, or Fish­ing-hook, because (as he adds) they hook all to them, and are, as we commonly say, good anglers; this does not deserve so much to be credited, as laughed at. But whoever finds out the etymology of Engelbert, En­gelhard, and such like German names, does in all probability at the same time discover the original of the Angli. That the Frisons came along with them into Britain, seems pretty plain from Procopius. And because that book is not extant, it may not be amiss to give you the place entire, as I had it transcribed from a Copy in the King's Library at Paris,De Bell. Goth. Lib. 4. by that singular good man, and compleat Antiquary, Fran­ciscus Pithaeus. [...]. i.e. (in my rude translation;) The Island Britain is inhabited by three most populous nations, each whereof has their seve­ral Kings. The names of the People are the ANGLES, the FRISONES, and those of the same name with the Island, the BRITANS. As to the inhabitants, they seem to be so numerous, that every year they flock over in great companies, with their wives and children, to the Franks, who assign them that part of their Island which is least cul­tivated. Upon this, they pretend a claim to the whole Island of [Britain,] and 'tis not long, since the King of the Franks, dispatching some of his own subjects on an embassie to Constantinople to Justinian, sent along with them some of the Angles, out of pure oftentation, as if the Island were under his dominions.

These are the several people of Germany,Saxons, Angles, and Jutes, one nati­on. who seated themselves in Britain. That they were but one nation, and called by one general name, some­times Saxons, sometimes Angles, or (to distinguish them from those left behind in Germany) Anglo-Saxons; is pretty plain from Gildas, Boniface, Bede, Paulus Diaconus, and others. But in Latin they are [Page cxxvii-cxxviii] most frequently termed Gens Anglorum (i.e. the na­tion of the Angles) and in their own Language, to the same sense, Engla-Theod.

When the Saxons came into Britain.Theq exact time when they were invited into Britain by Vortigern, is a dispute amongst writers: but to wave the rest, Bede and his followers do thus settle the Chronology of those dark times.

In the 23d year of Theodosius the Younger, and that of Christ 430, the Britains over-power'd by the Picts and Scots, desire aid of Aetius, then in his third Consulship; but without success.

Under Valentinian the third, S. German came o­ver into Britain two several times, to oppose Pela­gianism; and leading up the Britains, the Picts, and Saxons, by virtue of his intercession to God, gain'd them the victory.

In the first year of Martian, and that of Christ 449, the nation of the English Saxons came over into Britain.

But since 'tis evident from the Kalendar of the Consuls, that the third Consulship of Aetius fell in the xxxixth year of that Theodosius, and of Christ 446, and since it appears by the most authentick writers,Baronius. that S. German dy'd in the year of Christ 435, there is some ground to suspect that the numerals in Bede have been corrupted, and that the Saxons came o­ver hither before the year of Christ 449. For other­wise, how is it possible that S. German, who dyed in 435, should lead up the Britains against the Sax­ons, who [by that computation] were not then come over? Besides, Ninnius affirms, that S. German re­turn'd out of Britain into his own country after the death of Vortigern, who was the person that invited the Saxons into Britain: so that their coming over must necessarily be before the year 435,r the last of S. German's life. Farther yet, the second year after Leo the Great was made Pope (which falls in with that of Christ 443) Prosper Tiro, who lived at the same time, tells us, That Britain, after several engage­ments, was at last subdu'd to the Saxons. Which puts it beyond all dispute, that they came over before the year, I mean 449. But to remove all scruples about that matter, let me add this one Chronological note, which is at the end of some copies of Ninnius, and satisfies me beyond all the rest.

From the Consulship of the two Gemini,Read Fu­sius. Rufus and Rubellius, to that of Stilico, 373 years.

From Stilico to Valentinian, son of Placidia, and to the reign of Vortigern, 28 years.

From the reign of Vortigern, to the difference between Gaitolinus and Ambrosius, are 12 years: which is Guo­loppum, i.e. Cathguoloph.

Vortigern reigned in Britain when Theodosius and Va­lentinian were Consuls; and in the fourth year of his reign the Saxons came over, and were received by Vortigern, when Felix and Taurus were Consuls.

From the year that the Saxons came into Britain, and were received by Vortigern; to Other­wise Deci­us Pauli­nus. Decius Valerianus, are 69 years.

Now by this computation, the English-Saxons must have come into Britain in the 21st year of Theodosius the Younger, which is nearest to Bede's account of it, that is, the year of Christ 428. for then Felix and Taurus were Consuls; and other circumstances, both of person and time, agree to it. I think fit to advertise the reader of one thing more (not in the mean time to assume the character of a Critick)ſ that in many copies of Gildas, from whence Bede took that passage about Aetius, 'tis read Agitio III. Consuli: in others, the numerals are omitted, and 'tis writ Ae­gitio; and in one Aequitio Cos. But I could never find in the Fasti, any Consul of that name,t unless we can imagine that he was some extraordinary one.

Well, what time soever they came over, 'tis cer­tain they show'd a wonderful courage, which was yet temper'd with great prudence. For in a very short time, they became so considerable,Victorie of the Sax­ons. both for numbers, good customs, and large estates, that they were in a most prosperous and powerful condition, and their victory in a manner entire and absolute. All the conquer'd, setting aside some few, who took refuge in the uncultivated Western parts, yielded themselves, and embraced their Laws, name, and language. For besides England, the English-Saxons possessed themselves of the greatest part of Scotland (and the High-landers, who are the true Scots, call them Sassons to this day:) where they use the same tongue with us, only varying a little in the Dia­lect. And this language we and they have kept in a manner incorrupt, along with the kingdom, for 1150 years. By which it appears how trivial and false that is (amongst others of the same nature) which the Saxon-Prophets foretold,Gildas. when they set sail for this Island, That they should stay here only 300 years, and that 150 of these should be mostly taken up in wasting the country.

The subject matter and place seem next to require that something be added concerning the customs of our Fore-fathers the Saxons; and therefore I shall set down what I have observed upon that head.

The Saxons were in general a warlike nation;Custom and m [...] ­ners of the Sax­ons. and (as Zosimus has told us) were looked upon to be the most valiant of all the Germans, both for a greatness of soul, strength of body, and a hardy temper. Marcelli­nus observes, That the Romans dreaded them above all others, because their motions were always sudden. And Orosius says, for their courage and activity they were terrible. Saxony is a place inaccessible by reason of the marshes, and the frontiers of it are unpassable. But tho' this may seem to secure them in a great measure against invasions, and though the captive Saxons frequently made up a part in the Roman triumphs; yet are they accounted a most stout sort of men, excelling all others in piracies: wherein they rely more upon their fly-boats than their own courage, and make it their business, not so much to fight, us run. Thus far Egesippus.Orig. lib. [...]. c. 2. Who is followed by Isidorus: The Saxons [says he] situate upon the Sea­shore, and among fenns unpassable, are very stout and very active. From whence they took their names, as being a hardy resolute sort of men, and in piracy outdoing all o­thers. They were eminent for tallness, symmetry of parts, and exactness of features, which gave Witi­chindus the Monk occasion to leave us this descripti­on of them. The Franks were amazed to see men of such vast bodies, and so great souls. They wondered at their strange habit and armour, at their hair dangling down upon their shoulders, and above all at their courage and re­solution. Their cloaths were S [...]a. close-coats; their armour, long spears: when they stood, they leaned upon little shields; and they wore a sort of large knives hanging be­fore. But formerly they used to shave their heads to the very skin, except a little about the crown; and wore a plate round their heads: as Sidonius Apolli­naris plainly intimates in those verses.

Istic Saxona caerulum videmus
Adsuetum antè salo solum timere,
Cujus verticis extimas per oras
Non contenta suos tenere morsus
Altat lamina marginem comarum,
Et sic crinibus ad cutem rescissis,
Decrescit caput, additurque vultus.
Here 'twas we saw the purple Saxon stand,
Us'd to rough seas, yet shaking on the land.
The frozen plate that on their crown they wear,
In one great turf drives up their bushy hair:
The rest they keep close shav'd; and thus their face
Appears still bigger, as their head grows less.

What their habits were, may be learnt from Pau­lus Diaconus's observation upon the Longobards: Their cloaths were loose, and generally linnen, such as the English-Saxons use; the trimming, broad, made up of se­veral colours.

They were admirably skill'd in marine affairs; and by their constant piracies for so long, had inured themselves so to the sea, that (as the same author ob­serves) they dreaded the land. They disturbed the sea-coasts of Britain and France, even as far as Spain, to that degree, that 'twas found necessary to guard the shores of both kingdoms with officers and soul­diers, against any attempts they might make upon them. And those for that reason were called theu Counts of the Saxon-shore, The Sax­ [...]n shore. along Britain and France. But for all that, by the help of their nimble Fly­boats, they made a shift very frequently to prey upon our coasts. To which allude those verses of Sidoni­us Apollinaris;

Quin & Aremoricus piratam Saxona tractus
Tim [...]bat.
Sperabat, cui pelle salum sulcare Britannum
Ludus, & assuto glaucum mare findere lembo.
Armorica the Saxon pirats fear'd,
That on the British coasts in shoals appear'd,
And thro' the narrow sea in boats of leather steer'd.

But in France, near little Britain, they got pos­session of all that part about Baieux, and kept it too for a long time; as is evident from Gregorius Turonensis, who calls them Saxones Baiocassini, [...]iocassin [...]xon [...]. as the vulgar term them Sesnes Bessins.

With what barbarity they prey'd upon our coasts, Sidonius himself will tell you. [...]ib 9. E­ [...]st. ad [...]manti­ [...]. The messenger (says he) whom we discoursed pretty largely about your affairs, as­sured us you had lately charged the enemy at sea, that you were wholly taken up between rowing and fighting, and that you were upon the winding sea-coasts, giving chase to the Pandos [...]paro­ [...]. In the [...]rgin [...]ult. fly-boats of the Saxons, And in these assure your self of as many head-pyrates as there are rowers: they are all at the same time both masters and servants, all teach and learn in this their trade of robbing. So that a caution to have a special care of your self, is highly necessary at this time. He's ths worst Enemy you can engage. He takes you unawares, is gone in a moment, despises all opposition, and certainly worsts you, if you are not very well provided. If he pursue, he undoubtedly catches you; if he flies, he al­ways escapes. Shipwracks are so far from frighting him, that they harden him. These people do not only understand all the dangers of the seas, but are intimately acquainted with them. In a Tempest, if they are pursued, it gives them an opportunity of escaping; if they are pursuing, it secures them against being discovered at any considerable distance. They'l willingly venture their lives among waves and rocks, if there's any hopes of surprising the enemy. Al­ways before they disanchor and set sail homewards, their custom is, to take every tenth Captive and put them to death by equal and exquisite tortures; which is the more melancholy, because it proceeds from superstition: and after those who are to dye, are got together, they pretend to tem­per the injustice of their death, by a seeming equity of Lots.

Such are their vows, and with such victims do they discharge them; thus being rather polluted with sacrilege, than purified by sacrifices, those bloudy murderers look upon it as a greater piece of religion to rack a poor captive, than to let him be ransom'd. To this purpose is that fragment of an ancient History we find in Isidore. The Saxon nation relies more upon their fly-boats than their courage; and are always provided rather to run than fight. And that of Salvian, who lived in those times, con­cerning the barbarous nations. The Alani are immo­dest, but not treacherous; the Franks are treacherous, but very courteous; the Saxons are very cruel, but exceeding chaste. Of so much constancie and resolution were they (if a man may so call it,) that they would ra­ther chuse to murther themselves, and throw away their lives, than be exposed to the contempt of others. So that when Symmachus had provided a number of them against the publick shows, that very day they were to be brought into the Theatre, they strangl'd themselves, and so baulk'd the people of that piece of diversion.2 Epist. Of these, Symmachus himself writes thus: The number of the Saxons is lessen'd by death; for the private guards not watching narrowly enough the wicked hands of that desperate nation, the first day of the sword-play-show discovered nine and twenty of them strangled, without a halter.

This Saxon nation was likewise strangely supersti­tious; for which reason, whenever they had any weighty matters under debate, besides their south-saying they were principally directed by the neighing of horses, which they lookt upon as fore-boding.x And this may possibly be the reason why the Dukes of Saxony bore in their Arms a horse. A Horse, the Arms of the Saxons. But why our Hengist and Horsa were called so from an horse, (for both these names in Saxon signifie an horse) is a my­stery to me; unless perhaps designed to portend their warlike courage; according to that of Virgil,

Bello armantur equi, bella haec armenta minantur.
Horses are arm'd for war, approaching war
Such beasts presage.—

They also very much used casting of Lots;Adam Bremensis refers these to the Sax­ons, but Tacitus to the Suevi. and cut­ting a branch off some fruit-tree, divided it into little slips: each of these they distinguished by several marks, and so cast them promiscuously upon a white cloth. Next, if the consultation was upon publick affairs, the Priest; but if upon private, the master of the family, after intercessions to the Gods, looking up to heaven, took each of them up three several times, and then gave an interpretation according to the mark set upon them. To foresee the events of wars, they used to take a Captive of that nation they had a design upon, and oblige him to fight a duel with some one of their own