BRITAIN.

BRitain, called also Albion, and by the Greeks [...], and [...], the most famous Island of the whole world, is divided from the Continent of Europe by the Ocean. It lies over against Germany and France in aFigura Trique­tra. Trian­gular form, having its three Promontories shooting out three several ways, viz. Belerium [the Lands end] towards the West; Cantium [the Kentish Foreland] towards the East; Tar­visium or Orcas [Cathness] towards the North. On the West, between it and Ireland, the Vergivian or Irish Sea breaks in; on the North it is beaten upon by the vast and wide Northern Ocean; on the East, where it faceth Germany, it is washed by the German Ocean; on the South over against France, by the British Chanel. Thus divided by a conveni­ent distance from these neighbouring Nations, and made fit by its open harbors for the traffick of the whole world, it seems to have advanc'd it self on all sides into the sea,See in Kent. as it were, for the general benefit of mankind. For between Kent and Calais in France, it runs so far out into the sea, and the Chanel is so contracted, that^a some are of opinion that a breach was there made to receive the sea, which till that time had been excluded: and to confirm it, they bring Virgil's Authority in that Verse,

Because, says Servius Honoratus, Britain was anci­ently joyn'd to the Continent. And that of Claudian they urge, in imitation of Virgil,

And it is not unlikely, that the outward face and fa­shion of the earth may by the Deluge and other causes have been alter'd; that some mountains may have been rais'd and heightn'd, and many high places may have sunk into plains and valleys; lakes and meers may have been dried up, and dry places may have become lakes and meers; and some Islands may have been torn and broken off from the Continent. But whether it be true indeed, and whether there were any Islands before the Flood, I shall not here argue, nor give too rash a judgment upon God's Works. All know that the Divine Providence hath dispos'd different things to the same end. And in­deed it hath always been allow'd, as well by Divines as Philosophers, that Isles, scatter'd in the sea, do no less contribute to the beauty of the whole World in general, than lakes dispers'd in the Continent, and mountains rais'd above plains.

Livy and Fabius Rusticus have made the Form of this Island to resemble anSe [...]tulae Oblongae. oblong Platter, or^b Bip [...]nni. two edg'd Ax; and such certainly is its shape towards the South (as Tacitus observes,) which yet hath been ill apply'd to the whole Island. For Northward the vast tract of land shooting forward in the utmost shore, groweth narrow and sharp like a wedge. The Ancients thought it so great and so very large in cir­cumference,The Pa­negyrick spoken to Constanti­us, falsly entitled to Maximi­an. that Caesar, who was the first of the Ro­mans that discover'd it, wrote, that he had found out another world, supposing it to be so great, that it seem'd not to be surrounded with the sea, but even to encompass the Ocean. And Julius Solinus Polybistor asserts, that for its largeness, it almost deserv'd to be call'd ano­ther World. Nevertheless, our age, by the many surveys made by several persons, hath now well nigh found the true Dimensions of the whole Isle. For from Tarvisium to Belerium, reckoning the windings and turnings of the shores along the West side, are computed about 912 miles. From thence along the Southern coasts to Cantium 320 miles. Hence coast­ing the German Ocean, with crooked bays and in­lets for 704 miles, it reacheth Tarvisium. So that by this computation, the whole Island is in circuit 1836 miles; which measure, as it falls much short of Pliny's, so is it also somewhat less than Caesar's.Com. l. 5. ^† Schitinius Chius is not worth my mentioning, who in Apollonius de Mirabilibus (having told us strange sto­ries of fruits growing in Britain without kernels, and grapes without stones) makes its circuit 400Stadiis. fur­longs and no more. But Dionysius Afer in his De­scription of the World, hath given a much better ac­count of the British Islands, that is, Bri [...]ain and Ireland.

And with him Aristides and other Greek Writers agree, who by way of excellency have truly call'd Britain [...], the great Island.

Now they that have more accurately compar'd the spaces of the Heavens with the tracts of Earth, have plac'd Britain under the 8th Climate, and include it within the^c 18th and 26th Parallels, computing the longest Day at 18 Equinoctial Hours and an half. The Lands end, according to the Spherical figure of the Earth, they place^d 16 degrees and 50 scruples from the farthest point westward; and the Kentish Foreland in 21 degrees of Longitude. As for the Latitude, they measure in the Southern parts 50 degrees 10 scruples; at Cathness 59 degrees 40 scruples. So that Britain, by this situation, must needs enjoy both a fertile soyl, and a most temperate air. The Summers here are not so scorching, by reason of the constant breezes which fan the air, and moderate the heats. These, as they invigorate every thing that grows, so they give both to man and beast at the same time their health and their refreshment. The Winters also here are mild and gentle. This proceeds not only from the thickness and closeness of the air, but also from the frequency of those still showers, which do with us much soften, and break the violence of the cold. Be­sides that, the seas which encompass it, do so cherish the land with their gentle warmth, that the cold is here much less severe than in some parts of France and Italy. Upon this consideration, Minutius Felix, when he would prove that the Divine Providence consults not only the interest of the world in general, but also of each part, makes use of our island as an in­stance.De Nat. Deor. l. 2. Though Britain (saith he) enjoys not so much the aspect and influence of the sun, yet instead thereof, it is refreshed and comforted by the warmth of the sea which surrounds it. Neither need we think that reflexion strange, which he makes upon the warmth of the sea; since Cicero makes the same observation. The seas, saith he, tossed to and fro with the winds, grow so [Page iii-iv] warm, that from thence it may readily be inferred, that there is a certain heat that lyes concealed in that vast fluid body. To the temperate state also of this Island Cescenius Getulicus, a very antient Poet, seems to have respect, in these his verses concerning Britain.

Caesar also takes notice, That this country is more tem­perate than Gaule, and the cold less piercing. And Cor­nelius Tacitus observeth, That in this Island there is no extremity of cold: And farther adds, That except the vine, the olive, and some other fruits peculiar to the hotter climates, it produceth all things else in great plenty: That the fruits of the earth, as to their coming up, are forward in Britain, but are very slow in ripening. Of both which there is one and the same cause, the excessive moisture of the earth and air. For indeed our air (as Strabo hath observed) is more obnoxious to rain, than snow. How­ever, so happy is Britain in a most plentiful product of all sorts of grain, that^e Orpheus hath called it The very seat of Ceres. For to this Island^f we are to ap­ply that expression,

And in antient times, this was as it were the gra­nary and magazine of the Western Empire. For from hence the Romans were wont every year, in 800 vessels larger thanLembis. barks, to transport vast quan­tities of corn,Zosimus. Eunapius [...]. for the supply of their armies in garison upon the frontiers of Germany. But perchance I may seem too fond and lavish in the praises of my own Country; and therefore you shall now hear an old Orator deliver its Encomium.Panegyric to Con­stantine. O, fortunate Britain, the most happy country in the world, in that thou didst first behold Constantine our Emperour. Thee hath Na­ture deservedly enrich'd with all the choicest blessings both of heaven and earth. Thou feelest neither the excessive colds of winter, nor the scorching heats of Summer. Thy harvests reward thy labours with so vast an encrease, as to supply thy Tables with bread, and thy Cellars with liquor. Thy woods have no savage beasts; no serpents harbour here, to hurt the traveller. Innumerable are thy herds of cattle, and the flocks of sheep, which feed thee plentifully, and cloath thee richly. And as to the comforts of life, the days are long, and no night passes without some glimps of light. For whilst those utmost plains of the sea-shore are so flat and low, as not to cast a shadow to create night; they ne­ver lose the sight of the heavens and stars; but the sun, which to us appears to set, seems there only just to pass by. I shall here also introduce another Orator, using these expressions to Constantius, Panegyric to Con­stantius. the father of Con­stantine the Great. And I assure you, no small damage was it, not only to lose the name of Britain, but the great advantages thence accruing to our Commonwealth; to part with a land so stored with corn, so flourishing in pasturage, rich in such store and variety of metals, so profitable in its tributes, on all its coasts so furnished with convenient harbours, and so immense in its extent and circuit. Also Natures particular indulgence to this our Island, a Poet of considerable antiquity hath thus express'd, addressing himself to Britain in this Epigram, in some mens opinion not unworthy to be published.

This happy fertility, and pleasantness of Britain, Insula For­tunatae, or the For­tunate Islands. gave occasion to some persons to imagine that these were the Fortunate Islands, and those Seats of the Bles­sed, where the Poets tell us, that the whole face of Na­ture always smiled with one perpetual spring. This is affirmed by Isacius Tzetzes, In his Comment upon Ly­cophron. among the Greeks a man of considerable reputation. And our own An­cestors, it seems, admitted the same notion, as lite­rally true. For when Pope Clement VI. (as we read in Robert of Avesbury) had declared Lewis of Spain King of the Fortunate Islands, and to effect his project, had begun to levy forces in France and Italy; 1344 our Countrymen were presently possessed with an opinion that the Pope's intent was to make him King of our Island, and that all these preparations were designed for Britain, as one of those Fortunate Islands. Nay, so prevalent was this conceit, that even our grave Embassadors, then resident at Rome, hereupon withdrew in a disgust, and hastned home to acquaint their country with its approaching danger. Nor in­deed would any man in our age be of another mind, supposing him barely to consider the Fortunate state and the happy circumstances of this our British Island. It is certainly the master-piece of Nature, perform'd when she was in her best and gayest humour; which she placed as a little world by it self, upon the side of the greater, for the diversion of mankind. The most accurate model which she proposed to her self, to beautifie the other parts of the Universe. For here, which way soever we turn our eyes, we are entertain'd with a charming variety, and prospects extreamly pleasant. I need not enlarge upon its In­habitants, nor extol the vigour and firmness of their constitution, the inoffensiveness of their humour, their civility to all men, and their courage and bra­very, so often tryed both at home and abroad; and not unknown to the remotest corner of the earth.

But concerning the most antient and the very first Inhabitants of this Island,The first Inhabi­tants, and reason of the name. as also the original of the name of Britain, divers opinions have been started; and a great many (as a certain writer has express'd it) who knew little of the matter, have yet espou­sed it very warmly. Nor ought we Britains to ex­pect more certain evidences in this case, than other nations. For, excepting those in particular, whose originals the holy Scriptures have plainly delivered, all the rest, as well as we, remain under a dark cloud of error and ignorance, concerning their first rise. Nor indeed could it otherwise be, considering under how much rubbish the revolutions of so many past ages have buried Truth. The first Inhabitants of countries had other cares and thoughts to trouble their heads withal, than that of transmitting their originals to posterity. Nay, supposing they had ne­ver so much desired it, yet could they never have ef­fectually done it. For their life was altogether un­civilized, perfectly rude, and wholly taken up in wars, so that they were long without any Learning, which as it is the effect of a civiliz'd life, of peace and leisure, so is it the only sure and certain means of preserving and transmitting to posterity the me­mory of things past. Moreover the Druids, who were the Priests among the Britains and Gauls, and to whose care was committed the preservation of all their antient traditions: and likewise the Bards, who made it their business to celebrate all gallant and remarkable adventures; both the one and the other, thought it unlawful to commit any thing to books or [Page v-vi] writing. But, supposing they had left any matters upon record, yet, without doubt, at so vast a di­stance and after so many and so great alterations [in this Island] they must needs have been lost long since. For we see, that Stones, Pyramids, Obelisques, and other Monuments, that were esteem'd more du­rable than brass it self, for preserving the memory of things, have long since ye [...]ded to, and perished by the injuries of time. But in the subsequent ages, there arose in many nations a sort of men, who were ve­ry studious to supply these defects out of their own invention. For when they could not tell what to de­liver for certain truth, yet, that they might at least delight and please some mens wanton fancy, they in­vented divers stories (every one according to the strength of his own imagination) about the original and names of People. These fancies some men quick­ly embrac'd, without a more curious search into the truth; and most were so taken with the pleasure of the fables, that they swallow'd them without more adoe.

Geoffry of MonmouthBut to omit all other writers, there is one of our own nation, Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, (whom I am loth to represent amiss in this point) publish'd in the Reign of Henry II. an History of Britain, tran­slated, as he pretends, out of the British Tongue: wherein he tells us, That one Brutus, a Trojan by descent, the Son of Silvius, Grandchild to Ascanius, and Great-grandchild to the famous Aeneas, (whose mother was Venus, and consequently himself descen­ded from Jove.) That this man at his birth cost his mother her life; and by chance having killed his Fa­ther in hunting, (which thing the Magicians had foretold) was forc'd to fly into Greece; That there he rescued from slavery the progeny of Helenus, son of Priam, overcame King Pandrasus, marry'd his daughter, put to sea with the small remainder of the Trojans, and falling upon the Island of Leogetia, was there advised by the Oracle of Diana, to steer his course towards this our western Island. Accordingly, that he sail'd through theP [...]r Her­culis Co­lumnas. Streights of Gibraltar, (where he escap'd the Syrens) and afterwards, pas­sing through the Thuscan Sea, arrived in Aquitain. That in a pitcht battle, he routed Golfarius Pictus, King of Aquitain, together with twelve Princes of Gaule, that assisted him. And then after he had built the city of Tours, (as he says Homer tells us) and overran Gaule, he crossed over into this Island, then inhabited by Giants. That having conquered them, together with Gogmagog, who was the greatest of them all, from his own name he gave this Island the name of Britain, Brutus in the year of the world 2855. be­fore the birth of Christ, 1108. in the year of the world 2855. and 334 years before the first Olympiad, and before the nati­vity of Christ, 1108. Thus far Geoffry. But there are others, who bring other grounds and reasons for this name of Britain. Sir Thomas Eliot Kt. a very learned man, derives it from a Greek Word, [...], which term among the Athenians signified their pub­lick revenues. Humphrey Lloyd, who hath the reputa­tion to be one of the best Antiquaries of this King­dom, with much assurance refers its original to the British word Pridcain, that is to say, a white form. Pomponius Laetus tells us,^g that the Britains of Armo­rica in France gave it that name. Goropius Becanus will have it, that the Danes settled themselves here, and so called it Bridania, i.e. Free Dania. Others de­rive it from Prutenia [Prussia,] a part of Germany. Bodin supposeth it took its name from Bretta, a Spa­nish word, which signifies Earth. Forcatulus, from Brithin, which, as it appears in Athenaeus, was the name of a sort of drink among the Grecians. Others deduce it from the Brutii in Italy, whom the Greeks called [...]. But those Pedants are by no means to be endured, who would have it to be called Bri­tain, from the brutish manners of the Inhabitants.^h

These are all the opinions (so far as I know) that were ever thought worthy regard, touching the name of Britain. But as we cannot choose, but think the fictions of foreigners in this matter extreamly ridicu­lous, so we must needs own, that divers of our own Countrymen give us no very latisfactory account. And indeed, in these and other such like cases, it is much easier to detect a falsity, than to establish a truth. For, besides that it is in it self an absurdity to seek the reason of this name in a foreign language, the general consent of the more noted Historians con­fute Laetus; all informing us, that those Britains of France went from hence, and carried the name along with them thither. Also Britain flourished under this name several hundred years before the names of Da­nia and Prutenia were ever known in the world. And what hath our Britain to do with the Spanish Bretta? (which indeed I question much, whether it be a Spanish word,) and why should this Island be so call'd, rather than any other country? It can hardly be made out, that the drink Brithin was ever used in our country; and to deduce the name of our na­tion from a liquor of the Grecians, is ridiculous. The Italian Brutii were indeed, as Strabo noteth, by the Lucani called [...], which implies as much as Fu­gitives or Rovers: But that the Brutii ever rov'd so far as Britain, can never be prov'd. To come now to the conjectures of our own Countrymen: Eliot's [...] seems very improbable, since that word was peculiar to the Athenians; and the Greeks were wont to call this Island [...], not [...]. Lloid's Pridcain, from whence he derives Britain, seems so far fetch'd, and so overstraind an Etymolo­gy, that I need not alledge, how the word Cain comes originally from the Latin Candidus; which had crept into the provincial language of the Britains.

But now could we be but once well satisfied, that thisⁱ History of Brutus were true and certain, there would be no farther occasion for any laborious search after the Original of the British nation; that business were all at an end, and lovers of Antiquity would be excus'd from a troublesome and tedious enquiry. For my part, I am so far from labouring to discredit that History, that I assure you, I have often strained my Invention to the uttermost to support it. Abso­lutely to reject it, would be to make war against time, and to fight against a receiv'd opinion. For shall one of my mean capacity presume to give sentence in a point of so much consequence? I refer the controversie intirely to the whole body of learned Antiquaries; and leaving every man freely to the li­berty of his own judgment, shall not be much con­cern'd at any ones opinion.

And yet here I find my self oblig'd to take notice (and I hope, since I search after nothing but truth, with the Reader's pardon) that there are learned and judicious men, who endeavour divers ways to invalidate this relation, and are wont to attack me, when I offer to defend it, with these or the like ar­guments. Their first objection they draw from the age wherein these things are said to have been done, and peremptorily assert, that all is purely fabulous, (the sacred Histories excepted) whatsoever is deli­vered by Historians, as done before the first Olym­piad, i.e. the year 770 before the birth of our Sa­viour. Now these things which are told us concer­ning Brutus, precede that period by above 300 years.Censori­nus. This exception they ground upon the authority of Varro, the most learned among the Roman writers,The fabu­lous time, or age. with whom the first period of time, which was from the creation to the deluge, bears the title of [...], i.e. obscure and uncertain, so called from our igno­rance of the transactions of those times. The second, which was from the deluge to the first Olympiad, he calls [...], i.e. fabulous, because most of those Hi­stories are fabulous, even of the Greek and Roman Authors, the learned part of the world, much more among a barbarous and unlearned people, such as were doubtless, in those times, all the inhabitants of these Northern parts. In the next place they alledge, [Page vii-viii] that this relation is not confirmed by the authority of any proper writer, which in all History must be al­lowed to be the thing most material. Now they call those proper writers, who have antiquity and learn­ing agreeable; and in proportion to those, they give more or less credit. But to all this sort of Authors, as well as to the antient Britains themselves, they confidently aver, that the very name of Brutus was perfectly unknown. Farther they say, that Caesar himself hath assured us, that above 1600 years ago, upon the strictest enquiry, he could only discover thus much, that the inland-parts of Britain were inhabited by such as were the true and ancient natives; but that the Sea-coasts were peopled with foreigners, who had passed over thither out of Belgium. Tacitus also (above 1400 years ago) who had made diligent search into these matters, says, What sort of men did at first in­habit Britain, whether bred and born in that Island, or whether they came thither from foreign parts, among such a barbarous people, cannot now be discovered. Also Gildas Sapiens, who himself was a Britain, and lived above 1000 years since, says not one word concern­ing this Brutus; nay, even declares himself not well satisfied, whether the ancient Britains had any re­cords or writings at all, wherein they had transmit­ted their history and original to posterity. And therefore he plainly confesses, That he took all out of foreign writers, and not out of any writings or records l [...]ft by his own country-men. For if there ever had been any such, they were in his time quite lost, having either been burnt by the enemy at home, or carried away by the exiles into foreign parts, Ninius also, disciple of Elu­odugus, in the preface to his Chronicle, written 800 years since, complains, That the greatest Scholars a­mong the Britains, had but little learning, and that they had left no memorials. And confesseth, that whatsoever he had written, was collected out of the Annals and Chro­nicles of the Holy Fathers. They also argue, That Bede, William of Malmsbury, and all the rest, who wrote before the year 1160, seem not to have ever heard so much as the name of our Brutus; there is as to this particular in all their writings such an uni­versal silence.

They observe farther, that the very name of this Brutus was a stranger to the world, untill a most barbarous and ignorant age gave an opportunity to one Hunnibald, a trifling writer, to obtrude his Francio, a Trojan, Son to King Priam, as the Founder of the French name and nation. Hence they conclude, that when our country-men had once heard that their neighbours the French, derived their pedigree from the Trojans, they thought it below them, to to come behind a people in descent, whom they e­qualed in valour. And hereupon, 400 years ago, our Geoffry ap Arthur of Monmouth, first of all grati­fy'd the Britains with this Brutus, as Founder of the British Nation, and feigned him not only of a Tro­jan, but also of a divine extraction. Before which time they urge that there never was any the the least mention made of such a man as Brutus.

They add moreover, that much about the same time Scotch writers set up their fictitious^k Scota, Daughter of Pharaoh, King of Egypt, as the Foun­dress of their Nation. That thereabouts too, some persons abusing their parts, and mis-spending their time, without any ground of truth, forged for the Irish, their Hiberus; for the Danes, their Danus; for the Brabanders, their Brabo; for the Goths, their Gothus; for the Saxons, their Saxo, as the Founders of their several nations. But now this our more knowing age hath discovered all these Impostures; and since, the French have rejected their Francio as a meer counterfeit. The French, saith the most learned Turnebus, when they lay claim to a Trojan original, do it purely in emulation of the Romans. For when they saw this people so much build upon that, as the most noble pedigree, they thought it convenient to invest themselves in the same honour. Since also the most sober and thinking part of the Scots have cast off their Scota; and the force of Truth it self hath at last en­tirely prevailed against that Hiberus, Danus, Brabo, and all the rest of these mock-princes; they much wonder why the Britains should so fondly adhere to their Brutus (as the original of their Island's name) and to their Trojan extraction; as if there had been no Britains here before the destruction of Troy (which happen'd about 1000 years after the deluge) or as if there had not lived many valiant men in the world before Agamemnon.

Farther yet they tell us, that the greatest part of learned Authors, as Boccatius, Vives, Hadrianus Juni­us, Polydore, Buehanan, Vignier, Genebrardus, Molinae­us, Bodinus, and other persons of great judgment, do unanimously affirm, that there never was such a man as this Brutus. Nay more, that very many of our Country-men, persons eminent for their learning, reject him as a meer Impostor. Among whom in the first place, they produce John of Wheathamsted, He lived about the year 1440. Abbot of St. Albans, a man of excellent judgment, who wrote long ago concerning this matter in his Granarium. According to other histor [...]s (which in the judgment of some men, deserve much more credit) the wh [...]le relation concerning Brutus, is rather poetical than historical, and upon several accounts, rather fanciful than real. As first, we find no where in the Roman Histo­ries, the least mention, either of the killing of the father, or of the begetting or banishment of the son. Secondly, Ascanius, according to several authors, had no son, whose proper name was Silvius. For they give us an account but of one that he ever had, to wit, Julius, from whom afterward the Julian family had its original, &c. And thirdly, Silvius Posthumus, whom possibly Geoffry may mean, was the Son of Aeneas by his wife Lavinia, and he ha­ving had a son named Aeneas, in the 38th year of his Reign, ended his life, not by any mischance, but by a na­tural death. By all which circumstances it is apparent, that that Kingdom, which is now called England, was not heretofore named Britain, from Brutus the son of Silvius, as many will have it. But others look upon the whole as no other than a ridiculous piece of foppery and vanity, to lay claim to this nobility of descent, when we cannot ground our pretence upon any probable foundation. 'Tis virtue alone that gives nobility to any nation; and it is a greatness of mind, with exactness of reason, that makes the true Gentleman. Suitable hereunto, Seneca in his Epistles, tells us out of Plato, That there is no King, Epist. 44. who was not extracted from slaves; nor any slave that de­scended not from Kings. Let this therefore be allowed the British nation, as a sufficient evidence of their honourable original, that they are couragious and resolute in war, that they have been superior to all their enemies round, and that they have a natural aversion to servitude. In the second place, they produce William of Newbourgh, a much more ancient writer, who in this rough lan­guage, fixed the charge of forgery upon Geoffrey, the compiler of the British history, as soon as ever he had published it. A certain writer, started up in our days, hath devised strange and ridiculous tales concerning the Britains, and with a sort of impudent vanity, hath ex­tolled them far above the gallantry of the Macedonians or Romans. His name is Geoffrey, but he hath the addi­tional one of Arthur too, because he sent abroad, un­der the honourable title of an history, the Fables of King Arthur, taken out of the old fictions of the Britains, with some additions of his own, which he hath coloured over with a little Latine. The same man, with yet greater boldness, hath published as authentick prophesies (and pretends to ground them upon certain truth) the fallacious predictions of one Merlin; unto which also, in translating them into Latin, he hath added a good deal of his own invention. And a little after, Besides, in that book of his, which he en­titles The History of the Britains, how sawcily and bare-facedly he forges every thing, is obvious to any one who reads it, not altogether a stranger to the antient histories. For such men as have not informed themselves of the truth, swallow all Fables that come to hand by the lump. I say nothing of those great adventures of the Britains before Julius Caesar's landing and government, which he either feigned himself, or handed down the fabulous inventions of others, as authentick. Insomuch, that Giraldus [Page ix-x] Cambrensis,D [...]script. Cambr. c. 7. who lived and wrote in the same age, made no scruple to call it, The Fabulous History of Ge­offry. Others deride Geoffry's foolish Topography in this narration, and his counterfeited testimony of Homer; and would persuade us, that the whole sto­ry is a thing patched up of meer incongruities and ab­surdities. They remark farther, that these his writ­ings, together with his Merlin, stand condemned, a­mong other prohibited books, by the Church of Rome. Others observe, that the greatest admirers of this our Brutus, are themselves still wavering and unresolved in the point. That Author (say they) who takes upon him the name and title of Gildas, and briefly glosseth upon Ninius, in the first place imagineth this our Brutus, to have been a Roman Consul; in the next, to have been the son of one Silvius, and then at last of one Hessicion. I have heard also, that there is a certain Count Palatine ve­ry earnest to have our Brutus called Brotus, because his birth was fatal to his mother, [...], in Greek sig­nifying mortal. In the judgment of others, these men might have bestowed on the Britains a more probable, and yet a more illustrious original, if they had drawn their descent, either from Brito the Cen­taure, mentioned by Higinus; or from that Bretanus, upon whose daughter Celtice (according to Parthenius Nicaeus, a very antient author) Hercules begat Celtus, the father of the Celtae, and from which Bretanus, Hesychius deriveth the word Britain.

Bretanus.Thus I have laid before you the observations, and opinions of other men upon this subject. If I have any ways impaired the credit of that history con­cerning Brutus, no man can reasonably quarrel with me; for I hope, in matters of this nature, every man may be allowed the liberty of his own thoughts, and of publishing those of other men. For my part, it shall never trouble me, if Brutus pass current for the father and founder of the British Nation. Let the Britains descent stand good, as they deduce it from the Trojans. I shall never contradict it: nay, I shall shew you hereafter, how with truth it may be maintained. I am not ignorant, that in old time Na­tions had recourse to Hercules, L [...]vy. in later ages to the Tro­jans, for their originals. And let antiquity herein be pardoned, if she sometimes disguise the truth with the mixture of a fable, and bring in the Gods them­selves to act a part, when she design'd thereby to render the beginnings, either of a city, or of a na­tion, more noble and majestical. For Pliny well ob­serves, That even falsly to pretend to a descent from il­lustrious persons, argues some respect for vertue. And for my part, I readily agree with Varro, the most learned of the Romans, That these originals, fetch­ed from the Gods, though in themselves false, yet are at least thus far useful, that men, presuming upon a di­vine extraction, may thereby be excited to generous enter­prises, and pursue them with a more than ordinary eager­ness; which makes them seldom fail of extraordinary suc­cess. Augustin at Civi­tat. Dei. li. 3. c. 4. From which words (by the way) St. Austin gathers, that the most learned Varro was inclined to think, that all such opinions were really grounldess; though he did not openly and expresly own it. Since therefore men are not yet agreed, either concerning the notion of the name, or concerning the first In­habitants of Britain; (and whether as to these points the truth will ever hereafter be more clearly disco­vered, now it hath lain so long, and so deeply buri­ed, I must declare my self extreamly doubtful:) I hope the reader will be inclineable to excuse me too, if I modestly interpose my own conjecture, without any prejudice to or against any person: not in a contentious humour, but as becomes a man, that pretends only to discover truth; which I am now doing with such a dis-interested zeal, that even the just apprehensions of censure, could not persuade me to desist. Now, that I may with the more ease and success discover the reason of this name, if possible; I will in the first place endeavour to find out, as well as I can, who were the first Inhabitants of this Island. Though indeed these first Planters lye so close in the most hidden retirements of Antiquity, as in some thick grove; that there is but very small or no hopes of ever retrieving by my diligence, what hath, for so many ages past, lain buried in oblivion.

To run up our enquiries therefore as high as we can (omitting Caesar, Diodorus, and other writers, who will have the Britains to be [...] and Aborigines, home-bred, and never transported from any other place; imagining that mankind at first sprung out of the earth like mushromes;) we are informed by Mo­ses in the sacred History, that after the Flood, the three Sons of Noah, Shem, Ham, and Japhet, after their issue were multiplied to a great number, left the mountains of Armenia, where the Ark had rested, separating themselves into the several quarters of the earth, and that by them the whole world was peo­pled. It may also farther be proved, as well by rea­son, as by the authority of Theophilus Antiochenus, that when their families came to be dispersed abroad by little and little, some of their posterity at last arrived in this our Island. Whereas (says he) in old time there were but few men in Arabia and Chaldea, after the di­vision of tongues they more and more encreased. Hereupon some took their way toward the East, others to other parts of the great and wide Continent; others traveling towards the North, seeking a place where to settle, still marched on, taking possession of all that lay before them, untill they came at last even to Britain, seated in the nor­thern climates. Moses himself doth also expresly as­sert the same, when he informs us, that the Islands of the Gentiles were divided in their lands, by the posterity of Japhet. The Islands of the Genttiles, Divines do interpret to be those which lay farthest off: and Wolphgangus Musculus, a Divine of conside­rable repute, is of opinion, that the nations and fa­milies which descended from Japhet, were the first possessors of the European Islands; such as are (saith he) England, Sicily, &c. Now that Europe fell to the share of Japhet and his posterity, besides Di­vines, Josephus and other Authors, have delivered as their opinion. To which purpose, Isidore cites this passage out of an ancient writer. The Nations, Origen. l. 9. cap. 2. which sprang from Japhet, possess from the mountain Taurus to the North, all the middle part of Asia, and all Europe, as far as to the British Ocean, and gave their names both to the places, and to the People; a great many whereof, have been since changed; but the rest re­main the same. And we see in the Europeans, that [prophetical] benediction of Noah fulfilled,Genesis 9. God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his servant. For it was Europe, as Pliny saith, which produced that people, who were the Conquerors of all other Nations, and have more than once triumphed over the other parts, which were the share of Shem and Cham: and this was peopled by Japhet and his posterity. For from his several Sons, came the several nations; f [...]om Magog, the Massagetae; from Javan, the Ionians; from Thubal the Spaniards; and from Mesech, the Moscovites. And his eldest son Gomer, in these our most remote parts of Europe, gave both original and name to the Gomerians, ^l who were afterward called^m Cimbri and Cimmerii. Gomeri, Cimerii, Cumeri, &c. For that name of the Cimbri or Cimmerii, did, in process of time, almost fill all these parts of the world, and spread it self very far, not only in Germany, but in Gaule also. Josephus and Zonaras both observe, that,ⁿ Thsse who are now called Gauls, were from Gomer, formerly named Gomari, Gomeraei, and Gomeritae. And from [Page xi-xii] these Gomari or Gomeri of Gaule, I have always been of opinion that our Britains had both original and name; in which I am confirm'd by the proper and genuine name of the Britains. For the Welch to this day call themselves Kumero, Cymro, and Kumeri; a Welch woman, Kumeraes; and their language Ku­meraeg. Neither do they own any other name, al­though some pretenders to learning have from thence of late, coin'd the new names of Cambri and Cam­bria. And that very Grammarian, whom Virgil lasheth in his^o Catalects and calleth the British Thucy­dides, Lib. 8. c. 3. Quintilian saith, was a Cimbrian. And from whence now can we imagine these names should be derived, but from that antient Gomer, and from those Gomeri, who were so near to us in Gaule, the seat doubtless of the old Gomerians? The learned are of opinion, that the Germans issued from Aschenaz, the Turks from Togormah, both Sons of Gomer; because the Jews at this day call the latter Togormath, and the former Aschenas. That the Thracians, Ionians, Riphe­ans, and Moschi, &c. are the Posterity of Thirax, Ja­v [...]n, Riphat, and Moschus, no man questions; for the affinity of the names sufficiently proves it. Likewise, that the Ethiopians descended from Chus, and the Egyptians from Misraim, the sons of Cham, there is no man but will readily grant; because the two people are call'd by these very names in their own languages. Why then should not we allow that our Britains, or Cumeri, are the true and genuine poste­rity of Gomer; and that from him they derive this name? For the name in it self seems very much to favour this deduction: And 'tis confess'd by all, that the posterity of Gomer did plant themselves in the utmost parts of Europe.Phil, Me­lanct. Which also the very name of Gomer intimates, a name which he ow'd not to mere chance, but to a divine designation. For^p Gomer in the Hebrew tongue signifieth bounding, F [...]nicus. or the utmost border. And here let no man, with inten­tion to defame our Cumeri or Cimbri, object what Sextus Pompeius writeth,^q that Thieves in the old Gallick language were called Cimbri. For altho' the Cimbri (of whom it is likely our Cumeri of Britain were a party) in that boisterous Age of the world, wherein the Soldier was the only man of honour, rov'd from these parts of Europe, as Possidonius tells us, plundering all along as they went, as far as to the lake Mae [...]tis; yet the word Cimber signifies no more a thief, than Egyptian doth a superstitious per­son; Chaldean, an Astrologer; or Sybarite, a nice de­licare man. But because those nations had such a ge­neral propensity to such or such things, the name of the nation was applied to those who agreed with them in that humour.Upon S [...]x­t [...]s Pom­p [...]us. B [...]ros [...]s. As to this point, that Oracle Joseph Scaliger concurs with me in the same opinion. But as to Berosus, let no man wonder that I here make no use of him, from whom our Authors at this day borrow so much assistance. To declare my mind once for all,C [...]nsure of Berosus. I have no opinion of the authority of that history, which passeth under the name of Be­rosus. For I am of the same mind with several of the most learned men of the present age, as Volater­ranus, V [...]ves, Antonius Augustinus, Melchior Canus, and especially Gaspar Varrerius, who all of them esteem it nothing else but a ridiculous invention of some ob­scure Impostor. This Varrerius, in his censure of Be­rosus printed at Rome, hath said enough in reason to spoil any man's good opinion of that Author.

This is my judgment concerning the original of the Britains, or rather my conjecture. For in a matter of so great antiquity, it is easier to proceed by conjecture, than to offer at any positive deter­mination. Now this account of our descent from Gomer and Gaule, seems much more substantial, more antient, and better grounded, than that from Brutus and Troy. Nay, I do not despair to prove, that our Britains are really the offspring of the Gauls, by ar­guments taken from the name, situation, religion, customs, and language of both nations. For in all these particulars the most antient Britains and the Gauls seem to have agreed, as if they had been but one people. That I may prove this assertion, give me leave to make a small digression.The name As touching the Name, because I have spoken of it before, thus much only shall be repeated; That as the antient Gauls were called Gomeraei, Gomeritae, and by contra­ction Cimbri; so likewise were our Britains called Cumeri and Kimbri. Now that the Gauls were called Gomeri, Josephus and Zonaras, as I said before, do both witness. And that they were also called Cimbri, may be gather'd out of Cicero and Appian. Those Barbarians, whom Marius defeated, Cicero plainly terms Gauls. De Procon­sul. Caius Marius (saith he) put a check upon the Gaulish forces, who were pouring into Italy. And all Historians agree, that these were the Cimbri; and the Coat-armour of Beleus, their King, digged up at Aix in Provence, where Marius routed them, does evince the same. For these words,Forcatul [...]s out of the French Annal [...], 1235. Beleos Cim­bros, were engraven upon it in a strange character. Also writers do unanimously agree, that those were Gauls, who under the conduct of Brennus, robb'd the Temple of Delphi in Greece; and yet that the same were called Cimbri, we learn plainly from Appian in his Illyricks. The Celta or Gauls, saith he, who are called Cimbri. And now, I think it needless to have re­course to Lucan, who calls that Ruffian, hir'd to kill Marius, a Cimbrian; whereas Livy and others affirm him to have been a Gaule: or to Plutarch, by whom the Cimbri are called Galloscythians: or to Reinerus Reineccius, an excellent Historian, who, grounding upon Plutarch's words in his Sertorius, is very posi­tive that the Gauls and Cimbrians us'd the same lan­guage. Nor will I insist upon that Cimbrian word, which is the only one now extant, by Pliny produ­ced out of Philemon, to wit, Morimarusa, Morima­rusa. i.e. the dead sea, which is purely a British word. For Mor in the British tongue signifieth Sea, and Marw, dead.

Seeing therefore,The S t [...] ­tion. that these Nations agree in their most antient name, whence can we conceive that name should pass over into this Island, but along with the first Planters that came hither out of Gaul, a country separated from it but by a very narrow chanel? For the world was not peopled all at the same time; but it must be granted as a certain truth, that those countries, which lay nearest to the Moun­tains of Armenia, (where the ark rested after the flood, and from whence mankind was propagated) were first of all inhabited. As for instance, the Les­ser Asia and Greece, before Italy; Italy before Gaule; and Gaule before Britain. Erasmus Michael [...]f Naviga­tion. On this occasion we may with satisfaction consider, how the great Creator, when he fram'd the world, contrived such a con­nexion between the parts of the main land, and plac'd the Islands at such convenient distances, that no one is so remote, but that it is within a clear view of some other land. To this end probably, that when countries should come to be overburthen'd with people, they might see where to discharge them­selves; till so, to the glory of it's Creator, the uni­verse in all its parts should be replenish'd with peo­ple. We may therefore reasonably imagine, that the antient Gomeri were either pusht on by such as press'd forward for room, or sent abroad, to ease an over-peopled country, or carry'd from home by the natu­ral itch which mankind hath to see foreign countries. Upon some one or other of these accounts, those an­tient Gomeri might probably at first cross over the chanel into this our Island, which lay so near them that they could easily discern it from the Con­tinent. Reason it self also tells us, that every coun­try must have received its first Inhabitants, rather from neighbouring, than from remote places. Who would not judge, that Cyprus had its first Inhabitants^r [Page xiii-xiv] from Asia, next to it; Crete and Sicily from their neighbour Greece; Corsica from Italy; and to come nearer home, Zealand from Germany, bordering upon it; or Iseland from Norway, rather than from the remote parts of Tartary or Mauritania? In like manner, why should we not think that our Britain was first of all peopled by the Gauls, which were our next Neighbours; rather than that the Trojans, Ita­lians, Albans, or Brutians, who lye at such a vast distance from it, were its first Inhabitants. Nor in­deed do writers fetch the first Inhabitants of Britain from any other place, than from Gaul, its next neigh­bour. The innermost parts of Britain, saith Caesar, are inhabited by those, who, according to tradition, are be­lieved to be Aborigines; the Sea-Coasts, by such as came out of Belgium in Gaul on purpose to make new conquests; and these people are generally called by the names of those cities from whence they came, now they are settled in their new Plantations. For there were in Britain, as well as in Gaul, people called Belgae, Atrebatii, Parisii, Ceno­manni, &c. Tacitus also saith, If we consider all cir­cumstances, 'tis probable that the Gauls first peopled Bri­tain, which lyes so near them. Bede too, among all our writers a most constant friend to truth, gives this as his opinion. At first, saith he, this Island was in­habited only by those Britains, (from whom also it took its name) who from Armorica, as 'tis said, crossed over into Britain, and there planted themselves upon the Sou­thern Coasts. The Armorican Tract he calls the Sea-coasts of Gaul, which lye directly opposite to our Island. It makes also very much to our purpose, that Caesar relates, how in his time Divitiacus, who govern'd a great part of Gaul, had Britain also at the same time under his Dominion. And what is of yet greater moment,Britains in Gaul. Some Co­pies of Pli­ny have B [...]anni, n [...]t Bri­tanni. Pliny reckons the Britanni or Bri­tains among the maritim people of Gaul, and pla­ces them right over against our Island of Britain, near the County of Bullen: as also Dionysius Afer, a more antient writer, hath done in these verses.

For these words, [...], [where Britains] seem to have respect to those other, [...]. And Eustathius, who wrote a Comment upon him, thinks the Britains in Gaul to be here meant; [...] are his words, [and of these Britains the Isles of Bri­tain over against them took their denomination.] But Avienus, and Stephanus in his book of Cities, are of another opinion.

Re [...]ig [...]on.Moreover there was one and the same Religion in both these Nations. Among the Britains, saith Taci­tus, you will find in use the Religion of the Gauls, and the people possess'd with the same superstitious persuasions. The Gauls, saith Solinus, after a detestable manner, to the injury rather than the honour of Religion, offer'd hu­man Sacrifices. That the Britains did the very same, amongst others, Dio Cassius assures us in his Nero. That both Nations had also their Druids, Dr [...]ids. appears plainly by Caesar and Tacitus. Out of the first, I shall here insert an entire place concerning this sub­ject. The Druids are present at all divine offices, look after all both publick and private sacrifices, and interpret the mysteries of religion. The youth in great numbers apply themselves to these Druids for education; and all people have a great reverence for them. For generally in all controversies, as well publick as private, it is they that make the determination: And whenever there is any out­rage or murder committed, when any suites arise about estates, or disputes about bounds, all is left to their judg­ment. They appoint rewards and punishments at their discretion. If any, either private person, or body of peo­ple, abide not by their decree, they forbid him the Sacri­fices. This among them is esteem'd the most grievous of all punishments. Those who are thus interdicted are reck­on'd the most profligate of mankind; all men studiously decline their company and conversation, and shun their approach, as if they feared some real infection. They are excluded from the benefit of the law, can sue no man, and are uncapable of all honours. Amongst all these Druids, there is one chief, who hath the supream authority. Upon his death, his Successor is some one that hath the best repute amongst them, if there be any such; but if there be seve­ral of equal worth and merit, he succeeds by the election of the Druids. Sometimes the sword decides, which party shall carry it. These Druids, at a set time every year, have a general assembly in the territories of the Carnutes, that lyes about the midst of Gaul, in a certain place con­secrated to that purpose. Hither resort from all parts such as have any controversies depending, and are wholly deter­min'd by the Druids.^ſ This sort of religious profession is thought to have been first in Britain, and from thence carry'd over into Gaul: And even now, those that desire throughly to be instructed in their mysteries, for the most part travel into Britain. The Druids are exempt from all military duties; nor do they pay tribute, like the rest of the people. And as they are excused from serving in the wars, so are they also from all other troublesome charges whatsoe­ver. These great privileges are a cause that they have many disciples; some address themselves to be admitted, others are sent to them by their parents or kindred. There they make them (as it is said) learn by heart a great number of verses; and thus they continue under this disci­pline for several years, not being allow'd by their rules to commit what they are taught to writing; although almost in all other their affairs, both publick and private, they make use of the ^t Greek Character. This rule they have settl'd amongst them, I suppose, for two reasons. First, because they would not have the vulgar made acquainted with their mysterious learning; and next, because they would have their scholars use and exercise their memories, and not trust to what they have in writing; as we see it often happen, that when men rely too much upon that help, both their diligence in learning, and care in retaining, do equally abate. One of the principal points they teach, is, the Immortality and Transmigration of Souls. And this doctrine removing the fear of death, they look upon as most proper to excite their courage. They also make dis­courses to their Scholars concerning the stars and their mo­tions, concerning the magnitude of the heaven and the earth, the nature of things, and the power and majesty of the immortal Gods. Whereupon Lucan thus addresses himself to them;

An Oak in Welch is Derw.By what name soever these their Priests were known to the Celtae, and to the Britains, in their own tongue; this word Druidae seems derived from a Greek original; to wit, [...], an Oak: not only be­cause they esteem'd nothing more sacred than the Misselto of an Oak; whence Ovid writeth thus,

but also because their usual residence was in groves, amongst Oaks; nor did they perform any of their ceremonies without some of the branches or leaves of that Tree. But this their practice Pliny hath in these words more particularly describ'd.Lib. 16. c. 44. The Druids (so the Gauls call their men of Religion) hold nothing more sacred than the Misselto, and the tree on which it grows, provided it be an Oak. Therefore they choose out solitary groves, wherein are no trees but Oaks, nor perform they any ceremonies without the branches or leaves of that Tree. So that from thence, (if we regard the Greek signification) they may very well be thought to have taken the name of Druidae. Indeed, whatsoever they find growing to, or upon an Oak, they take to be sent from Heaven, and look upon it as a certain sign, That their God hath for him­self made choice of that particular Tree. But it is a thing very rare to be met withall; and when it is found they re­sort to it with great Devotion. In these ceremonies they principally observe that the Moon be just six days old: For the Moon is their guide in the computation of their months and years, and of that period or revolution, which with them is called an age, i.e. thirty years compleat. And they choose the sixth day, because they reckon the Moon is then of a considerable strength, Sui dimi­dia. when she is not as yet come to her half. This product of the Oak they call by a name answering to All-heale; and when they come to it, they solemnly pre­pare a sacrifice, and a festival entertainment under the Oak, and bringing thither two white Bulls, whose horns are then, and not till then tied. This done, the Priest habited in a white vestment, climbs the Tree, and with a golden pruning-knife, cuts off the Misselto, which is carefully received in a Candido Sago. white woollen cloth by them that attend below. Then they proceed to kill the beasts for sacrifice, and make their prayers to the God, that he would bless this his own gift to those persons to whom they shall dispense it. They have a conceit that a decoction of this Misselto, given to any barren Animal, will certainly make it fruitful: also that it is a most soveraign antidote against all sorts of poys [...]n. So much religion do people commonly place in fopperies. It is farther observable, That Diodorus Siculus calls these self same Priests of the Gauls, in the same sense, [...],Saronidae. a word signifying Oaks, as all men know that understand the Greek tongue. And Maximus Tyrius likewise writes, That the Celtae or Gauls wor­ship Jupiter, of whom they make the highest Oak, saith he, to be the representation. It may also seem to pro­ceed from these Druids, that our Saxon Ancestors, (as we read in Alfric) call'd a Magician in their language, Dry.Dry. If you have a mind to be farther in­form'd concerning these men, you may consult Mela, Lactantius, Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica, and the Comedy Aulularia of Pseudoplautus.

Among their Religious,Bardi. the Gauls had also their Bards, whose office it was, to sing to the harp those songs they had made upon the great exploits of famous men; on which account, the before cited Lucan thus speaks to them,

The same sort of men have also this denomination among the modern Britains. For they now call such men Bards, who beside this their Poetical function, do also addict themselves particularly to the study of Genealogies. But there is no account left us, whe­ther the Britains believ'd, as the Gauls did, that they were descended from Dis. For this reason it was that the Gauls always reckon'd by nights, and set the night before the day in their usual account of time. And in this point it is certain, that our Britains agreed with them: for that space of time which the Latins call Septimana, and two Septimanas, they term With­nos, i.e. eight nights, and Pymthec-nos, i.e. fifteen nights^u.

Likewise both nations seem to have contriv'd one and the same form of government;Their Common wealth. for neither of them was under the rule of a single person, but as Gaul, so also Britain, had many kings. And, as the Gauls, upon extraordinary emergencies, us'd to call a publick Council of the whole nation, and choose one to be their general Commander; so the Britains did just the same upon the like occasion, as we may gather from these words of Caesar, The chief command, saith he, and management of the war was by an unani­mous consent committed to Cassibel­linus. Cassivellaunus.

Nor were these nations unlike in their manners,Their Manners. customs, or ways of living. Both were stout, and much given to war; both delighted in blood, and both of equal boldness and bravery, either in engage­ments, or exposing themselves to dangers; as we find by Strabo, Tacitus, Dion, Herodian, and others. In their manners, saith Strabo, the Britains are some­thing like the Gauls; and immediately he adds, as to their fighting they are for the most part fierce and cruel, like some of the Gauls. With him Tacitus agrees, The Britains, that part of them which the Romans have not yet conquer'd, still remain, saith he, just such as the Gauls were formerly. And in another place, The Britains are next to the Gauls, and much like them. Mela tell us, That the Britains, when they fought, were armed after the fashion of the Gauls.

The Britains, says Strabo, in their wars, us'd a great number of chariots, as do some of the Gauls.

It was the custom of both nations in the field to draw up their men distinct, according to their Pro­vinces, that the several people might have an oppor­tunity to signalize their valour. That this was the practice of the Gauls, appears by that place in Caesar, The Gauls, saith he, drawn up in distinct Bodies, accord­ing to their several cities, guarded the fords. Tacitus affirms the same of the Britains, in the fight of Ca­ratacus, The troops of the several Countries stood in the front of their fortifications.

The Gauls, saith Strabo, are of a quick docile wit, and readily take any sort of learning. Nor were the Bri­tains herein inferiour; nay, Agricola, in Tacitus, prefers their parts and ingenuity before that of the Gauls, so that the same Britains, who formerly rejected even the Roman language, were now grown ambitious of eloquence.

That the Gauls were a well-meaning and a down­right honest sort of people, we have Strabo's autho­rity, and the same is implied in Tacitus, concerning the Britains, in that place, where he tells us, that they chearfully and readily bore the levies both of Men and money, and all other burthens imposed up­on them by the Empire, if they intermix'd not in­jurious provocations.

Caesar relates, that the Gauls were much inclined to alterations in their Government, out of a natural incon­stancy and levity. The Britains in like manner, saith Tacitus, were divided into several parties and factions.

By means of this levity of the Gauls, which Caesar calls by the gentle name of an infirmity; they at last became so credulous, that the Credulity of the Gauls grew proverbial, and gave occasion to that of the Poet,

Neither in that respect have our Britains degenerat­ed; for they have an ear still open to every idle sto­ry, and out of a superstitious fear or hope, give cre­dit to any of the silliest Predictions.

We read in Strabo, that the Gauls would be high­ly concern'd, when they saw any abuse offer'd to their relations. That the same Sympathy dwells in our Britains, above what is to be found in any other nation, is a thing so notorious, and so commonly ob­served, as that it needs no proof.

The Gauls, as we find in Caesar, according to their distinction from the rest, either in birth or riches, had in proportion so many more servants and dependants in their retinue: these they call'd Ambacti;Ambacti. and this was the only piece of State amongst them. Nor do our British Nobility or Gentry,Welch. at this day, account any thing so honourable as a great retinue; from whom 'tis thought the English learn'd to carry with them such troops of Attendants. In which humor, not long since, they far outwent all other Europeans.

Caesar and Strabo do both tell us, that the houses of the Britains were seated in the midst of woods, and in all points like to those of the Gauls.

The Gauls, as Strabo writes, wore chains of gold about their necks; and Bunduica the British Queen (saith Xiphilin) wore a golden chain, with a garment of many colours. Nor is that sort of ornament any where more in use in our days, than in this Island amongst us and our modern Britains.

That both the Britains and the Gauls wore a ring upon their middle finger, we learn from Pliny.

The same Strabo observeth, That the Gauls took a pride in having long hair. Caesar tells us, That the Britains wore their hair at full length.

It appears by many Authors, that the Gauls used a certain sort of Garment, which in their language they called Brachae: B [...]achae. that these were also common to our Britains, is proved by this Verse of Martial,

I pass over what Silius Italicus writes of the Gauls,

because these qualities are common to most nations. I might here give many more particular instances of the greet agreement there was between these two nations; but I forbear, lest what I say should give occasion of scandal to some ill-natur'd men. Besides, I always lik'd that rule, Moderation is good in every thing; and perhaps also this argument from commu­nity of manners will not appear very cogent to some sort of men.

But now we come to the^x Language, Language a particular, upon which lyeth the main stress of this controversie, as being the surest evidence of the original of a nation. For there is no man, I suppose, but will readily al­low, that those People which speak the same Lan­guage, must necessarily be derived from one com­mon original. As for instance, suppose all our Hi­stories that ever were written had chanced to be lost, or, suppose no Author had ever told us, that we English are descended from the Germans, the natural Scots from the Irish, the Britains of Bretagne in France, from our Britains of this Island; yet the great affinity of language, would alone manifestly prove it: nay, would be of much more weight than the authority of the best Historians. If therefore I can here make it out,^y that the ancient Gauls and our Britains speak the same language; the conse­quence is so clear, that all men will be forced to al­low, that they must have certainly had one and the self same original. Nor is it of any concern in this case, what Caesar hath written, that the Gauls themselves spoke divers languages; since Strabo tells us, that they differed from one another only in Dialect. They did not all of them, saith he, use a language every way the same, but in some small matters vary'd from one a­nother. But that the language of the ancient Gauls, was the same with that of the Britains (making an allowance for some small variety in the Dialect) we may reasonably infer from that place in Caesar, where he writes, that it was usual for the Gauls, who would be throughly instructed in the Discipline of the Druids, to go over into Britain to our Druids, to learn it. Now seeing the Druids had no Books, of necessity we must conclude, that their instructions were given in the same language which was used by the Gauls. But this Cornelius Tacitus expresly affirms, The Britains and Gauls, saith he, differ not much in their speech. Up­on these reasons, Beatus Rhenanus, Gesner, Hottoman, Peter Daniel, Picardus, and all others who have search­ed into the depths of Antiquity, concur with me in this opinion. Except only some few, who are very earnest to have it believed, that the Gauls spoke the German language. But now,In these words I made use of the Bri­tish Lexi­con of William Salisbury, and ano­ther old MS. lest any man should throw dust in our eyes, that Truth may not be seen, I will here insert a collection I have made out of Au­thors of ancient Gallick words, as many at least as I could meet with. For the main body of that lan­guage hath been long since shipwrackt in the sea of oblivion. And here it will soon be seen, that very many of them, without any the least straining, but with much ease, and scarce any alteration, agree ve­ry well with our British words, both in sound and sense.

That Divona Divona. in the Gaulish tongue, signifies the God's Fountain, we have Ausonius's Authority in that Verse of his concerning a Fountain at Bourdeaux.

Now our Britains call God^z Dyw, and a fountain Vonan, of which two words Divonan is a compound, contriv'd according to the Latin idiom for verse-sake into Divona.

We find in several Authors, that Jupiter, whom from Thunder the Greeks call'd [...], and the Latins Tonans, i.e. The Thunderer, was worship'd by the Gauls under the name of^a Taranis. Taranis. Now Taran in British signifies Thunder; and suitable to this [Page xix-xx] sense, the Germans may be conceived to have given to Jupiter the name of Thonder. For Thursday they call Thonderdach, which is as much as to say, The Thund [...]rer's day.

The Gauls had another God, called by Lucan,^b He­sus, Hesus. by Lactantius, ^c Heus. the Author of the Quero­lus termed him the Barking Anubis, because he was pictur'd in the shape of a Dog. Now^d Huad with our modern Britains signifies a Dog.

It is very certain, that the Gauls worshiped Mer­cury, under the name of Teutates, Teutates. as the Inventer of Arts, and Guide to Travellers. And^e Duw-Taith in the British, imports as much, as The God of Journeys. Nor am I ignorant, that Mercury, by Plato in his Phae­drus and Philebus, is called Theut. Though I know some will have Teutates to be the German Tuisco, men­tioned in Tacitus, and the same with Mars; and that from him, we, who are descended from the Ger­mans, do call Mars's day, Tuesday.Tuesday. Concerning these three Gods of the Gauls, take, if you please, these three Verses of Lucan.

We learn from St. Austin and Isidore, that these fowl Spirits, commonly called Incubi, were termed by the Gauls Dusii, Dusii. because they daily and continually pra­ctise their uncleanness. Now that which is Continu­al and daily, the Britains still do express by the word Dyth.

Pomponius Mela writeth, That a sort of Religi­ous Women, devoted to the service of a certain Dei­ty in Gaul, under a Vow of perpetual Virginity, were by them called Senae. I would rather read it^f Lenae, Lenae. if I could safely do it. For those Religious Virgins, whom we now adays call Nuns,^g the Britains, as we find in an ancient Glossary, called^h Leanes, from whence came originally that name of Lean-minster, now Lemster, a very ancient Nunnery among the Britains.

The Gauls, saith Polybius, called their mercena­ry soldiers in their own language, Gaessatae. Gaessatae. And the Britains at this day call their hired Servantsⁱ Guessin.

Servius tells us, that valiant men were by the Gauls called Gessi; Gessi. and^k Guassdewr among the Bri­tains signifieth a stout and valiant man.

Hither also may be referred Gesum, Gesum. which was a weapon proper to the Gauls, as Pilum was to the Ro­mans, and Framea to the Germans. But of this by and by.

As Phalanx was the proper Name of a Legion a­mong the Macedonians, so was Caterva Caterva. among the Gauls, as you may see in Vegetius. Nor is this word yet out of date among our Britains, who term a Troop^l Caturfa, and war, they call Kad, and that warlike strength that lies in a Legion, Kaderne. It is read too Caterna in some Copies of Vegetius.

To this Kad may not improperly be referr'd Cateia Cateia. also, which was a sort of warlike weapon among the Gauls, as you have it in Isidore.

^m Gessa, Gessa. a Gaulish weapon, Servius interprets a Spear or Pike, to which the Britishⁿ Cethilou seems to be a­kin; and that (according to Ninnius's exposition) sig­nifies stakes burnt at the ends, as also, a warlike seed or generation.

Pausanias tells us, that the Gauls whom Brennus led into Greece, call'd that sort of horse-fight, which consists of three Horses [a breast] in their own coun­try language, Trimarcia. Trimar­cia. For an horse, saith he, was among the Gauls called Marca. Now this is absolutely a British word. For Tri with them, signifies three, and March, a horse.

In the same Book Pausanias writeth, that the Gauls cal'd their own Country Shields, Thireos, Thireos. which to this day the Britains call Tarian.

Caesar tells us in his Ephemerides or Journal, as we have it from Servius, that once being in Gaule ta­ken by the enemy, and carry'd away on horseback in his armor, they were met by a Gaul that knew him, who insultingly cry'd out Cetos Cetos. Caesar, which in the Gaulish language was as much as to say, Let go Caesar. Now^o Geduch among the Britains is a word of the same importance.

Rheda Rheda. among the Gauls, saith Quintilian, is a word of the same signification as Carnea (i.e. a Cha­riot) among the Latins. This word is not now to be found in the British Tongue; but it is apparent, that it hath been a British word, by these words at this day us'd; Rhediad (a course)^p Rhedec (to run) and Redecfa (a race.) Now that all these words came originally from Rheda is beyond dispute Nor should I think it an absurdity to deduce Eporedia, Eporidia. the name of a City among the Salassi, from the same o­riginal, since Pliny saith it took its name from Horse­tamers.

There was also another sort of Chariot, that was much us'd in both nations, both call'd by one name, Covinus, Covinus. and the driver of it Covinarius. And tho' both this word is lost, and that sort of Chariot too, yet the Primitive thereof, if I may so say, remains still amongst our Britains; in whose language, the word Kowain signifies^q to carry in a Wagon.

Essedum Essedum. was also a Gaulish Wagon, or rather as Chariot fitted for the wars, which Propertius as well a Caesar attributes to the Britains;

Circius Circius. is a wind, by that name very well known, to which Augustus Caesar not only vow'd, but actu­ally built a Temple in Gaul. Now Phavorinus, a Gaul by birth, declareth in Agellius that word to be of a Gallic original. Our Gauls, saith he, call by the name of Circius, that wind, which blows upon their own coast, and which is the fiercest in all those parts; so named I suppose, from its blustering and whirling. It is certain, that this particular wind is more raging and violent, than any other. Now that Cyrch a­mongst our modern Britains signifies force and vio­lence, ^r plainly appears by the Welch Litany.

From Livy we learn also, that the Pennine Alps, Penninum. by Caesar call'd Summae Alpes, as overtopping the rest, took that name not from Annibal Paenus [i.e. the Car­thaginian] but from the very highest Mountains there­abouts, the top whereof was consecrated, and had the name of Penninus given to it by the Mountaineers of Gaul. Now the^ſ tops of Mountains are called Pen by our Britains at this day; as for instance,^t Pen­mon-maur, Pen, Pendle, Pencoh-cloud, Appen­ninus. and^u Penni­gent, the highest mountains amongst us, have all bor­row'd their names from this word: and so hath also the Appennine in Italy.

The Cities of Gaul, which bordered upon the sea, Caesar tells us, were by the Gauls nam'd Aremoricae; Armoricae. with whom our modern Britains agree, in applying [Page xxi-xxii] the same word exactly to the same sense. For Ar­mor with them signifies By the sea, or Upon the Sea. And in the very same notion Strabo calls them in Greek [...].

In the Reign of the Emperor Dioclesian, the Pea­sants in Gaul raised a rebellion,Bachauda. and imposed upon their party the name of^w Baucadae. Now Swine-herds and Rusticks are called^x Beichiad by the Bri­tains.

The Thieves of their own Country, the Gauls, saith Sidonius,Vargae, Li. 4. Ep. 6. called by the name of Vargae. Now I have observed in the Glossary of the Church of Llandaffe, that Thieves were formerly called^y Veriad in the British

Allobroges.The Allobrogae, saith that antient and excellent Scholiast upon Juvenal, were therefore so called, be­cause Brogae among the Gauls signifies a Country, and ^z Al­la, another; as being translated thither from some other country. Now Bro in Welch signifies a Coun­try, and^a Allan, without or extraneous; so that the Etymology is just the same in both languages.

There is, saith Pliny, an herb like Plantain, called by the Gauls Glastum,Glastum. with which many writers say the Britains us'd to paint themselves. This is that herb, which we now call Woad. Woad. It maketh a blew or sky colour, which colour is called Glas by the Welch to this day. This herb, according to Pliny, was by the Greeks called Isatis; Isatis. The Herb Vitrum. Luteum in Caesar. Pomp. Me­la correct­ed. and the Dyers termed it Vitrum, as we learn from Oribasius. Out of whom Pompo­nius Mela may easily be corrected, by inserting vitro instead of ultro, in that place, where he saith, Britan­ni, &c. ultro corpora infecti, that is, it is uncertain whe­ther it were for ornament, or some other end, that the Britains dyed their bodies with Vitrum or Woad.

C [...]ctus.The Gallathae, [or Galatians in Asia Minor] who spake the same language with our antient Gauls, had, as we learn from St. Jerome, a little shrub, which they call'd Coccus, with which they made a deep red or scarlet colour; and that very colour is at this day called Coch in the British language.

That the Brachae Brachae. was a sort of habit common to the Gauls and Britains, we have shewn before. Diodo­rus Siculus describes these Brachae as a sort of a coarse party-coloured garment. Now foul tatter'd cloaths are by the present Britains called^b Brati.

If Laina Laina. was an old Gaulish word, as is hinted in that place of Strabo, where he says, The Gauls weave themselves thick coats of coarse wooll, which they call Lai­nae; the Britains have not gone very far from that word, who now call wooll by the name of^c Glawn.

Festus Pompeius tells us, that^d Bardus, Bardus. in the lan­guage of the Gauls, signifieth a Singer. Now that word is absolutely British.

We learn out of Martial and others, that Bar­docucullus Bardocu­cullus. was a sort of garment worn by the Gaulish Bards: now as^e Bard, so the other part of that word remains entire among the modern Britains, who call a cloak^f Cucul.

Gaul, saith Pliny, yeildeth a peculiar sort of corn, which the natives call Brance,Brance. we Sandalum, a very fine sort of grain. Among the Britains likewise, a sort of grain, which yeilds a pure white flower, is called^g Guineth Vranc, and with us in Norfolk Branke.

The Herb, which the Greeks from its five leaves call Pentaphyllon, was by the Gauls called Pempedula, Pempedu­la. as we find in Apuleius. Now^h Pymp in the British sig­nifies five, and Deilen, a Leaf.

As Pymp for five, so Peter was the word among the Gauls for four, as we learn out of Festus, who will therefore have Petoritum, Petori­tum. a Gaulish chariot or waggon, to be so nam'd from its four wheels. Now the word Pedwar signifies four among the Britains.ⁱ

Amongst the wooden instruments, the Canterium of the Latins, (the same which we in English call a Leaver,) the Gauls, saith Isidore, call'd Guuia; Guuia. and it is now call'd^k Guif in Welch.

Betulla, Betulla. Pliny saith, was a Gaulish tree; we call it Birch. He would say it were a British tree too, if he were now alive: for it grows very plentifully in Britain; and is called in Welch^l Bedw.

Wine diluted with water, Athenaeus saith, the Gauls called Dercoma; Dercoma. and Dwr signifies water among our Britains.

In like manner, (not to trouble you with too ma­ny instances) Fearne, according to Dioscorides, was called Ratis Ratis. by the antient Gauls; and is now by the Britains called^m Redin. The Elder-tree was called Sco­vies Scovies. by the Gauls; and now by the Britains,ⁿ Iscaw. Serratula in Latin, in Gaulish Vetonica, Vetonica. is now^o by the Britains, and by us also, called Betony. That which in Pliny the Latins call'd Terrae adeps, i.e. the fatness of the earth, and the Gauls Marga, Marga. is by our Britains call'd Marle. That which the Latins call can­dida Marga, white Marle, and the Gauls Gliscomarga, Glisco­marga. might probably be call'd Gluysmarle by the Britains: for Gluys in Welch is as much as bright or shining. Tripetia, Tripetia. a word in Sulpitius Severus, said to be used by the Gauls for a three-footed stool, is by the Bri­tains termed^p Tribet. The measure of 100 foot, the Gauls, according to Columella, call'd Candetum; Cande­tum. in British it is^q Cantroed. We read in Suetonius, that the bill or beak of a bird was by the Gauls called Becco; Becco. the same is called^r Pic by the Britains.

Neither should I be so wild in my fancy, nor so extravagant as Goropius, if I should derive Sueto­nius's Galba, Galba. which signifies one over-fat, from the British word^ſ Galluus, denoting One of a very big size. Or Verrius Flaccus's Bulga Bulga. for a leathern Budget, from the British word^t Butsiet; or Soldurii Soldurii. in Caesar (which in him, were such as had vow'd to live and dye to­gether) from^u Sowdiwr; or Pliny's Planarat, Planarat. for a Plow, from^x Arat, which in British signifies the same thing; or Isidore's Taxea, Taxea. for Lard, from the British^y Tew; or Diodorus Siculus's Zithum, Zithum, Cyder. Ce [...]visia, Ale. from their^z Ci­der; or Cervisia, [beer] from Keirch, i.e. Oats, whereof the Welch in many places make beer; or rather from^z Cwrwf, which we in English call Ale.

That all these words properly belong'd to the an­tient Gauls, appears by the Authors we have cited; and you see, that as they agree in sound with our British words, so they do as fully also in their signifi­cation.

Another thing let me here add,The ends of the names of places. that since the an­tient names of places in both kingdoms had the same terminations, to wit, Dunum, Briva, Ritum, Durum, Magus, &c. it may be inferr'd that those Nations could not be altogether different. For this may be used as a convincing evidence that we English are de­scended from the Germans, because the modern names of our Towns do end in Burrow, Berry, Ham, Sted, Ford, Thorp, and Wich; all which do plainly answer and exactly correspond with the German ter­minations of Burg, Berg, Heim, Stadt, Furdt, Dorpe, Wit.

Moreover, so rational an account may be given of some Gaulish words, out of our British language, answering exactly to the nature and property of the things so nam'd, that of necessity we must conclude, either those to have been names impos'd by the Bri­tains, or else that the Britains spake the Gaulish lan­guage. An instance or two to this purpose may be sufficient.

A third part of Gaul, saith Caesar, is inhabited by those who in their own tongue are called Celtae,Celta [...]. in ours Galli; [Page xxiii-xxiv] by the Greeks Gallathae. But whence these people were called Celtae, and Gallathae, the most learned among the French could never tell us. I wish they would consider, whether this may not be deduc'd from the British word^b Gualt, Gu [...]lt. which to this day signifies the hair of the head in the Welch tongue, as Gualtoc doth Comata, i.e. long-haired: from whence the names of Celtica, and Gallathae, and Galli, may all ve­ry well seem to have been derived, only a little mol­lified by some difference in the pronunciation. Now that the Celtae were called Comati, from their large heads of hair, which they wore always at its full length, is universally acknowleged by the Learned: and as for the Letters C,Lipsius de prenuncia­tione, p 66. K, Q, and G, whether in power or sound, there is but little difference among them.

Garumna, Gar [...]n [...]e.That the noble River of Garonne in France runs with a mighty forcible, and as it were with a rough current, is a thing very well known: From whence the Poets have given it the epithets of the strong, the sea-like, the rapid Garonne. All which the British word^c Garrw doth fully import.

The river Arar, Arar, or Saonne, Saonne. moves so incredibly slow, that you cannot tell by the eye, which way it has its course. Hence by the Poets it is called the slow, and the still Arar. Now Ara with the Britains signi­fies slow and still.

Rhodanus, R [...]danus, the Rhosne,Rhosne. which receives the Arar, runs with a very swift and violent current; and is therefore term'd hasty, swift, and precipitant. The word sounds not much unlike Rhedc, which signifies celerity in running.

Strabo and others tell us, that the Mountains Ge­bennae [now called the Cevennes] run along in one continued ridge through a great part of Gaul.G l [...]nnae. Mountains of Au­ [...]e [...]ne. Cevennes. But that^d Kevin signifies the ridge of an hill amongst our Britains, appears by the British Lexicon. There is also near Otteley in Yorkshire, a long ridge of hills which I have seen, at this day called the Kevin by the people of those parts.

Whereas stones were in old time erected in Gaul by the Road-side, at the just distance of every fifteen hundred paces; and since the French Leuca Leuca. or League containeth, as Jornandes observes, just the same num­ber, and^e Leach in the British signifies a Stone; I would desire the learned among the French to consi­der whether their word Leuca be not derived from thence.

Sto [...]y [...]ds. Camp [...] L [...]p. [...]ci.Near the Sea-side, in that part of France which was heretofore called Narbonensis, where Hercules and Al­bion fought (if we believe the old Fable,) on all sides for many miles together, the stones lye so thick, that one would almost think it had rain'd stones there. From whence it is by writers called the Sto­ny Shore, and the Stony Field. The French at this day call it le Craux; and yet they know not the rea­son of that name. Now in British stones are called^f Craig.

That people which in old time inhabited the Sea-coast of Gaul, lying nearest to Britain, were in their own language called Morini. Morini. Now Mor is in British the Sea, from whence that word seems to have been derived. For the Britains call Morinwyr, such as live upon the Sea-coast; as Aremorica of old, in the Gaul­ish tongue, and now in the British, signifies by the Sea-side.

Arelate, Araes.So Arelate, a famous city of Gaul, which is seated in a marshy and watry soile, may seem to have ta­ken that name purely from its situation: For Ar in British signifies, upon, and Laith, moisture.

Uxellodunum, U [...]llo [...]u­num. [now Cadenac] saith Caesar, is a Town having on all sides a rocky access, and situate on the top of a high hill. Now^g Uchel in British is as much as lofty, and Dunum Dunum. among the antient Gauls signified an high ground, or an hill, as Plutarch in his book of Rivers tells us out of Clitiphon; and the same word was also used in that sense by the antient Britains.

Pliny placeth the Promontory Cytharistes Cythari­stes. in Gaul, near Marseilles, where the town of Tolon now stands. And if you ask our present Britains what they call Cythara, i.e. an harp, in their language, they will tell you,^h Telen.

Again, (to put this matter past all farther dispute) it is very evident, that though the modern French language is come from, and made up for the most part of the Latin and the German, yet nevertheless there still remain in it a great many old Gaulish words. And I have had it from some who are skilful in both languages, that very many of those French words, which can be reduced neither to the Latin, nor to the German original (and therefore may be presumed to be remains of the old Gaulish language) do come as near to the British as 'tis possible. For example. The French at this day use the word Gue­rir, the Britains Guerif, to heal. The French use Guaine, the Britains Guain, for a Sheath. The French De­rechef, the Britains Derchefu, for Moreover. The French Camur, the Britains Cam, for Crooked. The French Bateau, the Britains Bad, for a Boat. The French Gourmond for a Glutton, the Britains Germod, for too much, or beyond measure. The French Ba­ston, the Britains Pastwn, for a Staff. The French Accabler, the Britains Cablu, for to oppress. The French Havre, the Britains Aber, for an Haven. And Comb is yet in use with both nations for a Valley.

Many more words there are of this sort, by the re­cital whereof I might perhaps tire and disgust my Reader; tho' they are of very great use in this point.

Now, whereas Tacitus tells us, that the Aestii, a people of Germany, used the habits and customs of the Suevians, but a language that came nearer to the British; it makes nothing against my assertion. For those languages, that are most of all remote, do yet agree in some particulars. Thus Augerius Busbequius, Epist. 4. late Embassador from the Emperor to the Grand-Signior, has observed many German and English words in the Taurica Chersonessus.

From all these instances, this conclusion may be justly drawn; That the antient Gauls and Britains did certainly speak the same language. And from thence also we may infer this other necessary conse­quence, That the original of the Britains is to be re­ferred to the Gauls. For it is not to be denied, what we have before observed, that Gaul, as being nearer to Armenia, must needs in course have been peopled before Britain. Besides, (as Strabo tells us) as Gaul abounded in corn, so did it much more in men. It is therefore altogether reasonable to imagine, that since the Gauls sent Colonies into Italy, Spain, Ger­many, Thrace, and Asia; they did the same much rather into Britain, a country that lay so much nearer them, and as plentiful as any of them all. Now it must needs redound much to the glory of the British nation, that they drew their original from those an­tient Gauls, who were so famous for their military at­chievements; and with whom the Romans for many years maintain'd a war, not for honour and Empire, but purely for self-preservation. And these Gauls they were, who, to use the Poet's words rather than my own,

And a little after,

Nor ought we here to omit the arguments brought by others to prove, that the Britains are descended from the Gauls. George Buc, a man eminent both for his extraction and learning, observes out of Mekercus, that the Germans call a French-man, Wallon. And that when the German Saxons first came over hither, and heard the Britains speak the Gaulish tongue, they call'd them Walli, i.e. Gauls.ⁱ Buchanan saith more­over, that Walch doth not among the Germans bare­ly signifie a Stranger, but most properly a Gaul. And withal he observes, that the French at this day call that country Galles which we call Wales: and that the antient Scots divided all the British Nations into Gaol and Galle, that is (after his interpretation) into the Gallaeci and the Galli.

But when all is done, if our Britains are still re­solved to make out their claim to a Trojan original, I will not here make it my business to oppose them: but yet^k if they will follow my advice, they had best ground their pretence to the Trojans, upon their descent from the Gauls. For it is said by some, (these are the words of Ammianus) that after the destruction of Troy, a few that fled thence, possess'd themselves of Gaul, at that time unpeopl'd. And here now, while we have these languages under our consideration,The Bri­t sh lan­guag [...]. we cannot but much admire and celebrate the divine goodness towards our Britains, the posterity of Go­mer; who, though they have been conquer'd and triumph'd over successively by the Romans, Saxons, and Normans; yet hitherto they enjoy the true name of their Ancestors, and have preserv'd entire their pri­mitive language, although the Normans set themselves to abolish it, making express laws to that purpose. The reply of that old Gentleman of Wales was not impertinent, who being ask'd by Henry the second,Giraldus in his To­pography of Wales King of England, what he thought of the strength of the Welch, and of his royal expedition against them, made his answer in these words: This nation may suffer much, and may be in a great measure ruin'd, or at least very much weakened, Great Sir, by your present and other future attempts, as well as formerly it hath often been: but we assure our selves, that it will never be wholly ruined Prop [...]r homi [...]as iram. by the anger or power of any mortal man, unless the anger of Heaven concur to its destruction. Nor (whatever changes may happen as to the other parts of the world) can I believe that any other nation or lan­guage besides the Welch, shall answer at the last day for the greater part of this corner of the world.

The Name of BRITAIN.

BUt you will say, if Cumero be the primitive name of the Inhabitants, whence then comes Albion? whence Britain? a name which hath so much pre­vailed, that the other is almost forgotten. Give me leave, as to this point, to deliver my real thoughts, which I am satisfied are the real truth. The same things may be consider'd under various circumstances, and thereupon may be justly express'd by various names, as Plato tells us in his Cratylus. And if you will take the pains to search into particular instances, both of modern and antient times, you must needs observe, that all nations have been by Strangers, call'd by names quite different from what they call'd them­selves. Thus, they who in the language of their own Country, were called Israelites, were termed by the Greeks, Hebrews and Jews; and by the Egyptians Huesi, (as Manethon observes) because they had Shep­herds for their Kings. Thus the Greeks call'd those Syrians, as Josephus writeth, who nam'd themselves Aramaeans. Those who call'd themselves Chusii, were by the Greeks, from their black faces, term'd Aethio­pians. Those who call'd themselves in their own language, Celtae, the Greeks call'd Gallatae, either from their milk white complexion, as some will have it, or from their long hair, as I just now observed. So those, who call'd themselves in their own language, Teutsch, Numidians, and Hellenus, were by the Romans term'd Germani, Mauri, and Graeci, [Germans, Moors, and Greeks.] So likewise at this day, (not to produce too many instances) they, who are in their own Tongue, call'd Musselmen, Magier, Czechi, Beser­manni, are by all other Europeans called Turks, Hun­garians, Bohemians, and Tartars. And even we in England, who in our own tongue call our selves Englishmen, are by the Welch, Irish, and Highland Scots, call'd Sasson, i.e. Saxons. After the same manner we may justly conceive, that our Ancestors, who called themselves Cumero, were upon some other account, either by themselves, or by others, called Britons; from whence the Greeks fram'd their [...], and handed the same word to the Romans. Thus much being premis'd, we will now enquire in­to the several names of this Island.

As to the name of Albion, Albion. I am not over solicitous. For it was impos'd on this Island by the Greeks, for distinction sake; all the Islands that lay round it be­ing call'd by one general name, Britannicae and Bri­tanniae, i.e. the Britains, or the British Isles. The Island of Britain, saith Pliny, so famous in the writings both of the Greeks and Romans, is situate to the north­west, at a great distance from, but just opposite to Ger­many, France, and Spain, three Countries that take up much the greatest part of Europe. It is particularly call'd Albion, whereas all the Isles, which are about it, are call'd in general Britanniae.Britan­niae. Whereupon Catullus concern­ing Caesar, hath this expression,

Also in the same Epigram, he calls this Ultimam Occi­dentis Insulam, i.e. the farthest Island of the west. The name of Albion seems to have had its rise meer­ly from a vain humour of the Greeks, and the fond in­clination of that people to fables and fictitious names, which they themselves call'd [...]. For seeing that nation have upon a mere fiction, named Italy, Hesperia, from Hesperus, the son of Atlas; France, Gallatia, from a certain son of Polyphemus, &c. I cannot but believe that in the same fanciful humour they invented for this Isle also the name of Albion, from Albion, Neptune's son; as Perottus and Lilius Giraldus have observ'd before me^a: unless one should [Page xxvii-xxviii] choose rather to derive it from [...], a word, which Festus saith, signifies white in Greek, whence the Alps may have also have taken their name: for our Island is on all sides surrounded with white rocks, which Ci­cero calls Mirificas Moles, vast and prodigious piles. For which reason also in the^b Coins of Antoninus Pius, The figure of Britain. and Severus, Britain is figured sitting upon Rocks, in a womans habit: and by the British Poets them­selves, is styled^c Inis Wen, Inis Wen. that is, the White Island. I might also alledge, that Orpheus in his Argonautics^d, (if they be his) calls that Island, [...], The white land, which lies next to Jernis, or Ireland, and which can be no other but our Britain: the same, which in a few verses before, he seems to have call'd [...] for [...].Li. 1. de mo [...]bis contagiosis. Fracastorius also in his discourse concerning that pestilential feaver, which went in England by the name of the Sweating Sickness, delivering it as his opinion, that it was occasioned by the nature of the English soil, which lies very much upon Chalk, or a white sort of Marle, supposes that from thence our Island took the name of Albion ^d. He had but little honesty, and as little modesty, that was the first inventor of that idle story, not to be heard without indignation, how that this Island took the name of Albion, from^e Albina, one of the thirty daughters of Dioclesian, a King of Syria, who upon their wedding-night kill'd all their husbands, and then coming over hither in a vessel without sails or oars, were the first that took possession of this Island; where a sort of carnal Spirits got them with child, and thence issued that race of Giants^f. Nor need I much busie my self to enquire, wherefore in that old Parodia, against Ventidius Bassus, it is calledInsula Cae­ruli. Insula Caeruli; considering that the Sea lies round it, which the Poets style Cae­rulus and Caerulum. So Claudian of this Britain.

I omit, that it is by Aristides, call'd the Great and the farthest Island. That it was also call'd Romania, Romania. seems to be insinuated by those passages in Gildas, where he tells us, that this Island was so absolutely brought under the Roman power, That the name of the Roman slavery stuck to the very soil. And a little after, So that it might now be accounted Romania, ra­ther than Britannia. And within a page or two, An Island, bearing the Roman name, but which did not ob­serve the laws or customs of the Romans. Nay, Pro­sper Aquitanus expresly calls it, The Roman Island. Hither also may be refer'd that prediction of the Arus­pices or Sooth-sayers, when it happen'd that the Sta­tues of Tacitus and Florianus, the Emperors, were thrown down with Thunder; viz. That out of their Family should arise an Emperor, who, amongst o­ther great actions, should send Presidents over Taprobane, and should send a Proconsul into the Roman Island;Vopiscus in F [...]orta­no. which all the learned understand of our Britain, tho' it was a Province Presidial, and never Proconsular, as we shall hereafter shew. That it was ever call'd Sam [...]thea, Samothea. from Samothes, Japhet's sixth son, I can­not help it, if some will still believe. I know very well whence all that is borrow'd, to wit, out of Annius Viterbiensis, who, like a cheat, putting specious ti­tles upon bad wares, hath imposed upon the over­credulous, his own forgeries, under the name of Berosus.

But now, as to the name and original of Britain, the various opinions concerning it, have made it a very dubious point; for which reason, I will apply my self to our Britains for leave to interpose my judg­ment among the rest; that they would put a favou­rable construction upon what I do; that as they desire to know the truth, so they would pardon those that search into it, and allow me the same liberty as Eliot, Leland, Llwyd, and others have taken. For if Hum­phrey Llwyd, a most learned Britain, was not blam'd, but rather commended, for producing a new Etymo­logy of Britain, different from that common one of Brutus, without any prejudice to the story; I hope it will be no crime in me, who here meddle not with the History of Brutus, to make a short inquiry after another original. And where can I so properly search after it as in our British language, which as it is pure and unmixt, so extreamly ancient; and on this double account, we may promise our selves con­siderable assistance from it. For antient languages are highly serviceable to the finding out the first ori­ginal of things. And Plato, in his Cratylus, tells us, that the primitive names of things, long since worn out of use, are yet still preserv'd in the barbarous Tongues as the most antient. Now though those matters are so very obscure, by reason of their great Antiquity, that we rather earnestly wish for the truth, than have any reasonable hopes to discover it; yet I shall do my utmost to clear it up, and shall briefly propound my own judgment, not magisteri­ally imposing it upon any man, but still inclin'd to admit with the higest satisfaction any more probable opinion. For I love a truth of another's discovery altogether as well as my own, and equally embrace it, wheresoever I find it.

In the first place, I will take it for granted, with the Reader's leave, that all antient nations had their own proper names from the beginning, and that the Greeks and Latins afterwards fram'd names for eve­ty Country, out of those of the People, with varia­tion enough to accommodate them to their own Di­alect. Or to explain my self farther, that the Peo­ple were known and distinguish'd by their names, before the Regions and Countries which they inha­bited; and that the Countries were afterwards deno­minated from the people. Who can deny but the names of the Jews, the Medes, the Persians, Scythians, Almans, Gauls, G [...]tulians, Saxons, English, Scots, &c. were extant before those of Judaea, Media, Persia, Scythia, Almaine, Gaul, Getulia, Saxony, England, Scot­land, &c. Nor is any thing more evident, than that these last were coin'd out of the former. We find that from the Samnites, the Insubres, and Belgae, Livy and Caesar were the first that call'd the Coun­treys themselves Samnitium, Insubrium, and Belgium. From the Franks, in the time of Constantine the Great, as appears by the Coins of that Emperor, the Country where they were seated first, took the name of Francia or France. And Sidonius Apollinaris was the first that framed the name of Burgundy. Now we have all the reason in the world to believe, that just after the same manner, the Inhabitants, or else the Gauls their next Neighbours, first gave this Island the name of Britain. For several things make it pro­bable, that these Natives were called Brit Brit. or Brith in the old barbarous Language; especially that Verse which passes under the name of Sibyl.

Next, the authority of Martial, Juvenal, and Auso­nius. This Island also is by Procopius called Britia; and the ancient Inscriptions, set up by the Britains^g [Page xxix-xxx] themselves, in which we read Brito, Britones, Brittus, COH. BRITON. ORDINIS BRITTON, and at Rome, in the Church of St. Maria Rotunda, NA­TIONE BRITTO. This Inscription also, which is to be seen at Amerbach in Germany (which I will here insert, because it mentions Triputium, some place in Britain, but not known.)

The Saxons also themselves, in their own Lan­guage, call'd the Britains Britas, and particularly Witichindus the Saxon, throughout his whole Histo­ry, useth the word Britae. So that without all doubt, Brit BRIT. is the primitive, from whence Brito is derived, and from whence we may rationally expect some light that may lead us farther towards the original of the name of Britain.

Now it was the general custom of all nations, to apply to themselves such names as had a respect to something wherein they either excell'd, or were di­stinguish'd from the rest. Some from the dignity of their Founders, as the Jonians from Javan, the Israe­lites from Israel, the Chananites from Chanan, the Son of Cham. Others with a respect to their particular natures, inclinations, or employments, as the Iberi, according to the Hebrew derivation, because they were Miners; the Heneti, because they were Wande­rers; the Nomades, because they busied themselves most about Cattel; the Germans, because they were accounted stout and warlike men; the Franks, be­cause free; the Pannonians, in the opinion of Dion, from Pannas, wearing coats with long cloath sleaves; the Aethiopians from their blackness; and the Albans, as born with white hair. From whence Solinus makes a remark very worthy our observation, That even the Colour of the hair did give a name to a nation. Now our Country-men, who passing under the general name of Cimbri or Cumeri, in common with the Gauls, had no other mark or character so pro­per to difference and distinguish them from the rest, as that their peculiar custom of painting their bodies. For the best writers that are, Caesar, Mela, Pliny, &c. do all agree, that the Britains us'd to paint them­selves with Glastum, or woad (and the word Glass, Glass. signifies Blue in Welch to this day.) What then, if I should suppose, [...]ritons, [...]hence [...]ook their [...]ame. [...]rith, [...]hat it is. that our Britons took that denomi­nation from their painted bodies; for the word Brith, in the antient language of this Island, signifies any thing that is painted and coloured over. Nor can any man in reason censure this, as either an absurd, or over-strain'd Etymology of the Britons; seeing it has the grand requisites in all such cases, i.e. the words sound alike, and the name (which is as it were the picture of the thing) expresseth the thing it self. For Brith and Brit are very near in sound; and that word Brith, among the Britains, expresseth to the full what the Britains really were; that is, painted, stain­ed, died, and coloured. For these Epithets the Poets use to give them; and Oppian terms them [...], i.e. having py'd or various colour'd backs.Lib. 1. Cu­ [...]egetic. Nor will it be improper here (though it may seem but of small moment) to set down an observation of my own, That in the names of almost all the antient Britains, [...]ld Bri­ [...]ains [...]ames [...]rawn [...]rom co­ [...]curs. there appears some intimation of a Colour, which without doubt arose from this custom of Paint­ing. The Red Colour is by the Britains call'd Coch and Goch, which word, I fancy, lyes couched in these names, Cogidunus, Argentocoxus, Segonax. The black colour they call Dû, of which methinks there is some appearance in Maudubratius, Cartimandua, To­godumnus, Bunduica, Cogidunus. The white colour is called Gwyn, the express footsteps of which word, methinks, I see remaining in Venutius and Immanuenti­us. Gwellw, in Welch, signifies a Waterish colour, and this discovers it self evidently in the names of Velloca­tus and Carvillius, and Suella. Blue is in British Glas; and that plainly appears in the name of King Cuni­glasus, which Gildas interprets Fulvum, or, as it is in some other copies, Furvum Lanionem, a dark co­lour'd Butcher. Aure, the name for a Gold colour, is manifest in Cungetorix and Arviragus. A lively and brisk colour is by them call'd Teg, whereof we have some hint in Prasutagus, and Caractacus. But now, if we allow that the Britains borrow'd the names of mixt colours, together with the very colours them­selves, from the Romans (as they did certainly their Werith for Green, from Viridis; and Melin for Straw-colour, from Melinus;) then I hope I may have leave to fancy at least, that I can discover some tincture of the colour call'd Prasinus, or Grass-green, in the name of Prasutagus; and of the colour call'd Mini­um, i.e. Vermilian, in that of Adiminius, son to King Cunobelinus. Rufina also, that most learned British Lady, took her name from the Colour, call'd in Latin Rufus, the red or flame colour; like as Al­ban, the first Martyr of Britain, from Albus, i.e. White. If any man, well skill'd in that antient language, would in like manner examine the rest of the British names that occur in old writers (of which sort there are not above four or five extant,) it is very probable he will find in every one of them, some signification of a Colour. Nor ought we to omit here, that the most common and current names at this day amongst our Britains, Gwyn, Du, Goch, Lluid, were taken from the white, black, red, and russet Colour. So that it ought not to seem strange, that a nation should de­rive its^h general name from Painting, where all the people painted their bodies; and where, both in old time it was, and at present it is the fashion to take their most ordinary names from Colours. But to re­turn to our business, if all this have been foreign to it. It is most certain, that in the British Histories, an Inhabitant of Britain, is call'd in that Language, Bri­thon. The note of aspiration is not to be regarded, since the Britains (whose tongue,In Serm. Pentecost. St. Chrysostom saith, was lingua Sibila, i.e. a hissing tongue) were always much pleas'd with aspirations, which the La­tins as studiously avoided. Now as Brito came from Brith, so did Britannia also in my opinion. Britannia (saith Isidore) was so called from a word of the inha­bitants. Now, whereas the most antient Greeks (who were the first that gave this name of Britain to our Island) either upon the account of Trade, or of Piracy, were wont to make long voyages, keeping always close to the shore (as Eratosthenes hath ob­serv'd;) they might either be inform'd by the Na­tives, or learn from the Gauls, who spake the same language, that the people of this Island were call'd Brith and Brithon, Tania. So the Germans now add Landt to the names of Coun­tries. and thereupon to the word Brith, add Tania, a termination, which in Greek (as theⁱ Glossaries tell us) signifies a Region or Country. Out of which two words, they compound the name of [...], corruptly written [...], i.e. the Coun­try of the Britons. Lucretius and Caesar have nam'd it more truly Britannia; and they are the first of the Latins that make mention of it. That the matter stands thus, as to Britain, I do the more firmly be­lieve, [Page xxxi-xxxii] because we find not in all the world besides a­above three countries of any considerable largeness, the names whereof do terminate in t [...]nia. And even those three lye all in this Western part of the world, to wit, Mauritania, Lusitania, and Aquitania ^k; of which I question not but that the Greeks, who first discover'd those countries, were the inventers, and that from them the Latins afterwards receiv'd them. For from the name of the Mauri, they made Mau­ritania, as much as to say, The country of the Mauri; which, according to Strabo, by the natives themselves was called Numidia. From Lusus, the Son of Bac­chus, they framed Lusitania, that is, the Country of Lusus; and perhaps they call'd Aquitain by that name, ab aquis, as Ivo Carnotensis thinks, since it is a country seated upon the water. In which sense also (as Pli­ny tells us) it was formerly called Armorica, i. e, ly­ing upon the Sea-coast. As for Turditania and Basti­tania, names of smaller countries in Spain, and con­sequently lying in these Western parts of the world, they may be very properly reduc'd under the same head, and seem to signifie no more than the countries of the Turdi, and the Basti. Nor is it unusual to com­pound a name of a foreign and a Greek word. Words are compounded, Lib. 1. (saith Quintilian) either of our own, (i.e. Latin) and a foreign word, as Biclinium; or just contrary, of a foreign word and a Latin tackt to it, as Epitogium and Anticato; or of two foreign words, as Epirrhedium. And this is the most usual sort of Composition, as to the names of countries. Is not the name of Ireland a manifest Compound of the Irish Erin and the English word Land? Is not Angleterre, a name made by the conjunction of a French with an English word? Was not the name of Franclond, (for so our old Saxons called France) a product both of the French and Saxon Language? Came not Poleland likewise from a Polish word that signifieth a plain or level, united with a German? Lastly, was not the name of Denmark compounded of a Danish, and the German word March, which signifieth a bound or limit? But in a thing so evident, more words are needless. Nor is it at all to be wondred, that the Greeks should give to our Isle this addition of tania; whenas St. Jerome, in his Questions upon Genesis, proves out of the most antient Authors, that the Gre­cians had their Colonies and Plantations along all the Sea-Coasts in Europe, and in all the Islands, even as far as our Britain. Let us, saith he, look into Varro's Treatise of Antiquities, and that of Sisinius Capito, and also the Greek writer Phlegon, and of several others, emi­nent for learning; and we shall plainly see, that almost all the Islands and Sea-coasts over the whole world, with the lands bordering upon the coasts, were generally possessed by the Greeks. For that people (as I have said before) pos­sessed all the Sea-coasts, from the Mountains Amanus and Taurus, as far as the British Ocean.

^lNow that the Greeks did land in this our Island, and made their observations of the situation and na­ture of it,That the Greeks came into Britain. will be a point past all question, if we do but first observe what Athenaeus hath written concer­ning Phileas Taurominites, (of whom more anon) who was in Britain in the 160. year before the com­ing of Caesar. Next, if we do not forget the Altar with an inscription to Ulysses in Greek Letters: and lastly, if we consider what Pytheas hath related be­fore the time of the Romans, concerning the distance of Thule from Britain. For who should ever have discover'd to the Greeks, either Britain, Thule, or the Countries of Belgium, especially their Sea-coasts; un­less the Ships of the Grecians had entred the British and German Ocean, and given their Geographers an account of them? Can any one imagine, that Py­theas could ever have known any thing of what lay six days sail beyond Britain, but that some Grecian gave him information? How else could the Greeks ever come to know that there were such places as Scandia, Bergos, and Nerigon, from whence the pas­sage lay by sea to Thule? These very names seem to have been much better known, even to the most an­tient amongst the Greeks, than either to Pliny, or to any one of the Romans. Accordingly Mela tells us, That Thule had been much celebrated by the Grecian Poets: and Pliny saith, Britain was an Island famous in the writings of the Greeks and Romans. By this means it hath happen'd, that a considerable number of Greek words have crept into the British and French language; as also into the Belgic or Low-Dutch. Hereupon Lazarus Bayfius, and Budaeus, have taken an occasion very much to value their country upon this, that the French were in old time [...], i.e. Great admirers of the Greeks, and build their princi­pal argument for it upon a few French words, which still retain some marks of the Greek. And Hadria­nus Junius seems not less overjoyed, when he can here and there light upon a Belgick word that will admit of a Greek Etymologie. Now if so,Greek words in the B [...]i­tish lan­guage. In his boo [...] of Engl [...] Orthog [...] phy. then our^m Britains may glory in their Language, since it hath in it a great many words that are deriv'd from a Greek original. But the learned Sir Thomas Smyth, Secretary to Queen Elizabeth, attributes it rather to this accident, that when all the rest of Europe was disturb'd and harrass'd with war, a great number of Greeks fled hither for their own security.

Thus you have my thoughts,ⁿ and perhaps my mi­stakes, concerning the original of the people, and the name of Britain. If they are false, may the di­scovery of truth show it. In this intricate and obscure search after Antiquities, he even merits that errs but a little; and it often happens, that things, which at first sight, and upon slight thoughts, we think false, appear very true upon a more serious consideration. If I were to appear before Truth her self as a Judge, I could say no more. In the mean time, as for our Countrymen, the Britains, I do with all possible ear­nestness entreat the learned part of them, to employ in this enquiry their utmost care, diligence, and in­tention of mind; that so, at the appearance of truth, all those conjectures may vanish like mists before the sun.

The Manners of the BRITAINS.

AS for the affairs of the Britains in elder times, their State and Government, their Laws and Customs, we were promised a treatise of them, by Mr. Daniel Rogers, an excellent man and eminent for his learning, to whom I am particularly obliged; but he being snatch'd away by an untimely death, before he had done any thing upon this subject, I will here present the Reader with these few Memoirs concer­ning their old Customs,Manners and Cu­stoms of the Bri­tains. took word for word out of antient Authors.

Caesar. The mony us'd by the Britains is brass, or iron Annulis in the text: s [...]me read laminis. rings after a certain set weight instead of it. They think it unlawful to taste hares, hens, and geese; however, they keep them for their delight and pleasure. The most civi­liz'd by far of them, are those who inhabit Kent, a coun­try which lyes all along upon the sea-coast, where they are not much different from the Gauls in customs. Many of the inland people sow no corn, but live upon milk and flesh: they are cloathed with skins. All the Britains dye themselves with Woad, which makes them of a skie colour, and there­upon the more terrible in battle. They wear their hair long upon their head and upper lip, but close and bare in all other parts of the body. ^a They have ten or twelve of them Wives together in common, especially brothers with one another, and parents with their children; but then, if any of the women bring forth, the child is counted his only, who first marry'd her. In battles their way is generally to fight in Essedis. Chariots: Way of fighting in Chariots. First they scoure up and down in them, and fling darts, and so many times disorder the enemies ranks by the terrour of their horses and the noise of their chariot wheels. When they once wind themselves in among the horse, they light from their chariots, and fight on foot. The Coachmen in the mean time retire, and place themselves so, that their masters may readily find them, to mount a­gain, in case they are overpower'd by the number of the enemy. Thus they perform both the speed and quickness of the horse, and the steadiness of the foot in battle, and by daily use and practice are so expert at it, that upon the side of a steep hill, they can stop their horses at full speed, and take them up presently; can turn and run along upon the beam, rest upon the yoke, and from thence whip presently into their chariots. They often likewise give ground, and retreat on purpose; and when at a little distance from our Legions, dismount from their chariots, and fight the enemy at disadvantage. The method of their Cavalry was such, that it proved equally dangerous to pursue, or to be pursued by them. Moreover they never fought close and thick to­gether, but thin, and at some considerable distance; having others posted in certain order, so that one might succour an­other, and the wearied might be reliev'd and succeeded with fresh supplies.

Strabo. The Britains in stature exceed the Gauls, and their hair is not so yellow, nor their bodies so well set. Let this be an argument of their tallness, that I my self have seen at Rome some young men of them, taller by half a foot than any other men. Yet their legs were but weak, and the other parts of the body shew'd them to be not well made nor handsome. In their nature they partly resemble the Gauls, but in some things more plain and barbarous: so that some of them have not the art to make cheese, tho' they have much milk; others of them know neither the art of gardening, nor any other kind of husbandry. They have many Potentates among them. In battles they use Chariots in great numbers, British towns. as some of the Gauls do. Woods among them are instead of cities; for having cut down trees, and enclosed a large round plat of ground with them, there they build huts to live in, and make folds for their cattle; which are not design'd to endure long.

Caesar likewise. It is counted a town among the Bri­tains, when some thick wood is fenced round with a trench and rampier, where to avoid incursions they retire and take refuge.

Diodorus Siculus. The Britains live in the same manner that the antients did; they fight in chariots, as the antient heroes of Greece are said to have done in the Trojan wars. Their houses for the most part are made of reeds or wood. They house their corn in the ear, and thresh out no more at a time than may serve them for one day. They are plain and upright in their dealings, and far from the craft and subtilty of our countrymen. Their food is plain and natural, and has nothing of the dainties of rich men. The Island is very populous.

Pomponius Mela. Britain has its Nations, and its Kings over them; but all in it are barbarous. And as they are at great distance from the continent, so they are the more unacquainted with the wealth and riches in other places; theirs consisting wholly in cattle and the extent of their grounds. They Ultro Cor­pora in­fecti. But in the margin glasto vel vitro. vid. pag. 29. paint their bodies, whether for shew and beauty, or some other reason, is uncertain. They make war at pleasure, and make frequent incursions upon one another, prompted chiefly by an ambition of Sovereign­ty and enlarging their territories. They fight not only on horseback and on foot, but also in their wagons and chariots, armed after the way in Gaul, where they call them Covins, with hooks and sythes at the axletrees of them.

Cornelius Tacitus. The Britains are nearest to the Gauls, and likest them; either by virtue of the same ori­ginal, or because, that in Countries opposite to one another a like climate gives a like make and complexion to the bo­dies of each people. However, if a man considers all, 'tis probable this neighbouring country was peopl'd by the Gauls; one finds the same religious rites, and superstitious opini­ons among them. Their language is not much different from one another, and they are alike bold and forward in any dangerous enterprise; and likewise upon encounter, a­like cowardly in giving over and declining. Yet the Bri­tains shew more heat and fierceness than the other, as being not yet soften'd and render'd effeminate by much peace. For we find that the Gauls likewise were once famous for their wars, till with peace idleness came in among them, and their bravery went to wreck as well as their liberty. Which very thing is befallen those Britains who were for­merly conquer'd; whereas the rest continue such as the Gauls were. The strength of their Arms consists in their Infantry; and some of their nations fight in chariots. The greatest person among them still drives, his servants de­fend him. Heretofore they were governed by Kings, but now they are drawn under petty Princes into parties and factions. Nor was there any thing of more considerable advantage to the Romans, against the most powerful nations of them, than their not concerting one common in­terest. Seldom above one or two cities unite against a common enemie, so that whilst every one fights singly, all are conquer'd.

In another place. 'Tis common among the Britains to consult the Gods by surveying the entrals of beasts, and to go to war under the conduct of women. They make no distinction of sex in point of Government. And there­fore some learned men think Aristotle spake of the Britains,Polit. 2. c. 7. where he takes notice of some warlike na­tions beyond the Celtae, subject to the government of women.

Dio Nicaeus, out of Xiphilin's Epitome concerning the Britains in the North part of the Island. They till no ground, but live upon prey and hunting, and the fruit of trees: fish, though they have in great plenty, they will not tast. They dwell in tents, naked, and without shoes. They use their wives in common, and bring up all the children among them. The commonalty govern for the most part. They rob at pleasure, and fight in chariots. Their horses are small and swift. They themselves run at a great rate. When they stand in an engagement, they are firm and immoveable. Their weapons, are a shield and a short spear, in the lower end whereof is a piece of brass like an apple, that by shaking it they may terrifie the enemy. ⁹⁶ [Page xxxv-xxxvi] They have daggers also: and they endure hunger, cold, and all kinds of labour, with wonderful patience. For in the begs to the very head they'll continue many days without food. In the woods, they live upon barks of trees and roots. They have a certain kind of meat ready upon all occasions, of which if they take but the quantity of a bean, they are neither hungry nor dry.

Herodian. They know not the use of cloaths; but about their necks and bellies they wear iron, thinking that an ornament and a sign of their great riches, as other Barba­rians do gold. They paint their bodies with sundry co­lours, with all kinds of animals represented in them, and therefore they put on no cloaths, least they hide and cover it. The people are warlike and bloody, arm'd with a narrow shield only and a spear, and lastly a sword hanging by their naked bodies: they are altogether strangers to the use either of a coat of mail or helmet, supposing that would prove but burthensome to them when they march over hogs and mosses; from which so much fog and vapour is exhaled, that the air in those parts is always thick and cloudy.

Magick in Britain.What remains (which is but little now) I will pick up here and there, and set down as briefly as I can. Pliny of Magick. But why should I take notice of these things in an art, which hath travers'd the ocean, and reach'd the utmost bounds of nature? Britain at this day honours it with so much pomp and ceremony, that one would imagine the Persians had been taught it by them.

The same Author. There grows in Gaul an herb like Plantine, Glastum Woad. called Glastum, wherewith the British wives and virgins dye their bodies all over, resembling Black­amoors by that tincture; and so they are wont at certain sacrifices to go naked. The choicest food among them is your Chenerotes,Chene­rotes. a kind of fowl less than a wild Goose. The Britains wear rings upon their middle finger; they manure their ground with Marga. Marle.

Manner of Painting.Solinus tell us, That they painted themselves with cer­tain marks, which Tertullian calls Britonum stigmata. He says farther, The Country was partly possess'd by Bar­barians; with the shapes of several beasts, artfully cut out in the bodies of them in their youth, so that these prints in their flesh might grow and increase as their bodies did. Nor is there any thing reckon'd a sign of more patience among these Barbarous Nations, than to make such deep scars in their limbs, as may receive a great deal of this dye.

Dio. They worship'd Andates, Andates. that is to say, the God­desses Victoria and Andrastes.

Shipping of the Britains.Caesar and Lucan. They had Ships, the keel and mast whereof were made of light wood; the other parts of it was cover'd over with leather. Solinus. The Sailors never eat till their voyage be finish'd. The drink us'd by them was made of Barley, (and so 'tis likewise by us at this day) as Dioscorides says, who mis-names it Curmi Curmi. for Kwrw; for so the Britains term what we call Ale. Many of them had only one wife, as Eu­sebius says, Praepar. 6. Plutarch writes, That some of them would live an hundred and twenty years, the natu­ral heat of the body being preserv'd by the coldness of the Country.

The Brit­tish Ty­rants. As for those ancient years of inhumane tyrants, Gildas speaks of, I know not what he means by them, unless he hints to those, who took upon them the govern­ment in these parts in opposition to the Romans, and were call'd at that time Tyranni. For he presently adds from S. Jerome, Porphyrie raging in the east like a mad dog against the Church, thus proceeds after his vain and wild rate, calling Britain a Province plentiful in ty­rants. I shall say nothing of their ancient Religion, for it was not really a Religion, but a dismal and confused heap of superstition. For after the Devil had involv'd the truth of Religion in mists and dark­ness,Religion of he Britains. Gildas tells us, That the specters of Britain were purely hellish, more numerous than those of Aegypt, of which some are yet remaining, strangely featur'd and ugly, and to be seen both within and without their forsaken walls, looking stern and grim, after their usual manner.

As for the Britains being at the rape of Hesione with Hercules, inferr'd from those verses of Corne­lius, (supposed by some to be the same with Nepos) while he describes the marriage of Telemon and Hesione:

This is plainly poetical; and that the Author of it was not Cornelius Nepos, as the Germans will have it, but Josephus Iscanus, or Joseph of Exeter, I can clearly demonstrate. For he makes mention of our Henry II. and of Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury.

Whether or no Ulysses came hither,Brodaeus l. 3. c. 4. Misce [...]. Ulysses ne­ver in Britain. (as Solinus says is manifest from an Altar with an inscription of Greek letters on it,) is question'd by Brodaeus: and^c I should rather imagine it erected in honour of Ulysses than raised by him; tho' they would have this Ulysses to be Elizza, Japhet's grandson. For it appears by history, and we have already observ'd, that the an­tient Greeks were great travellers both by sea and land; and therefore it ought not to seem strange, if we find some names and monuments of them in ma­ny places. Now they took those names not so fre­quently from their own Ancestors, as from Heroes, who were equally, if not more honour'd among them, than Confessors and Martyrs among Christians. And therefore as those Countries newly found out, take their names from St. John, St. Dominic, St. Francis, and many other Saints; so likewise no one will deny, but the same was done among the Greeks. And of all their Heroes, which of them has ever made voyages, either more frequently, or more long and tedious than Ulysses did? No wonder then that Mariners should generally make their vows to him, and consecrate the places of their arrival with his name. Thus Ulyssipo, upon the mouth of the river Tagus, took its name; and thus in other places are those monuments of Ulysses, Laertes, and his compa­nions, which are not to be ascribed to Ulysses, as the founder of them, but as we ought to suppose, dedi­cated by Grecian travellers to that Hero, who him­self of all others was the greatest.

John Tzetzes in his Variae Historiae writes, That our British Kings made Cato the elder (who was so pro­fess'd an enemy to the vice and debauchery of the Romans) many presents, in respect and honour to his virtue; and that long before the name of Britain was known at Rome. I leave him to make good the truth of this story; but how fabulous an Author he is, the learn'd are sufficiently sensible.

Nor would I have the reader believe,Alexander the Great never in. Britain. that Alexan­der the great went from the East-Indies to the streights of Gibraltar, and to Britain, upon the authority of Cedrenus against other Historians. From thence being come into Aphasis, [...] Gades, and the British nation, and having furnish'd himself with a thousand hulks, &c. That of Trithemius out of Hunnibald, is much such stuff, re­lating, that King Bassanus put away his wife, the King of the Orcades's daughter, in the year before Christ 284 and that thereupon he made war against Bassa­nus with the auxiliaries he had from the King of the Britains.

Neither would I have any one imagine,Hannibal never in Britain. that Han­nibal carri'd on a war in Britain, because of that pas­sage of Polybius, in the Eclogae of the XI Book. [...]. For the place is corrupted, and it should be read [...] for [...], as 'tis also in the 42 Book of Dio. For in both places they treat of the Brutii in Italy; and yet I will not deny but that the Greeks about this time might arrive here. For Athe­naeus, describing from Moschion, a very ancient Au­thor, that ship of Hiero, Hiero's Ship. which was admired by every one for greatness and workmanship, tells us, That the Main-mast of it was with much difficulty at last found by a Swine-herd in the mountains of Britain, and from thence convey'd into Sicily by Phileas T [...]uromi­nites, a Mechanick: But I fear the Criticks will here also read [...] for [...], and refer it to the Brutian-Hills in Italy.

The B [...]i­tains in expedi [...]i­ons with the Cim­brians. Triadum Liber.Yet 'tis likely, that the Britains went some of them with the Cimbrians and the Gauls in those expediti­ons of theirs into Greece and Italy. For, besides the name common to both of them, in the Triades a very ancient British Book, where we find mention of three great armies rais'd in Britain; 'tis said, that a certain foreign Captain drew a mighty army out of this kingdom, which, having destroy'd great part of Europe, at last settl'd upon the Grecian sea; I suppose meaning Galatia. That Brennus, so famous both in Greek and Latin Authors, was a Britain, some think may be easily made out. For my part, I know on­ly thus much in this matter, that the name is not yet quite lost among the Britains, who in their language call a King Brennin.

Britoma­rus, a Bri­tain.However, that Britomarus a warlike Captain among them, mention'd by Florus and Appian, was a Bri­tain, 'tis plain, from the word it self, which signifies a Great Britain. I will not here wrest that of Strabo, saying, that Brennus was by birth a Prausian, that so I may thence make him a Britain. And whereas Otho Frisingensis writes,Lib. 2. c. 13. that the Briones, a race of the Cimbri, settl'd themselves towards the head of the Drave, I will not venture to alter Briones into Britones: though the Criticks of our age seldom stick at any thing.

Britain known but late to the Greeks and Ro­mans.However, to give my own opinion once for all: as the Romans, notwithstanding they grew so great and eminent, were neither known to Herodotus nor the ancient Greeks; and the Gauls and Iberians were for a long time utterly unknown to the old Histori­ans:^d so I have always thought, that it was late be­fore the name of the Britains was heard of by the Greeks and Romans. As for that Tract De Mundo, which goes for Aristotle's, and makes mention of the Britains, of Albion, and Hierna, it is not so old as Aristotle, but of far later date, as the learned think. For certain, this part of the world was not known to Polybius that great Historian, who, in company with the famous Scipio, travell'd a great part of Europe about 370 years before Christ.^e He tell us, That whatsoever tract lies northward between the Tanay and Narbo is unknown to this day, and that what ever is said or wrote of it, is all idle and fictitious. Much after the rate that those at present may be thought to do, who credulously perswade themselves, that Hamilco, being sent by the Carthaginians to make discovery of the western coasts of Europe, arriv'd here many years before; when there's no other ground for this voy­age but a verse or two in Festus Avienus. And that it was so late ere Britain was known, might very well be, by reason of its situation, whereby 'tis dis­joyn'd from the Continent; and also, because the old Britains were then barbarous (as other Nations in this part of the world,) and living at home, had no great commerce with other Countries. Dio is of the same opinion in this matter, saying, That Britain was not so much as discover'd by the old Greeks and Romans, and that the modern of them question'd whether it were Continent or Island; that much was written on both sides by some who had no certain knowledge, as having neither seen the Country, nor learn'd the nature of it from the In­habitants, but relying solely on those conjectures they had made, as they had time or diligence to study it. The first Latin Author that I know of, who mentions Britain, is Lucretius, in those verses of his about the difference of air.

Now 'tis granted on all hands, that Lucretius lived a little before Caesar: about which time, Divitiacus King of theSu [...]ssio­nes. Soissons, the most potent Prince in Gaul, govern'd the Britains, as Caesar himself informs us. But this is to be understood of the sea-coast. For the same Caesar witnesses, that there was no other parts of Britain besides the sea-coast, and what laid over against France, known to the Gauls. Diodorus Siculus writes, That Britain was never subject to any foreigner; neither Dionysius, nor Hercules, nor any God or Hero, have attempted to conquer it. C. Caesar, for his great exploits sirnamed Divus, is now the first that ever subdu'd the Britains, and forc'd them to pay tribute.

Here then our Historian (whoever he may be) should begin his history, and not higher:Consorinus de Die Na­tali. if he seri­ously considers what the most learned Varro hath heretofore said, and I have already hinted. Namely,Three, Pe­riods of time. Unknown. that there are three distinct periods of time; the first from man's creation to the deluge, which (by reason we know nothing of it) is called [...]. The second, from the deluge to the first Olympiad, in the year of the world 3189, which (because we have nothing of it but false and fabulous Fabulous.) is call'd [...]. The third, from the first Olympiad to our own times, call'd [...],Historical. because the transactions of that space are re­lated by good Historians. However, though no learned Nations, except the Jews, had any true or historical relations before that age, I know very well, that the British history of Geofrey begins three hun­dred and thirty years before the first Olympiad, which was then such a rude and ignorant age, in these parts, that our Author calls it fabulous. Hence there­fore, (lest I lay a bad foundation, and the rest prove accordingly) both because 'tis requisite in this place, and may give great light to that which is to follow; I will begin the history of the Romans in Britain, collected not from fables, which would argue the Author's vanity in writing, as well as his folly in believing; but from the uncorrupted monuments of Antiquity, with as much brevity as I can: for 'tis not my design to rob any one of the glory of a larger treatise upon this subject.

The ROMANS in BRITAIN.

WHen Valour and Fortune had so conspir'd, or rather Providence had decree'd, that Rome should be Mistress of the world; Caius Julius Caesar, Julius Cae­sar. having now conquer'd all Gaule, casts his eye towards the Ocean, as if the Roman world was not of extent enough; that so having subdu'd all, both by sea and land, he might joyn those Countreys by conquests, which nature her self had sever'd. And in the 54th year before Christ,Pomponi­us Sabi­nus, out of Seneca. he makes an expedi­tion into Britain, either provoked by the supplies from thence sent into Gaule, during the course of that war, or because they had received the Bellovaci, who had retir'd hither, or else (as Suetonius writes) excit­ed by the hopes of British pearls, the weight and bigness whereof he was wont to poise and try in his hand; but rather for the sake of glory, as is easily credible, since he rejected the offers of the British Embassadors, who having notice of his design, came to him, promising they would give hostages, and be subject to the Roman Empire.

Take his entrance into the Island, abridg'd out of his own words. The places, ports, and havens of Britaine being not well known to Caesar, he sends C. Volusenus before with a Galley, who having made what discovery he could in five days, returns to him. The Britains having intelligence of Caesars intended expedition by the merchants, many cities among them sent Embassadors into Gaul to offer him hosta­ges, and their obedience to the Romans. Being ex­horted to continue in that resolution, he dismisses them, together with Comius Atrebatensis, who had great authority in those parts (for the Atrebates had before left Gaul, and seated themselves there) that he might persuade them to continue true and faithful to the Romans. But he, upon his first landing, was imprison'd by the Britains. In the mean time, Cae­sar having drawn together about 80 transport-ships for the two legions, and about 18 more for the horse, sets sail from the country of the Morini, at three in the morning, and about four the day following arrived in Britain, at a place inconvenient for land­ing; for the sea was narrow, and so pent in by mountains, that they could cast their darts from thence upon the shore beneath. Having therefore got wind and tide both at once favourable, he set sail, and went about eight miles farther, and there, in a plain and open shore, rid at anchor. The Bri­tains, perceiving his design, dispatched their horse and chariots, to keep the Romans from landing. Here the Romans underwent much difficulty, for those great ships could not ride close enough to the shore in this shallow sea, so that the Soldiers were forced to leap down in unknown places, and under heavy armor, from those high ships, and contend at the same time with the waves and enemy. On the o­ther side, the Britains, who knew the nature of the place, were free and uncumber'd, and fought either on the dry ground, or but a very little way in the water. So that the Romans were daunted, and fought not with the same heart and spirit they us'd to do. But Caesar commanded the transport-ships to be remov'd, and the galleys to be row'd upAd a­pertum la­tus. just over-against the Britains, and the slings, engines, and arrows to be thence employ'd against them. The Britains being terrify'd with the form of the ships, the rowing of them, and with the strangeness of the Engines, gave ground. At the same time, an Ensign of the tenth Legion, beseeching the Gods that his design might prove successful to the Legion, and exhorting his fellow-soldiers to leap down (unless they would forsake their Eagle, and suffer it to be took by the enemy; for that he would do his duty to his Country, and to his General) immediately jumps out, and advances with his Eagle towards the enemy; all thereupon follow him (nay, Caesar himself first, if we'll believe Julian. In the Cae­sars.) Now began a resolute fight on both sides; but the Romans being cumber'd with arms, toss'd with the waves, wanting footing, and withall confus'd, were strangely disor­der'd; till Caesar made the Pinnaces and ship­boats ply about with recruits to succour them. As soon as the Romans got sure footing on dry ground, they charg'd the Britains, and quickly put them to flight; but could not pursue them, their horse being not yet arriv'd. The Britains, upon this defeat, pre­sently sent Embassadors, and with them Comius A­trebatensis (whom they had imprison'd) to desire peace, laying the fault upon the rabble, and their own imprudence. Caesar, upon this, soon pardon'd them, commanding hostages to be given him, which he receiv'd in part, together with their promise to deliver the rest after. This peace was concluded on the fourth day after his landing in Britain.

At the same time, those eighteen ships wherein the horse were transported, just as they were in sight of Britain, were suddenly, by stress of a storm then a­rising, driven to the westward, and had enough to do to recover the continent of France. The same night, the moon then at full, the galleys, which were drawn to shore, were filled by the tide, and the ships of burthen, which lay at anchor, so shaken by the storm, that they were altogether unfit for service. This being known to the British Princes (namely, how the Romans wanted horse, ships, and provisi­on) they revolted, and resolved to hinder them from forraging. But Caesar, suspecting what indeed hap­pen'd, took care to bring in corn daily, and to re­pair his fleet with the timber of those twelve which were most shatter'd. While Affairs stood in this po­sture, the seventh Legion, which was sent out to fo­rage, and then busie at it, was suddenly set upon by the Britains, and encompass'd with their horse and Chariots.Fighting in Chari­ots. Their way of fighting in these Chariots (as I have already observ'd) is this: First, they drive up and down, and fling their darts, and often disor­der the ranks of the enemy with the terror and hur­ry of their horse and Chariots; and if they once get within the ranks of the horse, they light from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Coach-men draw off a little in the mean time, and place their Chari­ots in such order, that in case their masters are over­power'd by a numerous enemy, they may readily retire thither. So that they perform at once the speed and readiness of horse, and the stability of foot; and are so expert by daily use and exercise, that on the side of a steep hill, they can take up and turn, run along upon the beam, stand upon the yoke, and from thence whip into their Chariots again. But Caesar coming luckily to their relief, the Romans took heart again, and the British stood astonish'd, who, in hopes of freeing themselves for ever (by reason of the small number of the Romans, and the scarcity of provisions among them) had assembled together in great numbers, and march'd to the Roman Camp; where Caesar engag'd them, put them to flight, slew many of them, and burnt all their houses for a great way together. The very same day the British Em­bassadors address themselves for peace to Caesar; and he grants it them, doubling their hostages, and com­manding them to be sent into Gaul. Soon after, the Aequinox being now at hand, he set sail from Britain, and arriv'd safe with his whole fleet in the Conti­nent. Whither only two Cities in Britain sent their hostages, the rest neglected it. Upon Caesar's let­ters, and account to the Senate of what he had done here, a procession of twenty days was decreed him,Dio. lib. 39. though he gain'd nothing of consequence, either to himself or Rome, but only the glory of making the expedition.

The next year, having prepar'd a great fleet (for with transport-ships and private vessels, built by par­ticular men for their own use, it consisted of above 800 sail) with five legions, and two thousand horse, he set sail from Portus Itius, and landed his army in the same part of the Island where he did the forego­ing summer. But not so much as an enemy to be seen now; for though the Britains had been there in great numbers, yet terrify'd by this navy, they had retir'd into the upland country. Here Caesar encamps his army as conveniently as he could, leaving ten co­horts, and three hundred horse to guard the ships. And in the night, marching himself twelve miles up into the Country, finds out the Britains, who re­treated as far as the river, but gave him battle there; being repulsed by the Roman cavalry, they betook themselves to the woods, which were fortified both by art and nature. But the RomansTestu­dine facta. locking their shields together like a roof close over head, and o­thers raising a mount, took the place, and drove them from the woods; however, they pursu'd them no farther, as having their Camp to fortifie that night.

The day after, Caesar sent his army in three bo­dies to pursue the Britains; but soon recall'd them, upon the news that his fleet was the night before wreckt, torn, and cast upon the shore by storm. So returning to the ships, he drew them to land in ten days time, and entrench'd them within the circuit of his camp, and then went back to the same wood from whence he came. Here the Britains had posted themselves with great reinforcements, under the conduct of Cassivellaun or Cassibelin, Cassibelin. who, by publick consent, was made their Prince and Gene­ral. Their horse and Chariots encounter'd the Ro­mans in their march, with much loss on both sides. After some pause, as the Romans were took up in fortifying their camp, the Britains fell upon those that kept guard with great fierceness, and charg'd back again through two Cohorts, which with the best of two Legions Caesar had sent to their assistance, and so made a safe retreat. The day following, the Britains began to appear very thin here and there upon the hills; but at noon, Caesar having sent out three legions, and all his horse to forage, they set upon them; yet were repulsed at last with great slaughter. And now those aids they had got toge­ther went off and left them, so that the Britains ne­ver after encounter'd the Romans with their full pow­er. From hence Caesar march'd with his army to the River Thames,The River Thames. towards the territories of Cassivellaun, where, upon the other side of the river, he found a great army of the Britains drawn up, having fasten'd sharp stakes in the bottom of the river, to make the passage more difficult. However, the Romans wa­ding it up to the neck, went over so resolutely, that the Britains left their posts and fled; but not for fear of tower-back'd Elephants, as Poliaenus has it.

Cassivellaun despairing now of any good success by fighting, retains with him only four thousand Chario­teers, and resolves to watch the motion of the Ro­mans, sallying out upon their horse, when at any time they happen'd to separate and straggle in their foraging; and so kept them from ranging much in the Country. In the mean time the Trinobantes The Tri­nobantes. sur­render themselves to Caesar, desiring he would pro­tect Mandubratius (call'd by Eutropius and Bede out of some lost pieces of Suetonius Androgorius, Mandu­bratius also call'd Androge­us. and by our Britains Androgeus) against Cassivellaun, and send him to rule over them. Caesar sends him, demand­ing forty hostages and provision for his army. By their example the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bi­broci, and the Cassii likewise yield themselves to Cae­sar; from whom learning that Cassivellaun's town was not far off, fortified with woods and fens; he goes and assaults it in two places. The Britains fled out at another side; yet many of them were taken and cut off.

In the mean time, at the command of Cassivel­laun, four petty Kings of Kent, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, fell upon the Camp where­in the Romans had intrench'd their Shipping; yet the Romans issuing out upon them, repell'd them, taking Cingetorix Prisoner. Cassivellaun, upon so many defeats, but mov'd particularly by the revolt of those Cities, sent Embassadors with Comius Atre­batensis to Caesar, to treat of a surrender. He having resolv'd to winter in the continent, demands hostages, and appoints a yearly tribute to be paid from Britain to the Romans, ordering Cassivellaun to do nothing prejudicial to Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes; and so transports his whole army, with a great number of captives, at two embarkments. Thus much from Caesar of his own War in Britain. Eutropius from some pieces of Suetonius now lost, adds farther.

Scaeva, one of Caesar's soldiers, and four more with him, came over before in a little ship to a rock near the Island, and were there left by the tide. The Britains in great numbers fell upon these few Romans; yet the rest of his companions got back again. Still Scaeva continues un­daunted, overcharg'd with weapons on all sides; first re­sisting them with his spear, and after with his sword, fighting there single against a multitude. And when he was at length both wearied, and wounded, and had had his helmet and buckler beat out of his hand, he swam off with two coats of mail to Caesar's Camp; where he begg'd pardon for his rashness, and was made a Centurion.

When Caesar first came to this Island,Athenae­us. he was so moderate, and so far from the pomp and state of our present age, that Cotas (who was the greatest Officer in his camp but one) says in his Greek Commentary con­cerning the Commonwealth of Rome, that all his retinue was but three servants. When he was in Britain, says Seneca, and could not endure his greatness should be con­fin'd within the Ocean, he had the news of his daughter's death, and the publick calamities like to follow thereupon; yet he soon overcame his grief, as he did every thing else. Returning Conqueror from Britain,Pliny. he offers to Venus Genetrix, in her Temple, a Corslet of British Pearls. Some of his British captives he appointed for the Theater,Servius Honora­tus. and certain tapestry hangings wherein he had painted his British Victories. These were often took away by the Britains, being the persons represented by them; and hence that of Virgil;

And the Britains were not only appointed to serve the theater,In the Gardens of Cardi­nal de Carpento. but also (tho' this is by the by) the Em­peror's Sedan, as appears by an old Inscription of that age, which makes mention of a Decurio over the BritishLecti­cartorum. Sedan-men. Of this Conquest of Cae­sar's thus an ancient poet:

To this also may be referr'd that of Claudian con­cerning the Roman valour:

Moreover Cicero in a poem now lost intitl'd Quadrigae, extols Caesar for his exploits in Britain to the very skies, in a poetical chariot as it were; and this we have upon the authority of Ferrerius Pedemontanus. For thus he writes, I will draw Britain in your colours, but with my own pencil. However, others are of opinion, that he only frighted the Britains, by a successful battle; or as Lucan says, who was hardly just to Caesar,

Tacitus a grave solid Author writes, that he did not conquer Britain, but only shew'd it to the Romans. Ho­race hints as if he only touch'd it, when flattering Augustus, he says the Britains wereI [...]ta­ctum. not meddled withall.

And Propertius,

So far is that of the Court-historian Velleius Peterculus from being true. Caesar pass'd twice through Britain; when it was hardly ever enter'd by him. For, many years after this expedition of Caesar, this Island was subject to its own Kings, Dio. and govern'd by its own Laws.

Augustus Augustus. seems out of policy to have neglected this Island, for he calls it wisdom, as Tacitus says, (and perhaps it really seem'd so to him) that the Roman Empire should be bounded, i.e. that the Ocean, the Istre, and the Euphrates were the limits which nature had set to it: that so it might be an adamantine Empire (for so Augustus expresses it in Julian) and not,In the Cae [...]ars. like a ship which is too big, prove unweildly, and sink un­der its own weight and greatness, as it has usually hap­pen'd to other great States. Or else, as Strabo thinks, he contemn'd it, as if its enmity was neither worth fearing, nor its benefit worth having; and yet they thought no small damage might be done them by those other Countreys about it. But whatever might be the cause, this is certain, that after Julius, and the Civil Wars of the Empire broke out, Britain for a long while was not heeded by the Romans, even in peaceful times. Yet at last Augustus was on his Jour­ney from Rome to invade Britain. Whereupon, Horace at that time to Fortune at Antium;

And after he had gone as far as Gaul, the Britains sent their addresses to him for peace; and some petty Princes of them having obtained his favour by Em­bassies and their good services, made oblations in the Capitol,Strabo. and made the whole Island almost intimate and familiar to the Romans, so that they paid all imposts very contentedly, as they do at this day, for such commodities as were convey'd to and fro between Gaul and Britain. Now these were ivory, bridles, Torques Chains, amber and glass Ves­sels, and such like poor common sort of ware. And therefore there needs no garison in that Island. For it would require at least one Legion and some h [...]rse, if tri­bute was to be rais'd out of it, and that would hardly de­fray the charge of the garison; for the imposts must ne­cessarily be abated if a tribute was impos'd, and when violent courses are once taken, danger may be look'd for. The next year likewise he intended to make a descent into Britain, for breach of treaty and covenants; but he was diverted by an insurrection of the Cantabri and others in Spain. And therefore there is no rea­son to believe Landinus Servius, or Philargirus, who would conclude that Augustus triumph'd over the Britains, from those verses of Virgil:

To that surrender of the Britains without question this of Horace relates:

Tiberius Tiberius. seems to have follow'd the counsel of Au­gustus, and not to have been ambitious of extending the bounds of his empire; for he produc'd a book written by Augustus's own hand, containing the account of the Empire, how many citizens and allies were in arms, the number of fleets, kingdoms, provinces, tributes, or im­posts belonging to the State; with his advice at last of keeping the Empire within bounds. VVhich in particu­ar, as Tacitus says, pleas'd him so well, that he made no attempt upon Britain, nor kept any garison there. For where Tacitus reckons up the legions, and in what countreys they were garison'd at that time, he makes no mention of Britain. Yet the Britains seem to have continued in amity with the Romans; For Germanicus being on a voyage at that time, and some of his men being driven by stress of weather upon this Island, the petty Princes here sent them home again.

It is evident enough that Caius Caesar did design to invade this Island;C. Cali­gula. but his own fickle and unsteady temper, and the ill success of his great armies in Ger­many, prevented it.Suetonius in Cali­gula. For to the end he might terri­fie Britain and Germany (to both which he threaten'd an invasion) with the same of some prodigious work, he made a bridge between the Baiae and the Piles of Puteoli, three miles and six hundred paces in length. But did nothing more in this expedition, than receive Ad­miniusAdmini­us. the son of Cunobellin, a King of the Britains, who was vanquish'd by his father, and with a small number of men had fled and yielded himself to him. Upon that, as if the whole Island had been surrender'd, he wrote bo [...]sting letters to Rome, often charging the ex­press that was sent with them, to drive up into the very Forum and Senate House, and not to deliver them but in Mars's Temple, and in a throng Senate to the Consuls. Dio. Afterward marching forward to the Ocean (as if he de­sign'd to make a descent into Britain) he drew up his army on the shore; and then taking ship and launching out a little, returned again, and seated in a high pulpit, gave the sign of battle to his souldiers, commanding an a­larm to be sounded; and on a sudden ordered them to ga­ther shels. With these spoils (for he wanted those of the enemy wherewith to triumph) he pleased himself, as if he had conquered the very Ocean; and so having rewarded his souldiers, he brought the shells to Rome, that his booty might be seen there also. And in memory of his victory he built a very high tower, from which, Pharus. as from a watch­tower, there might be lights kept for the direction of sailers in the night. The ruines of it are sometimes (when the tide is out) seen on the coast of Holland, called by the people thereabouts Britenhuis. Here they often find stones with inscriptions; one of which was C. C. P. F. interpreted by them, I know not how truly, Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit. But more of this in the British Islands.

From hence forward the inner parts of Britain,Claudi [...]. defeated by civil wars and factions, rather than by the power of the Romans, after much slaughter on both sides, fell by little and little under the subjection of that Empire. For while they fought singly one by one they were all in the end conquered; being so resolutely bent upon one anothers destruction, that till they were all subdued, they were not sensible of an universal danger, by the overthrow of particular States. Nay such was the power of ambition among some of them, that it corrupted and drew them over to the enemy's side, making them faithful and soli­citous for the Roman interest to the destruction of their own country. The chief of these was Bericus, Bericus. who perswaded Claudius to invade Britain (which no one had attempted since J. Caesar) being then em­broiled by faction and civil wars, upon pretence of their protecting some fugitives fled to them. Clau­dius therefore orders Aulus Plautius Aulus Plautius. then Praetor, to lead an army into Britain, who had much difficulty to get them out of France; for they took it ill, Dio. that they were to carry on a war in another world, and so drew out the time with delays and backwardness. But when Narcissus, who was sent to them by Claudius, took Plautius's tribunal, and began to speak to them, the souldiers were so offended at it, that they cried out Jo Saturnalia, (for it is a cu­stom, during the Saturnalia, for the slaves to celebrate that feast in the habit of their masters) and forthwith willingly followed Plautius. Having divided his army into three bodies, lest all arriving in one place they might be hindred from landing, they were driven back by contrary winds, and so found some difficulty in transporting. Yet taking heart again, by reason that the Comet was turn'd from east to the west, whither they were sailing, they ar­rived at the Island without disturbance. For the Britains, upon the news of what I have already said, imagining [Page xlv-xlvi] they would not come, had neglected to muster, and there­fore without uniting, withdrew into their fens and woods, hoping to frustrate the enemies design, and wear them out with delays, as they had served Caesar. Plautius there­fore was at much trouble to find them out. After he had found them (they were not then free, but subject to seve­ral Kings) he first overcame Cataratacus, and after him Togodumnus, the sons of Cynobelline who dy'd before. These not being able to withstand him, part of the Bodun­ni urrender'd to him, who at that time were subject to the Catuellani. Leaving a garison there, he went on to a certain river; and the barbarians thinking it impassable by the Romans without a bridge, lay careless and negligent in their Camp without heeding it. Plautius therefore sends the Germans over, being accustomed to swim through the strongest current in their arms. These falling upon the ene­my by surprise, struck not at the men, but altogether at the horses in their chariots, which being once disorder'd, the men were not able to sit them. Next to them he made Flavius Vespasianus, who was afterwards Emperor, and his brother Sabinus, a Lieutenant, march over; who pass'd the river, and cut off likewise many Britains at unawares. However the rest did not fly, but engaged them so resolutely next day, that it continued doubtful which way the victory inclin'd; till C. Sidius Geta, after he had been well nigh taken by the enemy, gave them at last such an overthrow, that the honour of a triumph was granted him at Rome for his great service, though he had never been Consul. From hence the Barbarians drew back towards the mouth of the Thames, where by the slowing of the tide it stagnates, and being acquainted with the na­ture of the places passed it easily; whereas the Romans in following them ran great hazard. However the Germans swimming, and the others getting over by a bridge above, they set upon the Barbarians again, and killed great num­bers; but in the heat of pursuit, they fell among bogs and mires, and so lost many of their own. Upon this indiffe­rent success, and because the Britains were so far from being dismayed at the death of Togodumnus, that they made preparation with more rage to revenge it, Plautius went no farther, but fearing the worst, took care to secure what he had already got, and sent to Rome for Claudius; being commanded so to do, if affairs went ill and dangerous. For this expedition, among much equi­page and preparation, ElephantsElephants. also were provided. Claudius upon receiving this news, commits the govern­ment of the city to Vitellius his fellow-Consul (for he had put him in that Office along with himself for six months:) And now he sets sail from the city to Ostia, and from thence to Marseils; so on the rest of his journey, partly by land, and partly by sea, till he came to the Ocean: then was transported into Britain; where he went directly to his forces that were expecting him at the Thames. Having at last joined Plautius, and took the command of the army, he pass'd the river, and upon a fair engagement with the enemy, who were posted there to receive him, obtained the victory, took Camalodunum, the Royal seat of Cunobellin, and many prisoners therein, either by force or surrender. Ʋpon this he was several times greeted Em­peror; a thing contrary to the Roman practice: for it was not lawful to give that title to a General above once in one war. To conclude, Claudius having disarmed the Bri­tains, leaves Plautius to govern them, and to subdue the rest; and returns himself to Rome, having sent Pom­peius and Silanus, his sons in law, before him, with the news of his victory. Thus Dio. But Suetonius says that he had a part of the Island surrender'd to him without the hazard of a battle or the expence of blood. His stay in Britain was about sixteen days; and in that time he remitted to the British Nobility the con­fiscation of their goods, for which favour they fre­quented his temple, and adored him as a God. And now after six months absence he returns to Rome.

It was esteemed so great an action to conquer but a small part of Britain, that anniversary games, triumphal arches both at Rome and at Bullogne in France, and lastly a glorious triumph, was decreed by the Senate in honour of Claudius: and to see it, the governors of provinces and some outlaws were permitted to be present. Upon the top of the Em­peror's palace was fixed a naval crown, to imply his conquest and sovereignty of the British sea. The provinces contributed golden crowns; Gallia Comata one of nine pound weight, and the hither-Spain one of seven. His entry up into the Capitol was upon his knees, supported by his sons in law on each side; into the Adriatick sea, in a great house triumphant, ra­ther than in a great ship. The first seat was allowed to his consort Messalina, and it was farther ordain'd by the Senate, that she should be carried in aCarpen­to. Cha­riot. After this he made triumphal games, taking the Consulship upon him for that end. These plays were shew'd at once in two theatres; and many times upon his going out, they were committed to the charge of others. Horse-races were allowed, as many as could be run that day, yet they were in all but ten matches; for between every course there was bear-baitings, wrestlings, and pyrrhick dancings by boys sent from Asia for that purpose. He also con­ferr'd triumphal honours upon Valerius Asiaticus, Ju­lius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, for this victory. Licinius Crassus Frugi was allowed to ride next after him in trappings and in aVeste palmatā. robe of date-tree-work. Upon Posidius Spado he bestow'dHastam puram. a Spear without an head; to C. Gavius he gave chains, bracelets, horse-trappings, and a crown of gold, as may be seen in an antient marble atTaurini. Turin.

In the mean time Aulus Plautius carries on the war with such success, that Claudius decree'd him an Ova­tion, and went to receive him as he enter'd into the city, giving him the right-hand, both as he rid to the Capitol, and return'd from it. And now Vespa­sian Vespasian. began to appear in the world; who being made an Officer in this war in Britain by Claudius; partly under Claudius himself, and partly under the conduct of Plautius, fought the enemy thirty times, subdu'd two of their most potent nations, took above twenty towns, and conquer'd the Isle of Wight. Sueton. in Vespasian. c. 4. Upon this account, he was honour'd with triumphal Orna­ments, and twice with the Priesthood in a short time: and then besides, with the Consulship, which he en­joy'd the two last months of the year. Here also Ti­tus serv'd as Tribune under his father, with the re­putation of a laborious stout soldier (for he valiantly set his father at liberty when besieg'd,) and no less fa­mous for the character of a modest man;Suet. Ti­tus, c. [...]. as appears by the number of his Images, and the titles to them throughout Germany and Britain. What was trans­acted afterwards in Britain, till towards the latter end of Domitian's reign, Tacitus (who is best able) shall inform you. P. Ostorius, Propraetor in Britain, P. Ostori­us Pro­praetor. found affairs in disorder, by reason of the many inrodes in­to the Country of their Allies; and those the more outra­giously, because they did not expect that a General but newly made, and unacquainted with the army, would take the field in the winter to oppose them. But Ostorius being sensible that first events would either cast or raise his reputation, with such Cohorts as were next at hand, sets out against them, slew those who withstood him, and pursu'd the rest, who were dispers'd and routed, that they might not unite again and rally. And because an odious and slight peace would be neither easie to the General nor his Army, he prepares to disarm the suspicious, and to post his forces so upon the rivers Antona and Sabrina, as to check them upon all occasions. But first the IceniIceni. could not brook this, a potent nation, and not yet dimi­nish'd by wars, having before sought alliance with the Ro­mans. By their example, the other bordering nations rise likewise, encamping in a proper place, fenc'd with an earthen rampier, and accessible by a narrow passage only, to prevent the entrance of the horse. The Roman General, though without his Legions, drew up his Auxiliary troops to attack the Camp, and having posted his Cohorts to the best advantage for the assault, brings up the Horse like­wise for the same service. Thus upon the signal given, they forc'd the rampart, and disorder'd the Enemy, pent up and hinder'd by their own entrenchments. However, they defended themselves with great valor, being conscious of their own baseness in revolting, and sensible that their escape was impossible. M. Ostorius, the Lieutenant's son, had the honor of saving a citizen in this battle.

By this defeat of the Iceni, other States that were then wavering, were compos'd and setled; and so he marches with his army among the Cangi,Cangi. wasting the fields, and ravaging the Country. Nor durst the enemy engage us; [Page xlvii-xlviii] or if by ambuscade they happen'd to fall upon our rear, they suffer'd for their attempt. And now he was advanc'd Quod hyberni­am Insu­lam a­spectat. Brigan­tes. as far almost as the Irish Sea, when a sedition among the Brigantes drew him back again; resolving to make no new conquests till he had secur'd the old. The Brigantes were soon quieted, the more factious of them being punish­ed, and the rest pardoned. But the Silures were neither by severity nor mercy to be reclaim'd from their resolutions to a continual war, and therefore a Legion was encampt there to awe and restrain them. The Co­lony of Camalo­dunum. To further this, Cama­lodunum, a Roman Colony, with a strong body of Vete­rans, was planted in the new conquests; as a ready aid to withstand revolts, and a means to induce their Allies to observe laws. Some cities were, after the old Roman manner, given to King Cogidunus, that Kings them­selves migh be their tools to enslave others.

From hence they marched into the country of the Silu­res, who, besides their own natural fierceness, rely'd much upon the valor of Caractacus,Caracta­cus. eminent above all the Com­manders in Britain for his experience in affairs, either doubtful or prosperous. He knowing the Country as it lay best for his advantage, and being at the head of a weaker army, politickly transfers the war among the Ordovices,Ordovi­ces. drawing to his assistance such as were averse to us, and there resolves to try his last fortune, posting himself so, that the passes and all the odds was to his own side, and the disadvantages to ours. No access but by steep moun­tains, and where they were passable, block'd up with stones, as with a rampier, through a river ill bottom'd and fordable; and these guarded by his Majo­rum, in the Mar­gin Nati­onum. best troops. Besides all this, their several commanders went up and down en­couraging the soldiers, exciting them with the hopes of victo­ry, the little reason to despair of success, and such like motives. Caractacus riding up and down, put them in mind, that this was the day, and the engagement, that would either begin their liberty, or their perpetual bondage; reciting the names of their ancestors, who had drove Cae­sar the Dictator out of Britain; whose Valor hitherto had preserv'd them from slavery and taxes, and their wives and children from dishonor. The soldiers inflam'd with these speeches, bound themselves by vows, after their re­spective Religions, that neither wounds nor weapons should make them yield. This resoluteness of theirs amaz'd the Roman General; a river to cross, a rampier on the other side, steep mountains in the way; nay, every thing terrible and well guarded, quite daunted him. However, his ar­my clamor'd to be led on, saying, nothing was impregna­ble to valor; which was too the more encreas'd in them, by the outcry of the Officers and Captains to the same pur­pose. Ostorius observing what passes might be won, and what not; leads them on in this ardour, and passes the river with no great difficulty. Being advanc'd to the rampier, while the darts play'd on both sides, we lost more men, and had more wounded. But the Romans Facta testudine. closing their ranks and their targets overhead, easily threw down that loose and irregular pile of stones, and engaging them hand to hand upon equal terms, forced them to the mountains, where they were pursued by the Soldiers of all sorts, either heavily or lightly armed; the one galling them with darts, the other pressing up thick and close, put them into disorder, having neither head-piece nor coat of mail to de­fend them. If they stood to the Auxiliary, they fell under the sword and Javelins of the Legionaries; if they faced about to them, they were cut off by the swords and pikes of the Auxiliaries. This was an eminent victory; Ca­ractacus's wife and daughter yielded themselves. He him­self (as one mischief ever falls upon the neck of another) craving the protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes, was imprisoned by her, and delivered to the Conqueror, in the ninth year after this war had begun in Britain. Upon this, his renown spread abroad in the Island, and in the provinces adjoyning: so that his name grew famous in Italy it self; where they desired to see who he was, that for so many years had slighted the migh­ty power of that Empire. Nay, his name was not inglo­rious at Rome it self. And Caesar, by extolling his own victory, made the captive more eminent. For the people were called together as to somewhat great and wonderful. The Emperor's guards were drawn up in the plain be­fore their Camp. Then first came the King's vassals and retinue, his chains and other trophies acquir'd in foreign wars; next, his brother, his wife and daughter; and last of all himself. The address of others was base and mean through fear; but Caractacus, neither dejected nor craving mercy, spake to this purpose, as he stood at Cae­sar's Tribunal.

If the moderation of my mind in prosperity had been but answerable to my Quality and fortune, I might have come a friend rather than a captive into this city; and you, without dishonor, migh have confederated with me, roy­ally descended, and then at the head of many nations. As my State at present is disgraceful, so yours is honoura­ble and glorious: I had horses, men, arms, riches; why is it strange I should unwillingly part with them? But since your power and Empire must be universal, we in course, among all others, must be subject. If I had forth­with yielded, neither my fortune nor your glory had been so eminent in the world. My grave would have buried the memory of it, as well as me. Whereas if you suffer me to live now, your clemency will live in me for ever, as an example to after ages.

Upon this speech, Caesar pardon'd not only him, but his wife and brothers; and being all unbound, they made their address to Agrippina likewise (with thanks and com­mendations, as they had done to Caesar) she sitting in a high chair at no great distance. A thing strange and un­know to our Fore-fathers, that a woman should sit com­manding at the head of the Roman troops. But she car­ried her self as partner and an associate in the Empire, gotten by her ancestors. After this, the Senators being called together, made many glorious speeches concerning their Prisoner Caractacus; asserting it to be no less great, than when P. Scipio shewed Siphaces; when L. Paulus, Per­ses; or whoever else shew'd captive Kings unto the Peo­ple. To Ostorius they decreed the honor of a Triumph.

These Victories in Britain, are related as the most famous monuments and instances of the Roman Bra­very. Hence Seneca. Claudius might first glory in conquering the Britains, for Julius Caesar no more than shew'd them to the Romans. In another place also.

And thus Seneca the Tragoedian concerning Claudi­us, in his Octavia.

In the same place likewise, upon his passing the Thames.

Thus Aegesippus also of Claudius. Of this, Britain is an instance, which lying without the world, is by the power of the Roman Empire reduced into the world. What was unknown to former ages is now discovered by the Ro­man victory; and they are now made slaves, who being born to enjoy themselves in perpetual freedom, knew not what servitude meant: nay they, who were the whole breadth of the sea beyond the reach of any greater power, and knew not what fear was, because they knew no one to be afraid of, are now conquer'd. So that to make a descent [Page xlix-l] into Britain, was a greater action than to subdue it. In another place. He added Britain (lying hid in the Oce­an) to the Roman Empire by his conquests; which en­rich'd Rome, gave Claudius the reputation of a politick Prince, and Nero of a fortunate one. And again, which is the most remarkable. The elements themselves are fallen under the name and Empire of the Romans, who are Soveraigns of the whole globe; which is but the bounds and limits of their Dominions: and to conclude, 'tis call'd by many the Roman world. For if we consider the real matter, the Earth it self is not of so great extent as the Roman Empire; for the Roman Valor has pass'd the sea, (the bounds of it) in search of another world, and has found in Britain a new seat, far beyond the limits of the earth. So that in short, when we would deprive men, not only of the priviledges of Rome, but in a manner of the conversation of mankind, we pack them thither, and banish them out of the world. The sea is no more a bound; but the Roman knows all its corners. Josephus also, in the person of Titus to the Jews. What stronger wall and bulwark can there be than the Ocean? And yet this cannot guard the Britains against the apprehensions of the Roman arms.

Moreover, we have some verses upon this subject, writ by an excellent, but unknown Poet, rescu'd from the dust by the famous Josephus Scaliger, in his Catalecta; which being not generally to be met withal, I will here insert them; for the verses are re­ally valuable. That the Epigrams are distinct, and therefore to be sever'd, J. Obsopaeus, a very learned young Gentleman in Germany, lately inform'd me from some old manuscripts.

But now to go on in the words of Tacitus. Thus far Ostorius went on succesfully, but now hi [...] fortune began to turn; either because discipline began to slacken on our side, and the war to be carried on less vigorously, as if it was now over upon Caractacus's removal; or else because the enemy in compassion to so great a Prince, were more animated with revenge. For they surrounded the camp­masters, and the Legionary cohorts, who were left behind to build forts in the country of the Silures; and, if they had not been timely rescued by a succour from the castles and villages adjoining, had been utterly cut off. How­ever, the Campmaster, with eight captains, and all the most forward of the common souldiers, were slain. A while after they put our foragers to flight, and also a body of horse that was sent to their assistance. Upon this Ostorius sent out some light companies, which yet could not stop their flight, if the Legions had not advanced and received the enemy. By this supply the battle was pretty equal on both sides, and at length we had the better of them: The ene­my got off with a small loss, for it was now towards night. After this they had several skirmishes, but gene­rally in woods and marshes, upon the incursions of the one or other, either by accident or design and bravery; some­times to rob and pillage, sometimes to revenge; sometimes by their officers command, and sometimes without. But the chief provocation was the obstinacy of the Silures, who were exasperated at a saying of the Roman General's; which was, that, as the Sugambri were destroyed and transported into Gaule, so the name of the Silures should utterly be extinguish'd. In this heat, two companies of our auxi­liaries, [Page li-lii] sent out rashly by some greedy officers to pillage, were intercepted by them; and they by distributing the spoil and prisoners, drew the other nations to a revolt. In this posture of affairs Ostorius dies, being quite spent with fa­tigue and trouble; The enemy rejoyc'd at it, as at the death of a General no ways contemptible; and the rather, because though he did not fall in a battle, yet he expir'd under the burthen of that war.

Didius Avitus Gallus Propraetor But Caesar having advice of the death of his lieute­nant, lest the province should be destitute of a governor, sent A. Didius to succeed. His voyage thither was quick and successful, yet he found not things answerable there; Manlius Valens with his legion having fought the enemy with great loss; and they magnified their victory, to daunt the new general: he likewise enlarg'd the news of it, with the same policy, that he might gain the more reputa­tion if he quieted the present troubles; and might the easier be pardon'd if he did not. The Silures took their advantage now, and made great incursions; till at last they were driven back by Didius.

About this time died Claudius; and Nero,Nero. who was not at all of a warlike temper, succeeding him, thought of drawing his forces out of Britain; and if it had not been the shame to detract from Claudius's glory that re­strain'd him, he had certainly recall'd them. Caracta­cus being taken prisoner, VenutiusVenutius. born among the Forte Briganti­um, in the margin. Ju­gantes, the most experienc'd souldier of the Britains, (who had been long protected by the Romans, and faith­ful to them during his marriage with Queen Cartisman­dua) now revolts from us, upon an outfall with her, which at last grew into an open war. At first the quarrel was betwixt themselves only; and Venutius's brother and relations were slyly intercepted by Cartismandua: This action incens'd them, and with a spur of ignominy, that they should be thus conquer'd by a woman, they invaded her kingdom with a strong body of arm'd and choice youths. We foreseeing this, had sent some Cohorts thither to assist her, who began a sharp fight, which at the first was doubtful, but at last well and prosperous on our side. A legion also commanded by Cesius Nasica came off with as good success.

For Didius, being pretty old, and much honour'd for his bravery and conduct, thought it sufficient to manage the war by his Officers. What had been conquer'd by his pre­decessors he took care to keep, enlarging the extent of his frontier-garisons a little, that he might be said to have made some addition to the old conquests. Though these things were transacted under two Propraetors, Ostorius and Didius in many years, yet I have given a joint ac­count of them, lest the stories might be worse apprehended by being sorted.

Verannius Propraetor To Didius, Avitus Verannius succeeded, who after some small incursions made into the Country of the Silures, was by death hinder'd carrying on the war any farther. He had the character of a severe General in his life time, and shew'd himself ambitious by his last Will. For after much flattery to Nero, he added, that if he had but liv'd two years longer, he would have conquer'd the whole Province.

Paulinus Suetonius PropraetorPaulinus Suetonius was the next Propraetor of Britain; for his conduct and reputation among the People, (who are ever making comparisons) equal to Corbulo, and ambi­tious to come up to his honour in reducing Armenia, by de­feating the rebels here. He prepares therefore to invade the Isle of Mona,The Island of Mona. which was strongly peopled, and had been a constant harbour for all fugitives. For this end he made flat bottom'd vessels, because the Sea is shallow and dangerous towards the shore there. Thus the foot being pass'd over, the horse follow'd by the ford, or by swim­ing, if the water was high. The enemy stood arm'd on the shore to withstand them, very thick and numerous, with the women running up and down among them like furies, in a mourning dress, their hair loose, and firebrands in their hands; with the DruidsDruids. around them; holding up their hands towards heaven, with dreadful curses and imprecations: this strange sight amaz'd the soldiers, who stood stock still, as if they had lost the use of their limbs, helpless and exposed to the enemy. But at last, encouraged by their General, and animating one another not to fear a rout of women and frantick people, they display'd their Ensigns and march'd on, defeating such as encounter'd them, and beating them down scorch'd and rouling in their own fires. After this, they garison'd Vicis al. victis. the towns of the Island, and cut down their woods, which by reason of the super­stitious and cruel rites and sacrifices there, were esteem'd holy. For they thought it lawful to offer the blood of Captives as sacrifice upon their Altars; and to consult their Gods by the bowels and fibres of men.

During this action, news was brought Suetonius of the Provinces revolt. Prasutagus,Prasuta­gus. King of the Iceni, fa­mous for his treasure, had made Caesar and his two Daugh­ters heirs to him; thinking by this respect and complement, to preserve his Kingdom and family from all wrong and injury. Which happen'd quite otherwise; so that his Kingdom was made a prey by the captains, and his house pillaged by the slaves. His wife Boodicea, called also Boudicea, and Voa­dica. Boodicea, to begin the Tragedy, was whipp'd, and his daughters ravished. And, as if the whole was now become lawful booty, the chief of the Iceni were deprived of their paternal estates; and those of the Blood-royal treated as the meanest slaves. Upon this insult, and to prevent worse, since they were now reduced into a Province, the people began to murmur at such treatments, to confer injuries with one another, and aggravate every thing by the worst construction they could give it. That their patience would only signifie thus much; their taking one injury would bring on another. That heretofore every State had its own King; but now they were subjected to two, the Lieutenant and the Procura­tor; the first of whom preyed upon their blood, the other upon their estates. That either the enmity or the friend­ship of their Governors proved equally pernicious; the one plagu'd them with soldiers and Officers, the other with extortion and affronts. That they could be safe of nothing, that either lust or covetousness would recommend to the Ro­mans. That in war, he had the spoil, who had the most courage and bravery to take it; but that they were for the most part pillaged by cowards and weaklings. That these were the men that bereft them of their children, and press'd them at their pleasure for foreign service; as if the Britains could fight for any country but their own. How many soldiers have they transported hither, if we reckon our selves in comparison? Germany freed it self upon this consideration, which has only a river to defend it, and not an Ocean as we have. Thus they had their Country, wives, and parents to fight for and inspirit them; while the other had only luxury and avarice. That these would retreat as Julius did, if they would but follow the bravery of their Ancestors. They ought not to be dismay'd at the success of one or two battles; and that fierceness and re­solution was the effects of misery and ill circumstances. That Heaven now seemed to compassionate their distress, in absenting the Roman General, and keeping the Legate busie in another Island. That the most dangerous part of this design was to debate it, (as they were now doing;) and that it would be of worse consequence to be discovered lay­ing such a plot, than the very attempt and execution would prove.

Being animated with these motives, they forthwith take arms, under the conduct of Boodicia, a woman of the royal family (for the Britains make no distinction of sex, in points of Government) drawing the Trinobantes to revolt with them, and such others as were not yet broken with the weight of a sovereign yoke: who all had secretly conspired to free themselves, with great spight and hatred against the Veterans. For they being newly planted in the colony Camalodunum,Colony o [...] Cama [...] ­dunum. had thrust the old Inhabitants from their houses, and dispossessed them of their lands, call­ing them Slaves and Captives; and were encouraged in this outrage by the young soldiers, who by the same calling were in hopes of the same licentiousness themselves. More­over, the Temple built in honour of Divus Claudius, seem­ed to them the foundation of a perpetual tyranny, and was an eye-sore, and the Priests chosen vnder the pretext of re­ligion to officiate there, run away with their whole estates. Besides, there could be no great difficulty in overthrowing a Colony which had no forts or castles to support it; and that our Commanders had been so improvident, as to con­sult pleasure and delight in every thing, rather than use and service. While things were in this ferment, the image of the Goddess of Victory at Camalodunum,See [...] lin in [...] without any visible cause, drop'd down, and in the fall turn'd downward, as if it yielded to the enemy. Several Enthu­siastick women foretold our approaching destruction. Strange noises were heard in their court, a perfect howling in the theatre, and a strange apparition P [...] haps in Thames. in the arm of the sea, plainly signified the subversion of that colony. Moreover, the sea look'd bloody; and in the ebb, dead mens bodies [Page liii-liv] were left upon the shore, which brought great hopes to the Britains, but despair and discouragement to the Veterans; who applied themselves to their Procurator Catus Decianus, because Suetonius was far off. He sent them a supply of two hundred men only, and those ill armed; whereas the soldiers that were in the Colony before were but few, and rely'd wholly upon the protection of the Temple. Some of them that were privy to the Conspiracy, had blinded the Colony so much in their counsels, that they had neither made trench nor ditch to defend themselves, nor so much as sent away the old men and the women, reserving the young men only; so that living supinely, as in a full peace, they mere surprised by the barbarous multitude. As for other things, they were presently overthrown by violence, or con­sumed with fire; but the Temple, where the soldiers had fled, was besieged, and on the second day taken. The Bri­tains being thus Conquerors, and meeting Petilius Cerea­lis,Petilius Cerealis. Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, which came to succour them, routed the Legion, and put all the foot to the sword. Cerealis got off with the horse, and retreated to his camp, where he defended himself. Catus the Procura­tor was so daunted at this overthrow, and the general o­dium of the Province (which was thus embroiled by his avarice,) that he sail'd into Gaul.

Suetonius however, with prodigious constancy and re­solution, marched through the midst of the enemies Coun­try to London, which was not honoured with the name of a Colony, but famous for concourse of merchants and Et com­meatu, alias com­meatuum. provisions. Being come thither, he could hardly resolve whether to make that the seat of the war or not; but considering his want of soldiers, and how much Petilius had suffered for his rashness, he determined at last to sacri­fice this one town to the safety of the rest. And not re­lenting to the sighs and tears of them that sought his aid and protection, he gave orders to march on, receiving such as followed him into his army. Those, who by weak­ness of sex or age were stay'd behind, or tempted by the pleasantness of the place to remain there, were destroyed by the enemy. The town of Verulam was overthrown like­wise; for the barbarians omitting the forts Praesidi­is (que) mili­tarium, aliàs mili­taribus. and castles, pillaged the richest places first, Et d [...]fe­rentes in tutum, a­liàs & de­fendenti­bus in tu­tum. and after they had car­ried off the spoil, went on eagerly for booty, to the more eminent places. It appear'd that seventy thousand citi­zens and confederates were slain up and down in these places. They would not sell captives, give quarter, or practise according to the Laws of war; but kill, hang, burn, crucifie, by way of retaliation upon their enemies; and all that in such haste, as if they foresaw they must speedily smart for it.

Suetonius having with him the fourteenth Legion, with the Standard-bearers of the twentieth, and some sup­plies from the places thereabouts, almost to the number of ten thousand fighting men, resolved without more ado to engage them; and to this purpose encamps his Army in a place accessable by a narrow lane only, being fenced in the rear by a wood; as sensible he should have no Enemy but on the front, and that the plain was open, so that there would be no danger of Ambuscades in it. He drew up the Legion close together in the middle, with the light soldiers on both sides, and the horse as the two wings about them. The Britains went shouting and swarming up and down in such vast numbers as never before were seen, so fierce and confident of victory, that their Wives were brought a­long with them, and placed in carts in the outmost part of the plain, to see it. Boodicia, with her Daughters by her in a chariot, went about to the several Nations, (for it was not unusual among the Britains to go to war under the conduct of a woman) assuring them that she went not as one royally descended to fight for Empire or riches, but as one of the common people for freedom and liberty, to revenge the stripes they had given her, and the dishonour they had done her daughters. That now the Roman lust had grown so exorbitant and unruly, that they left none, neither old nor young, unravished. That God's just re­venge would ever tread upon the heels of wickedness. That the Legion which had dared to fight them was already cut off; that the rest had either kept themselves in their camp, or fled for safety. That they could not endure the very huzza and clamour of so many thousands; how much less could they bear their force and onset? If they would but consi­der both armies, and the cause of war on hoth sides, they would either resolve to conquer in that battle, or to dye in it. That for her part, who was but a woman, this was her resolution; but the men, if they pleas'd, might live and be slaves.

Suetonius also was not silent in so great danger; for though he relied upon the valour of his men, yet he excited it with exhortations, suggesting that the Sonoras, a­liàe S [...] ­res. clamour and vain threatnings of the Barbarians were contemptible; that there were more women than young men among them; that being unwarlike and ill armed, they would no sooner feel their swords, which had so often conquer'd them, but they would presently fly; that in an Army of many Legions a few would gain the victory, and that their glory would be so much the greater, if so few of them did the work of a whole Army; that his advice was, they should fight thick, and after they had discharged their darts, they should continue the slaughter with their pikes and swords, and not heed the booty; all that would be the consequence of their victory. The Soldiers were so forward and cou­ragious upon this speech, and the veterans betook them­selves so readily to their darts, that Suetonius, with as­surance of the event, gave the signal. And first of all the Legion, not stirring, but keeping within the strait, (which was of great advantage to them) till the Enemy had spent their darts, sallied out in Cuncis. a wedge upon them. The Auxiliaries gave them the like shock; and the Horse breaking at last upon the Enemy, routed all in their way that could make head against them. The rest fled, but with great difficulty; for the passes were blocked up by the waggons quite round. The Soldiers gave no quarter, not so much as to the women, which, with the horses that were slain, encreas'd the heaps of carcasses along the field. This Victory was very eminent, and the glory of it not inferior to those of old times: for by the report of some, there were slain not many fewer than fourscore thousand Britains; whereas we lost but four hundred, and not many more wounded. Boodicia poisoned her self. And Poenius Post­humus, Camp-master of the second Legion, upon the news of the success and victory of the fourteenth and twentieth Legions, (having deprived his Legion of a share in that glory, and contrary to discipline and order disobey'd the commands of his General) stab'd himself.

After a general muster and review of his army, Sue­tonius took the field again, to put an end to this war. And Caesar reinforc'd him with a supply of two thousand Le­gionaries from Germany, and with eight auxiliary cohorts, and a thousand horse, by which the ninth Legion was compleated. These cohorts and some others were sent into new winter-quarters; and the country, that was either enemy or neutral, was wasted with fire and sword. But nothing was a sharper affliction to the Britains at this time, than famine; for during this uproar, they had neglected to till the ground, and giving themselves wholly to prosecute the war, had depended upon our provisions. Those na­tions which were yet unconquer'd were the more averse to treaty, upon the news of a difference between Suetonius and the new Procurator Julius Classicianus,J. Classi­cianus. sent to succeed Catus; which was very prejudicial to the publick interest. He had spread a report, that a new Lieutenant was to be expected, who, without the rancour of an enemy, or the haughtiness of a conqueror, would treat such as yeilded themselves with favour and clemency. He writ to Rome likewise, that there was no end to be expected of that war, till Suetonius was succeeded by some one else: imputing all miscarriages to his perverse conduct; but whatsoever was prosperous and lucky, that he attributed to the good fortune of the Commonwealth.

Upon this account Policletus, one of the Emperor's Li­berti, was sent into Britain, to see the state of affairs there; Nero hoping that the difference might be composed between the Lieutenant and the Procurator by his authority, and the rebellious Barbarians won over to a peace. Poly­cletus took care to shew his state and grandeur to Italy and Gaul, by a great train and retinue, and likewise to appear awful to the armies here upon his arrival. This made him ridiculous to the enemy, who being then in the full enjoyment of their liberty, knew not what the power of a Lib [...]rti. Freeman was; and thought it strange that a General and his army, after such great exploits, could thus be subject to a slave. However, every thing was related as fair as could be to the Emperour. And Suetonius, who was then employ'd in dispatching one business or other, ha­ving lost some few gallies on the shore, and the men in them, was commanded (as though the war continued) to deliver up his Commission to Petronius Turpilianus [Page lv-lvi] who had just before been Consul. Petronius Turpilia­nus. He neither troubled the enemy, nor was troubled by them; calling this lazy and un­active course by the honourable name of a real peace: And thus having quieted the former broils without advancing the conquest, Trebellius Maximus Propraeter. he deliver'd the Province to Trebellius Maximus.

He was of an unactive temper, and unexperienc'd in war-affairs; and so govern'd the Province after as soft a manner as he could. Now the barbarous Britains began to be tainted, and to yeild to the charms of vice; and the civil wars of the Empire was a fair excuse for the remis­ness of the Lieutenant: but the soldiers grew mutinous; for being formerly inured to labour and discipline, the pre­sent peace and idleness made them wanton and haughty. Trebellius grew odious and contemptible to his army by his baseness and avarice. Their indignation at him was the more enflam'd by Roscius Caelius, Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, who was formerly out with him; and now, by reason of the civil wars, more than ever. Tre­bellius charg'd Caelius with all the mutinies and neglect of discipline in the Army; and Caelius him, with the ruine and beggery of the Legions. During these quarrels and contentions, all sense of respect and deference was lost in the Army. At last the disorder was so great, that Trebellius, being deserted by the wings of his Army, and the cohorts who went over to Caelius, and lastly reviled and affronted by the Auxiliaries, was forced to fly to Vitellius. Not­withstanding the absence and removal of the Consular Lieu­tenant, the Province continued quiet and peaceable; go­vern'd by the Lieutenants of the particular Legions, all of equal authority; though Caelius's boldness gain'd him more sway than the rest.

During the civil war between Galba, Otho, and Vi­tellius,Vectius Polanus, Propraetor. Vectius Bolanus was sent by Vitellius to succeed him. He made no reformation of discipline, was as little troublesome to the enemy as his predecessor, and as care­less of the licentiousness of his army: only this difference there was, that Bolanus was innocent and free from crimes which might make him odious; so that instead of awe and authority, he had gain'd the love of his Army. And al­though Vitellius sent for some supplies out of Britain, yet Bolanus deferred it, upon a pretence that Britain was not so well quieted as to admit it. But soon after, the great esteem of Vespasian in this Province, induc'd Britain to de­clare for him; for he had commanded the second Legion here under Claudius, and was eminent for his bravery and conduct. Yet this revolt was not without opposition from the other Legions; in which many Captains and soldiers being advanc'd by Vitellius, were very loth to change a Prince who was so well known among them. The soldiers of the fourteenth Legion, call'd the Conquerors of Britain, (being remov'd from hence to the Caspian war by Nero, and after, as they sided with Otho, de­feated) were sent into Britain again by Vitellius, but re­call'd by Mutianus.

During this civil war, there was no mutinies in the British army. And indeed in all the civil wars of the Empire, the troops there were more peaceable and quiet than in any other provinces: perhaps their distance and separa­tion from the rest of the world by the ocean, might cause it; or possibly by the many expeditions they had made, they might the less relish the entertainment of an enemy. Yet by these publick dissentions, and the frequent news of them, the Britains upon Venusius's instigation, began to think how they might shake off the yoke of that Empire: for besides a fierce heady temper that was natural to him, and a hatred to the Romans, he was spurr'd on in this attempt by a pe­culiar spight at his Queen Cartismandua.Cartis­m [...]dua. Cartisman­dua govern'd the Brigantes, nobly descended, and more powerful than ever, since she had treacherously taken King Caractacus, and done Claudius Caesar a kind of triumph by presenting him to that Emperor; for that famous shew of Caractacus to the people was a sort of Triumph. From hence grew riches, and from them luxury; so that despising her husband Venusius, and having intercepted his relati­ons, she made Vellocatus, her husband's armour-bearer, partner of her bed and throne: The Royal family was soon shaken with this wickedness; the city adhering to the husband, and the Queen's lust and cruelty to the adulterer. Venusius therefore having drawn in all the assistance he could, and joyn'd the Brigantes, (who themselves had revolted to him) reduc'd her to the last extremities. She applied her self to the Romans for relief, and after many engagements, was at last rescu'd out of dangerous circum­stances by our forces. However the Kingdom fell to Ve­nusius, and the War to us.

Now, Vespasian the Em­peror. Julius A­gricola. L [...]gio xx. while Mutianus govern'd the City under Vespa­sian, Julius Agricola, who had declar'd for Vespasian, and was a person of great integrity and valour, was made Commander of the twentieth legion in Britain, which had declin'd the Oath for a long time; and there he heard that his predecessor had carried himself seditiously. For that legion had run a-head, and became formidable even to the Consular Legats. The Praetorian Legat was not able to rule them, but whether through his own ill dispositions, or those of the souldiers, is uncertain. Thus being appointed to succeed him, and to punish them, he took such an ad­mirable mean, as to seem rather to have found them du­tiful, than to have made them so. And though Vectius Bolanus was then Lieutenant here, and govern'd more mildly than was fit for so fierce a Province; yet Agricola laid a restraint upon himself, and smother'd the heat of his own temper, that it might not increase and grow vi­sible; knowing very well the necessity of complaisance, and of mixing his profit with his honour.

But when Vespasian, with the rest of the world had gain'd Britain also, he sent great Captains and brave Armies here; and the enemies hopes were abated. Petilius Cereaiis Propraetor. Peti­lius Cerialis enter'd the country of the Brigantes with great terrour, possess'd by the most numerous people of this Province; to whom he gave many, and some of them very bloody defeats; and indeed either spoil'd or con­quer'd the greatest part of their country. Thus Cerialis seem'd to have eclipsed the fame and conduct of any that could come after him; when Julius Frontinus,Julius Frontinus Propraetor. a great man, and as eminent as could be after such a predecessor, succeeded to the same charge with like glory. He sub­dued the strong and warlike nation of the Silures: where he had not only a stout enemy, but great difficulties also from the situation and nature of the country, to cope with. In this state was Britain, and in this posture was the war, when Agricola was sent over in the middle of summer. Our souldiers minds and hopes were bent upon rest, and an end of the war for that year; and the enemy intent upon a fair opportunity to begin it. The Ordovices, a little before the arrival of Agricola, had almost entirely routed a wing of ours that was quartered in the frontiers of their country; and by this means the whole Province was ready to break out, all approving the example, either as desirous of war, or to see the mind and worth of the new Lieute­nant.

Agricola, though the summer was almost over, and though his souldiers lay dispers'd up and down the Pro­vince, expecting no farther trouble for that year (all which retarded and cross'd his expedition;) and though some thought it more advisable to secure such places as were suspicious: yet he resolves to forestall these dangers; and having drawn together the Ensigns of the Legions, and a pretty good body of Auxiliaries, and finding the Ordo­vices durst not come down into the plains, he drew up his men, and put himself at the head of them; that by ex­posing himself a-like in danger, he might make them equally couragious. Having almost cut off this whole na­tion, and knowing he must push on to gain a reputation, and that every thing hereafter would fall answerable to the event of his first actions: he determines likewise with­out more ado to make himself master of the Isle of Mona;The Island Mona. which, as I have already said, would have been conquer'd by Paulinus, if a revolt of the whole Province had not prevented him. But this design being not laid before, they wanted ships for the expedition; which notwithstanding were supplied by the contrivance and resolution of the Ge­neral. He commanded a choice body of auxiliaries, who were well acquainted with those shallowes, and, by the cu­stom of their native country, able in swimming to govern themselves, their horses, and their arms at the same time, to throw aside their luggage, and march over suddenly. Which was so effectually done, that the enemy, who expected a fleet, and were thinking of the ships and the sea that must be first pass'd; were surprised and daunted, as sup­posing nothing could be hard or invincible to men that be­gan a war with such resolution. Thus a peace was sought, the Island surrender'd, and Agricola became great and famous; as having upon his first entrance, a time usually spent in ostentation and ceremony, encounter'd so much toil and hazard with such success.

However, Agricola (not growing vain upon the success) would not allow this to be a Victory or Expedition, which was only to keep those in order who were formerly subdued: he would not so much as suffer the news of it to be adorn'd with laurel. But by this endeavour to conceal his glory, he really made it the more eminent; every one thinking what strong presumptions he must have of large perfor­mances hereafter, that would diminish and lessen the great­ness of this action. Now knowing the disposition and temper of his Province, and being taught by the sad ex­perience of others, that affairs would never be settled by fighting, while wrongs and injuries were permitted; he resolves in the next place to cut off the cause of war: and to begin at himself first, he made a reformation of his own family, a thing no less difficult to some, than to govern a Province. He committed no publick business to the ma­nagement of his servants or his freemen; He would never advance his souldiers upon private and particular ends, nor upon the recommendation and intercession of any Captain; but would still raise the best, taking it for granted that such would be most faithful. He had an eye upon every thing, but would not rigorously exact performance. As for small faults, he would pardon them; but would severely cor­rect those that were hainous. However, punishment was not always inflicted by him; often the repentance of the offender was took for the offence: chusing rather not to prefer such as were like to offend, than to have them condemn'd for it. He made the payment of corn and tribute which was imposed, more easie and tolerable by laying it on e­qually; and cutting off the exactions, which were a greater grievance than the tribute it self. For the people were compell'd before to wait the opening of the publick Grana­ries, and both to buy and sell their own corn after the rate set to them. The Purveyors also would command them to carry it about, and into far distant places; so that the Country should sometimes carry from the nearest Camps to those which were far off and out of the way; till, to the particular gain of these, every place compounded for car­rying where it might most conveniently. By a redress of these grievances in the first year of his Lieutenancy, he brought peace into some credit, which by the neglect or con­nivance of his predecessors, was little less odious than war it self.

Vespasian dy'd now abouts; who upon these vi­ctories, and his own personal valor under Claudius, is thus address'd to by Valerius Flaccus;

Titus Em­peror. When Titus, who was the love of the world, succeed­ed his Father; Agricola, as soon as the Summer came on, drew his Army together: those who in their march behaved themselves modestly, he commended; but those who went loose and stragling were reprimanded by him. He always chose the place of encampment himself, and would still try the friths and thickets first in person; and that his own territories might not be pillaged by the enemies, he would never give them quiet or leisure, by reason of his own excursions; and then, when he thought he had suffici­ently alarm'd them, he would give over, that they might again tast the happiness of peace. By these means, many Cities, which liv'd upon equal terms till that time, gave hostages, and submitted themselves; receiving our gari­sons, and permitting us to build castles among them; which he performed with that care and prudence, that these were the only new forts in Britain that were never attempted afterwards.

The following winter was spent in a wise project. For whereas the Britains liv'd after a rude stragling manner, and therefore ready to break out into open war upon every occasion; that by pleasures he might induce them to rest and quietness, he exhorted them privately and publickly assisted them to build Temples, places of publick resort, and fine houses; those that were forward, he commended; but those who were slow and backward, he reproved. And thus the honor of being his favorite, imposed a kind of necessity upon them. Moreover, he took care to have No­ble mens sons brought up in the knowledge of [...] liberal arts; preferring the parts of the Britain [...] h [...] [...] [...]se of the Gauls; so that they, who but lately despised the Roman language, did now affect and study the graces of it. From that time also our modes and dresses became in request a­mong them, and the Toga. Gown commonly wore. Thus by degrees they came at last to those excitements to debauchery, Portico's, Baths, and Banquets; which went by the name of genteelness among the ignorant, when they were indeed but badges of their yoke and bondage.

In the third year of his wars here, he discovered new Countreys, wasting all along as he marched to the very Taus, for that is the aestuary's name; Aestuarie of Tau [...]. which so terrified the enemy, that, though our army was sadly harrassed with ill weather, yet they durst not give us battle; besides, he had leisure to build forts and Castles where he pleased. It has been observed by the skilful in these arts, that no Cap­tain whatsoever has chose out places more to advantage than he did; no castle of his raising was ever taken by force, surrender'd upon terms, or quitted as uncapable of defence. Their sallies were frequent, and they were always prepar'd with a year's provision against long sieges. Thus we win­ter'd there without fear, each one being able to defend it self; which disappointed the enemy, and made them de­spair. For, as formerly they would regain in winter what they lost in summer, they were now worsted alike in both seasons. In all these actions, Agricola would never rob another of the honor due to him, but let him be Captain, or whatever other Officer, he would faithfully attest the bravery of the Action. Some have counted him too sharp and bitter in his reproofs; and it must be granted, that as he was affable and courteous to the good, so was he mo­rose to the bad. But then anger never continued longer than the reprehension lasted. If he pass'd a thing by without notice, there was no fear upon that account; for he thought it more excusable, even to commit the offence, than to hate an offender.

The fourth summer was spent in setling what he had already overrun; and if the valor of his armies, and the glory of the Roman Empire could have permitted it, they needed not have sought any other boundary in Britain. Glota and Bodotria (the two arms of opposite seas, which shoot into the Country) are parted by a narrow strip of land only, which was then secured by our garisons: so that the Romans were masters of all on this side, having pent up the enemy as it were within another Island.

In the fifth year of this war, Agricola first took shipping, and sail'd over to certain nations never before known of; which after many prosperous encounters he subdued; and then put garisons into those parts of Britain which lie to­wards Ireland, more out of hopes than out of fear. For Ireland Ireland. being situated between Spain and Britain, and lying convenient for the French Sea, would with many other advantages have united those mighty members of the Empire. As for its bigness, 'tis less than Britain, but larger than the Islands of our sea. The soil, the tempera­ture of the air, the nature and manners of the people, are not much different from the British. The ports and ha­vens are better known, by reason of more trade and com­merce. Agricola had formerly received a Prince of that country, driven out by civil wars; and under pretence of friendship had kept him for a fair occasion. I have often heard him say, that with one legion and some few auxiliaries, Ireland might be conquer'd and retain'd; and that it would be of great import and consequence to our interest in Britain, if the Roman forces were on all hands; and liberty as it were banish'd out of sight.

About this time dy'd Titus, who for these exploits of Agricola, was saluted Emperor fifteen times, as Xiphilin tells us, and as 'tis manifest from an old coin. Under Domitian, Agricola in the sixth year of his Lieute­nancy, being apprehensive of a general insurrection Ampla Civitas. al. Am­plas civi­tates. in those large cities, and remote countries beyond Bodotria, and that his march would be made very troublesome by the enemy; sent out a fleet that summer to try the creeks and havens of the large country beyond it. Thus Agricola was the first that ever seconded his land army by a fleet; and what was very great, that brought war upon them both by land and sea. Oftentimes it happen'd that the troopers, the foot soldiers, and the seamen would meet and make merry together in the same camp; each one magnifying his own feats and adventures, and making their vaunts and comparisons souldier-like, the one of the woods and high mountains, the other of the dangers of the waves and tem­pests. The one valuing himself upon the land and the [Page lix-lx] enemy, the other upon the sea it self subdued by him. The Britains (as we understood by the prisoners) were amaz'd and daunted at the sight of this fleet, considering that if once their sea was discover'd and navigable, all retreat and refuge would be cut off. Whereupon the Caledonians, with great preparation, but (as 'tis always with things unknown) not so great as reported, broke out into open war, and assaulted our castles; that by being aggressors they might discourage us: so that some poor spirits on our side, under shew of prudence, advis'd Agricola to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather make a voluntary re­treat than a forc'd one. In the mean time, we had advice that the enemy's design was to divide and attack us in ma­ny places at once. Whereupon, lest he should lie under disadvantage by the number of the enemy and their know­ledge of the country, he likewise divided his army into three bodies. They having intelligence of this, forthwith took another course, and in one entire body fell all upon our ninth legion, as being the weakest; and between sleep and fear in the night, cut off our centinels, and broke in among them. Thus the battle began in the very camp, when Agricola having found out the enemies march by his scouts, traces them, and sends in the lightest of his horse and foot upon their backs, which were seconded with the huzza's of the whole army, and the appearance of their colours, towards break of day. This danger on all sides terrifi'd the Britains, and the Romans taking heart at it, and knowing there could be no danger, fought now for honour. They gave them a fresh onset, and after a sharp dispute at the very gates, put them to the rout; while both our armies were contending, the one to come up timely with their assistance, the other not to seem to need it. If the fens and woods had not protected the enemy in this flight, they had been utterly conquered. Upon this constancy, and the news of our victory, the whole army grew so resolute, that they thought nothing invincible to them; they clamour'd to be led into Caledonia, and to fight their way through to the remotest part of Britain. Thus they, who were but just now requiring wary conduct, are forward and blustering when the event is seen. And this is always the case in war; every one claims a share in that which is successful, but misfortunes are always imputed to one single person. However, the Britains attributing all this to good luck and the conduct of the General, and not to any valour in them, were not at all dejected, but went on to arm their young men, to convey their wives and children into safe places, and by assemblies and Religious rites to establish a confederacy among them. And thus both armies left the field in great heat.

This summer, a Cohort of Usipians, rais'd in Germany, and sent over into Britain, undertook a very strange and memorable adventure. Having kill'd their Captain and some Soldiers, that were dispers'd among them to shew them how to exercise, they fled and embark'd themselves in three vessels, compelling the masters to carry them off; but only one of them doing his duty, the other two were slain upon suspicion: and this strange kind of voyage (the fact being not yet nois'd) was much admir'd. Afterward being toss'd up and down, and falling upon some Britains that oppos'd them in their own defence, often victorious and sometimes baffled, they came to that pinch for want of provision at long run, that they eat one another; first of all the weakest, and after that as the lot fell. Thus having floated round Britain, Britain [...]i [...]'d round. and lost their ship in con­clusion for want of skill in sailing, they were taken first by the Suevians, and then by the Frisians, for pirates. Some of them being bought by the merchants, and by change of masters brought to our side of the river, grew famous upon the account they gave of this adventure.

In the beginning of the summer, a great misfortune be­fel Agricola in his own family; for he lost his son, who was about a year old. His carriage under this affliction was neither vain-glorious, (like some great men's in those cases) nor on the other hand soft and effeminate. Among other consolations to divert him from this sorrow, he made war one. Having therefore sent his fleet before, (which by making a descent here and there might render the conster­nation greater and more uncertain) he prepar'd and fol­low'd himself with the army, to which he had added some of the stoutest Britains, such as after the test of a long peace he had found faithful, and march'd to the hill Gram­pium, where the enemy had posted themselves. For the Britains without dismay at the loss of the last battle, intent upon nothing now but revenge and slavery, by leagues and treaties muster'd up their whole power; being at last sensible that a common danger must be fenc'd off by confederacy and union. About thirty thousand arm'd men were now reckon'd in the field, besides a great number of youth, and lusty old men who had been formerly famous soldiers, and still retain'd the skars and badges of their bravery. Galgacus,Galgacu [...]. both by birth and merit, the chief commander, as the multitude was eager to be engaged, is said to have made this speech to them.

When I consider the cause of this war, and our present necessity, I have great reason to presume, that this day, with this unanimous resolution of yours, will give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole Island. We have liv'd thus long in the full enjoyment of our liberty: and now there's no other Country beyond this, nor indeed sea to secure us; while the Roman navy can thus hover upon our coasts: so that arms and fighting, as honour will recommend them to men of valour, so will self-preserva­tion to the worst and most cowardly of us at this time. The battles heretofore which with various success have been fought against the Romans, have always rely'd upon our bravery, and expected a turn from it. For we are the very slower of the Britains, and therefore seated in the most inward parts of the Country, without the ken of those Nati­ons enslav'd by the enemy; so that our eyes are yet un­polluted and free from the contagion of foreign tyranny. There's no country farther on this side of it, nor liberty on that; this corner, which has been hitherto unknown to fame, hath hitherto preserved us. Now the remotest part of Bri­tain lyes open to them; and people think every thing great and magnificent that's strange and unknown. Beyond us there's no country, nothing but waves and rocks; Interi­ores Ro­mani, al. Infestiores vel inter ea. the land inward is all under the Roman Vassalage already. Tis in vain to curry favour with them by address and submis­sion; their pride and haughtiness is not to be thus laid, who ransack the universe, and when they have plunder'd all lands, and want more, set sail and rummage the wide ocean to find them. Where the enemy is rich, there the prize is wealth; where poor, 'tis ambition: neither the East nor the West have sufficed them: these, and these only, covet and gape after the wealth and poverty of the whole World, with equal appetite and pleasure. Spoil, murder, pillage, passes with them under the false names of Govern­ment: and where they make solitude, there they think they have made peace. Children and relations by nature are tender and dear to every one; yet they press them, they be­reave us of them to make them slaves in foreign Countries. Our wives and sisters, if they escape ravishing in a violent and hostile manner, yet under the name of guests and friendship they are certainly debauch'd by them. Our goods and fortunes become theirs by the name of tribute, and our corn by that of provision. Our bodies and hands are put by them to the drudgery of paving bogs and woods, with a thousand stripes and indignities to boot. Those, who are naturally born slaves, are but once sold, and then main­tain'd at the owner's cost: but this Isle of Britain daily purchases, daily feeds and maintains its own bondage at its own charge. And, as in a private family the last co­mer is ever the most scouted by his fellow-servants; so in this old bondage of the World, we (who shall be the last and the vilest slaves in the universe) are now to be de­stroyed, if they can do it. For we have no fields to culti­vate, neither mines nor havens to be employed in; and therefore to what purpose should they let us live? Besides, the courage and resolution of the conquer'd is never grate­ful to the conquerour. And this distance and privacy it self, as it makes us safe, so 'twill make us the more suspe­cted. Thus, seeing we have nothing to relie upon, let us put on resolution; as well those who tender their own safety, as they who value honour and glory. The Trinobantes, Trinob [...] tes. under the conduct of a Woman, extirpated one of their Colonies, and forced their Castles; nay, if success had not slacken'd their diligence, they might have entirely ridded themselves of the Roman yoke. We are as yet whole and untouch'd: we were born free; Unde [...]st [...]nd [...] ­mus, [...] abund [...]. let us shew them in the first onset the bravery of the men they'll meet with on this side Caledo­nia. Do you imagine the courage of the Romans in war to be every jot as great as their debauchery in peace? Their glory is all owing to our dissentions; the faults of their ene­mies has been made use of to raise the reputation of their army. As nothing but success could have held that medly army of theirs, pickt up out of so many several nations, to­gether, [Page lxi-lxii] so they would soon dissolve upon a miscarriage; un­less we can suppose that the Gauls and Germans, nay, to our shame be it spoken, many of our own Countrymen, will lend their lives to establish a foreign power, who have yet been much longer enemies than slaves to them, and go on with a true zeal and affection for this quarrel. No, this is nothing but the effect of fear and terrour, which are no great mo­tives of endearment; these removed, their hatred will break out as their fear grows causless. We have all the motives that excite to victory on our side. The Romans have no Wives to encourage them to stand to it, no parents to up­braid them if they run away; they have either no country at all many of them, or at least not here to animate them. Their number is so small, as they stand in fear, gazing at the haven, the sea, the woods, and every thing strange a­bout them; that they seem pent up here, and deliver'd into our hands by Providence. Let us not be daunted by the shew they make, by the glare and shining of their gold and silver, which will neither defend them, nor hurt us. We shall find those of our side in the very body of the enemy. The Britains know very well 'tis their own game and in­terest: the Gauls are still mindful of their lost liberty; and the Germans will desert them, as the Usipians but lately did. Besides this, there's nothing can put a stop to us; the Castles are emptied, the Serum Coloniae, aliàs Co­lonia. Colonies consist but of old men, and the Cities are in discontent and faction, while they un­willingly obey those who unjustly govern them. You see the Roman General and army here before you. There's the tributes, mines, and all the plagues and punishments that attend slavery: 'tis to be tried by this days engagement, whether we are to endure them from this moment for ever, or to be immediately reveng'd of them. And therefore, since we are now to dispute this with them, let us think both up­on our ancestors and our posterity.

This speech was cheerfully received by the army, who, after their barbarous fashion, seconded it with songs, accla­mations, and such like jargon clamour. And now the companies began to close, and a great glister to appear from the army, whilst some of the boldest advanced, and the army was drawing up; when Agricola, though he found his men hearty, and was hardly able to withold them, yet for their farther encouragement made a speech to them af­ter this manner.

This is now the eighth year, Fellow-soldiers, that by the fortune and good providence attending the Roman Empire, and by your loyalty and service, we have carryed on the Conquest of Britain with success; and that by many expe­ditions and encounters, wherein, as the circumstances requi­red it, we have shewed either valour against the enemy, or labour and patience even above nature it self. In all these, I have had no reason to complain of you for my sol­diers; neither have you any cause to blame the conduct of your General. We have both exceeded. I have extended this Conquest more than any other Lieutenant, and you have done more than any former army. We are not only said and imagin'd to be, but we are actually and indeed possest of Britain, in the utmost extent thereof. Britain is now found and subdued by us. In our marches over boggs, hills, and rivers, when we have been spent and weary, how of­ten have I heard the valiant among us, asking when this enemy would face them, when they would give them bat­tle? We have now unkennel'd them; we have them here before us. We have our wishes, and an occasion to shew our valour. If we win this victory, every thing will be plain and easie to us; if we lose it, every thing will prove cross and froward. For, as this tedious march, those woods and aestuaries we passed through, is glorious and honourable to us while we advance against the Enemy; so if we run away, those things which are of the greatest advantage to us now, will then become most fatal and dangerous. For we are not so well acquainted with the nature of the coun­try as the enemy, nor so well furnished with provision; but we have as many hands, and as good arms, and thereby may have every thing. For my part, I am satisfied, that to run away can never be safe, either for a General or his army; and that to dye in the bed of honour is better and more desirable, than to live scouted and in disgrace. Be­sides, a mans safety and honour are inseparable: And if it should so happen, 'twill be no small glory to have dyed in the very outmost part of the earth, and in the end of na­ture. If a new nation, or an unknown enemy, were now to encounter you, I would exhort you by the examples of o­ther armies; but now I can only prompt you to reflect upon your former actions, and put the question to your own eyes. These are the very men that last year fell upon one Legion of you in the night, and were routed by the mere noise and clamour of us. These are the arrantest cowards of the whole Island, otherwise they had not been so long alive. For, as 'tis in woods and forests, the strongest game is not to be started but by force and ranging, whereas the time­rous and fearful are scar'd and scoure off presently upon the first noise; so the best and stoutest of the Britains we have already met with, and dispatcht: what remains is nothing but a herd of cowardly runnagades. We have now at last an opportunity to engage them; but that is not be­cause they give it us, but we have overtaken them, as they stand in the height of fear and confusion, like stocks before us, ready to present us with a memorable and an ea­sie victory. Let us put an end, therefore, to this war; let us make this the happy day wherein the fatigue and labour of the Commonwealth, after fifty years continuance, was concluded; and let your country see, that their army here can neither be charged with prolonging the war, nor flipping any opportunity to compleat the conquest.

Agricola was going on, when the soldiers show'd great signs of their resolution and eagerness; and upon the first period gave their applause, and immediately ran to their weapons. So Agricola seeing them sufficiently animated, drew them up in this order. The auxiliary foot, in all 8000, he placed in the middle, and wing'd them with 3000 horse on each side: behind them he drew up the le­gions before the camp, that the victory might be the more glorious by being won, if possible, without the loss of a Roman; and that in case of necessity they might be ready to assist them. The British army was drawn up upon the hill, so as to serve both for shew and terror; the first battalion on even ground, the next still a degree higher, as the hill as­cended. The field between rung with the noise of the horse and chariots ranging up and down there. Agricola, per­ceiving the enemy to be too numerous for him, and fearing least he should be over-wing'd, and so stank'd by them, stretches out his front, though somewhat too thin; inso­much that many advis'd him to bring up the legions. Yet he being more enclin'd to good hopes than impressions of fear, alighted from his horse without altering, and put himself at the head of his foot.

The fight began at some distance; wherein the Britains shew'd great art and courage; for with their broad swash­ing swords and short bucklers, they would strike aside, or bear off the darts of their enemies; and return great vol­lies of their own against us. Agricola thereupon comman­ded three cohorts of the Batavians and Tungrians to ad­vance, and come to handy strokes with them. They were expert and able at it; whereas the enemy by reason of their little targets and unweildly swords, lay under great disad­vantage: for the swords of the Britains being without points were unserviceable in a close fight, or at a distance. Now, as the Batavians began to lay about them, to strike at them with the pikes of their bucklers, to push them in the very faces, to make riddance of those that stood below, and to fight their way up the very mountain; the other co­horts being spurr'd up with emulation, fell on likewise, and beat down all before them, so fast, that many half dead, or wholly untouch'd, were left behind for hast upon the spot. In the mean time, as the horse began to fly, the charioteers mix'd themselves to fight among the foot; though we were under some apprehensions from them in particular, yet by reason of the closeness of their ranks, and the inequality of the ground, they prov'd of no consequence. This was not like a horse-engagement, but close and still, over-bearing one another with the down-right force and weight of the horses. Many times the chariots as they run up down at rovers, and the frighted horses that had lost their riders, and scour'd about as their fear guided them, would over-run their friends that met them, or cross'd their way. And now, they on the hill that had not been yet en­gaged, perceiving the small number of our army, began to advance, and wheel in upon the backs of us: but Agri­cola having foreseen that danger, easily repell'd them by four wings which he had kept as a reserve upon occasion; and these made them give back presently, as fast as they came forward. So now, this project of the Britains was turn'd upon themselves: for the wings were immediately order'd to leave the front, and wheel about upon the backs of the enemy. Upon this the seene began to be very tra­gical along the plain; one pursuing, another wounding, a [Page lxiii-lxiv] third taking, and killing that prisoner as soon as he could take another. Now whole regiments of the enemy, accord­ing to their several dispositions, though arm'd and more nu­merous, fairly turn'd their backs, whilst others of them disarm'd, ran desperately upon the swords of their enemy. The whole field was nothing now but a mixt heap of swords, carcasses, mangled limbs and blood; and some­times rage and valour in the last gasp of the conquer'd: As soon as the enemy drew near the woods, they began to rally, and cut off the most forward of our men, that had follow'd rashly, and were unacquainted with the country. So that if Agricola, who was every where at hand, had not sent out some of the best and lightest of his cohorts to scour the country, and commanded the horsemen to light where the woods were thick, and to range them up and down on horseback where thin, we might have suffer'd considerably by this rashness. But, when they saw us united, and in orderly pursuit of them, they fled again, not in troops as before, and with an eye upon one another, but dispers'd and straggling into remote and by-places. At last, night and weariness put an end to the chase. Of the enemy there fell 10000, of us 340, among whom was Aulus Atticus Commander of a Cohort, carry'd on too far by the heat of young blood, and the fierceness of his horse. The victory and the spoil made the night pleasant to the Conquerors. But the Britains, wandring up and down the field in a la­mentable condition, both men and women, spent the night in calling their lost friends, and carrying off the wounded, in forsaking and burning their own houses out of rage and fury, and in shifting from one hole to another. Sometimes, in consult with one another, and in taking hopes thereupon; then again, broke with compassion, and oftner madness, at the sight of their wives and children. And 'tis certain, that some of them laid violent hands upon their own wives and Children, to prevent the more unhumane hands of the enemy. The day following shew'd the greatness of this victory more fully. Every where silence and desolati­on: no stir upon the mountains, the houses burning afar off, and not a soul to be met with by our scouts, who were sent into all parts of the Country, but found that the flight was uncertain, and that the enemy were scatter'd and dispers'd. Hereupon Agricola, the summer being far spent, so that he could not disperse the war, marched with his army into the Country of the Horesti. Having re­ceived hostages from them, he commanded his Admiral to sail round Britain, furnishing him with all things necessary, and sent the terror of the Romans before. He himself marched on slowly, that by this delay he might awe his new conquests; and so put his army into winter quarters. About the same time the fleet, with good success and credit, put in at B. Rhe­nanus reads it Rham [...]n­sis. Trutulensis, the haven where it set out, and coasting along the nearest Latere, al. Litare. side of Britain, arrived again there. Britain first cer­tainly dis­covered to be an Isl [...]nd. Isles of Orkney. And then having doubled the point of the outmost sea, they first discovered Britain to be an Island: and at the same time found out the Isles of Orkney, and subdu'd them, which had been only heard of till that time. Orosius and some others after him, falsly ascribe this to Claudius.

Agricola having sent a plain account of these trans­actions, without either gloss or addition, by letters to Do­mitian; the Emperor receiv'd it (as his manner was) with a shew of great joy; though really with great trouble and concern. He was conscious to himself, that his late triumph in Germany was unjust and ridiculous, having bought certain people of that country, and drest them up in cloaths and hair like captives; whereas now a victory great and real, wherein so many thousands of the enemy slain, was applauded by every one. It was dangerous he thought, that the honour of a private man should eclipse the glory of a Prince: And that he had suppress'd the study of Ora­tory and other Liberal Arts to no purpose, if another could thus undo him in the art of war; that for other matters they might be bore with, but no one ought to be a General but a Prince. Being tormented with these thoughts, and (what was ever a sign of mischief) very much alone in his closet, he concluded, it would be best to conceal his re­sentments till the noise of this victory, and the love and respect he had gained in the army was abated: for as yet Agricola was in Britain. And therefore he took care that triumphal honours, statues, and every thing usual upon such a solemnity, should be decreed him, and that in very ho­norable terms by the Senate; and withal, made a report to be spread, that the Province of Syria, then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, Lieutenant, and reserv'd for some persons of quality, was designed for him. 'Twas also commonly thought that he sent a Free-man, one of his Cabinet-Council, to Agricola, with a Commission for Syria, and instructions, that if he were in Britain, it should be delivered; and that the messenger, meeting Agri­cola upon the sea, spoke not one word of it, but returned with it to Domitian: yet whether this be true, or a bare surmise (as agreeable enough by the carriage of that Prince) is uncertain. However, Agricola had surrendered up his Province peaceable and quiet to his Successor. And now, that his entry to Rome might be obscure and private, he came (as he was order'd) by night into the city; and at night was admitted into the Palace: where the Emperor receiv'd him with a dry kiss, and spoke not one word to him; and so drew off among the rest of the Attendants.

Agricola's successor, according to some, was Cn. Trebellius, in my opinion Salustius Lucullus, Sallustius Lu [...]lus, Lieute­nant of B [...]itain. Arvira­gus the Britain. who was soon put to death by Domitian, for suffering a new sort of spears to be called Lameae Luculleae. At which time^f Arviragus flourisht in this Island, and not in Claudius's time, as Geffry of Monmouth imagines. For that of Juvenal is to be understood of Domitian.

Then also flourished at Rome Claudia Rufina, a Bri­tish Lady, eminent for her extraordinary beauty and learning, commended by Martial in these verses,

This is she that St. Paul mentions in his second Epistle to Timothy, according to J. Bale, and Matthew Par­ker, Archbishop of Canterbury: nor is it inconsistent with Chronology, though others differ from that opi­nion.

And thus in Domitian's time,Britain a Province. the farther part of this Island was left to the Barbarians, as neither plea­sant nor fruitful; but this hither part was fairly redu­ced to a compleat Province: which was not govern'd by Consular or Proconsular Deputies,Britain [...] Praesidi [...]l Province. but was counted Praesidial and appropriate to the Caesars; as being a Province annext to the Empire after the division of Provinces made by Augustus, and having Propraetors of its own. Afterwards, when Constantine the Great had new model'd the Commonwealth, this Province was govern'd by a Deputy, under the Prae­torian Lieutenant of Gaul, together with the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Bri­tain, and the Duke of Britain in times of war; besides praesidents, receivers, &c. But farther, out of those 29 Legions, which were the constant and standing guard of the Roman Empire,What Le­gions were in Britain. Dio, 55. three of them were garison'd here; namely, the Legio secunda Augusta, the Legio sexta victrix, and the vicesima victrix. But this is to be understood of Severus's time; for before that, we find there were other Legions here, and many more. And although Strabo writes, that oneOrdo. Legion of soldiers was sufficient to command Britain, yet under Claudius the Legio secunda Augusta, the Le­gio 9. of Spain, and the 14th Legion, call'd Gemina Martia victrix, were kept here: nay, even in Vespa­sian's time, Josephus tells us, there were four Legions [Page lxv-lxvi] garison'd in this Island. The words are, Britain is encompassed with the sea, and is not much less than our world. The inhabitants are subject to the Romans, who keep the numerous people of that Island in subjection with four Legions. [...]i [...]ine of Cities. And doubtless these stations and gari­sons of the Legions and Roman soldiers,^a prov'd very often the foundations of Towns and Cities; and that not only in other Provinces, [...]he Ro­ [...]an yoke. but in Britain too. Thus the yoke of subjection was first laid upon the Britains by troops and garisons, which were constantly kept here to the great terror of the Inhabitants; and then by tribute and imposts: upon which account they had their Publicans, that is to say, Cormorants and Leeches, to suck the blood out of them, to confiscate their goods, and exact tributeMortuo [...]um no­ [...]ne. in the name of the dead. They were not permitted so much as to enjoy the laws of their own country, but had their courts and benches fill'd by such Magistrates as the Romans sent them, [...]owardus [...] his Pro­ [...]bunalia with their rods and axes. For the Provin­ces had their Propraetors, Legats, Praesidents, Praetors, and Proconsuls, and each particular City its peculiar Magistrates. The Praetor held a kind of Assize once every year, and then decided all causes of more than ordinary consequence; sitting in great state upon a high Tribunal, with his Lictors round him, bearing rods and axes for the awe and punishment of the peo­ple. This Magistrate was every year to be appointed anew: but that was not all neither; they fomented discord and faction among the people, giving great countenance to such as they could make tools of to enslave others.