An explication of the iudiciall lawes of Moses. Plainely discovering divers of their ancient rites and customes. As in their governours, government, synedrion, punishments, civill accompts, contracts, marriages, warres, and burialls. Also their oeconomicks, (vizt.) their dwellings, feasting, clothing, and husbandrie. Together with two treatises, the one shewing the different estate of the godly and wicked in this life, and in the life to come. The other, declaring how the wicked may be inlightned by the preaching of the gospel, and yet become worse after they be illuminated. All which are cleered out of the originall languages, and doe serue as a speciall helpe for the true understanding of divers difficult texts of scriptures. ... / By Iohn Weemse, of Lathocker in Scotland, preacher of Gods word.

AN EXPLICATION OF THE IVDICIALL LAWES OF MOSES; As they are annexed to the Morall and Ceremoniall Lawes. Of the Iudiciall Lawes in generall.

SALOMON the Preacher, Eccleſ 4. 12. ſaith, that a threefold Cord is not quickly broken. The LORD gaue his people three ſorts of Lawes, as three Cords to binde them, and to keepe them in obedience. The firſtGod gaue his Morall, Iudiciall, and Ceremoniall Law to his people as a threefold Cord. was his morall Law, which was properly called his Law Deut. 6. 1. Secondly, he gaue them his Ceremoniall Lawes, which are called his Statutes and Decrees, Exod. 12. 24. And thirdly, his Iudgements, which were the Iudiciall Lawes, Mal. 4. 4. Deut. 24. 17.

Theſe Iudiciall Lawes were Determinations of theThe Iudiciall Law what. Morall Law.

A Determination is either Iuris divini or Humani; theſe Determinations in Moſes judiciall Lawes are divini Determinatio Iuris divini. Iuris humani. juris; therefore they had greater force to binde the Iewes, than any municipall Law hath to binde the Subjects now, in reſpect they were given by God himſelfe, and theſe Lawes of men which draw neareſt to them in equitie, are moſt perfect; although particularly they cannot be fitted to every Nation, no more than a ſhooe of one meaſure can ſerue for every foote.

The ſecond ſort of Determination is Iuris humani, when men determinate, where there is no expreſſe commandement of God, as concerning circumſtances, time, places, perſons, and ſuch. God commandeth in his law, that they ſhould pay their firſt fruits, but he determineth not how much they ſhould pay of their firſt fruits; then the Prieſts come in with their humane determination, that the moſt ſhall giue no more than one of fiftie, and the leaſt ſhall giue no leſſe than one of ſixtie. When Simile. the Iſraelites were travelling in the Wilderneſſe, they had the Cloud to direct them by day, and the pillar of fire to direct them by night; yet they deſired Iethro to be eyes to them, Num. 10. 31. What neede had they of Iethro to be eyes to them, ſeeing they had the Cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night? Iethro was a guide to them, to ſhew them the particular places and wayes in the Wilderneſſe, as the Cloud and the pillar were their guide to direct them to Canaan. So humane Determinations and Lawes, are but guides in particular circumſtances.

Humane Lawes they command, they forbid, andA compariſon betwixt Humane Lawes and Moſes Iudiciall Lawes. ſometimes they permit, and laſtly they puniſh: ſo yee ſhall ſee all theſe foure in Moſes Iudiciall Law. Firſt, his Iudiciall Lawes doe command, but they command the outward man onely, and here Moſes ſpeaketh to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ignea lex. them but as a Iudge, and they differ from that fierie Law, the morall Law, that ſearcheth and peirceth into the heart, Deut. 33. 2.

Secondly, Humane Lawes doe prohibite and forbid; ſo doe theſe Iudiciall Lawes, and there are moe of them which are Negatiues than Affirmatiues, to ſhew us the perverſe nature of man.

Thirdly, Humane Lawes giue way and permit ſomethingWhy Moſes Iudiciall Lawes permit many things. for the eſchewing of greater evill; ſo doth Moſes Iudiciall Law, Levit. 27. 10. When a man offered a Beaſt vnto the Lord which he had vowed, he might not change a good for a bad, or a bad for a good; this was commanded onely for eſchewing of greater evill; for if it had beene lawfull to change once, a good in place of a bad one, then they would haue come quickly to this, to haue changed a bad for a good: So this Law permitted divorcement for the hardneſſe of the peoples hearts, and for the eſchewing of greater inconvenience, leaſt hard-hearted men ſhould haue killed their wiues.

Fourthly, the puniſhments inflicted by humane lawesThe puniſhments of the Iudiciall Law alterable. are alterable: ſo were the puniſhments in Moſes Iudiciall Law; therefore the Iewes ſay of them, aſcendunt & deſcendunt, which they vnderſtand, not of the greateſt and higheſt tranſgreſſions, but praecepta media, their middle Precepts did forbid. Example, Ex. 22. If a man kept a puſhing Oxe, knowing that he were wont to puſh, if he kill a man, then the Law ordaineth that the man ſhall die, or elſe to redeeme himſelfe with a ſumme of money; here the Law aſcended or deſcended: but if a man had wilfully killed a man, that was praeceptum grave, the puniſhment neither aſcended nor deſcended, but he was to die the death.

The Scripture compareth the morall Law to a priſon, Gal. 3. 22. the Ceremoniall Law to a ſecond Ward, and theſe Iudiciall Lawes to a Iailor, to keepe the tranſgreſſors in cloſe priſon that none of them breake out.

CHAPTER 1. That Kingly Government is the beſt Government. IVDG. 17. 6. In thoſe dayes there was no King in Iſrael, but every man did that which was good in his owne eyes.

IN government there are fiue things to be conſidered; firſt, poteſtas; ſecondly, ordo; thirdly, modus; fourthly, titulus; and fiftly, vſus.

Firſt, there muſt be a power to exerciſe government;Fiue things in Government. ſecondly, order, that ſome command and ſome obey, ſome to be ſuperiors and ſome to be inferiors; thirdly, the manner, whether the governement be Monarchicall by one, or Ariſtocraticall by moe; fourthly, the title whether it be by Succeſſion, or Election; and laſt the vſe, how they exerciſe this Authoritie.

That there ſhould be a power and order in Government,What things eſſentiall and what accidentall in Government. theſe two are eſſentiall in all Governments, no Government can ſtand without theſe two; but the manner, whether it be by one or by moe; and the title, whether it be by Succeſſion or Election; and the vſe, whether they governe well or not; theſe three are but accidentall in Government.

Of theſe two ſorts of Government Monarchicall isMonarchicall the beſt Government. the beſt.

Levi ben Gerſon vpon the 1 Sam. 8. holdeth that AriſtocraticallTheir reaſons who hold Ariſtocraticall Government to be the beſt. Government is beſt, and to be preferred to Kingly Government; learne, ſaith he, what hath befallen us under the hand of Kings; David cauſed the plague to come upon the people. 2 Sam. 24. 15. Ahab reſtrained the raine for three yeeres. 1 King. 17. and Zedekiah cauſed the Sanctuary to be burnt, 2 Chro. 36. 14. and the Iewes apply that ſaying of Hoſ • a, I gaue them a King in mine anger, and tooke him away in my wrath. Hoſ. 13. 11. That is, I gaue them their firſt King Saul in mine anger, and I tooke away their laſt King Zedekiah in my indignation. But the Iewes diſtinguiſh not well here betwixtWee muſt diſtinguiſh betwixt the parts of a Kings perſon, and the faults of the Office. the faults of a Kings perſon, & the calling it ſelfe; good Kings did many excellent things amongſt them; for David a man according to Gods owne heart, fought the battels of the Lord, 1 Sam. 25. 28. appointed the orderKings haue beene the Inſtruments of much good. of the Prieſts, and Levites, and Singers, 1 Chro. 24. and 25. He made many Pſalmes to the prayſe of God. And Salomon who ſucceeded him, built the Temple, wrote many excellent Proverbs and Parables, 1 King. 4. 32. And kept peace in Iſrael, that every man might dwell ſafely vnder his owne Vine-tree, and vnder his Figgetree, 1 King. 4. 25.

Now that Monarchicall Government is the beſt government,Reaſons prooving Monarchicall government to be the beſt. it is proved thus.

Kingly or Monarchicall Government reſembleth Gods government moſt, Reaſon 1 which is Monarchicall; ſo it reſembleth Chriſts government moſt in the Church.

Kingly government is the fitteſt government to repreſſe Reaſon 2 ſinne; for when there was no King in Iſrael, every man did that which he pleaſed; Micah ſet up an Idol.Kingly government fitteſt to repreſſe ſinne. Iudg. 18. and they defiled the Levites Concubine, becauſe there was no King in Iſrael. By King, here is not meant any other ſort of government, but Kingly government, as is evident, Iudg. 18. 17. There was no Magiſtrate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 haeres interdicti a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hereditare, vel poſsidens regnum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 poſsi • ere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 regnum. then, but in the originall it is, there was no heire of reſtraint then to put them to ſhame, Ioreſh gnetzer, which may be interpreted either haeres interdicti, or poſsidens regnum, there was none to poſſeſſe the Kingdome, or there was not an heire of reſtraint. Here two things are to be obſerved; firſt, that that is the beſt governement which reſtraineth ſinne moſt; ſecondly, that that government which is by an heire of reſtraint, is fitteſt to repreſſe ſinne; but the governement Monarchicall is ſuch, and not Ariſtocraticall, for it commeth not per haeredem, but onely by Election. Obſerue what GOD himſelfe ſaith to his people, Deut. 17. 20. that he may prolong his dayes in his Kingdome, he and his children in the midſt of Iſrael. Here the Kingdome goeth by ſucceſſion, and not by election; here was an heire of reſtraint to repreſſe ſinne.

It is objected, if Government be hereditary, then Object. wicked Cambyſes will ſucceed to good Cyrus.

So in Kingly government, good Hezekiah ſucceeded Anſw. to Idolatrous Ahaz, and if we receiue good at the hands of God, why ſhould we not receiue evill alſo, Iob 2. 10?

Thirdly, they alledge Ioſephus teſtimony, Object. of the Iewes dealing with Pompey to change their Government,Lib. 4. Antiq. 5. and that they would be no longer under Kings; and ſo they bring Lactantius citing Seneca, ſpeaking of the Common-wealthLactantius lib. 17 c▪ 15. of Rome▪ Pueritiam ſub caeteris regibus egiſſe, ait, a quibus auctam & diſciplinis plurimis inſtitutiſ que formatam; at verò Tarquinio regnante, cum jam quaſi adulta eſſe caepiſſet, ſervitium non tuliſſe; & ſuperbo jugo dominationis rejecto, maluiſſe legibus obtemperare quàm regibus.

When the Iewes wiſhed that Pompey Anſw. might change the government,The Romanes finde fault with the perſon of their King, and not with his Office. they wiſhed onely, that they might be more gently vſed; they blamed the perſons, and not the government ſimply; and ſo the Romanes were weary of Tarquinius government, but they were not weary of Kingly government, as long as their Kings ruled them well.

Their Deduction then ſeemeth not to haue a good ground, who ſimply doe preferre Ariſtocracie to Monarchie; firſt, they ſay Moſes was extraordinarily called, and Ioſhua ſucceeded him; and after that, the government of the Synedrion or Seventie was ſetled amongſt them, whoſe government was Ariſtocraticall, Nomb. 11. The Iudges were ſet up but for a time over them, and they were rayſed up extraordinarily; and then the government was ſtill the Lords, as wee ſee in the example of Gideon, Iudg. 8. and of Iephthe, Iudg. 9. And after, that the Iudges had ruled & governed them, then came Saul, whoſe government aroſe from the diſcontentment of the people, but they ſay it continued in the houſe of David eſpecially, becauſe he was a type of Chriſt; but ſimply they ſay, that God liked Ariſtocracie beſt.

But ſeeing the Lord was minded to giue the people of the Iewes a King, and telleth them what King he wouldGod was minded to giue the Iewes a King. chooſe, Deut. 17. How liked he Ariſtocracie beſt? and he liketh that government here. Iudg. 18. 17. which is by the heire of reſtraint or the heire of the Kingdome.

The Concluſion of this is, let us be thankfull to God Concluſion. for our gracious Kings Government, and that there is now an heire of reſtraint, to put wicked men to ſhame, and to curbe the ſonnes of Belial.

CHAPTER II. An Explication of Iothams Apologue. IVDG. 9. 8. The trees went out on a time to anoint a King over them, &c

THe Holy Ghoſt teacheth us in the Scriptures by Similitudes,God teaches us by Similitudes, Parables, and Apologues. Parables, and Apologues; and as a cunning Painter, the more vive that his Colours are drawn in the purtraiture to expreſſe the image, wee commend Simile. him the more; but when wee ſee an Image made by ſome Archimedes, that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , to mooue it ſelfe, nod with the head, and roll the eyes, we commend that much more; So all the compariſons and ſimilitudes in the Scripture, are laid out as it were in vive Collours to us. But there are two Apologues brought in in theTwo Apologues onely found in the Scriptures. Scriptures, this of the trees Iudg. 9. and that 2 King. 14. 9. how the Thiſtle of Lebanon propounded mariage to the Cedar in Lebanon, where the trees are brought in walking and ſpeaking, which affect the mind more than plaine Similitudes; and in theſe we muſt not ſo much looke to the Letter, as to that which they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the thing ſignified by the Apologue.

Iotham bringeth in here the trees anointing a King,All the trees refuſe the Government. and they make choiſe of three moſt excellent trees; the Oliue, the Figge, and the Vine-tree, and they all refuſed, and then they make choiſe of the Bramble. TheThe trees deſcribed by their properties. three excellent trees which refuſe the government, the Oliue, the Figge, and the Vine-tree, are deſcribed by three properties; the Oliue for his fatneſſe, the Figge-tree for its ſweetneſſe, and the Vine-tree becauſe it cheared God and man: The Oliue Iudg. 9. 9. ſaith, ſhould I lea • e my fatneſſe, wherewith by me they honour God & man; in the Hebrew it is Hehhadalti, as if it ſhould ſay, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ex hiphil & hophal compoſitum, ſenſus eſt, veſtriſ • e verbis perſuaſa ita miſſam facere pinguedinem m • am, juxta hiphil, & • a ipſa quo que priver & deficiar juxta hophal, nihil que amplius h • b •• m in me commendabile. The trees ſerue for a naturall, civill, and religious uſe. will yee perſwade me with your faire words to l • aue my fatneſſe, that I ſhould be altogether deprived of it, ſo that I haue nothing left in me worthy of commendation.

And if we will compare theſe three trees together, we muſt conſider them firſt as they ſerue for naturall uſes; ſecondly, as they ſerue for civill uſes; and thirdly, for religious uſes; and then we ſhall ſee the excellency of theſe trees.

Firſt, in their naturall uſe; conſider the wood of the Oliue how farre it excelleth the wood of the Fig-tree,The wood of the Oliue tree excelleth the reſt. or the Vine-tree; The Cherubims were made of the Oliue tree, 1 King. 6. 23. which was a wood both of indurance fit to be carved or cut, better than the Algum or Almug trees which Hiram ſent to Salomon, 1 King. 10. 11. and it was better than the Cedar of Lebanon; the wood of the Fig-tree was but a baſe ſort of wood, but the Vine-tree is the baſeſt of of all, Ezek. 15. 2. 3. will a man take a pinne of it to hinge any veſſell, it ſerveth for no vſe if it be not fruitfull; it is like the ſalt, if it looſe the ſavour, it is good for nothing, Mat. 5. 13.

Secondly, conſider the fruit of theſe trees; the Vine isTheir uſe in naturall things. uvifera, the Oliue is baccifera, and the Figge-tree is pomifera, and they ſerue for moſt excellent uſes in nature; the Wine ſerveth to cheare the heart of man, Pſal. 104. 15. and Pro. 31. 16. giue Wine to him that is of a ſad heart, ſo the Oyle maketh the face to ſhine, Pſal. 104. 15. and it is good for the anointing of the body. A Romane being asked how it came to paſſe that he lived ſo long? he ſaid intus melle, & foris ol • o: it is fit for the anointing of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui ungebat, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui unctus fuit, ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ungo. body: therefore thoſe who wreſtled of old were called Aliptae.

Secondly, they haue good uſe in curing of wounds, the Samaritane powred Wine and Oyle in the mans wounds, Luk. 10. 34. and the Figge is good to mature a boyle; the Lord commanded to lay a lump of Figges to Hezekias boyle, Eſay. 36.

For civill uſes, the Oyle excelleth the Wine and the unguentum militare. conv • vale. funebre. Figge, for by me they honour man, Iudg. 9. 9. There is Vnguentum militare, wherewith their Kings were anointed to goe out as their Captaines before them to the Battell; ſo David was anointed amongſt the midſt of his brethren to be their Captaine and King, 1 Sam. 16. 13. Secondly, there was Vnguentum convivale, Eccleſ. 9. 8. Let not Oyle be wanting to thy head, and let thy clothes be white. And thirdly, was Vnguentum funebre, as that box of Oyntment which was powred vpon Chriſts head, Math. 26. 12.

Now let us conſider them in their ſpirituall uſes, asThe ſpirituall uſe of theſe trees. they ſerved for the worſhip of God; vnder the old Teſtaments the Wine and the Oyle were uſed in their Sacrifices, the Oyle in their Meat-offering and the Wine in their Drinke-offering; ſo in anoynting their High Prieſts; but the Figge had no uſe in their Ceremoniall worſhip; but in his worſhip under the Goſpel the Wine goeth before the Figge or the Oliue, for it is the ſigne of our Lords bloud in the Sacrament.

The Oliue, the Vine, and the Figge tree, fitly repreſentTheſe trees fitly repreſent a good King. a good King; the Oliue for his fatneſſe to cure and heale their wounds, Eſa. 3. 7. Non ero Hhobhes, I will not be a healer. The Seventie tranſlateth it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ligator vulnerum; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ligator vulnerum. it is the part of a good Prince to powre Oyle in the wounds of his wounded Subjects. Secondly, the Figge tree for his ſweetneſſe repreſenteth a good King. 1 King. 12. 7. If thou wilt be a ſervant unto this people, and ſerue them this day, then they will ſerue thee for ever. So David ſpake mildly and ſweetly to the people, 1 Chron. 28. 2. Heare me my brethren and my people. Thirdly, the Vine-tree repreſenteth a good King; the Wine gladdeth the heart, ſo the light of the Kings countenance is life, and his favour is a cloud of the latter raine, Prov. 16. 15.

When theſe trees which were excellent for their fruitThree refuſed the Government, Debora, Gideon, and Iephthe. had refuſed the Government, then they made choiſe of the Bramble for their King; the Bramble repreſented a bad King. Firſt, the Bramble bringeth forth no fruit; Secondly, the Bramble hath no ſhadow to ſhadow theThe many evils which the Bramble brought with it. reſt; thirdly, Rhamnus the Bramble is full of prickles, whatſoever it toucheth it holdeth faſt, and it maketh bloud to follow; it was with this ſort of thorne wherewith Chriſt was crowned; the Italians call it Spina ſancta: Fourthly, the fire came from the Bramble and did not onely burne the ſhrubs of the field, but alſo the Cedars which were tall, which might haue ſeemed to be exempted▪ from this tyrannie.

The Perſians ſaid of Cyrus their King, that he was their Father, and Darius their King was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a Vintner 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . who ſold them, but Cambyſes their King was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 their Lord who hardly ruled over them.

The concluſion of this is, a good King is much to be Concluſion. honoured for the great good he doth to his Subjects: Firſt, he is the head of the people, and as all the members of the body will hazard themſelues for the ſafetie of the head, ſo ſhould the ſubjects for the ſafety of their Prince. Secondly, he is the Shepheard, and the Subjects are his flocke, but who feedeth a flocke and eateth not of the milke, 1 Cor. 9. 7. Thirdly, he is the husband and his Subjects are his wife, and therefore ſhe is called a widow when ſhe wanteth her King, Lament. 1. 1. What great lamentation doth a widow make when ſhe wants her loving huſband Ioſias, then ſhe poured her liver out vpon the ground, her eyes failed with teares, and her bowels were troubled, Lament. 2. 11. Laſt, the Prince is the ſoule and the Subjects are the bodie, and the body ſhould doe all things for the good of the ſoule; he is the breath of our noſtrils, Lament. 4. 12. We ſee how many obligations the Subjects owe to their King.

CHAPTER III. Why was God angry with them for chooſing of a King. 1 SAM. 8. 7. And the Lord ſaid unto Samuel hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they ſay unto thee, for they haue not reiected thee, but they haue reiected me that I ſhould not reigne over them.

KIngly Government being the beſt Government,God was not angry ſimply with the Iewes for chooſing of a King, but becauſe they prevented the time. why was the LORD then angry with the Iewes for chooſing of a King?

He was not angry with them ſimply for deſiring and chooſing a King, but for the manner of their choiſe; for God was minded to haue given them a King, but they would not ſtay the Lords leaſure, but anticipated the time; therefore the Iewes ſay of them, comederunt immaturam uvam, the grape was not ripe enough as yet; wee may ſee that God was minded to haue given them a King, Deut. 17. becauſe he telleth them what ſort of King they ſhould chooſe, and what he ſhould doe; and they ſay, that he gaue them three things in commandementThree things given in commandement to the Iewes when they entered into Canaan. when they entered into Canaan; firſt, to chooſe a King; ſecondly, to roote out the Canaanites; and thirdly, to build a Temple for his worſhip: God was angry with them that they ſought a King ſo long as good Samuel ruled over them; he was angry with them becauſe they would haue a King to reigne over them after the manner of the Nations, Deut. 17. 14. I will ſet a King over me like all the Nations round about me, but thou ſhalt ſet them over thee whom the Lord thy God will chooſe: If they had ſaid to Samuel, giue one to reigne over us after thy death, becauſe thy children are corrupt, 1 Sam. 8. 3. or giue us one who may governe us in equitie; this had beene no offence to God: but ſimply to deſire a King like the Kings of the Nations, this was their ſinne, and herein they rejected not Samuel, but God himſelfe, 1 Sam. 8. 7.

How was God rejected when they choſe a King, Queſt. ſeeing Kings reigne by him, Prov. 8. and the Kings throne is Gods throne, 1 Chro. 29. 23. & 1 King. 2. 15.

The Lord did reigne over them in both theſe ſorts of Anſw. Government, but when the Iudges commanded and ruled them, they had not ſuch an abſolute GovernmentThe Iudges had not ſuch abſolute government over the people as the Kings had. as when the Kings reigned over them; the Iudges might make no Lawes, nor take tribute of the people as the Kings might doe; therefore the Lords immediate Government did more appeare when the Iudges ruled them, Iudg. 8. 23. I will not rule over you, neither ſhall my ſonne rule over you, the Lord ſhall rule over you. And when they rejected Samuel here they ſaid in effect, as the Iewes ſaid when they diſclaimed Chriſt, We will haue no King to reigne over us but Caeſar, Ioh. 19. 15. When the IudgesGods power did more appeare when the Iudges ruled, but his goodneſſe and mercie appeared more when the Kings ruled. ruled over them then Gods power did more appeare helping them by weake meanes; but when the Kings reigned over them, then Gods wiſedome and his goodneſſe did more appeare in ſetling a government amongſt them, and making their Kings types of Chriſt. And as in Gods miracles his power did more appeare, but in his ordinary courſe working by nature his wiſedome and goodneſſe appeared more; ſo in theſe two formes of Government, his power did appeare more when the Iudges ruled over them; but in ſetling the Kingly government amongſt them, his goodneſſe and his wiſedome did more appeare.

The concluſion of this is, happie is that Kingdome Concluſion. when the King reigneth a me, per me, & propter me: a me when he is ſent by the Lord; per me, when he is ſuſtained and upholden by the Lord; and propter me, when he ſerues to glorifie God in his Kingdome.

CHAPTER IIII. What Samuel meaneth by Miſhpat Hammelech. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 1 SAM. 8. 11. And he ſaid this will be the manner of the King that ſhall raigne over you, &c.

KIMCHI ſaith whatſoever is ſet downe in this Text, it is lawfull for the King to doe it, and therefore he interpreteth Miſhpat Melech 1 Sam. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lex Regis. 8. 8. This ſhall be the Law of the King, or this is the thing which the King may doe by the Law; the Chaldie Paraphraſt paraphraſeth it Nimuſa, a Law.

Maymone expoundeth the words in this wiſe, he ſhall 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lex, chaldaicè. take your Beaſts at the Kings price, and your Oliues and your Vines for to maintaine his ſervants in theRambamfilius Maymone. Warres; and he ſaith in neceſsitate omnia pertinent ad jus regis, ſed extra neceſsitatem non pertinent: But this is not the meaning of the place.

The Lord is deſcribing here to them, that King which Samuel deſcribeth a tyrant, and not what a King may lawfully doe. he is to giue to them in his wrath, and not what a lawfull King may doe; and Miſhpat here ſignifieth not a Law, but the manner and cuſtome of him who ſhould doe ſuch things, as 1 Sam. 2. 13. And the Prieſts [Miſhpat] cuſtome was with the people to take the fleſh of the ſacrifice that did not belong to him. Here it cannot be tranſlated, it was the Prieſts Law, for it had beene ſacrilegious theft in the Prieſt to haue taken any part of the ſacrifice, but that which was due to him. So this ſhould be the [Miſhpat] or cuſtome of this King whom God ſent in his wrath, that he ſhould take any thing which he pleaſed from them, although it had not beene for neceſſary uſes; but 1 Sam. 10. 25. the word Miſhpat is taken in another 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lex Regni. ſenſe, then Samuel told the people [Miſhpat Hammelocha] the law of the Kingdome, and laid it up before the Arke. Here Miſhpat is taken in another ſenſe, how the King ſhould rule the Countrey, and this Booke Samuel laid up before the Arke; but this Miſhpat was not laid up before the Arke, but was ſet downe as a puniſhment for that people.

Now that this King which Samuel deſcribeth unto them (whom God ſent in his wrath) might not doeReaſons prooving that he was not a lawfull King, who is deſcribed here. theſe things to his Subjects by lawfull authoritie, the reaſons are theſe.

Firſt, God gaue them this King in his anger, and tooke Reaſon 1 him away in his wrath, Hoſ. 13. 11. Which cannot be ſaid of any King in whom there is but the leaſt ſparkle of goodneſſe.

Secondly, He will take your [Cerem] not onely your Reaſon 2 Vines, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but alſo your Vineyards, as Ahab tooke Naboths Vineyard; whereas David bought from Arauna the Iebuſite the ground to build the Temple on.

Thirdly, He will take their tithes; either he will take Reaſon 3 theſe tithes from the Prieſts, and that had beene ſacriledge; or elſe he will tithe the people over againe, and that had beene too hard a burden for them.

Fourthly, He will make your young men ſlaues, Reaſon 4 and your young women drudges;The Kings of Iſrael made no free men ſlaues. but the good Kings of Iſrael never did ſo, they ſet not the Iſraelites to any ſervile worke, 2 Chron. 2. 17. And Salomon ſet the Iſraelites to be overſeers over the worke of the Temple, but he ſet Strangers to doe the ſervile workes.

When the Holy Ghoſt deſcribeth a good King, he calleth him Nadibh: and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the New Teſtament, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Bountifull Lord, Luk. 22.

In what Kings Queſt. were theſe puniſhments accompliſhed?

The Iewes hold that they were not all accompliſhed in one King, Anſw. ſome of them were accompliſhed in Rehoboam, 1 King. 12. 16. ſome of them in Ahab, 1 King. 21. and ſome in Omri, Micah 6. 16.

The Concluſion of this is, a good King ſeeketh not Concluſion. theirs but them, therefore good ſubjects ſhould anſwer as an Echo, We and ours are thine; and the good King or Nadibb will anſwere, I and mine ſhall be ever for you my 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Princeps, à manificentia at liberalitate ſic dictus. people. When the Maſter ſendeth his ſervant away with his reward, and the ſervant doth his dutie faithfully, then it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Mat. 20. 2.

CHAPTER V. A Difference betwixt the Election of Saul, and the Election of David. 1 SAM. 13. 14. The Lord hath ſought him a man after his owne heart.

FIrſt Saul was choſen but out of the tribe of Benjamin, but David out of the tribe of Iuda; and the Kingdome was intailed to him and his poſteritie, but not to the poſteritie of Saul. In Chriſts genealogie none is called a King but David onely.

Secondly, Saul was choſen by lot, but David more Saul was choſen by lot, David immediately. immediately by God; and even as Matthias when he was choſen by lot, his calling was not ſo ſolemne as Pauls was: ſo neither was the calling of Saul ſo ſolemne as was the calling of David, Non tam miſit Deus Saulum quàm permiſit populo.

Thirdly, when he ſpeaketh of David, he ſaith 1 Sam. 13. 14. Quaeſivi, Bikkeſh eſt diligenter inquirere, Cant. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 diligenter inquirere. Exod. 4. 19. 2 Sam. 22. 33. And he was as glad in finding of him, as the Widow was when ſhee found her groat, who called in her neighbours to rejoyce with her when ſhe had found it, Luk. 16. 9.

Fourthly, Quaeſivi mihi, eſt dativus Commodi. Zach. 9.Mihi eſt datirus commodi, id eſt, in commodum meum. 9. Behold thy King commeth unto thee; that is, for thy profit and benefit. So David was the King that would ſerue for the Lords glory.

Fiftly, he choſe David according to his owne heart, this was verbum amoris; and there was great ſimilitude betwixt Davids heart, and Gods owne heart. The Iewes obſerue concerning David, that when he had ſinned in numbring of the people, God ſaid to the Prophet, Goe tell David, 2 Sam. 24. 12. 1 Chron. 21. 10. Giving himHow the Lord calleth David his ſervant. no other title but David; as Kimchi marketh upon that place; but when he had a purpoſe to build a houſe for the Lord, then he ſaid Goe tell my ſervant David, 2 Sam. 7. 5. 1 Chron. 17. 4. Shewing what account he maketh of ſuch, and how acceptable men are to him, when they ſeeke his glory, and the good of his Church. So when the people had committed Idolatry, the Lord calleth them Moſes people, Goe get thee downe, for thy people Why God called the Iſraelites Moſes people. which thou broughtſt out of Aegypt, haue corrupted themſelues, Exod. 32. 7. He calleth them not my people, becauſe they were blotted with ſuch a blot as was not to be found in his children, Deut. 32. 5. Now becauſe David was a King fit for Gods worſhip, ſee how friendly he ſpeakes of him, I haue ſought to me a man; that is, an excellent man.

Sixtly, according to my heart; I made not choiſe ofGod choſe not David for his ſtature. him for his comely ſtature, as the people made choiſe of Saul, but I choſe him becauſe he was a man according to mine owne heart.

The Concluſion of this is, 1 Sam. 16. 7. a man judgeth Concluſion. according to his eyes, but the Lord looketh to the heart; the Carntos hab • re oc • los quid. Lord hath not eyes of fleſh, Iob 10. 4. That is, he looketh not to outward qualities as men doe; but his eyes peirce into the heart; and he made choiſe of David, becauſe he ſaw his heart was upright. The heart of the Prince is the object of the eye of God.

CHAPTER VI. Of the anoynting of their Kings, and whether the Kings and Prieſts were anoynted with theſame Oyle or not. PSAL. 89. 27. I haue found David my ſervant, with my holy Oyle haue I anointed him.

ALthough the anointing of the Kings and PrieſtsHow the anointing of the Kings and Prieſts pertaineth to the Iudiciall Law. was a thing ceremoniall under the Law, yet thus farre it falleth under the Iudiciall Law: firſt, what Kings and their ſonnes ſucceeding them were anointed; ſecondly, whether the Prieſts and the Kings were anointed with the ſame Oyle or not.

There were three ſorts of perſons anointed under the Law, Kings, Prieſts, and Prophets.

All the Prieſts were anointed at the firſt, both theAll the Prieſts at the firſt were anointed. high Prieſts and the inferior Prieſts, Levit. 8. but afterwards onely the high Prieſt was anointed and his ſonnes after him, Levit. 6. 21. & 21. 10. & 16. 32. therefore he was called the anointed of the Lord.

The Prieſt when he was anointed, firſt, he was anointedHow the Prieſt was anointed. with Oyle, ſecondly, ſprinkled with bloud, and thirdly, with bloud and oyle, Levit. 8. The firſt was upon his head, the ſecond upon his fleſh, and the third upon his garments.

So the King was anointed, but the Kings ſonne wasWhat Kings were anointed. not anointed, if his father was anointed before him; one anointing ſerved for both, becauſe the Kingdome is the Kings inheritance for ever, Deut. 17. 20. But if there had beene a ſedition, they did anoint him, to pacifie the people, and ſettle the ſedition, and to make knowne who was the right King; as Salomon was anointed, becauſe Maymone in his Treatiſe of the Implements of the Sanctuary, cap. 1. ſect. 4. of the ſedition of Adonijah, 1 King. 1. and Ioaſh becauſe of Athalia, 2 King. 11. and Ioahaz becauſe of his brother Iehojakim, 2 King. 23. 30.

Whether were the Kings and Prieſts anointed with Queſt. the ſame Oyle or not?

There were foure Kings anointed at the firſt with common Oyle, called the Oyle of Balſom; but not with holy Oyle. Firſt, Saul was anointed with this commonFoure Kings anointed both with cōmon oyle, and with the holy cyle. Oyle when Samuel firſt anointed him, this was done in Rama, where neither the Sanctuary nor holy Oyle were; ſecondly, he who was anointed with this common oyle was David by Samuel at Bethlehem; thirdly, Haſael and Iehu by one of the children of the Prophets, 2 King. 9. 1. And the Iewes ſay, that thoſe who were anointed by the Prophets, were anointed with common Oyle; but thoſe who were anointed by the high Prieſt were anointed with holy Oyle.

But Saul when he was made King over Iſrael at Mizpeh, was anointed with the holy oyle by the high Prieſt, and David was anointed with the holy Oyle at Hebron and at Ieruſalem; when they were anointed before by the Prophets, it was but a preparation to this holy Oyle.

The Church of Rome holdeth that the King and theBecanus de jure regio. Prieſt were not anointed with the ſame Oyle, that they may advance the Pope aboue Princes: their reaſon is this;

None that had the holy Oyle upon his head might Object. lament for the dead. Levit. 21. 10. But the King might lament for the dead; therefore he was not anointed with the ſame Oyle wherewith the high Prieſt was anointed: they proue that the King might lament for the dead, as David did for Abſolom, 2 Sam. 18. 33. ſo for Abner, 2 Sam. 3. 21.

Although the King and the Prieſt were both anointed Anſw. with the ſame oyle, yet the Prieſt is forbidden eſpecially to lament for the dead, becauſe he was a more vive type of Chriſt than the King was; and concerning Davids mourning after the Beere; R: Iudah anſwereth,Why the high Prieſt might not mourne for the dead. that David did this to purge himſelfe, that he was not guiltie of the bloud of Abner: and the Text ſaith, that the people and all Iſrael underſtood that day, that it was not Why David mourned for Abſolon and Abner. of the King to ſlay Abner the ſonne of Ner, 2 Sam. 3. 27. The ceremony gaue place here to the neceſſitie, he mourned that he might take the ſuſpition out of the hearts of the people: and for his mourning for Abſolom, his paſſion miſcarried him.

Now the reaſons proving that they were both anointed with the ſame ſort of Oyle are theſe.

Firſt, the Oyle wherewith the Kings were anointed, Reaſon 1 is called the holy Oyle: with mine holy Oyle haue I anointed him, Pſal. 89. 27.

Secondly, theſe are the two Oliue branches that ſtood Reaſon 2 before the Lord, Zach. 4. 11. The Chaldie Paraphraſt paraphraſeth it thus; thoſe are Zerubbabel and Ioſhua, the Prince of the people, and the high Prieſt; becauſe they were both anointed with the ſame ſort of Oyle.

But there was none of this ſort of Oyle in the ſecond Object. Temple, therefore the high Prieſt in the ſecond Temple was not called Vnctus Iehovae, but vir multarum veſtium; he was diſtinguiſhed then from the reſt of the Prieſts by the ſeverall Ornaments which he wore, but not by his anointing.

Although there was no materiall oyle in the ſecond Temple, wherewith they anointed the King and Prieſt, yet the ſpirituall anointing was figured here, by the compariſon taken from the anointing in the Temple. So Nehem. 7. 65. there was neither Vrim nor Thummim in the ſecond Temple, yet by the forme in the firſt Temple he expreſſeth what Prieſts ſhall be in the ſecond Temple.

Thirdly, the King was in dignitie aboue the high Reaſon 3 Prieſt, but onely when the Prieſt asked counſell at the Lord for him, the high Prieſt ſtood when the King ſate in the houſe of the Lord, 2 Sam. 7. 18. Is it probable then that he was anointed with an inferiour ſort of oyle to that wherewith the Prieſt was anointed?

A compariſon betwixt Davids anointing and Chriſt, David thrice anointed, ſo was Chriſt. David was thrice anointed; firſt, in Bethlehem ſecretly by Samuel; ſecondly, at Hebron; and thirdly, at Ieruſalem: ſo Ieſus Chriſt was anointed in the wombe of the Virgin; ſecondly, this anointing manifeſted it ſelfe more when he taught at Nazaret, Luk. 4. 13. 14. ſee Act. 7. 37. 38. And this anointing was fully manifeſted in his reſurrection, Pſal. 45.

David was anointed a King, but he was not an anointed Prophet to attend upon that calling onely, as Eſay and Ieremiah; but Chriſt was anointed both King and Prophet: Melchizedeck was a King and a Prieſt, but he was not a King, Prieſt, and Prophe • , as Chriſt was.None anointed King, Prieſt, and Prophet, but Ieſus Chriſt. Samuel was a Prieſt and a Prophet; but he was not a King, Prieſt, and Prophet, as Chriſt was. There was never any anointed King, Prieſt, & Prophet, but Chriſt onely, and we are made in him regale ſacerdotium, 1 Pet. 1. 9. a royall Prieſthood.

It may be asked ſeeing all the children of God are Queſt. called Meſichim, or Chriſts, whether is this Chriſts proper name, or is it an appellatiue name?

It is but his appellatiue name, and Ieſus is his proper Anſw. name, but yet by way of excellencie, it is appropriate to Chriſt; all Chriſtians are Meſichim, but Chriſt is Hameſhiah, that anointed of the Lord, Luk. 2. 26. He is not ſo much called the anointed in concreto, as the oyle in abſtracto, Eſay 10. I will take away the yoke for the Oyles Chriſt called the oyle. ſake, that is, for the anointeds ſake Ieſus Chriſt.

The Pope claimeth to be aboue Kings in his anointing, Concluſion. in ſtate, and worldly dignitie; therefore this ſheweth him to be that man of ſinne, who exalteth himſelfe aboue all that are called gods, 2 Theſſ. 2. 4. that is, aboue all Princes and Kings.

CHAPTER VII. How the Kings of Iudah and Iſrael, brake this Commandement in multiplying riches. DEVT. 17. 17. Neither ſhall he greatly multiply to himſelfe ſilver and gold, &c.

ITis lawfull for Kings to multiplie riches by lawfull meanes; firſt, of their owne proper inheritance,How the Kings of Iuda and Iſrael might multiplie riches. 1 Chron. 29. 3. this the Hebrewes call Segulla, I haue of my owne proper good. Secondly, the King may multiply his riches by husbandry, as Vzzia did, 2 Chron. 26 10. So by tributes and gifts given unto him by other Nations, 2 Chron. 17. 5. in token of their homage and ſubjection. So with things purchaſed by lawfull warre from captiues, 2 Sam. 8. 10. and 1 Chro. 18. 22. 2 Chro. 15. 7. So for the ſafetie of his Country, and for the good of his Subjects, he may require tributes and taxations from the people, and more than ordinary Subſidies, which all turnes to their good: for as the vapours which are drawne up to the Clouds, are not reſerved there, but are ſent downe to the earth againe to water it, and to make it fruitfull; ſo the Subſidies which the King exacteth from the people this wayes, come backe againe to their uſe, to keepe and to defend them.

David had great riches, and he got his riches threeHow David came by his riches. wayes: firſt by his tributes; ſecondly, by the ſpoyle of his enemies; for he fought twentie battels, and got all the ſpoyle from the enemies; and thirdly, he had argentum capitationis, the pole-money of all the people; and all this he laid up for the building of the Temple of the Lord; therefore he ſaith 1 Chro. 22. 14. Now behold [Begnaneij] in my povertie or affliction, I haue prepared for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in afflictione mea. the houſe of the Lord an hundreth thouſand talents of gold, &c. Why calleth he it, his povertie? becauſe he had nothing but that which he had from the Lord, 1 Chron. 29. 16. And therefore he would returne it backe againe for the building of a houſe to him: here David multiplied ſilver, but not contrary to the law. So Salomon Salomon how he came by his riches. exceeded all the Princes of the earth in riches, his Dominion was from the river of Egypt to Euphrates; and from Libanus Northward, to the Mediterran Sea, all thoſe were tributaries to him; the Queene of Sheba brought out of Arabia Faelix much ſpices to him, 1 King. 10. And he had three Navies that came home every third yeere with gold and pretious ſtones; and the whole twelue tribes payd tribute to him: he did not here contrary to the law, that the King ſhould not multiplie riches, but that bleſſing was then fulfilled in him which was made to Abraham, that his ſeede ſhould poſſeſſe, from the river of Egypt to Euphrates.

The Law ſaith, Deut. 17. 17. Non multiplicabit ſibi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 valde [lo jarbe lo meod,] in 2 Chron. 32. 27. it is ſaid of Hezekias that he had exceeding much riches: [Harbe meod,] the very ſame words which are in the interdiction, did Hezekias gather his riches contrary to the law here? Not; the meaning of the law then is this, that a King ſhould not multiplie gold and ſilver, to put his confidence in them, or for unneceſſary uſes; and it ſeemeth that Salomon brake not this law untill the Temple was built, the Citie enlarged, and the warres ended; then for him in his old age to lay ſuch heavie tributes and taxations upon the people, was to multiplie riches unto a wrong end: when Salomon gaue gold and ſilver at Ieruſalem as plenteous as ſtones, 2 Chro. 1. 15. This was lawfull to giue to his Subjects, but Eccleſ. 2. 8. he ſayes, I gathered me alſo ſilver and gold, when he gathered it onely to ſatisfie his covetous deſire, and not for neceſſary uſes, that was the tranſgreſſion of the Law.

The next part of the interdiction was this, that he ſhould not multiplie horſes to himſelfe.

The end of this interdiction was firſt, to take away all commerce and dealing with the Egyptians; for having commerce with the Egyptians, & bringing horſes from thence, they were in danger to be infected with Idolatry. Secondly, he forbad them to multiply horſes, leaſtWhy God forbad them to multiplie. they ſhould truſt in them, Pſal. 20. 7. Some truſt in Chariots, and ſome in Horſes, but we will remember the name of the Lord our God. He forbad to multiply horſes to truſt in them, therefore the Lord commandeth Ioſhua 11. 6. Thou ſhalt hough their horſes, [Tegnakker Suſehen] ſubner 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Subnervahis equos. equos, thou ſhalt not kill them, but cut the maſt • rſinew, and make them unfit for any ſervice and warre hereafter, that they might doe no ſervice againſt the people of God afterwards: they might take Camels Ioſhua why commanded to hough the horſes. and Aſſes in the Battell, Numb. 31. 11. and ſuch bcaſts as were not fit for the warres, and if at any time they reſerved any of the Horſes, it was but a ſmall number: ſo we ſee 2 Sam. 8. 4. that David of a thouſand Chariots and ſeaven hundreth horſemen which he tooke in the warres, reſerved onely horſes for an hundreth Chariots; but he houghed all the reſt of the Chariot horſes, he left them ſo, that they might ſerue for other uſes, but not for the warres, and he reſerved here but the tenth part of them; Salomon at the firſt was commended for the multitude of his horſes, becauſe he kept them for the defence of the Countrey; but the Law forbiddethWhen horſes and ſilver may be multiplied. to keepe them for unneceſſary uſes, for oſtentation, or for truſting in them, and ſo Salomon fell afterwards to multiplie horſes and gold exceedingly, but not for neceſſary uſes; and ſee how Eſay is a Commentary to this law, cap. 2. 7. 8. and ſheweth us the end of this interdiction, when he ſaith, the land is full of ſilver and gold, Multiplying of horſes and gold, draw them to Idolatrie. neither is there any end of their treaſures; their land is alſo full of their horſes, neither is there any end of their Chariots; their land is alſo full of Idols. Here we ſee why the Lord forbiddeth them to multiplie horſes, becauſe theſe drew them to make a league with Idolaters, and made them worſhip Idols.

Thirdly, the King is forbidden to multiplie Wiues,The heathens multiply Wiues. Pro. 31. 3. Giue not thy ſtrength to women, nor thy wayes to that which deſtroyeth Kings; the Heathen Kings gaue themſelues much to haue many wiues: Aſſhuerus commanded, that through all his Provinces which were an hundreth twentie and ſeaven, that the moſt beautifull Virgins ſhould be brought to him, Eſth. 2. 3. And Darius had as many wiues as there are dayes in theIuſti • i. lib. 12. yeere; but Salomon exceeded them all in the number of his wiues.

The number of Salomons Wiues and Concubines areThe reconciliation of theſe two places King. 11 3. and Cant. 6. 8. concerning Salomons Wiues. reckoned diverſly, 1 King. 11. 3. it is ſaid that he had ſevē hundreth wiues Princeſſes, and three hundreth Concubines: but Cant. 6. 8. there are ſixtie Queenes and eightie Concubines, and Virgines without number: where he alludeth to the number of Salomons wiues: Genebrard goeth about to reconcile the places this wayes, that Salomon at the firſt had but ſixtie Queenes, and eightie Concubines; but afterward their number came to ſeven hundreth wiues, and three hundreth Concubines; but this reconciliation cannot ſtand; for then it ſhould follow that Salomon wrote the Canticles before he repented; but the true reconciliation is this, although he had ſeven hundreth Queenes, yet he had ſixtie of them who wereSixtie Queenes which were in favour with him. moſt in favour with him, and honoured by the people, and theſe are ſet downe, Cant. 6. 8. and they were brought forth that day that Salomon maried Pharaohs daughter, and when they ſaw her, they praiſed her beautie and dignitie, and they ſaid, who is ſhee that looketh out at the windows as the morning; the whole number of his Wiues and Concubines ſeemeth to haue beene a thouſand, Eccleſ. 2. 28. Of men I haue found one of a thouſand, but I haue not found a woman amongst theſe thouſands.

This Law that the King ſhould not multiplie wiues,The Iewes reſtraint of multiplying wiues. the Iewes reſtrained it to eighteene wiues; they ſay that David the King had ſixteene wiues, 2 Sam. 15. 16. the King left ten women which were Concubines to keepe the houſe; theſe Concubines were his wiues, and beſides it is ſaid, 1 Chro. 3. 6. that he had ſix wiues moe, in all he had ſixteene. So Rehoboam had eighteene wiues, 2 Chro. 11. 21. And they adde farther, that David had ſix wiues before Nathan came to him, 2 Sam. 3. 13. then the Lord ſaid unto him, 2 Sam. 12. 8. if that had beene too little for thee, I would haue overmore given thee ſuch & ſuch things; the word is twice repeated here [Cahenna ve cahenna] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quot illae quot illae, twelue moe make in all theſe eightteene wiues which David might haue had; and the Targum paraphraſeth that place, Deut. 17. 17. Ne multiplicet • xores ultra octodecem, ne depravent cor ejus; and Salomon Iarchi upon Deut. 17. he ſhall not multiplie wiues aboue eighteene, becauſe we finde that David the King had but eighteene wiues. Yee ſee upon what a ſandie ground they build this: they ſay that David and Rehoboam brake not this commandement, becauſe they contained themſelues within the number of eighteene; but Salomon who exceeded the number, he brake the commandement.

To multiplie wiues was altogether againſt the law;Multiplying of wiues was againſt the Law. for they two ſhall be one fleſh, bindeth him as well that ſitteth upon the throne, as him that draweth the water and heweth the wood: but this to multiply horſes and gold, is but ſecundum quid againſt the Law; that is, it is notMultiplying of horſes not altogether againſt the Law. ſimply forbidden, but onely for unneceſſary uſes, and to put their truſt in them; but to enable them for the defence of their Countrey, and benefit of the Eſtate; that is not forbidden.

CHAPTER VIII. A compariſon betwixt Salomons Kingdome and Chriſts. PSAL. 89. 2. His throne ſhall be eſtabliſhed as the Moone, and ſhall endure as the Sunne before me.

DAVID prayed for his ſonne Salomon, that the Lord would giue his Iudgements to the King, and he compareth his Kingdome to the Moone; Salomon Kingdome compared to the Moone. for as the Moone borroweth her light from the Sunne, ſo he beggeth of the Lord, that he would giue light to Simile. his ſonne Salomon to direct him: and as Aſtrologians obſerue, that when the Moone is joyned with a bad Planet, then her influence is bad; but when ſhe is joyned with a good Planet, then her influence is good; ſo Salomon in his Government when he was joyned to Idolatry, and ſtrange women, then there was a bad influence upon his Government; but when he tooke the direction from the Lord, then his Kingdome flouriſhed.Plinius de Gemmis. There is a ſtone in Arabia called Selenites, which groweth with the Moone, Simile. and decreaſeth with it; when the Moone is in the wane, yee cannot ſee the ſtone in the perfect colour; but when the Moone is at the full, then the ſtone groweth againe to the full: ſo Salomons Kingdome, as long as he got light from the Lord it waxed; but when he turned once from the Lord, it decayed daily. Laſt, it was like the Moone, the Moone in twentie eight dayes finiſheth her courſe, fourteene dayes to the full, and fourteene to the wane; ſo from Abraham Salomons kingdome like the Moone in waxing and waning. to Salomon fourteene generations, then the Moone was at the full; then from the end of Salomons dayes untill Zedekiah were fourteene generations; and then his Kingdome decayed and waned.

Salomon the King when he judged Iſrael he ſat in a throne, 1 King. 10. 18. and the King made a great throne of Ivorie, and overlaid it with the beſt gold; the throne had ſix ſteps, and the top of the throne was round behinde, and it ſtood in the porch of Iudgement where he judged the people, 1 King. 7. 7. and there were ſtayes in each ſide in the place of the ſeat, and two Lyons ſtood behinde the ſtayes, and twelue Lyons ſtood there, ſixeThe difference betwixt Salomons throne of Ivorie and the brazen ſcaffold. on the one ſide and ſixe upon the other upon the ſixe ſteppes, and there was not the like made in any Kingdome, 2 Chron. 9. 17. This throne of Salomon was called Solium Domini, becauſe he judged the Lords judgement there; and it differed from that pillar which ſtood in the Temple, for that was a pulpit in which they read the Law, 2 Chro. 6. 13. and it was called [Cijor] but this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Suggeſtus. throne was called Ciſſe, and it ſtood in Domo Libani, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thronu • . next adjacent to the Queenes Palace; it was made of Ivory, which was in great requeſt amongſt the Iewes; and Salomon alludeth to it, Cant. 4. 6. thy necke is like a Alluſion. Tower of Ivorie.

There were ſixe Lyons upon the one ſide as he wentWhat the Lions ſignified on every ſide of the Throne. up to his throne, and ſixe upon the other, a Lyon at every ſteppe; theſe Lyons on every ſide ſignified that all the twelue tribes were ſubject to Salomon, and acknowledged him as their King; and the two Lyons which ſtood before the ſtayes ſignified, that the two tribes Iuda and Benjamin ſhould not depart from Salomon, but continue with him, and his poſteritie, to be ſtayes to uphold his Kingdome; which was ſignified by the garment of Ahija the Shilonite, rent in twelue p • ices, ten were given to Ieroboam, and two onely left to Rehoboam Salomons ſonne, 1 King. 11.

And the Iewes write, that as he aſcended upon everyThe admonitiōs which they gaue the King when he aſcended to his Throne. In Zonorenna P. Shophat. ſteppe or degree to his throne▪ a cryer cryed to him thus; upon the firſt ſteppe he cryed, [lo titeh Miſhpat] judicium ne inclinato, wreſt not judgement; ſecondly, when he aſcended upon the ſecond ſteppe he cryed unto1 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 3 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 4 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 5 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 him, [lo tikir panim] perſonam ne reſpicit, accept no perſons in judgement; when he aſcended upon the third ſteppe, he cryed unto him, [lo tikahh ſhohher] munus ne recipito, take no bribes; when he aſcended upon the fourth ſteppe, he cryed [lo tittang lech aſherah] non plantabis lucum, thou ſhalt not plant a grove; when he aſcended upon the fift ſteppe he cryed unto him [lo takim lech matzebah] noli erigere ſtatuam, ſet not up a pillar; when he aſcended upon the ſixt ſteppe, he cryed unto6 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 him [lo tizbahh ſhor] ne mactato bovem, kill not an Oxe, that is, ſacrifice not to Idols: as he aſcended by degrees, ſo the admonitions did grow by degrees, from juſtice to haue a care of religion; and as the Iewes had Pſalmos graduum, Pſalmes of degrees which they ſang when they aſcended to the Temple; ſo theſe were admonitiones graduum, that he ſhould not pervert juſtice, that he ſhould abſteine from Idolatrie, that he ſhould not plant a groue, nor erect a pillar for Idolatrous worſhip, and that he ſhould not ſacrifice to Idols. The twelue Princes of Iſrael ſat round about this throne; and Chriſt alludeth to this forme, yee ſhall ſit upon twelue thrones, judging Alluſion. the twelue tribes, Luk. 22. 30.

Now let us compare Salomon with Chriſt;A compariſon betwixt Salomon and Chriſt.

Firſt, in their name, Salomon was jejidia, beloved of God, but Chriſt was the onely beloved ſonne of his Father.

Secondly, in his anointing, Salomon was onely anointed, and all the reſt of his brethren ſecluded from the Kingdome; but we are anointed by Chriſt, and receiue grace for grace from him, Ioh. 1. 16. and are made coheires with him, Rom. 8. 17. in his Kingdome; here is a greater than Salomon.

Thirdly, Salomon was crowned his Father being aliue, here was Leo & catulus Leonis, the Lyon and the Lyons whelp; ſo Chriſt thought it not robbery to be equall with the Father, and to reigne with him, Phil. 2. 6. here is a greater than Salomon.

Fourthly, Salomon was obedient to his Parents, ſo Chriſt, Ioh. 8. 49. I honour my Father, that is, my heavenly Father, and he went home and was obedient to his Parents, Luk. 2. 51. Here is a greater than Salomon.

Fiftly, by Salomons mariage, friendſhip was made up betwixt Egypt and Iſrael; but Chriſt marrying his Church, friendſhip is made up betwixt God and man; here is a greater than Salomon.

Sixtly, in the extent of his Kingdome, Salomons Kingdome reached but from the Mediterran Sea to Euphrates; but Chriſts Kingdome reacheth to the ends of the earth, Pſal. 2. 8. I will giue thee the ends of the earth for a poſſeſsion; here is a greater than Salomon.

Salomon exceeded all the Princes of the world in riches; but in Chriſt are hid all the treaſures of wiſedome and knowledge, Col. 2. 3. here is a greater than Salomon.

Let us compare Salomons pietie and Chriſts, Salomon Chriſt and Salomon compared in pietie. built the Temple; but Chriſt was both the Temple, Prieſt, Sacrifice, and Altar; Salomon offered an hundreth thouſand Bullockes; but Chriſt offered a greater Sacrifice, even himſelfe upon the Croſſe; here is a greater than Salomon.

The Kings of the earth were ſubject unto him, but Chriſt Revel. 17. 14. had written upon the hemme of his garment, Rex regum, & Dominus dominantium, the loweſt thing which is in Chriſt, is aboue all the Princes of the earth; here is a greater than Salomon.

When Salomon went to the Temple, he had foure and twentie thouſand to guard him with their Targets out of Libanus, 1 Chro. 27. 1. and 2 Chro. 11. 12. and when he went to bed, he had threeſcore valiant men about him of the valiant of Iſrael, Cant. 3. 7. But Chriſt hath ten thouſand times ten thouſand, and thouſands of thouſands of Angels attending him, Revel. 5. 11. here is a greater than Salomon.

Let us compare them in their wiſedome, Salomon Chriſt and Salomon compared in wiſedome. for his wiſedome had a large heart, like the ſand of the ſea: 1 King. 4. 29. Obſerue his wiſedome in deciding the matter betwixt the two women, 1 King. 3. the thing was done in the night, there were no witneſſes, no probable conjectures favouring the one more than the other, the allegations of the Mothers both alike, no difference betweene the childrens age; Salomon gathered that ſhee was the mother who had the bowels of compaſſion towards the infant; Counſell in the heart of man is like deepe waters, but a man of underſtanding will draw it out. Pro. 20. 5. Salomon by his underſtanding drew out here who was the mother of the living childe, but he muſt haue ſome meanes whereby to know this; but Chriſt to whom darkeneſſe is as light, he ſeeth the ſecrets of the heart, and all things are naked before him, Heb. 4. 13. here is a greater than Salomon.

His Iuſtice in puniſhing Ioab and putting Abiathar from the Prieſthood; but Chriſt ſhall put downe all his enemies, and purge his Church of hirelings, Mat. 21. 12. here is a greater than Salomon.

Laſtly, all the earth ſhall be bleſſed in Salomon. When the Iewes bleſſe any man, they pray for him after this manner, Beneficus ſit tibi Deus ac liberalis, ut praeſtitit ſe erga ſervum ſuum Salomonem, this was but fulfilled in type in Salomon; but the truth was fulfilled in Chriſt, Eſa. 65. 16. He who bleſſeth himſelfe on the earth, ſhall bleſſe himſelfe in the God of truth: & he concludeth this Pſalme for Salomon, Amen, Amen, Pſal. 72. 19. Salomon was not he that could effectuate the prayers of the Church; but Chriſt is that true and faithfull witneſſe, who is yea and Amen, Revel. 3. 14.

Salomon being ſuch a vive type of Chriſt, Queſt. whetherArguments prooving Salomons repentance. might he haue beene thought to haue beene a reprobate or not?

He cannot be thought to be a reprobate; for firſt, Anſw.

He was the Penman of the Holy Ghoſt, & they were Reaſon 1 holy men, Luk. 1. 70. As he ſpake by his holy Prophets.

The Lord heard Salomons prayer, and accepted of his Reaſon 2 ſacrifices, 1 King 3. 6. which he never did in any oblation of the wicked, Eſay 1. 11. 12. 13. ſo Ioh. 9. 31. We See Pro. 15. 8. know that God heareth not ſinners, that is, Impenitent ſinners.

Thirdly, He is ſet downe as an example of Imitation, Reaſon 3 2 Chro. 11. 17. Rehoboam in the firſt three yeares of his Raigne followed the footſteps of David and Salomon; hence it followeth, that Salomon being ſet downe as an example Salomon ſet downe as an example of good. of Imitation for good, that he died a penitent and reconciled to God; and as the evill beginnings of Manaſſeh, diſcommended the evill end of Ammon; ſo the good beginnings of Rehoboam, commended the good end of Salomon.

When the Kings of Iuda and Iſrael are ſet downe forRules to be obſerved concerning examples. examples, theſe Rules are to be obſerved.

Firſt, when the wicked father liueth in his ſinnes, and Regula 1 dieth in his ſinnes, and his ſonne is ſaid to walke in his wayes, and follow his example, then the bad ſonne died miſerably as his father died. 2 King. 15. 9. Zachariah is ſaid to haue done that which was evill in the ſight of the Lord, as his fathers had done; he departed not from the ſinnes of Ieroboam, the ſonne of Nebat, who made Iſrael to ſinne.

Secondly, when the wicked King repenteth him of Regula 2 his ſinnes, and his bad ſonne is ſaid to follow his example, then it is to be underſtood, that he followed his example in his firſt yeares, and ſinfull dayes. Example. 2 King. 21. 20. it is ſaid of Ammon, that he walked in all the wayes that his father Manaſſeh walked in, and ſerved Idols which his father Manaſſeh ſerved; This is to be underſtood onely of Manaſſehs firſt dayes, and not of his laſt dayes, when he repented him of his wickedneſſe.

Thirdly, when a bad King repented him of his wickedneſſe, Regula 3 and his ſonne is commended for following of his wayes; then it is to be underſtood, that he followed him in the end of his life, and not in the beginning; as 2 Chron. 11. 17. Rehoboam in the firſt three yeares of his Reigne followed the footſteps of David and Salomon.

Fourthly, If the beginning of a King be good, and his Regula 4 end bad, then his ſonne is never ſaid to walke in his wayes, although he be a good man. Example, Aſa began well, yet becauſe he fell away, 2 Chron. 10. 10. therefore good Iehoſaphat is never ſaid to walke in his wayes. And the Lord giueth the reaſon of this, Ezek. 16. 24. When a righte • us man turneth away from his righteouſneſſe▪ and committeth iniquitie, his former righteouſneſſe ſhall be no more remembred. And againe, when the wicked turneth away from his wickedneſſe, and doth that which is lawfull and right, he ſhall liue.

Salomon is cenſured by the Holy Ghoſt, not that he had utterly forſaken God, but that he went not fully after the Lord; or that his heart was not perfect as was the heart of David his father.

The Concluſion of this is; Salomons Kingdome flouriſhed Concluſion. ſo long as he followed the Lord; therefore Religion is a ſtrong pillar like Iakin or Bognaz to uphold a Kingdome; otherwiſe it will ſtand but upon brickle feete of yron and clay, as Nebuchadnezzars Image did, Dan. 2. 33.

CHAPTER IX. Whether Rahab was a betrayer of the Citie of Iericho or not? IOSH 21. And the Spyes came into an Harlots houſe, named Rahab, and lodged there, &c.

IT may be ſaid againſt Rahab, firſt that ſhee was anThings objected againſt Rahab for receiving the Spyes. Harlot, and therefore no marvell that ſhe was ſo readie to betray the Citie in which ſhe was borne, receiving the Spyes into her houſe.

Secondly, when the King ſent unto her, ſhe anſwered him not as a dutifull Subject ought to haue done, but hid the Spyes in her houſe, and let them downe by a Cord through the window, and taught them how to eſcape, and when the Searchers came to ſeeke them, ſhe ſaid, ſhe knew not what men they were, or whither they were gone; whereas in the meane time, ſhe had brought them up to the roofe of the houſe, and hid them with the ſtalkes of Flaxe, which ſhe had laid upon the roofe in order, Ioſh. 2. 6.

But it may be ſaid in defence of Rahab, that the knowledge Object. which ſhe had from the Lord exempted her from treaſon, as not being bound any more by the common Law, ſhe becomming now a member of the Church, and ſo had no more to doe with that Societie wherein ſhe lived before.

Grace taketh not away the bonds of nature, neither Anſw. doth the Law of God take away the Law of nature, butGrace takes not away the bonds of nature. rather eſtabliſheth it, 1 Pet. 2. 5. Feare God and obey the King: a King and his Subjects are Infidels, ſome of his Subjects are converted to the faith, as it fell out in the Apoſtles dayes, that the Emperors remaining Infidels, yet ſundry of their Subjects were converted to the Chriſtian faith. Did their Chriſtianitie looſe the bond of obedience which they ought to their Emperour? God forbid; but confirmed it rather, therefore the Apoſtle willeth to make all ſort of ſupplication for them, 1 Tim. 2. 1.

But Rahab was free from the crime of treaſon, for Rahab was free of treaſon. firſt God revealed unto her, that the Iſraelites were to take this Citie, and deſtroy it. Secondly, ſhe knew that whether ſhe had diſcovered the Spyes, or hid them, yet the Citie ſhould be deſtroyed: wherefore it was beſt for her in the deſtruction of the Kingdome which ſhe could not ſaue, to ſaue her ſelfe, and her own houſhold; and here ſhe conformed her will to the will of GOD; and as he is no traytor, who yeeldeth an Hold to the Prince of the Land, although it be contrary to the will of him, who hath commandement over the Hold: ſo when Rahab yeelded the Citie to the Lord, contrary to the will of the Inhabitants of Iericho, ſhe is not be reputed Heber made a covenant with the Canaanites and with the Iſraelites. a betrayer of the Citie for that. Heber the Kenite and his wife made a covenant with the Canaanites, and a covenant with the Iſraelites the people of God; now there was warres betwixt the Iſraelites and the Canaanites; Siſera the Canaanite flieth into the tent of Iael the wife of Heber the Kenite; What ſhall ſhe doe in ſuch a caſe? If ſhe kill Siſera, then ſhe breaketh her covenant with the Canaanites; and if ſhe let Siſera goe f • ee, then ſhe will fight againſt the people of God, and deſtroy them; here her wiſedome teacheth her what to doe, Iael had a civill league with the Canaanites, but a civill and ſpirituall league with the Iſraelites. to kill the Canaanite with whom ſhe had onely a civill league, and to ſaue the Iſraelites, with whom ſhe had both a ſpirituall and a civill league.

There were three ſorts of the Nations, with ſomeThree ſorts of ſtrangers with whom the Iſraelites had to doe. they might haue faedera commerciorum, as David and Salomon made with the King of Tyrus, 2 Sam. 5. 11. 1 King. 5. 12. of whom it is ſaid, he made this covenant with them, according to the wiſedome which God had given him. So Chriſt ſought water of the woman of Samaria, and David fled to the King of Gath for a refuge. Secondly, there were the A • monites and the Moabites, Deut. 23. 6. Ye ſhall not ſeeke their proſperitie all your dayes; that is, ye ſhall not enter into covenant of friendſhip with them, but yet Deut. 2. 19. they are forbidden to make warre againſt them. And ſo the ſeven Nations they were not to ſeeke their good, but yet upon ſubmiſſion they were to accept of them. Thirdly, there were the Amalekites, and theſe they were utterly to deſtroy.

Rahab was ſaued, although ſhe was a Canaanitiſh andHow the law of the deſtroying of the ſeven Nations is to be underſtood. one of the ſeven Nations who were to be deſtroyed; for that law, that the ſeven Nations ſhould be deſtroyed, ſhould be interpreted by another law, to wit, they were to be deſtroyed, unleſſe they had ſubmitted themſelues, and became tributaries unto the people of God, Deut. 20. 10. When thou commeſt nigh a Citie to fight againſt it, then proclaime peace unto it; and it ſhall be, if it make the anſwere of peace, and open unto thee, then it ſhall be that all the people that are found therein, ſhall be tributaries unto thee, and they ſhall ſerue thee. So 1 King. 9. 26. And all the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Perizites, Hivites, and Iebuſites, which were not of the children of Iſrael, their children which were left after them in the land, whom the children of Iſrael alſo were not able utterly The Canaanites were bond-ſlaues to Salomon. to deſtroy, upon thoſe did Salomon levie a tribute of bond ſervice unto this day. And it was the people of the ſeven Nations, who hardned their hearts, with whom Ioſhua tooke not peace, Ioſh. 11. 19. 20.

When the Gibeonites came to Ioſhua, if they had told him the truth, that they were a people that dwelt amongſt them, and that they came not from a farre Countrey, but were Canaanites indeede, and came to ſeeke their peace, (which they did not for feare) then Ioſhua was bound to haue ſpared their liues upon their ſubmiſſion: and whereas the men of Iſrael ſaid then, Peradventure yee dwell among us, and how ſhall wee make a league with you? Ioſh. 9. 7. The meaning is, we cannot make ſociale faedus vobiſcum, but onely deditionis, that is, Faedus Sociale. Deditionis. we cannot make a covenant or league of mutual friendſhip with you, but wee may take you as ſervants and ſlaues, if ye ſubmit your ſelues; and if it had beene ſimply Ioſhua might make a league of peace with the Canaanites, but not of mutuall friendſhip. unlawfull to haue made any ſort of league with the Canaanites, then the poſteritie of Saul would not haue beene puniſhed for the breach of this oath. Ambroſe ſaith well, Pacem quam dederant non cenſuerant revocandam, quia firmata erat ſacramenti religione, nedum alieni perfidiam arguat, ſuam fidem ſolveret; that is, they held that it was not lawfull to break the oath that was made, leaſt finding fault with other mens falſhood, he ſhould become perjured himſelfe.

Ioſhua was a type of Chriſt; as Ioſhua ſent meſſengers Ioſhua a type of Chriſt. to the Canaanites to receiue either peace or warre: ſo the Lord hath ſent his Faeciales into the world, to bid them either receiue peace or warre; and as Rahab held Rahab a type of the Church. out a red threed to be a ſigne that whoſoever remained in her houſe, ſhould be ſaued; and they who went out of it, ſhould be killed: ſo there is no ſalvation to thoſe who are without the Church, which is marked with the bloud of Chriſt, Act. 2. 47. Rahab being the firſt fruits of the Gentiles, implied that the Gentiles ſhould be received into the Church, and be ſaved.

CHAPTER X. Whether the Kingdome of Iudah or Iſrael were the beſt Government?

IT may ſeeme at the firſt, that the Kings of Iſrael did more formally proceed by way of Iuſtice, than theThe Kings of Iſrael proceeded by way of Iuſtice formally. Kings of Iudah did; the Kings of Iſrael did not proceed by way of arbitrary Iuſtice, neither was there any peremptory execution upon the will of the King. When Naboth was to be ſtoned to death, the matter was handled after a judiciall forme, which might haue given ſatisfaction to the ignorant people, who knew not the device and ſecrecy of the matter.

But the Kings of Iudah proceeded by their abſoluteThe Kings of Iudah proceeded by abſolute authoritie. authoritie, as may appeare in ſome of them, who tooke away their Subjects liues by their abſolute authoritie, without any order of law, or proceſſe in Iudgement. David killed the Amalekite; and againe, he ſeemeth toWhat things objected to David. haue broken his oath, ſwearing that nothing ſhould befall Shimei, and yet he biddeth his ſonne Salomon put him to death; thou art a wiſeman, and knoweſt what thou Ioabs worthy deeds reckoned up. Ioab was Davids kinſman. haſt to doe, 1 King. 2. and ſo cauſed to kill Ioab who was Davids neere kinſman, and who had undergone many dangers for the glory of God and the good of the Church, 2 Sam. 10. And he dedicated many of theHe gaue many things to the houſe of the Lord. ſpoyles which he had taken in the warres to the houſe of the Lord, 1 Chro. 26. 8. he fought for his Countrey all Davids time; he was faithfull to the King, he ſtood for David againſt Saul, he followed him ſtill, although he was baniſhed, and at that time when he was made Captaine, 2 Sam. 18. he did repreſſe the ſedition of Sheba, Repreſſed the ſedition of Sheba. even when David would haue put him from his place, and put Amaſa in his ſtead, 2 Sam. 20. 4. It was he that forbad the King to number the people, 2 Sam. 24.Diſſwaded David to number the people. It was he who firſt invaded Sion, 1 Chron. 11. It was he who by his wiſedome taught the woman of Tekoa to obtaine pardon for Abſalom; It was he that was moſtReconciled Abſalom to his father. skilfull in the warres; It was he that fought againſt the Syrians, and the Amorites, and all the enemies of theSubdued many wicked Nations. Church; and it was he who in modeſtie when he had gotten the victory, refuſed to take the praiſe to himſelfe, but ſent for the King that he might get the praiſe of the victorie, 2 Sam. 12. 28. He was not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or implacable; when Abner ſought peace at him, he willingly granted it, ſo did he to the people of Abel, 2 Sam. 20.He had good ſucceſſe in his vvarres. He had good ſucceſſe in the warres, he was a terror to all his enemies, 2 Sam. 10. as to Hadarezer, the Edomites, &c. therefore it may ſeeme that David by his abſolute authoritie, cauſed him to be put to death unworthily. And as for Salomon, he ſeemeth moſt unjuſtly to haueWhat things objected to Salomon. killed his brother Adonijah; for firſt, he was Davids eldeſt ſonne now aliue; ſecondly, his father loved him moſt dearely; thirdly, he never did find • fault with him for ſeeking the Kingdome, and Salomon might ſeeme here to be too rigorous; for Titus a HeathenSuctonius lib. 9. Prince was more mercifull to his brother, for when hisHeathen Kings louing to their brethren. brother did affect the Kingdome, yet notwithſtanding he lovingly embraced him, and diſſwaded him from that courſe; and Seneca writeth of the like in his firſt booke of Clemencie, cap. 9. how Auguſtus ſpared Cinna, and made him of a foe a friend.

But if we ſhall conſider that the Kings of Iudah, eſpecially David and Salomon Prophets. David and Salomon being directed by the ſpirit of God immediately, had a better warrant to proceede by their ſole authoritie, than the Kings of Iſrael had, we David in killing the Amalekite ſinned not. ſhall be of another minde: and where it is objected, that David killed the Amal • kite onely upon his owne confeſſion; the confeſſion out of ones owne mouth, ifWhen one may be condemned upon his owne confeſſion. it be the confeſſion of one that is well at himſelfe, and is not wearie of his life, and if he ſtand conſtantly at it, then the confeſſion out of his owne mouth is ſufficient, Luk. 19. 22. Wicked ſervant, out of thine owne mouth will I judge thee. Secondly, this Amalekite gloried that he had killed Saul, and ſo flattered David: and laſtly, he was an Amalekite, againſt whom the Lord had given out ſentence long before, that they ſhould all be killed with the ſword, and the Lord was wroth with Saul for ſparing the Amalekites.

The ſecond thing objected to David, is the breaking David brake not his oath in cauſing Shimei to be killed. of his oath in cauſing Shimei to be killed, when he had ſworne that nothing ſhould befall him; but it was not for his former railing that he was put to death, but for his new tranſgreſſion; David ſaith to his ſonne Salomon, Habes apud te, 2 Sam. 28. that is, confine him, and ſuffer him not to goe abroad; for he is a mightie man, and is able to gather together a thouſand of Benjamin, 2 Sam. 19. 17. therefore Salomon makes him to ſweare that he ſhould never goe beyond the brooke Kedron under the paine of death, and he moſt willingly aſſented unto it, yet he brake his oath and went to ſeeke his fugitiue ſervant, and for the breach of this oath, David commandeth to p • t him to death, and Salomon cauſed to execute him, and after his firſt tranſgreſſion, he is kept in ward here, and he is like a fiſh taken upon the hooke, but yet Simile. not pulled out of the water to be dreſſed by the Cookes.

But Salomon layeth to his charge that ſin which was Object. forgiven him, 1 King. 2. 42. thou knoweſt what thou didst to my Father David.

Both David and Salomon pardoned this ſinne but Anſw. conditionally, that he ſhould not fall into a new ſinne; Shimei had his former fault pardoned conditionally. and even as an old Cicatrix being healed, if it get a new blow, is more dangerous than any other wound; ſo a fault pardoned, if the man fall into ſinne againe aggravateth the ſinne more; he was pardoned conditionally onely, that he ſhould not tranſgreſſe againe.

But it may ſeeme too great a puniſhment for ſo ſmall Object. a fault, going but out to ſeeke his fugitiue ſervant.

He was guiltie of treaſon, Anſw. in ſetting light by the Kings commandement, Shimei how guiltie of treaſon. and he bound himſelfe by an oath, if he did tranſgreſſe.

As for the killing of Ioab, all the commendations ſet David ſinned not in cauſing Salomon to kill Ioab. downe for his prayſe are nothing, if yee will compare them with his foule offences; that which he did for his Countrey maketh him not a good man; his skill in militarie Ioabs vices. diſcipline, maketh him not a good man, but a good warriour; and juſtly he deſerved death, for he would haue had the Kingdome from Salomon to Adonijah, hoping thereby to haue gotten preferment underHe would haue Adonijah to be King. him; as Abner would haue had the Kingdome from David to Iſhboſheth, and from Iſhboſheth to David againe, onely for his owne advancement: ſo would Ioab haue Adonijah to haue the Kingdome, hoping thereby to get preferment to himſelfe; therefore he was not to be reckoned amongſt the loyall and faithfull Subjects of the King.

And whereas the vertues are reckoned up, wee ſhall finde moe vices than vertues in him; firſt we ſhall ſee him delight to ſee one kill another, which he thoughtHe delighted to ſee men kill others. to haue beene but a ſport, 2 Sam. 2. 14. And looke to his cruell murthering of Abner and Amaſa, he ſhed theHe killed Abner and Amaſa. bloud of peace as it had beene in warre: and when Abner looked for no ſuch thing, he traiterouſly killed him, neither was he a white moved when he was defiled with their bloud, when he ſaw the bloud both upon his girdle, and his ſhooes, he gloried in it; and he was readie to kill Vrijah at the commandement of the King; So he killed Abſalom the Kings ſonne, contrary to the KingsHe killed Abſalom. commandement. Wherefore Salomon being a Prince of peace, would not haue his ſervants turbulent like Ioab; Why Salomon killed Adonijah, Ioab, and Shimei. but would haue them, as Chriſt would haue his Diſciples, not to ſeeke fire from heaven to be revenged upon the Samaritans, for then they knew not of what ſpirit they were, Luk. 9. 55.

Now for Salomons killing of Adonijah, we muſt not Salomon ſinned not in killing Adonijah. judge raſhly of Salomon, who had many excellent vertues in him; the great vertues which were in him, meekeneſſe, veritie, fortitude, and juſtice, were the foureFoure chiefe vertues found in Salomon. Horſes, as it were, which drew his Chariot, Pſal. 45. Firſt, his meekneſſe, he was the Prince of peace, and Salomons meekeneſſe in ſparing Adonijah. therefore he pardoned. Adonijah, regnum auſpicandum a clementia, for this procureth the favour of his ſubjects; ſo David would not kill Shimei in the beginning of his reigne; but Rehoboam that would not gratifie the people in the beginning of his reigne, his Kingdome proſpered not. Secondly, his veritie; if thou be a good man, a Salomon • veritie in keeping his promiſe to Adonijah. haire of thy head ſhall not fall to the ground. Thirdly, his juſtice when he failed againe, juſtly he cauſed to put Salomons fortitude and juſtice. him to death. Fourthly, his fortitude; although Adonijah had a great faction which were againſt Salomon, yet he durſt be bold to cauſe to apprehend him: ſo Salomon for Adonijahs ſecond tranſgreſſion juſtly cauſed to execute him, and we are not to meaſure his heavenly wiſedome by the morall vertues which are found in Titus and Auguſtus; Adonijah was guiltie of treaſon, forHow Adonijah was guiltie of treaſon. he ſought Abiſhaig onely for that end, that he might get the Kingdome. Secondly, he ſaith, that the Kingdome belongeth ſtill to him; he was not like good Ionathan, who willingly gaue way to Gods ordinance, he knew well that the Lord had appointed the Kingdome for Salomon, 2 Sam. 7. The ſonne which ſhall come out of thy loynes, ſhall build thy houſe, and ſucceede in the Kingdome: this was ſpoken after all his other ſonnes were borne, & this aggravated all the reſt of his ſinnes, that he affected the Kingdome, his father being yet aliue, and although his father was decrepit, yet he ruled by his Counſellours, and he was not weake in minde now although in bodie.

Wherefore wee may conclude, the Kingdome of Concluſion. Iudah to be the beſt government, and ſtill to be preferred before the Kingdome of Iſraell.

CHAPTER XI. Whether the Iewes might chuſe Herod for their King or not? DEVT. 17. 15. Thou mayſt not ſet a ſtranger over thee, which is not thy brother.

THe Iewes diſtinguiſh thoſe who were Gentiles both by father and mother, from thoſe who were borne Iewes. Thoſe who were ſtrangers both by father and mother, they called them Bagbag, by a contraction, for Ben ger, and Ben gerah, that is, filius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Filius Proſelyti et Proſelytae. proſelyti & proſelytae, and they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; but thoſe who were Iewes both by father and mother, were called Hebraei ex Hebreaes, Phil. 3. 5. an Hebrew of an Hebrew, that is, both by father and mother they were Hebrewes, and they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

The Proſelytes that were converted from GentiliſmeTwo ſorts of Proſelytes. to Iudaiſme, were of two ſorts; if they were newly converted, they were called Gerim, which the Seventie tranſlate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; if they had dwelt long amongſt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Extraneus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Inhabita •• . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Inquilinus. them, then they were called Toſhibhim, inquilini, and the Seventie tranſlate them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as yee would ſay, Pariſhioners; ſuch a ſtranger was Achir, Iudith 14. who beleeved in God and was circumciſed.

Thoſe Proſelytes who were converted to the faith, and continued in the faith of their Pa •• nts, they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gentilis fundamentalis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iudigenae. called [Goi gnikkere] Gentiles fundamentales, that is, Gentiles who embraced the grounds o • Religion, and theſe became [Ezrahhim] Indigenae.

Theſe Proſelytes although they were converted, yetWhen the Proſelytes might enter into the Congregation. they might not enter into the Congregation untill the third generation, that is, they might beare no publicke charge untill that time.

God himſelfe diſtinguiſhed the Edomite and the Egyptian Edomites and Egyptians diſtinguiſhed from other ſtrangers. from other ſtrangers, Deut. 23. 7. He will not haue his people to account them as other ſtrangers, Thou ſhalt not abhorre an Edomite, becauſe he is thy brother; and hence we may ſee, why the Iewes might chooſeThe reaſons why Herod might be King. Herod for their King: Firſt, becauſe he was an Idumean their brother; ſecondly, becauſe he was the ſonne of Parents who were Proſelytes, Antipar & Antipas both Proſelytes: Thirdly, he himſelfe was a Iew by profeſſion, and ſtanding in the third generation, therefore he might enter into the Congregation, and they might chooſe him for their King. Herodiani certaine wicked Iewes tooke Herod for their Meſſias, now if Herod had not beene accounted a Iew, they would never haue acknowledged him for their Meſſias.

The name of a Iew is taken ſometimes largely, andThe name [Iew] taken ſtrictly or largely. ſometimes ſtrictly; when it is taken largely, it comprehendeth all which were Iewes by profeſſion, Eſth. 8. 17. many became Iewes.

Sometimes againe it is taken more ſtrictly for thoſe Iewes who dwelt on the weſt ſide of Iordan, and they were called Iudaei Hieroſolymitani, the Iewes that dwelt about Ieruſalem, Luk. 3. 1. Pilate was governour of Iuda, and Herod of Galilie; Iuda here is ſtrictly taken; but ſometimes Herod is called King of the Iewes, here it is largely taken, Mat. 2. 1.

So the name [Gentile] is taken ſometime ſtrictly, asThe name (Gentile) taken ſtrictly or largely. Paul applieth it to the converted Gentiles, Galat. 2. 12. but when Chriſt ſaid, Goe not into the way of the Gentiles, Mat. 10. 5. Here it is taken largely, for all the Gentiles.

But Ioſephus calleth Herod but a private man, Object. thereLib. 14 cap. 11. &c. 17 fore it may ſeeme that the Iewes never acknowledged Herod for their King, and the Iewes ſaid of Herod, Quòd non eſt rex, ne que filius regis.

The reaſon why he was called a private man was this, Anſw. becauſe he was not deſcended of the Prieſts;Why Herod was called a private man. for at that time the poſteritie of David carried no ſway amongſt the people, but onely the poſteritie of the Prieſts, and whoſoever were not Prieſts, were called [Gnim haaretz] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Populus terrae. populus terrae, ſee Ioſephus lib. 14. cap. 12.

If yee will reſpect Herods firſt deſcent, then he may be called Alienigena, and not Iudaeus; in his firſt deſcent he is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and tranſcriptus, and his Kingdome may be called Malcoth Hagerim, the reigne of a ſtranger, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 becauſe Herods father, and grandfather were not altogether ſtrangers from the people of God (for they were Edomites and Proſelytes) therefore he was not reckoned as a ſtranger: but it fell out amongſt the Iewes, as it did amongſt the Romanes and Athenians, that thoſe who were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and adſcriptitij, were alwayes hated of thoſe who were naturall and inbred Citizens: So the Iewes hated thoſe who were Proſelytes, becauſe of the old hatred that was betwixt the Iewes and the Gentiles; and they made a Canon amongſt them, Vt caverent ſibi in decimam generationem a Proſelytis.

We may conclude this point then, that the Iewes Concluſion. might ſafely chooſe Herod for their King now, being a Iew by profeſſion, and deſcended of Parents who were Iewes by profeſſion: and the latter Iewes diſtinguiſhed not well betwixt Ger and Goi, who reckoned Herod ever to be a ſtranger.

CHAPTER XII. Whether Iſhboſheth was a Rebell in affecting the Kingdome or not? 2 Sam. 2. 8. But Abner the ſonne of Ner, Captaine of Sauls Hoſt, tooke Iſhboſheth the ſonne of Saul, and brought him over to Mahanaim, and he made him King over Gilead, &c.

IT may be ſaid of Iſhboſheth, that he was no Rebell inTheir reaſons who hold that Iſhboſheth ſinned not in taking the Kingdome. accepting of the Kingdome after his father Saul was dead; for firſt, he was his fathers eldeſt ſonne now liuing; and by the law of Nations, the firſt borne, or he that was in place of the firſt borne, did ſucceede,The firſt borne by the law of Nations ſucceeded in the Kingdome. Exod. 11. 5. and 1 King. 2. 15. And ſo amongſt the Edomites, the firſt borne ſucceeded in the Kingdome, 2 King. 3. 27. he tooke his eldeſt ſonne who ſhould haue reigned in his ſtead, and offered him for a burnt offering upon the wall.

Secondly, Iſhboſheth had the conſent almoſt of all the people, for eleven tribes acknowledged him for their King.

Thirdly, he had good ſucceſſe amongſt his Subjects;The ſucceſſe that Iſhboſheth had. firſt, in Mahanaim; then amongſt the Giliadites; thirdly, amongſt the Aſhurites; fourthly, in Izreel; fiftly, in Iuda and Benjamin; and laſtly, over all Iſrael, 2 Sam. 2. 9.

Fourthly, he reigned ſeven yeares amongſt them, and by that it may ſeeme, that it was a ſetled Kingdome.

The thing that may be alledged againſt him is this, Object. that Mephiboſheth was the ſonne of the eldeſt brother, and therefore by right ſhould haue ſucceeded before him. But Mephiboſheth was a lame man, and an impotent Anſw. creature, and was not fit for Government, and therefore by right the Kingdome ſucceeded to Iſhboſheth. Inſt. And if it be ſaid, that David was appointed King by the Lord, we may ſay, that Iſhboſheth knew nothing of this, and he was in bonafide: and moreover, Anſ. David calleth him a righteous perſon, 2 Sam. 4. 9. therefore it may ſeeme that he did not uſurpe or affect the Kingdome wrongfully.

Now let us compare Iſhboſheths affecting of the Kingdome, Iſhboſheth compared with Ieroboam in affecting the Kingdome. and Ieroboams affecting of the Kingdome; Ieroboam had the word of the Lord by Ahija the Prophet that he ſhould be King, and he confirmed it unto him by a ſigne, in renting of the Cloke in twelue peices, thus much he had from the Lord; but he was a wicked and prophane man, and got the hearts of the people rather by diſcontentment and mutinie than by heartie good will, and herein Iſhboſheth farre exceeded him.

Againe, Ieroboams affecting of the Kingdome might ſeeme to be a revenge; for he fled away to Egypt from Salomon as a traytor, and now to be revenged upon his ſonne, he draweth away the ten Tribes from him, and ſo Iſhboſheths entering to the Kingdome ſeemeth to be better than his.

Iſhboſheth notwithſtanding of all that is ſaid for him Reply. cannot be excuſed; he was his fathers eldeſt ſonne, but the Kingdome goeth not alwayes by ſucceſſion, it pleaſeth Iſhboſheth cannot be excuſed for affecting the Kingdome. God to change this forme ſometimes, as David was choſen King and not his eldeſt brother, and ſo was Salomon choſen and not Adonijah. And if it had come by ſucceſſion, then Mephiboſheth ſhould haue ſucceeded and beene preferred before him, for although he was lame in his feete, yet he was not lame in his mind. And where it is ſaid, that he had the conſent of all the people, their conſent is nothing without the conſent of the ſuperiour God himſelfe, by me Kings reigne, Pro. 8. 9. God had declared long before, that Saul ſhould not Saul could not be ignorant that David ſhould be King. reigne, but that David ſhould reigne, and Ionathan gaue way to it, therefore he could not be ignorant of this, but being blinded by preſumption, and miſled by craftie Abner (who thought in effect to be King himſelfe) he affected the Kingdome. And whereas David calleth him a righteous perſon; we muſt diſtinguiſh inter juſtitiam Iuſtitia cauſae. perſonae. cauſae, & juſtitiam perſonae, betwixt the righteouſneſſe of his cauſe, & the righteouſneſſe of his perſon, although he was otherwiſe a good man, yet he had not a good cauſe in hand; and if we ſhall joyne his cauſe and his death together, we may thinke that it was a juſt puniſhment of his Rebellion; for he was murthered by Baanah and Rechab upon his bed in his bed-chamber, 2 Sam. 4. 7.

The concluſion of this is; He that affecteth Gods Concluſion. Kingdome in the heaven, & he who affecteth his Kings throne upon the earth, ſhall both miſerablie periſh; and as God vindicateth his owne honour when any man claimeth it; ſo he vindicateth the honour of the King, if any man affect it. Feare God, honour the King. 1 Pet. 2. 17.

CHAPTER XIII. Whether it was lawfull for the Iewes to pay tribue to Caeſar or not? MAT. 22. 17. Tell us therefore, what thinkeſt thou? Is it lawfull to pay tribute to Caeſar?

THe Iewes who were a people alwayes ſubject toThe Iewes a people prone to rebellion. rebellion and mutinie, propounded this queſtion to Chriſt, Is it lawfull for us to pay tribute to Caeſar or not? As if they ſhould ſay, we haue alwayes beene aThe ſpeech of the Iewes in defence of their libertie. free people, to whom many Nations haue payd tribute; we are a people who are commanded to pay our tithes and firſt fruits onely to the Lord. The Lord commanded us to chooſe a King of our ſelues and not a ſtranger, Deut. 17. How ſhall we then pay to Caeſar who is but a ſtranger? Caeſar hath taken us violently, and made us captiues, & daily his Publicans moſt unjuſtly oppreſſe us; how then ſhall we pay tribute to him? and ſhall we giue him this penny which hath an Image upon it, contrary to the law of God which forbiddeth Images? And when we pay this wayes head by head this pennie to him, it maketh the Romanes inſult over us, as if we were negligent of the worſhip of our God, & worſhippers of a falſe God. Who can abide to ſee how theſe Romanes haue abuſed, and doe ſtill abuſe the Temple of God? And how Pompey and Craſſus haue robbed the Temple? And how they exact of us that penny that ſhould be payd onely to the Lord? And if any Nation in the world haue a priviledge to free themſelues from the ſlavery and bondage of ſtrangers, moſt of all haue we Iewes, who are Gods▪ peculiar people; and we would gladly know, Maſter, what is thy judgement in this caſe, and we will ſtand to thy determination; if thou bid us giue it, we will giue it; but if thou forbid us, we will ſtand to our libertie, and vindicate our ſelues, as the Macchabees our Predeceſſors haue done. The Herodians The Phariſies with the Herodians ſought to intrap Chriſt. came here with the Phariſies to Chriſt, waiting what word might fall from him; If Chriſt ſhould haue anſwered any thing contrarie to the Romane power, then th • Herodians would haue fallen upon him; or if he had ſaid at the firſt, giue this tribute to Caeſar, then the Iewes would haue fallen upon him, as an enemy to their libertie. So they thinke to enſnare him what way ſoever he anſwered. But the Lord who catcheth the craftie in their owne craft, doth neither anſwer affirmatiuely nor negatiuely, but ſaith, Why tempt yee me? ſhew me a penny, and he asked them, whoſe Image and ſuperſcription is upon the penny? they ſay Caeſar; then our Lord inferreth, that they were bound to pay it unto Caeſar. And Chriſt reaſoned thus; Thoſe which are Caeſars, and belong not unto God, ſhould be given to Caeſar; but this penny is ſuch; therefore it ſhould be given to Caeſar. The Aſſumption is proved, becauſe tribute belongeth to the Conquerour, and he coyneth the money, & putteth his Image upon it, in token of his Dominion over the Subjects, and they ſhould pay it unto him as a token of their ſubjection.

Shew me a penny. This was not the penny which was commanded to be payed to the Lord yearely.

The Iewes payed a threefold halfe ſhekell to the Lord.The Iewes under the Law payed a threefold halfe ſhekell. The firſt was called Argentum animarum, Exod. 30. 2. which every one payed for the redemption of his life. The ſecond was Argentum tranſeunt is, that is, the halfe ſhekell which they payed to the Lord, when they were numbered head by head, 2 King. 12. 5. The third was that halfe ſhekell which they offered freely unto the Lord. This halfe ſhekell had Aarons rod upon the one ſide, and the pot with Manna upon the other; and when they were under the Romans, or captiues under any other forraine Princes, the Maiſters of their Synagogues uſed to gather this halfe ſhekell of them yea • ely, and ſend it to Ieruſalem to the high Prieſt. This was not the penny which Caeſar craved of them, for it had Caeſars ImageThis tribu • e which Caeſar • xact •• wa • not the h ••• e ſh •• el • which was du • to the Lord. and ſuperſcription upon it. Neither would the Lord haue bidden them giue that to Caeſar, which was due to God.

This Didrachma which they payed to Caeſar was as much in value, as the halfe ſhekell; and Chriſt himſ • lfe although he was free and the Kings ſonne, yet he payed Chriſt payd this tribute. it for himſelfe and for Peter, Mat. 17. 27. And ſo Mary when Chriſt was in her wombe went to Bethlehem to pay this tribute to Caeſar. Luk. 2. 5.

This Image ſet upon Caeſars money was not contrary to that, thou ſhalt not make to thy ſelfe any graven Image; for it was not made for a religious uſe, but for a civill uſe.

This penny which Caeſar exacted of the Iewes was but Denarius, (Denarius, Didrachma, and Numiſma, were Denarius what. all one) this Denarius was the ordinarie hire of a workman for a day, Mat. 20. 2. and the daily wages of a Souldier, as Tacitus ſaith. What if the Romane Emperour had exacted as much of them as Pharaoh did of their Predeceſſors? What if he had done to them as Salomon did to their Predeceſſors in his old age? or as Rehoboam did to them, whoſe little finger was heavier than his fathers loynes? What ingratitude was this for them to grudge for paying ſo little a tribute to the Emperour C • ſar was more milde to the Iewes than Pharaoh or Rehoboam. who kept them in peace, who kept Legions, and Garriſons of Souldiers, to defend them from the Arabians and Parthians? he did not make them to worke in bricke and clay, as the Egyptians did their predeceſſors, neither tooke he their liberties from them; he permitted them to keepe their Sabboths, Circumciſion, and their Synedria, their Synagogues, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; andHe permitted them to uſe their liberties. Dion teſtifieth of Auguſtus, that when he gaue commandement to take tribute of the Iewes, that it ſhould not be taken from them upō their Sabbath, but they ſhould delay it till the next day. Now for all theſe benefits had they not reaſon to pay this tribute to Caeſar?

Men may defend themſelues and ſtand for their libertie,Men ſhould not repine after they are become ſubject. but when they are once conquered, no place to repine. Agrippa (as Ioſephus teſtifieth) in his ſpeech to the Iewes, who were called Zelotae for their prepoſterous deſire that they had to free themſelues from ſubjection to the Romanes, ſaid unto them after this manner, Intempeſtivum eſt nunc libertatem concupiſcere, olim ne ea amitteretur, certatim opo • tuit; nam ſervitutis periculum facere, derum eſt; & ne id ſubeatur, honeſta certatio eſt, at qui ſemel ſubactus, deſpicit; non libertatis amans d • cendus eſt, ſed ſervus contumax; that is, it is out of time now to deſire your liberty, yee ſhould haue rather long ſince ſtriven not to haue loſt it; for it is a hard thing to undergoe ſervitude, and it is a lawfull ſtrife to withſtand it; but when a man is once overcome & yeelded himſelfe, & then rebelleth, he is not ſaid to be a lover of his liberty, but to be a rebellious ſubject. And Ioſephus ſaith, Qui victi ſunt & longo tempore paruerunt, ſi jugum rejecerint, faciunt quod deſperatorum hominum eſt, & non quod libertatis amantium eſt, thoſe who are once overcome and haue ſerved a long time, if they ſhake off the yoke, they play the part of deſperate men, and not of thoſe who loue their libertie.

Now let us conclude this; giue unto God that which Concluſion. is Gods, and to Caeſar that which is Caeſar, Math. 22. Homo eſt nummus Dei, becauſe he carrieth Gods Image,Man is Gods penny ſtamped with his Image. giue to him that penny which was loſt, Luk. 16. Light the Candle, ſweepe the houſe, finde it out, and giue to him: and giue unto Caeſar that which is Caeſars. Pro. 24. 21. Feare God and honour the King. Giue not divine honour to the King, as the Herodians did, who cryed the voyce of God and not of man. Say not, Diviſum Imperium cum Iove Caeſar habet, neither under pretext of Religion, withdraw that from the King which is due unto him, as the Eſſaeni did, and the Phariſies would haue done, but keepe an equall midſt betwixt them both, and remoue not the ancient markes, Prov. 23. 10.

CHAPTER XIIII. Whether Naboth might haue juſtly denyed to ſell his Vineyard to Ahab, or not? 1 King 21. 3. And Naboth ſaid to Ahab, the Lord forbid it me, that I ſhould giue the inheritance of my fathers unto thee.

NABOTH juſtly refuſed to ſell his Vineyard to Ahab, it being his fathers inheritance; no man in Iſrael might ſell his inheritance, becauſe the Iſraelites were but the Lords 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Farmers, the inheritance was the Lords, Levit. 25. 23. the Land ſhall not The Iſraelites might not ſell their land ſimplie. be ſold for ever, for the Land is mine, for yee are ſtrangers and ſojourners with me; therefore it was called Emmanuels Land, Eſay 8. 8. All that the Iſraelites might doe was this, they might morgage their land, but ſimplie they might not ſell it, becauſe the Inheritance was the Lords.

But it may be ſaid Iere. 32. 9. I bought the field of Hanameel Object. my Vncles ſonne that was in Anathoth, and I weighed him the money for it, even ſeventeene ſhekels of ſilver.

By the little price which Ieremiah gaue for this field Anſw. in Anathoth (being but ſeventeene ſhekels) it may be gathered that this was not a ſimple alienatiō of the ground, Hanam • el did not ſell his land, but morgaged it to Ieremiah. but onely a morgaging of it; wherefore his vncle or his vncles children might haue redeemed this land from Ieremiah, and Ieremiah was bound to haue reſtored this Land to them againe: neither doth the publicke writing of this Inſtrument proue the ſelling of the Land ſimply, and the full dominion of it, but utile dominium for the time, as he who hath a peice of Land in morgage, may morgage it againe to another, but not ſimplie ſell it.

But it may be ſaid, that David bought the inheritance Anſw. of mount Moriah from Arauna the Iebuſite, therefore the ſimple right of the ground might be ſold.

It was permitted to the Iewes to ſell a houſe within Object. a walled Citie, and the Gardens or Orchards belongingWhat houſes or land the Iewes might ſell. unto it; but they might not ſell their grounds and Vineyards, neither the houſes nor the villages which haue no wals round about them, for they were reckoned as the fields in the Countrey. Secondly, this Hill Moria which was ſold, was ſold by a Iebuſite, and not by an Iſraelite; and the ceremoniall Lawes of the Iewes obliged not the Iebuſites. Thirdly, this was an extraordinary caſe, this ground was ſold for the building of the Temple, and David would not haue it without a price.

It may be ſaid, that the chiefe Prieſts tooke the thirtie Object. pieces of ſilver and bought a Potters field with it to bury ſtrangers in, Mat. 27. 7. therefore they might ſell a field, for they bought this field to bury ſtrangers in it.

Firſt, this field was not a fruitfull field, but a place Anſw. where the Potters made pots; and it ſeemeth that this field was adjacent to ſome poore houſe; So Ioſeph of Arimathea being of another tribe than thoſe of Ieruſalem (for Arimathea, or Rama was in the tribe of Ephraim; but a great part of Ieruſalem, with Mount Calvarie and Ieſephs Garden, wherein he had his Tombe, was in the tribe of Benjamin) yet he bought a Garden being neere Ieruſalem, and the Hill Calvarie, becauſe it was a thing which belonged to the houſe within the walled Citie.

If a man might not ſell his inheritance in Iſrael, how Object. could the Kings themſelues inlarge their poſſeſſions, or haue places of pleaſure proper for themſelues? but we reade that the Kings of Iuda & Iſrael had Orchards and Gardens, and places of buriall proper to themſelues, which was a part of their peculium, or proper right.

The Kings might haue Orchards and Gardens proper Anſw. to themſelues, & places of pleaſure, but they might not buy the propertie of any mans Land or Vineyard; Wherefore Naboth ſaid well, God forbid it me that I ſhould ſell my fathers inheritance: they were but uſufructuarij, but the Lord was Dominus fundi, and he that hath no right to himſelfe, cannot make a right to another.

Why might they ſell their houſes within a walled Citie, and not their fields and grounds in the Country? Levit. 25. 13.

The reaſon was this, they might not ſell their grounds,The reaſon why they might ſell their houſes within the walled Cities. that their poſſeſſions might be kept ſtill diſtinct; but becauſe many came to dwell in the walled Cities, and the houſes were not ſo diſtinguiſhed as the grounds and Vineyards, therefore they might ſell them: this was alſo done in favour of the Proſelytes, that they might haue a dwelling amongſt the people of God▪

The concluſion of this is; as the Iſraelites when they Concluſion. morgaged their Land, they had not power ſimplie to ſell it, becauſe the propertie was the Lords; therefore it was to returne unto him in the yeare of the Iubile: So, although the children of God morgage their part of the heavenly Canaan, yet becauſe the right is the Lords, it ſhall returne to them in the yeare of that great Iubile.

CHAPTER XV. Whether the Iewes ſhould be tolerated in a Chriſtian Common-wealth or not? ROM. 11. 23. And they alſo, if they abide not ſtill in unbeliefe, ſhall be graffed in: for God is able to graffe them in againe.

THere may be many reaſons alledged, why this ſort of people ſhould not be tolerated amongſt Chriſtians.

Firſt, if yee reſpect their profeſſion and Religion, they are to be ſecluded from us Chriſtians; and ſecondly, in reſpect of their dealing with us in their civill contracts and bargaining.

As for their Religion. Firſt, they deteſt us Chriſtians who profeſſe Chriſt, for Chriſts cauſe. Secondly, they hold many damnable and blaſphemous opinions concerning Chriſt; firſt, for his forerunner Iohn the Baptiſt; ſecondly, they hate Marie the Mother of our Lord Ieſus Chriſt; thirdly, they oppoſe themſelues againſt Chriſts natures; fourthly, againſt his Offices, King, Prieſt, and Prophet; fiftly, againſt his death upon the croſſe; ſixtly, againſt his reſurrection; ſeventhly, they oppoſe themſelues to his imputed righteouſneſſe; and laſtly, to his Goſpell, and they expect a glorious Meſſias to come.

Firſt, in deteſtation of Chriſt, they deteſt us Chriſtians, they call us [Goijm] Gentes and Edomites, and when 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 v • ſtavit. they would welcome a Chriſtian, they ſay welcome Shed, that is, Devill, hinking that the common peopleThe Iewes deteſt Chriſtians. underſtand not the word; and they curſe us Chriſtians daily, anathema ſit externis in ſerpente, that is, they wiſh that we who are without their ſocietie, may be execrable as the Serpent.

But they deteſt thoſe moſt of all who are converted from Iudaiſme to Chriſtianitie, and they pray three times in the day againſt them, morning, midday, and evening, and thus they pray, Ne ſit quies Apoſtatis, ne que ſpes.

Secondly, they expect Elias Tiſhbites to be the forerunnerThe Iewes expect Elias to come. of their Meſſias; and when they cannot reſolue their hard queſtions to their Schollers, they ſay, Tiſhbi ſolvet nodos, that is, when Elias Tiſhbites ſhall come, he 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 will reſolue all doubts, but Elias is come alreadie, and they haue done to him whatſoeuer they liſted, Math. 17. 12.

They hate Marie the Mother of Chriſt, and they call her [Mara] bitterneſſe, and the herbe called Herba Mariae, by them is called Herba ſuſpenſi, becauſe Marie bare Chriſt, who was crucified upon the Croſſe: ſo a peice of money called groſſa Mariae, they called it in deſpite, groſſa ſuſpenſi.

Then they deny the two natures of Chriſt, for theyThe Iewes deny the two natures of Chriſt. deny his God-head, inceptum eſt nomen Iehova profanari. Targum Hieroſolymitanum paraphraſeth it thus, illi caeperunt idola colere, & fecerunt ſibi Deos erroneos, quod cognominabant de ſermone domini, he underſtandeth here blaſphemouſly Chriſt, calling him Deum erroneum, whom the Scripture call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Of old they ſaid Deus ſanctus & domus Iudicij ejus fecerunt hominem, by the houſe of Iudgement they meant the trinity of perſons, for all the inferior houſe of Iudgment conſiſted of three, and they ſaid Duorum non eſt judicium, ſo the Chaldie paraphraſt paraphraſeth the trinitie of perſons by this paraphraſe; but now, the Iewes doe ſet themſelues againſt this, and they deny it flatly.

They ſet themſelues againſt his offices; he was anointedThe Iewes ſet thēſelues againſt the offices of Chriſt. King, Prieſt, and Prophet [Hameſhiah] that excellent Prophet, but in deteſtation of Chriſt, they will not call their Tardigradum, or ſlow-comming Chriſt Meſsiah, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 delibutum, they hate ſo the name of Chriſt.

They mocke the Kingly office of Chriſt, Mat. 27. 19. they put a crown of thornes upō his head for a crowne; and they put a reed in his hand for a Scepter: So they mocke his Prieſtly office, he ſaved others, let him ſaue himſelfe, Verſ. 40. and his Propheticall office, Propheſie thou O Chriſt, who is he that ſmiteth thee. Mat. 26. 68.

So they mocke his death, and his crucifying upon the Croſſe, they call Chriſts croſſe the Woofe and the Warpe, and ſo myſtically when they ſpeake one to another amongſt Chriſtians, they call Chriſt the Woofe and the Warpe.

They deny the reſurrection of Chriſt, Mat. 28. 15. and it is noyſed abroad amongſt them unto this day, that Ieſus Chriſt was ſtolen away by his Diſciples, and that he did not riſe againe.

So they oppoſe his imputed righteouſneſſe, and they ſay, that every fox muſt pay his owne skin to the flayer, and they ſay, ſit mors mea expiatio cunctarum tranſgreſsionum mearum.

And laſtly they oppoſe themſelues againſt his Goſpell, they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Aven gilajon] nuntium vanum. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Secondly, if ye will reſpect their dealing with us in civill matters: they are worthy to be ſecluded from the ſocietie of Chriſtians.

They care not to forſweare themſelues to us Chriſtians, they are moſt mercileſſe uſurers in exacting from the Chriſtians, and they who profeſſe Phyſicke amongſt them, care not to poyſon Chriſtians, whom they call [Goijm,] Gentiles.

And if we ſhall adde further, that no falſe Religion ſhould be tolerated, and the Lord commanded heretickes to be put to death, how then ſhould they be ſuffered in a Chriſtian Common-wealth?

But we muſt put a difference betwixt theſe miſcreantsWhat Iewes may be ſuffered in a Commonwealth, and who not. who raile againſt the Lord Ieſus Chriſt, and blaſpheme his name; and thoſe poore wretches who liue in blindnes yet, but do not raile blaſphemouſly againſt Chriſt; thoſe we ſhould pitie: Firſt, we ſhould pitie them forThe reaſons that ſhould moue us to pitie the Iewes. their fathers cauſe the Patriarchs. Secondly, we ſhould pitie them, becauſe Chriſt is come of them who is bleſſed for ever; thirdly, the Oracles of God were committed to them, Rom. 3. 2. and the law was the inheritance of Iacob, Deut. 33. 4. they were faithfull keepers of the ſame to others, and they were like a lanterne who held out the light to others, although they ſaw not with it themſelues. Fourthly, when we Gentiles were out of the Covenant they prayed for us, Cant. 8. 8. We haue a little ſiſter, what ſhall we doe for her? So when they are out of the Covenant; We haue an Elder brother, Luk. 16. what ſhall we doe for him? And laſtly, becauſe of the hope of their converſion, that they ſhall be graffed in againe, Rom. 11.

Some Chriſtian Common-wealths admit them, but with theſe Caveats.

Firſt, that they ſubmit themſelues to the poſitiue Caveat 1 Lawes of the Countrie wherein they liue.

Secondly, that they raile not againſt Chriſt, and be Caveat 2 not offenſiue to the Chriſtians.

Thirdly, that they be not ſuffered to marrie with the Caveat 3 Chriſtians to ſeduce them.

Fourthly, that they be not permitted to exhauſt Chriſtians Caveat 4 with their uſurie.

Fiftly, that they be not admitted to any publicke Caveat 5 charge, and that they be diſtinguiſhed from the reſt of the people by ſome badge or by their apparell: with theſe Caveats, ſundry Common-wealths haue admitted them.

CHAPTER XVI. Of the Synedrion of the Iewes. MAT. 5. 22. But I ſay unto you, that whoſoever is angry with his brother without a cauſe, ſhall be in danger of the Iudgement, and whoſoever ſhall ſay to his brother Raca, ſhall be in danger of the Councell.

THis word, Synedrion, is a greeke word, but changed and made a Syriack word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , are ſitters in judgement, and Sanhedrin, are the Iudges who ſat in the Councell, and the place it ſelfe was called Synedrion.

In the Syriack, Domus judiciorum, and Domus Iudicum The difference betwixt Domus judiciorum and Domus Iudicum. differunt: Domus judiciorum is the houſe where the Counſellers met, and Domus Iudicum according to the Syriack and Chaldy phraſe, ſignifieth the Iudges themſelues. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Domus Iudicum. So the Chaldees when they expreſſe the Trinitie, they call it Domus Iudicij, becauſe there were three that ſat in their leſſer Iudicatorie; and when Beth dina 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Domus judicij. ſignifieth the Iudges themſelues, it hath the point aboue judh, but when it ſignifieth the place of Iudgement, it hath the point under judh.

There were two ſorts of theſe Synedria amongſt the Iewes, the great Councell and the leſſer, the great Councell was called Sanhedrin Gedolah, and the leſſer was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sanhedrin Ketannah.

The great Synedrion ſate at Ieruſalem onely, the leſſer Synedria ſat in other places alſo, and they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , judicia.

The great Synedrion ſat in Ieruſalem onely, and Chriſt Alluſion. Vide Guileli Schickardum de jure regio, & Ludovie: de Dieu. alludeth to this, Mat. 23. 37. A Prophet might not die out of Ieruſalem. So, O Ieruſalem, Ieruſalem, which killeſt the Prophets, Mat. 23. 37. The great Synedrion judged onely of a Prophet.

But Gabinius the Proconſul of Syria, divided this greatThe great Synedrion divided into fiue parts. Synedrion which ſat onely at Ieruſalem into fiue parts, whereof he placed one at Ieruſalem, another in Gadara, the third in Amathus towards the red Sea, the fourth in Iericho, and the fift he placed in Sephra in Galilie. And Chriſt meant of theſe Councels when he ſayes, they will deliver you up to the Councels, Mat. 10. 17. At this time the great Synedrion was divided into fiue parts.

They ſhall deliver you up to the Councels, and they will ſcourge you in their Synagogues; by their Synagogues heWhat meant by Synagogues and Councels. meant their Eccleſiaſticall Iudicatories, & by the Councels their civill.

The number that ſat in this great Iudicatorie were ſeventie and two, ſix choſen out of every tribe; but for making the number round, they are called Seventie: the Scripture uſeth ſometimes when the number is notRotundatio numeri quid? full, to expreſſe the full number, as Iudg. 11. 5. Abimelech killed his brethren which were threeſcore and ten perſons, there were but threeſcore and nine of them, for Iotham fled. So Gen. 42. 13. Thy ſervants are twelue brethren, the ſonnes of one man; although Ioſeph was thought to be dead, yet, to make up the number, becauſe he had once twelue ſonnes, they are called the twelue ſonnes of Iacob. So Num. 14. 33. And your children ſhall wander in the Wilderneſſe fortie yeares, according to the number of the dayes that the Spyes ſearched the Land; this was ſpoken to them two yeares after they came out of Egypt; yet the number is made up here, and it is called fortie yeares. So 1 Cor. 15. 5. He was ſeene of the twelue; there were but eleven of them at this time, for Iudas was dead, and Matthias was not choſen as yet; yet he calleth them twelue, becauſe they were once twelue, to make up the number. Sometimes againe although there be moe for making round the number, they take away ſome, as Luke 10. 1. the Syriack hath it, the ſeventie two Diſciples, yet it is tranſlated the ſeventie Diſciples. So the Seventie two who tranſlated the Bible, are called the Seventie.

The Lord charged Moſes to gather Seventie of the Elders of Iſrael, Moſes ſaid, how ſhall I doe this? If I ſhall chooſe ſixe out of every Tribe, then there ſhall be ſixty and two; and if I ſhall chooſe but fiue out of every Tribe, then there will be ten wanting; and if I ſhallThe uncertaine conjecture of Sol: Iarchi concerning their Election of the Seventie. chooſe ſixe out of one Tribe, and but fiue out of another Tribe, that will breed but ſtrife amongſt them. What doth he then? He made choiſe of ſixe out of every Tribe, and he brought forth ſeventie two blanke papers; upon ſeventie of the papers, he wrote [Zaken] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Senex. ſenex; and upon the two that remained, hee wrote [Hhelek] pars. Now when the Tribes drew their Lots 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pars. out of the Boxe, he who drew [Zaken] ſenex, Moſes ſaid unto him, Antea ſanctificavit te deus benedictus; but he who drew [Hhelek] pars, he ſaid unto him, Non cupit te deus. The Hebrewes ſay, that Eldad and Medad, Num. 11. 26. were of thoſe who were written, but they went not out into the Tabernacle, becauſe they drew [Hhelek] pars; but not [Zaken] ſenex, they were inter conſcriptos (ſay they) but not inter electos; and ſo the number ſeventie is made up without them.

There were two Pr • ſidents in this Councell; the firſtTwo Preſidents in the Councell. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Princeps. choſen in reſpect of his power, dignitie, and wiſedome, and he was called [Naſhi] princeps, and [Roſh hajeſhibhah] Pater conſeſſus, and he it was (as the Iewes ſay) that ſucceeded 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pater Conſeſſus. Moſes, who was the principall and the chiefeThe order how they ſat in Iudgement. in the Councell; and upon his right hand ſat he who was greateſt amongſt the ſeventie, and he was called [Abh beth din] pater conſiſtorij▪ the reſt ſat according to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pater Conſiſterij. their dignitie and age next to the Prince; and they ſat in a circuit or a halfe Moone, that both the Preſidents might haue them in their ſight.

The time when they ſat; the great Iudicatorie ſat everyThe time when they ſat in theſe Iudicatories. day except on the Sabbath, and feſtivall dayes; and when they ſat, the little Synedrion ſat but from the morning Sacrifice untill the ſixt houre, that is, untill our twelue; but the great Synedrion ſat from the morning Sacrifice untill the evening Sacrifice, that is, untill our three of the clocke in the afternoone.

The matters which they judged in this Iudicatorie,What matters were judged in the great Synedrion. were matters of greateſt weight; as to judge of a falſe Prophet, when to make warres, appointing Magiſtrates for inferior Cities; ſo for cutting off of a Tribe, and puniſhing the high Prieſt, and whether an Apoſtate Citie ſhould be raiſed and caſt downe or not; and they ſay, that none might giue the bitter waters to the woman ſuſpected of Adulterie but this Iudicatorie, Num. 5. 29. So they ſay, when a man was killed, and the killer not knowne, none might meaſure from the place where the man was killed to the next Citie, Deut. 21. 7. but the Elders of the great Synedrion, this caſe was onely tryed by them; So the raiſing up ſeed to his brother, and pulling off his ſhoe, if he refuſed, theſe were tryed by the great Synedrion.

Bellarmine the Ieſuite to proue the Pope Object. to be aboue ſecular Iudges, Bellarmines argument to proue the Pope to be aboue ſecular Iudges. alledgeth Deut. 17. 12. The man that doth preſumptuouſly, and will not hearken unto the Prieſt, and to the Iudge, even that man ſhall die. Here he ſaith, the Magiſtrate doth onely execute the ſentence of the Prieſt.

But firſt, ex decreto judicis, is not in the originall, but Anſw. according to the ſentence of the Law, Deut. 17. 11. and the word ſhould be read disjunctivè, He that hearkeneth not unto the Prieſt or unto the Iudge, &c. And by the Prieſt here is underſtood, not onely the high Prieſt, but other Prieſts, Verſ. 9. When the high Prieſt and the Iudges ſat together, then he that hearkened not to the ſentence given by the Iudge, and interpreted by the Prieſt, was to die; ſo he who hearkened not unto the Iudge, although the Prieſt was not there, was to die; for theſe Iudicatories which are conjoyned, are ſometimes diſtinguiſhed. Deut. 17. 12. 2 Chro. 19. 8. and they muſt be interpreted reſpectiuely, as the Lawyers ſpeake.

In the leſſer Iudicatorie, they might not judge of aWhen they might judge of capitall crimes in the leſſer Iudicatorie. capitall crime, unleſſe they were twentie three a full number, ſo they judged of a beaſt that had killed a man or lien with a woman, to be put to death, Levit. 20. 16.

The ſeventie whom Moſes choſe now at the commandementThe difference betwixt the ſeventie which Moſes choſe, and the ſeventie which were choſen at the direction of Iethro. of the Lord, Num. 11. 25. differed from the ſeventie whom he choſe at the commandement of Iethro, Exod. 18. they excelled the former ſeventie far in gifts, for they had the ſpirit of Moſes upon them, and as the Mantle of Elijah when it was put about Eliſha, then the ſpirit came upon him; ſo came the ſpirit of Moſes uponThe ſpirit of Moſes was not diminiſhed when it was put upon the ſeventie. the ſeventie; and the ſpirit of Moſes was not diminiſhed when it came upon the ſeventie, but the ſpirit of Moſes in that houre was like the middle lamp of the Candleſtick, from the middle Lamp the reſt were lighted, but the light of this Lamp was not diminiſhed: ſo the ſpirit of Moſes was not diminiſhed when it came upon the ſeventie. Moſes ſpirit of judgement was upon them all, but not his other gifts; as Moſes was mightie in words and deed, but not they. Moſes was the meckeſt man in the world, but not they. One Moſes ruling in a Councell will make it famous, but to haue ſeventie like Moſes ſitting in a Councell, (for they had the ſame ſpirit of ruling which Moſes had) that made it to excell all the Councels in the world, even Areopagus in Athens, and the Senate in Rome, and if we ſhall marke the unitie that was in this Councell, then we ſhall more admire it.

Whether had the Seventie this gift of Propheſie continually Object. or not?

They propheſied for a day, but no more; therefore Anſw. the Text ſaid, Prophetarunt & non addiderunt, i. e. prophetare; The ſeventy which Moſes choſe had not this gift of Propheſie continually. and ſo the phraſe is uſed by the Hebrewes, Gen. 8. 12. Non addidit redire, She returned not againe; ſo 1 Sam. 15. Non addidit Samuel redire ad Saulem, that is, he ſaw him no more; ſo Prophetarunt et non addiderunt, that is, they propheſied that day and no more.

The concluſion of this is, the Lord did ſit here in the Concluſion. midſt of this great judicatorie, and he was their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he was the Preſident of their Councell, and therefore they that hearkened not to this Councell were worthy to die.

CHAPTER XVII. Whether a Iudge is bound to giue ſentence according to things prooved and alledged, or according to his owne private knowledge? EXOD 23 1. Thou ſhalt not receiue a report; put not thine hand with the wicked to be an unrighteous witneſſe.

SVndry doe hold, that a Iudge muſt not judge contraryThe opinion of ſome concerning the proceeding of a Iudge ſecundū allegata & probata. to that which he knoweth, whatſoever is alledged or proved to the contrary; for whatſoever is not of faith is ſinne, Rom. 14. 23. that is, if a man doe a thing againſt his conſcience, it is ſinne; Wherefore, if a Iudge know a man to be innocent, and yet evidences be brought in againſt him that he is guiltie; then they hold that the Iudge ſhould uſe all meanes to free the innocent man; as firſt, he ſhould deale with the accuſer not to proceed in his accuſation, and ſhould ſignifie unto him, that he knoweth well the innocency of the partie. Secondly, if this cannot helpe, then he is bound publickly to teſtifie upon the Bench, the innocency of the partie, and he may deferre the giving out of ſentence, unleſſe he be charged by a ſuperiour; but if the matter haue no ſucceſſe that way, then he may remit him to a ſuperiour Iudge, or will the partie accuſed to appeale to a ſuperiour Iudge; but if he cannot prevaile any of theſe wayes, ſome doe will him rather to quite his place, than to giue out ſuch a ſentence againſt the innocent.

Although the light of nature it ſelfe, and the word of God both teach us, that the life of the innocent is to be maintained; yet when another law of greater force commeth in, then this muſt giue place; for reaſon itWhy a Iudge muſt proceed according to things proved. ſelfe teacheth us, that a Iudge is to proceed according to things proved, otherwiſe juſtice could not be preſerved, and the good of the whole, is to be preferred before the good of a private man.

But it may be ſaid, this is both againſt the law of nature, Object. and againſt the law written, to kill an innocent man.

To kill an innocent man accidentally, and beſides his Anſw. intention, when he is exerciſed in his lawfull calling,How a Iudge ſinneth in giving out ſentence againſt an innocent perſon. this is not a ſinne to him; but if he ſhould of purpoſe kill an innocent man, that incked were a ſinne contrary to the law; and even as in juſt warre, when the victory cannot be had otherwiſe unleſſe there be innocent men killed, as well as the guiltie, yet they may be ſafely killed, becauſe the warre is juſt warre, and ſecondly, becauſe it is not their intention directly to kill the innocent, but becauſe otherwiſe the victory could not be obtained: So a Iudge is bound to proceed according to that which is proved, and if he kill the innocent man, it is beſide his intention; for his intention is here to doe juſtice, and not to kill the innocent, and he is bound to preferre the univerſall good, before the particular.

But if he doe ſo, ſhall he not be guiltie, as Pilate was Object. in condemning Chriſt?

Pilate was an unjuſt Iudge, becauſe he pronounced Anſw. falſe ſentence againſt Chriſt who was innocent, and thisHow Pilate ſinned in giving ſentence againſt Chriſt. might haue beene knowne Iuridicè, becauſe they were not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , their teſtimonies agreed not, as the Evangeliſt Marke ſaith, Chap. 14. 59.

If a woman were proved to be the wife of Titius, Object. whom Titius in his conſcience knoweth not to be his wife; although the Iudge ſhould command Titius to doe the dutie of an husband to her, yet Titius ſhould rather ſuffer any puniſhment, than to performe that dutie to her, becauſe he knoweth her not to be his wife. So &c. Anſw.

Here we muſt diſtinguiſh betwixt that which is intrinſecè malum, evill in the owne nature of it, and that which is but accidentally evill; to commit whoredome is ſimply evill, but when the Iudge condemneth the innocent man whom he knoweth to be innocent, he doth not giue out ſentence againſt the man, becauſe he is innocent, (for that were ſimply ſinne) but becauſe he is bound to execute judgement; and here the Iudge proceedeth as a publick perſon; but Titius is a private perſon onely, and therefore he is bound to doe according to his knowledge.

If a Iudge ſhould heare two men diſputing, and one Object. of them ſhould hold a tenent which were hereticall, and he ſhould conclude for him that is hereticall, yet I am not bound to follow his ſentence.

A Iudge when he condemneth a man according to Anſw. the law, he maketh not a lie, as when he ſaith, ſuch aA Jud • e when he gi • th out ſentence upon 〈…〉 perſon, he 〈◊〉 not al •• . propoſition is true, when it is falſe; and in matters •• vine, he is not a Iudge as he is in the civill Court.

But if a Iudge ſhould be urged in his conſcience, poſed, is this an innocent man or not? Object. if he ſhould anſwere and ſay, he is nor, then he ſhould anſwere contrary to his knowledge.

As a Iudge, he muſt anſwere that he is not innocent; Anſw. here he muſt judge according to things proved, and theThe ſentence of the Iudge is the ſentence of publick authoritie. ſentence of a Iudge is the ſentence of publick authoritie, and when he judgeth ſo, he doth not againſt his conſcience; and here we muſt diſtinguiſh betwixt his ſpeculatiueScientia ſpeculativa. Scientia practica. and practick knowledge; although he be innocent according to private and ſpeculatiue knowledge, yet he is guiltie according to the courſe of the Law and publick authoritie.

He that is innocent ſhould not be condemned; this Object. man is innocent; therefore he ſhould not be condemned.

This man is innocent in judicio ſpeculativo, Anſw. but not injudicio practico; A man innocent inſpeculatiue judgement and yet guiltie in practicall judgement. but turne it this way, he that is guiltie injudicio practico ſhould die, but this man is guiltie in judicio practico; therefore he ſhould die.

If a man ſhould produce an Inſtrument privately to a Iudge, a Iudge could not proceed upon this, becauſe he ſaw ſuch a thing, if it were not publickly produced in Iudgement; this knowledge which he hath by the ſight of this Inſtrument privately, he had it not as a Iudge, but as a private man. So &c.

Whether is the Executioner bound to execute the Queſt. man, whom he knoweth to be unjuſtly condemned?

He is not the Interpreter of the Law; for that is the Anſw. part of the Iudge, but he is onely to execute the ſentenceWhether the Executioner be bound to execute one that is condemned being innocent. pronounced by the Iudge: but if he ſhould know the ſentence to be falſe which is given out upon the innocent man, then he ſhould abſolutely refuſe and ſay, It is better to obey God than man, Act. 4. 19. He is bound to obey his ſuperiour in a good cauſe, and in a doubtfull cauſe; but not in that which he knoweth altogether to be falſe.

But what if a Iudge doubt in his conſcience, in ſuch a Queſt. caſe what is he to doe?

Here he is not to giue out ſentence, for that which is Anſw. not of faith is ſinne, Rom. 14. 23. That is, whatſoever he doth againſt his conſcience.

The concluſion of this is, ſeeing the ſentence of Concluſion. judgement dependeth upon the witneſſes, there is great fidelitie required in them, that the Iudge may proceed orderly in judgement, and that he make not a falſe ſentence proceed as it were out of the mouth of God.

CHAPTER XVIII. An partus ſequitur ventrem? GEN. 21. 10. Caſt out the handmaid and her ſonne: for the ſonne of the bond-woman ſhall not be heire with my ſonne Iſaac.

GOD who is the God of order, and not of confuſion, hath debarred the children from ſundry priviledges for their fathers ſinnes.

Firſt, if both the Parents were Heathen, the Lord ſecludedThe children of Heathen Parents were not admitted to the Covenant, untill they became Proſelytes. the children from the Covenant, and they were not circumciſed, untill they became Proſelytes, & they were not circumciſed nomine Parentum, in the name of their fathers, but when they imbraced the faith & were converted.

Secondly, If both the Parents were Iewes, and did not beget their children in wedlocke, then the children were ſecluded from the inheritance, Iudg. 11. 2. Thou ſhalt not inherite with us, becauſe thou art the ſonne of a ſtrange woman.

Thirdly, If an Iſraelite had married a bond-woman, then the children were ſecluded from the inheritance, although their fathers were free; thoſe who were borne of Handmaids were alwayes reputed ſervants; and God applyed this to Chriſt himſelfe as he was man, Eſay 49. 5. I haue called my ſervant from the wombe; ſo Eſay 42. 1. Behold my ſervant whom I uphold, my Elect in whom my ſoule is well pleaſed. Marie called her ſelfe the Lords Chriſt as man was a ſervant. handmaide. Luk. 1. 28. therefore Chriſt as man borne of Marie the hand-maide, was a ſervant.

But yee will ſay, that things take their denomination Object. from the beſt part; as Water and Wine mixed together, is called Wine; ſo Chaffe & Wheat mingled together, yet it is called Wheat; Why then ſhould not the childe be reckoned to be free, after his father, and not reckoned bond, after his mother, who is a bond-woman?

In Phyſicall mixtures it is ſo, but it is not ſo in marriage; Anſw. this is rather like that which is ſpoken in theIn Phyſicall mixtures, things take their denomination from the better part. Schooles, Concluſio ſequitur deteriorem partem, if any of the premiſſes be particular, ſo is the concluſion.

The Doctors of the Iewes propound this caſe, if a Heatheniſh captiue woman were taken in the Warres, ſhe is converted and becommeth a Proſelyte; whether ſhould her childe be judged to be a free man or not in Iſrael? And they anſwere, that this childe borne of this ſtranger, is not to be counted a free man, Verum Senatus ſuo decreto Luſtrari eum tantum curat, they cauſe onely toH. Melahh. 8. 9. waſh him, but they will not circumciſe him, untill he be able to make confeſſion of his faith, and become a Proſelyte; and here they ſay, Partus ſequitur ventrem, if the mother had beene a free woman, either before, or after the birth amongſt the Romans, the childe was reputed to be free; but not ſo amongſt the people of the Iewes. Wherefore the Iudges in Iſraell willed all true Iſraelites, not to match themſelues unequally in degrees, for the diſgrace which it brought upon their children, making them uncapable of freedome, and unfit to be heires.

The concluſion of this is: Concluſion. Here we may ſee the excellencyDifference betwixt the Iudiciall Law and the Covenant of grace. of the Covenant of grace aboue the Iudiciall Law; for if any of the Parents be faithfull, then the childe is holy, 1 Cor. 7. 14. that is, he may be admitted to the Covenant.

CHAPTER XIX. An error perſonae irritat contractum? IOSH. 8. 18. And the children of Iſrael ſmote them not, becauſe the Princes of the Congregation had ſworne unto them by the Lord God of Iſrael.

IT may ſeeme that Error perſonae irritat contractum, as if a man married one woman in ſtead of another, the marriage is nullified.

I • • he error of the perſon make the contract null, Object. 〈◊〉 ſhall we thinke of Iſaacs bleſſing, who bleſſed Ia 〈…〉 in ſtead of Eſau? and yet the bleſſing was effectuall, 〈◊〉 what ſhall we thinke of Ioſhua's Covenant made 〈…〉 e Gibeonites, whom he tooke to be ſtrangers? and yet the Covenant ſtood firme and ſure; and what ſhall we ſay of Iacobs marriage with Leah in ſtead of Rachel? Here the marriage was not irritat and made voide, although there was an errour in the perſon.

Firſt, for Iacobs marriage with Leah in ſtead of Rachel, Anſw. if Iacob had not afterwards approved this mariage,Of Iacobs marriage with Leah. and gone in unto her, and begotten children upon her, the marriage had beene voyde; but becauſe he went in unto her, and begot children upon her, this error was taken away.

Secondly, it may be anſwered for Iſaacs bleſſing, inOf Iſaacs bleſſing Iacob in ſtead of Eſau. bleſſing Iacob in ſtead of Eſau, & Ioſhua's Covenant made with the Gibeonites. There were three who concurred here. Firſt God; ſecondly, the perſons who craftily concurred here to deceiue; and thirdly, the perſons who were deceived. In Iſaacs bleſſing we haue to conſider; firſt God, who cannot deceiue, nor be deceived;In bleſſing of Iacob three perſons concurred. then Rebecca and Iacob, who craftily deceived; and thirdly, Iſaac, who was deceived. Now becauſe it was Gods intention to giue the bleſſing to Iacob, therefore neither Iacobs craft, nor Iſaacs error, could hinder the bleſſing; Iſaac giveth the bleſſing ignorantly, but becauſe it was according to Gods intention and revealed will, who was the principall giver of the bleſſing, therefore the bleſſing was effectuall. So in the Covenant I • ſhua's Covenant with the Gibeonites. with the Gibeonites, the Lord commanded to offer peace to the ſeven Nations if they would ſeek it, now in commeth the deceit of the Gibeonites, and errour of Ioſhua who is deceived, yet becauſe it was Gods chiefe intention, that thoſe of the ſeven Nations who ſought peace ſhould be ſaved; therefore the oath ſtood firme, and the errour in the perſon did not make it voyde; and the matter may be cleared thus: the Lord forbiddeth a brother to eate with a railer, a drunkard, or an extortioner. Simile. 1 Cor. 5. 11. but if a drunkard, or a railer, or an ex • ortioner ſhould come to the Table of the Lord, I am not to refuſe to eate at that Table, although the drunkard be there. The reaſon is, becauſe this is not my private Table, but the Lords banquet, and I expect the bleſſing onely from him in it, and the ſinnes of the drunkard cannot hinder me; but if I ſhould bid ſuch a one to my houſe to eate with me, then I ſhould be guiltie of their ſinne. So the Covenant here is the Lords Covenant, and the deceiver is not able to make it of no effect. But where the principall intention of the contracter is deceit, and the perſon with whom the contract is made is deceived, then the contract is nullified; as if a manWhen the errour of the perſon maketh the contract of no effect. ſhould ignorantly buy a free man for a ſlaue, here the free man ſhould be releaſed, & error perſonae irritat contractum.

But yee will ſay, in all contracts God hath an hand, Object. and he is never deceived, therefore no ſuch contract ſhould be diſſolved, where there is error perſonae.

In the bleſſing betwixt Iſaac and Iacob; and the contract Anſw. betwixt Ioſhua and the Gibeonites, God had ſet downe his revealed will, what he was minded to doe in both of theſe; and therefore neither the error of Iſaac, God had revealed his will in the bleſſing of Iacob, and the ſparing of the Gibeonites. nor the deceit of Rebecca and Iacob made the bleſſing of no effect, ſo neither in the contract betwixt Ioſhua and the Gibeonites. But the Lord forbiddeth fraudulent contracts in his Word, neither is it his intention that ſuch contracts ſhould be made, therefore they are of no effect.

CHAPTER XX. That a Iudge may giue out ſentence by the information of the falſe witneſſes, and yet be free. 2 SAM. 1. 16. And David ſaid unto him, thy bloud be upon thy head; for thy mouth hath teſtified againſt thee.

IN Iudgement the principall part dependeth uponThe chiefe part in judgment dependeth upon the witneſſes. the witneſſes, and if they teſtifie an untruth, they make a wrong ſentence to proceed out of the mouth of a juſt Iudge: David here giueth out ſentence againſt the Amalekit • it was a juſt ſentence in reſpect of the Iudge, becauſe he condemned him out of his owne mouth, but a wrong ſentence in reſpect of the Amalekite, becauſe he did not kill Saul, but bragged onely that he had killed him, for the Text ſaith, that Saul killed himſelfe, 1 Sam. 31. 5.

When the Grecians beſieged Troy, Palamedes was killed there amongſt the reſt; and when the Greekes had Simile. raiſed their ſiege from Troy, and taken Ship to returne to Greece; Nauplius the father of Palamedes (to be revenged upon the Greekes) tooke a Boate in a darke night, and went into the Sea, and ſet up a Beaken upon a rock, which when the Greekes did ſee, they tooke it to be the Harbour, and directed their Courſe towards it, and ſo they runne the moſt of their Shippes upon the rockes, and were caſt away. We cannot ſay here, that the fault was in the Pilots, becauſe the Shippes were caſt away; but the fault was in falſe Nauplius, who held up a wrong light unto them. So when a good Iudge giveth out a wrong ſentence, the fault is not in the Iudge, but in the falſe witneſſes, who hold up a falſe light unto him, and therefore the Iudge ſhould labour to puniſh theſe falſe witneſſes, and to reſtore the partie who is wronged to his right; and as Telephus was healed by the ſpeare that hurt him, ſo ſhould they ſtudie to cure the perſon whom they haue wounded by their ſentence.

If a Iudge call two or three witneſſes, that is the firſtA Iudge muſt not proceed without witneſſe. thing required of him in tryall of the truth, nam teſtimonio unius non proceditur, and one witnes doth not proue. There are three witneſſes in heaven to certifie us of the truth, the Father, the Word, and the holy Ghoſt. And there are three that beare witneſſe to us in the earth of the remiſſion of ſinnes, the Spirit, the water, and bloud, 1 Ioh. 5. 7. 8. So in Indicatories of the Church three witneſſes are required, 2 Cor. 13. 1. This is the third time that I am comming to you, in the mouth of two or three witneſſes ſhall every word be establiſhed. So in the tryall of civill cauſes, every thing was eſtabliſhed by the mouth of two or three witneſſes. Deut. 21. 15.

Secondly, The Iudge muſt call faithfull witneſſes;A Iudge is to make choiſe of faithfull witneſſes. they are called faithfull witneſſes when they are reputed ſo in the common eſtimation of men; Eſay 8. 2. And I tooke unto me faithfull witneſſes, Vriah the Prieſt and Zechariah the ſonne of Ierebechiah, Vriah was not a faithfull man, yet becauſe he was ſo reputed amongſt the people; therefore he is called a faithfull witneſſe.

Thirdly, Hee muſt call witneſſes who haue bothThey muſt be eye-witneſſes. heard and ſeene, 1 Ioh. 1. 1. That which we haue heard, that which we haue ſeene with our eyes, which we haue looked upon &c.

Fourthly, They muſt be conteſtes, and their teſtimonies muſt be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , agreeing in one, Mark. 14. 56. Now if the Iudge proceed this way, and the ſentence be falſe, it is not his fault, for by the mouth of two or three witneſſes every word ſhall be eſtabliſhed, that is ſhall be holden for truth.

When a Iudge demaundeth of the witneſſes, hee asketh them not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , what murther is. Secondly, he asketh not of them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the effects and conſequents of murther which follow it, as the guilt and puniſhment. Thirdly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , he asketh them whether it were caſually or maliciouſly done. And fourthly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , if they ſaw him kill ſuch a man; this is the ſpeciall thing that they require, and if the Iudge giue out ſentence this wayes according to things proved, then the blame lieth not upon him if there bee a wrong ſentence pronounced.

It may be ſaid, when a man taketh a thing to bee a Object. truth, although it be an untruth, he ſpeaketh an untruth: why doth not a Iudge then pronounce a ſentence which is not true, although he take it to be a truth?

There is a greater vniformitie required betwixt the Anſw. mind and the tongue, then betwixt the ſentence of the Iudge, and the teſtimonie of the witneſſes; for there is nothing required in the Iudge, but that he proceed ſecundùm allegata et probata, according to things alledged and proved.

CHAPTER XXI. Of one who killed in ſuddaine paſſion. 2 SAM. 14. And thy hand maid had two ſonnes, and they two ſtroue together in the field, and there was none to part them, but the one ſmote the other and ſlew him.

THere is a difference betwixt thoſe things whichDifference betwixt things done in paſſion, and deliberately. wee doe in ſuddaine paſſion, and thoſe things which are done deliberately: thoſe things which children, mad men, and beaſts doe, they are not ſaid to be done deliberately, they come not from the will, which is principium agendi; poſſunt laedere, ſed non injuriâ afficere.

Againe, there is a difference betwixt violentum, coactum, Violentum. Coactum. Non ſpontanetum. Voluntarium. non ſpontaneum, & voluntarium. Violentum is that, which by outward force a man is conſtrained to doe, and here the will giveth no conſent at all: as when they drew the Martyrs before their Idols, and put incenſe in their hands. Coactum is that, when there is ſome externall violence uſed to enforce and compell a man to doe ſuch a thing, againſt which he ſtandeth out and reſiſteth for a time, but yet in the end he yeeldeth for feare: as Origen did to Idolatrie. But non ſpontaneum is this, when it is partly with the will, and partly againſt the will; Chriſt ſayd unto Peter, Ioh. 21. 18. they ſhall carry thee whither thou wouldeſt not, meaning what death he ſhould dye; It was partly with Peters will, and partly againſt his will, that he went to martyrdome. Voluntarium, is that when the will giveth full conſent to doe a thing.

When a man killeth his neighbour in ſuddaine paſſion he is not violently drawne to this ſinne; neither is he compelled to this ſinne; prima principia concupiſcible et iraſcibile, ſunt interna homini, and cannot be compelled: and in this ſenſe he who killeth in ſuddaine paſſion, is ſayd to doe it willingly; but if we will reſpect the will as it is obnubilated with the perturbation of anger for the time, he did it not willingly, but non ſpontè, which is a midſt betwixt ſpontè and invitè. Peter ſayd to Chriſt, Lord I will lay downe my life for thy ſake, Iohn 13. 3. no doubt hee had an intention to dye with him when he ſpake theſe words; but they ſhall carrie thee whither thou wouldest not, here he was not willing to dye; ſo that he was partly willing, and partly not willing, hee was not altogether willing, nor it was not altogether againſt his will, but it was partly with his will, and partly againſt his will.

We doe a thing Spontè, we doe a thing invitè, and weSpontè. Invitè. Non invitè. doe a thing non invitè. We doe a thing Spontè, when we are altogether willing to it; we doe a thing invitè, when it is partly with our will, and partly againſt our will; we doe a thing non invitè, quando procedit ex ignorantia comitante; as when Mutius Scaevola killed another in Simile. ſtead of Porcenna, and when it was told him that he had miſſed the King, and killed another, he was ſory that he had not killed the King; this action was neither done Spontè, nor invitè, but non invitè; but when a man killeth in ſuddaine paſſion, and after that his paſſions and perturbations are ſetled, he is ſory that he hath done ſuch a thing, and is grieved that primus impetus non est in ſua poteſtate, then he doth it invitè.

There is a twofold concupiſcence, an antecedent Concupiſcentia Antecedens. Conſequens. concupiſcence, and a conſequent concupiſcence; the antecedent concupiſcence is that, when the paſſion preventeth the will, and moveth it; but the conſequent concupiſcence is that, when the will willingly worketh, and ſtirreth up the paſſion, that it may execute the ſinne more readily; when paſſion preventeth the will, then it extenuateth the ſinne, but when the will ſtirreth up the paſſion, then it augmenteth the ſinne.

Againe, we muſt make a difference betwixt theſe Agere Ex ira. Iratus. two, to doe a thing ex ira, and to doe a thing iratus; when a man doth a thing ex irâ, anger is onely the cauſe of it, and it repenteth him of it afterward that he hath done it; but when he doth a thing iratus, it doth not proceed principally from his anger, but from ſome other bad diſpoſition, and hardly ſuch a man repenteth him of his fact.

Laſtly, there is a difference betwixt eligere and praeeligere; Eligere. Praeeligere. eligere is to follow ſenſe and appetite, but praeeligere is to follow reaſon: When a man killeth in ſuddaine paſſion, it is electio non praeelectio: This ſinne ofAnger followeth the complexion of the bodie. anger commeth commonly of the complexion of the body, nam ex iracundis naſcuntur irati; the Philoſopher ſaith, a certaine man being challenged for beating of his father, gaue this anſwere; My father beat his father, and pointing to his ſonne with his finger, he ſaid, this my ſonne will beat me alſo; theſe hereditary evils are hardly cured.

The woman of Tekoah when one of her ſonnes killed the other, ſhe begged of the King to remember the law of the Lord, that her other ſonne might be ſaved in the Citie of Refuge, which the King granted unto her willingly, 2 Sam. 14. becauſe he killed him in ſuddaine paſſion.

CHAPTER XXII. Whether they might take the ſonnes of the Prophets widow for debt or not? 2 KING. 4. Now cryed a certaine woman of the wiues of the ſonnes of the Prophets unto Eliſha ſaying, the Creditour is come to take unto him my two ſonnes to be bondmen.

IT is a pitifull thing to adde griefe to thoſe who are in griefe already; this widow ſhee was in griefe already, and thoſe who would take her ſonnes from her, adde new griefe unto her. The Lord ſaith, Make not ſad the heart of the widow. Iere. 22. 3. Elias 1 King. 17. 20. ſaid unto the Lord, O Lord my God, thou haſt brought evill upon this widow with whom I ſojourne, by ſlaying her ſonne: As if he ſhould ſay, is it not enough O Lord, that thou haſt taken away her husband, but thou wilt take away her ſonne alſo? The Lord could not doe wrong to this widow by taking away both her ſonne and her husband; but they who came to take this poore widowes children, did great wrong to her, in adding new griefe to her.

The widow in the Hebrew is called [Almonah] muta 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vidua ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Silere. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vacua. ab [Alam] ſilere, becauſe ſhe hath no body to ſpeake for her; and ſhe is called [Rikam] emptie. Ruth 1. 21. becauſe ſhe wanteth a husband to defend her; a widow who liveth in pleaſure, ſhee is dead while ſhee is living, 1 Tim. 5. 6. but a widow that is a widow indeed and deſolate, truſteth in God, and ſhe is civilly dead when ſhee wanteth the meanes to helpe her.

The Lord forbiddeth in his Law to take to pledge the upper or the nether Milſtone, which are the meanes to maintaine the mans life, Deut. 24. 6. The widowes two ſonnes were (as it were) the nether and the upper Milſtone to gaine her living. Secondly, the Lord forbiddeth to take to pledge the cloths in which the poore man lieth in the night, for he ſaith, when he cryeth unto me I will heare, for I am gracious, Exod. 22. 27. And when thoſe two ſonnes of the widow were taken from her, did not the Lord heare her, a poore woman, a poore widow, the widow of one that feared the Lord, the widow of a Prophet? Yes verily, he heard her and that quickly; And, he that ſaith, Touch not mine anointed, and doe my Prophets no harme, Pſal. 105. 15. ſo he ſaith, touch not the Prophets widow, nor her ſonn • s, and doe them no harme. Thirdly, the Lord commanded them when they went to ſeek the pledge, that they ſhould not goe in into the houſe to fetch it, but they ſhould ſtand abroad, and the man ſhould bring it out himſelfe, Deut. 24. 10. But they who violently tooke away the womans ſonnes obſerved not this, but did as the wicked ſervant in the Goſpell, who tooke his fellow-ſervant by the throat, ſaying, Pay me that thou oweſt, Mat. 22. 28.

Yee will ſay, this was a juſt debt, and therefore ought Object. to be payd.

See what Eſay anſwereth, Chap. 58. 6. Is not this the Anſw. Faſt that I required, to undoe the heavie burden, and to let the oppreſſed goe free? This debt was a heavie burden vpon the poore womans ſhoulders, and therefore they ought to haue remitted it. Iob. 22. 6. Thou haſt taken a pledge from thy brother: Hhobhel, ſignifieth both pignus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pignus. Funis. and funis a pledge, and a cord, becauſe it bindeth as ſtrongly as cords doe; and the Greekes call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Quaſi obligatio, ſuppoſitum, & obnoxios ſibi ſubijcere, with this cord they would haue bound the poore widow.

Iob when he deſcribeth the oppreſſor, Chap. 24. 3. he ſaith, he taketh away the widowes Oxe for a pledge; he taketh the Oxe, the beaſt that is ſo needfull for her, therefore he that tooke an Oxe was bound to reſtore fiue Oxen for him, Exod. 22. 1. Againe, to take the widowes onely Oxe, we ſee how Nathan exaggerateth the rich mans fault, for taking the poore mans only ſheepe, 2 Sam. 12. And if it be oppreſſion, and a crying ſinne to take the poore widowes Oxe, what a ſinne was it to take her ſonnes, who ſhould haue relieved her in her neceſſitie? Ezek. 18. 16. it is a note of the childe of God, that he with held not the pledge from the poore. In the Originall it is [Hhabhol lo hhabhal] Pignorando non pignoravit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pignorando non Pignoravit. the repetition of the ſame word ſignifieth to take away the pledge, and to keepe it.

The widow of Tekoah, when one of her ſonnes had killed the other, and the revenger of the bloud came to kill, ſhe deſired that her other ſonne which was aliue, might be ſaved, becauſe he was her unica pruna, her onely ſparkle that was left aliue, 2 Sam. 14. Wherefore to take this widowes two ſonnes from her, was to put out her light.

The concluſion of this is. Of all ſorts of oppreſſion this Concluſion. is one of the greateſt, to doe wrong to the fatherleſſe, and the widow; for the Lord is a father to the fatherles, and a Iudge of the widowes, Pſal. 68. 6. therefore men ſhould beware to wrong or harme them: God will defend their cauſe, he relieveth the fatherleſſe and the widow, Pſal. 146. 9. And he that is their Redeemer is ſtrong.

CHAPTER XXIII. Whether a man may ſell his ſonne for debt, or not? MAT. 20. 25. But for as much as he had not to pay, his Lord commanded him to be ſold, and his wife and children, and all that he had, and payment to be made.

THere are three ſorts of commanding in the family; the firſt is Herilis poteſtas; the ſecond is Maritalis poteſtas; and the third is Patria poteſtas; theſe three ſorts of power differ.

Herilis poteſtas, is like the government Monarchicall, which hath more abſolute commandement to diſpoſe of things, ſo had the Maſter, Mat. 20. 25. over his ſervants, when he commanded the man, his wife and children to be ſold.

The ſecond ſort of commanding in the family, is the authoritie which the man hath over his wife, and this is like the Ariſtocraticall power, for the man in his neceſſitie, may not ſell his wife to ſet himſelfe at libertie, Et uxor non eſt in bonis, ſhe is not a part of his goods.

The third ſort of commanding in the houſe, is Patria poteſtas; and here the father hath a greater authoritie over the children, for they are a ſpeciall part of their fathers poſſeſſion, Deut. 32. 6. Ipſe eſt pater tuus qui poſſedit te? Is not he thy father that hath bought thee? The Lord permitted a man to ſell his children under the Law, Exod. 21. 7. If a man ſell his daughter to be a hand-maide. So Ezra 2. 5. the Iewes being in debt ſold their children.

Iacob when he made his latter will, Gen. 42. 22. he ſaith, I gaue to thee one part aboue thy brethren, which I conquered with my bow and with my ſword. Iacob himſelfe never purchaſed Sichem, but his ſonnes purchaſed it when they killed the Sichemites. Why doth he ſay then, which I haue purchaſed with my Bow? The reaſon of this was, becauſe Iacob was Lord over his children, and over all that they conquered.

A father hath ſuch authoritie over his ſonne, that he might ſell him untill he was ſui juris, that is, untill he was one and twentie yeares old. Firſt, he might ſell him before he was ſeven yeare old; then he might haue ſold him the ſecond time, untill he was fourteene yeare old, if his debt had not beene payed: and thirdly, he might haue ſold him untill he was twentie one. So he might ſell his daughter. Exod. 21. 7. It is not underſtood here, that he might ſell his daughter when ſhe was readie to be married, but ſimply, he might ſell her at any time. And the Lord alludeth to this forme, Eſay Alluſion. 50. 1. Which of my Creditours is it, to whom I haue ſold you? The father might ſell himſelfe, therefore he might ſell his ſonne, becauſe his ſonne is but a part of himſelfe.

But there are ſundry things which cannot be ſold Object. Quia nullam admittunt aeſtimationem, as bloud, chaſtitie, libertie, and ſuch like.

This was not properly a ſale, but only an enterchange Anſw. of his libertie for his fathers redemption. Non eſt conditio abſoluta, ſed quaſi ſub pacto, tenetur enim emptor filium D. ll. 2. Cap. de Patribus qui filios diſtraxerunt. reſtituere, ſi juſtum pretium offeratur illi; That is, this condition in ſelling of his ſonne was not abſolute, but the contract was ſo made, that the buyer was bound to •• ſtore his ſonne backe againe to him, if he had offered him a ſufficient price.

In the naturall body, the hand or any other member will caſt up it ſelfe to ſaue a ſtroke from the head; ſo ſhould the naturall ſonne doe to relieue his father. Ruben offered himſelfe in ſtead of Benjamin, to be a bondſervant, Gen. 44. 33. Now if Ruben offered this for his youngeſt brother, much more ſhould the ſonne offer to become a bond-ſervant for his old father.

The concluſion of this is, the children ought not to lay up for the Parents, but the Parents for the children, 2 Cor. 12. 17. yet to ſupply their fathers neceſſitie, they ſhould be content to quite their libertie, and all that they haue for their fathers libertie.

CHAPTER XXIIII. Of their diverſe ſorts of Rulers and Commaunders. EXOD. 18. 25. And Moſes chooſe able men out of all Iſrael, and made them heads over the people, Rulers over thouſands, &c.

THe people of the Iewes were divided into twelue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 virg • . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Trib •• . Tribes, thoſe Tribes were called Shibhte▪ becauſe they had a rod carried before them.

Before the renting of the ten Tribes from Iuda they were called Iſraelites; but after the rent of the tenne Tribes, the two Tribes and the halfe were called Iuda, and the tenne Tribes were uſually called Iſrael; and ſometimes Ioſeph, and Izreel, and ſometimes Iacob. And in the Captivitie they are called Iewes, as Eſter 2. 5. Mordecai of Benjamin is called a Iew, ſo Eſter 3. Haman ſought to deſtroy all the Iewes: and they are all called Iſrael in the Captivitie, and thou ſhalt beare the iniquitie of Iſrael and Iuda, Ezek. 4. And once halevj, Mal. 2. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 demonſtrativ • . cum [he] demonſtrativo, to ſignifie that levi is not put here for a proper name.

Thoſe who ruled the twelue Tribes were divers, I • ſhua 23. 2. Ioſhua called for all Iſrael, for their Elders, for their heads, for their Iudges and for their officers.

For the Elders, theſe are called zekenim, and the Seventie 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Seniores. tranſlate them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, majores; zekenim is ſometimes taken for the great Synedrion, and ſometimes for the Kings Councell, 2 King. 1. 10. And Iehu ſent unto Samaria to the Rulers of Izreel, here the word Elders is taken for the Kings Councell, and not for the Synedrion, for it ſate in Ieruſalem: and ſometimes in the leſſer Cities zekenim are called Senatores.

Secondly; He called for [roſhim] their heads, which the Seventie tranſlate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Principes; This word [roſh] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Capita, Prinpes. is taken ſometimes for the Captaines of the Armies, 1 Sam. 11. 11. And Saul divided his Armie into three heads, that is three Companies. Iudg. 11. 7. eris nobis [leroſh] in caput, the Seventie tranſlate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . So [roſh] is taken for the heads of the families, and they are called [roſhe abhoth] here; Ioſhua ſent for the Captaines of the Armie.

Thirdly; He ſent for [Sh • phetim] the Iudges, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I • dices. is the Rulers of the Cities, and theſe alſo were called [Omanim] 2 King. 10. 1.

Theſe who ruled the people, were either the heads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . of the Tribes, and they were called ſhare haſhebhatim, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : theſe conveined the Tribes, and were Captaines in their warres, for the Tribes had their owne proper warres, ſometimes one againſt another; ſo the Danites made warre againſt them of Lachis, and they of Ephraim againſt Iepthe, Iudg. 12.

Or elſe they were Commanders in ſome part of the Tribe, for the Tribes were divided into families, and theſe who were cheife in the familie were called [Share 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Capita Familiarum. miſhpahhim] or Patriarchae, capita familiarum, the Patriarchs or heads of the families.

Theſe families againe were divided into thouſands; Example. In Iuda there were fiue great families, or [alphe] thouſands, and they had fiue Commanders who were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Numb. 1. 16. theſe were the heads of thouſands in Iſrael. And Micha alludeth to this chap. 5. 2. Bethleem Ephrata although thou be little amongſt the thouſands of Iuda. Secondly, ſome were Commanders over hundreds, and they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Thirdly, they were Commanders over fifties, Eſay 3. 3. And laſtly, Rulers over ten. This diviſion was inſtituted by Moſes by the Councell of Iethro, and approved by Iehoſaphat, 2 Chron. 19. Theſe Commanders over thouſands, hundreds, and fifties were [bagnale ribhoth] Lords to take away ſtrife from the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 people, like our Iuſtices of peace; and they differed from the ordinary Iudges called Shophetim. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Laſtly, They had their [shoterim] which word is diverſly tranſlated by the Seventie: firſt they tranſlate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , becauſe by force they compelled men to obedience, loro et baculo cogebant: and ſometimes they tranſlate them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , becauſe they carried a rod: and ſometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Pro. 6 6. Goe to the Piſmire, who hath not [Shoter] over ſeer or ruler. So Exod. 5. 15. they tranſlate Shoterim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as yee would ſay, inſtitutores vel doctores, becauſe they taught the people obedience to the Magiſtrates: and Act. 13. 35. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Syrus habet, caput vrbis. Iunius tranſlates it moderatores, & Aquila tranſlateth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , facinorum Vindices. Laſtly, they tranſlate ſhoterim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , under-rowers; for as in a Gallie there are commanders, rowers, and under-rowers; ſo in this well conſtituted Common-wealth of the Iewes, there were ſupreame Commanders, Commanders in the middle degree, and Commanders in the inferiour degree.

CHAPTER XXV. Of their civill counting of their times, and firſt of their Houre.

THe Greekes deriue the houre from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , terminare, Of their times. becauſe it meaſured the times of the yeare; or from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 custodire, becauſe they fained that the houres kept Apolloes gates; but it ſeemeth rather to bee derived from the Hebrew word [Or] lux, and hence the Egyptians call the Sunne 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apollo.

The Greekes at the firſt had no other diviſion of the yeare but into foure ſeaſons, which they called quatuor horae anni: and the Latines called them quatuor tempeſtates anni. The like diviſion they made of the day, and they ſaid, ſolis occaſus ſuprema tempestas eſto.

Afterward they divided theſe tempeſtates into ſo many houres in the day, thoſe houres were either called horae minores, and they were meaſured by the Zodiack, and planetarie or unequall houres, becauſe of the obliquitie of the Zodiacke; or elſe they were called horae equinoctiales equall houres, becauſe of the ſtreightneſſe of the Equinoctiall.

The Iewes at firſt learned the diviſion of the day into whole houres from the Romanes, for before this the houres were either halfe-houres, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 occaſionall houres, as to dine and to ſuppe; So the houres of dinner and ſupper were deſcribed of old by drawing of water, as Rebecca came out to draw water, Gen. 24. 11. This was the evening time when women came out to Septuaginta dix • r • nt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Din • er and Supper de • c • ibed by drawing of water. draw water. So they noted the dinner time by drawing of water, Ioh. 5. 31. when the woman of Samaria came out to draw water, then the Diſciples brought meat to Chriſt and deſired him to eate; This was dinner time.

Of the houres upon Ahaz Diall.

THe houres ſet upon Ahaz Diall were unequall, or planetarie houres, becauſe this diall was made upon a polar ground.

There are fiue grounds upon which a diall muſt beFiue ſorts of Dials. made; Firſt upon the elevation of the Equinoctiall, whoſe houres are alwayes equall. Secondly verticall, and it ſheweth onely from ſixe to ſixe equinoctially. Thirdly meridionall, which ſheweth the houres from the riſing of the Sunne unto the mid-day, upon the Eaſt ſide, and from the mid-day till the Sunne ſet upon the Weſt ſide. Fourthly horizontall, which hath no ſhadow under the Equinoctiall, or neere the Equinoctiall. And the laſt is the polar diall, which followeth the Zodiacke, and the houres are contracted upon the South ſide of the Equinoctiall in the Winter, and enlarged upon the North ſide in the Summer.

This Diall of Ahaz could not be made upon an equinoctialVpon what ground Ahaz Diall was made. ground, becauſe the houres of the Equinoctiall diall are equal. Secōdly, it could not be made verticall, becauſe the verticall ſheweth onely from ſixe to ſixe, and not the riſing and ſetting of the Sunne. Thirdly, it could not be made meridionall, becauſe the Eaſt ſide & the Weſt ſide are divided by the meridionall, and it wanteth the twelfth houre. Fourthly, it could not be made horizontall, becauſe they lay ſo neere the Equinoctiall that the ſtyle could caſt no ſhadow. Therefore it behoved to be polar, and the houres behoved to be unequally divided for Summer and Winter, or elſe they behoved to haue two Dialls, one for Summer, and another for Winter.

The forme of this Diall was Hemiſpheriall, or an halfe Circle.

In this Diall we haue to conſider theſe points; Firſt,What things are to be conſidered in this diall. that the lines were but halfe houres upon the diall, and not full houres. Secondly, that this miracle hath been wrought when the Sunne was in the height, for if it had beene in the declination, or in the after-noone, then it could not haue gone forward ten degrees; or if it had beene ſoone in the morning, it could not haue gone backe ten degrees. Thirdly, this miracle was wrought in the Summer time, the day being at the longeſt; it could not be brought backe ten degrees in the winter day, for when the day is ſhorteſt, the Sunne ariſeth to them at ſeven of the clocke: neither could this miracle be wrought at the Equinoctiall, for then they could not haue diſcerned the Sunne to caſt a ſhadow upon the diall, becauſe then the ſhadow is ſo long; but the Text ſaith, that the Sunne went backe ſo many degrees upon Ahaz diall, 2 King. 20. Therefore it ſeemes to haue beene wrought in the Summer time, at the longeſt day, when it was drawne backe from the eleventh houre to the ſixt, which is one houre after the Sunne riſing; for in the longeſt day it ariſeth to them at fiue of the clocke in the morning.

Whether went the Sunne backe ten degrees, or did the Sunne ſtand ſtill, and the ſhadow goe backe upon Queſt. the lines, [as Abulenſis upon 2 King. 20. holdeth, the ſhadow went backe ten degrees;] or did the Sunne go back and the ſhadow alſo?

If the ſhadow had gone backe, and not the Sunne, the miracle had not beene ſo great, for when the Sunne Anſw. goes forward naturally, the ſhadow goeth backward, now if the ſhadow had gone backe in an inſtant, and the Sunne ſtood ſtill, it had beene a miracle quoad modum, Three ſorts of miracles. ſed non quoad ſubſtantiam, and it had beene but a miracle in the third degree; A miracle in the higheſt degree is, when nature had never a hand in a thing, as to make the Sunne goe backe ſo many degrees, or to ſtand ſtill. A miracle in the ſecond degree is this, when nature had once a hand in producing of a thing, but when nature fayleth once, it cannot reſtore it to the former • aſe againe. Example. Nature bringeth forth a man ſeeing, now when he becommeth blind, nature cannot reſtore him to his ſight, and when he is reſtored to his ſight againe, it is a miracle in the ſecond degree. A miracle in the third degree is this, when nature in time could doe ſuch a thing, but cannot doe it upon a ſuddaine. Example. Peters Mother in law was ſicke of a Fever; Nature in time could cure one of a Fever, but Chriſt curing her upon a ſuddaine, this is a miracle in the third degree. Example 2. When a lumpe of figges was layd to Hezekias boyle, the figges in time would haue matured this boyle, and broken it, but when the Lord doth it upon a ſuddaine, this is a miracle in the third degree. So for the ſhadow to goe backe when the Sunne goeth forward, this is naturall to it, but for the ſhadow to goe backe upon a ſuddaine, this was a miracle in the third degree, but when the Sunne and the ſhadow both went backe, this was a miracle in the firſt degree, & quoad modum & quoad ſubſtantiam.

What confirmation of his faith had this beene, if the Queſt. Sunne had gone forward ten degrees, that had beene but the ordinary courſe of it?

If it had gone forward ten degrees in an inſtant, that Anſw. had beene a miracle; but when it went backe ten degrees peice by peice, this was a greater miracle; therefore he choſe rather that it ſhould goe backe ten degrees.

If the Sunne went backe onely, and not the ſhadow, Object. then it ſhould haue beene knowne through the whole world, and ſome of the Heathen would haue made mention of it in their writings; as Dionyſius Areopagita maketh mention of the Eclipſe of the Sunne in Chriſts Paſſion.

The heathen in their writings might haue made mention Anſw. of it which are not now extant: In the Booke of Iaſon there is mentiō made of the ſtanding of the Sunne and Moone in Ioſhua's dayes, and that Booke is periſhed now; ſhall we ſay then, that nothing is written in this Booke, becauſe this Booke is not extant?

Whether was this a greater miracle when the Sunne Queſt. went backe in Hezekias dayes, or when the Sunne ſtood ſtill in Ioſhua's dayes?

If ye will reſpect them to whom this miracle was Anſw. wrought in Ioſhua's dayes, it was a greater miracle; itWhether this miracle or that in I • ſh • a's dayes was greateſt? was wrought for the confirmation of all Iſrael, and this was wrought but for the confirmation of Hezekias; Secondly, Ioſhua's day was longer than Hezekias day; Hezekias day was but twentie two houres, and Ioſhua's day was twentie and foure: Ecclus 46. 4. Stetit Sol & • na dies facta eſt in duas, Did not the Sunne goe backe by his meanes? And was not one day as long as two.

This miracle was wrought at three of the clocke in the afternoone, for the Moone was a quadrant of the Heaven diſtant from the Sunne, and quarter Moone; for Gibea was Southweſt from Megiddo where they did fight, and there the Sunne ſtood, and Ajalon where the Moone ſtood was Southeaſt.

How ſtood the Sunne here at three afternoone Southweſt Quest. from the Moone, ſeeing it is ſaid to ſtand in the midſt of Heaven.

There is a twofold midſt, the firſt medium aequidiſtantiae, Anſw. and the ſecond is interpoſitionis; the Sunne is in medio aequidiſtantiae, when it is in the middle point, betwixt Medium aequidiſt antiae. intrpoſitionis. the Sunne-riſing and the Sunne-ſetting, this is in the midſt of the day; but it is in medio interpoſitionis, when it is any part of the Heaven betwixt the two extreames, it was now but in medio interpoſitionis.

Againe, this miracle was wrought twentie dayes afterThis miracle was w • ough • tw 〈…〉 dayes after the Equinoxe. the Equinoxe; for Ioſhua inſtituted the Paſſeover Cap. 5. the fourteenth day of Niſan, which was at the Equinoxe, and that Moone had but fourteene dayes to runne to the change, and now the Moone was before the Sunne; but when the miracle fell out, the Moone was behinde the Sunne, and it was quarter-Moone; ſo that the fourteene dayes of the old Moone, and the eight dayes of the other Moone, made up twenty dayes after the Equinoxe.

Thirdly, Ioſhua's day was twenty-foure houres, nine Ioſhua's day was 24. houres. houres alreadie paſt, and three houres to the Sunneſetting; then the Sunne ſtood a whole Equinoctiall day, which all being joyned together, maketh twenty-foure houres, then it is ſaid Ioſh. 10. 14. That there was no day like to it before or after, which muſt be underſtood, that there was no day before or after like unto it for length.

Hezekias day was but twenty-two houres in length, Hezekias day was 22. houres. which is proved thus; the Sunne had runne twelue degrees already forward upon Ahaz Diall, which maketh ſixe planetary houres; then it goeth backe againe tenne degrees, which maketh fiue planetary houres, and this made eleven houres.

Might not the Sunne haue gone backe to the Sunneriſing, Queſt. and ſo haue made ſixe planetary houres?

Not; becauſe the Sunne caſteth no ſhadow upon the Anſw. Diall of Ahaz an houre after it riſeth, and an houre before it ſet; neither upon any other Diall, for then the ſhadowes are ſo long, that they ſhew not the houre, it went backe then but to the houre after that it aroſe, which was the ſecond planetary houre, then it had fiue planetary houres to the midſt of the day, which made up ſixteene houres; and ſix houres to the Sunne-ſetting, which maketh in all twenty-two houres.

Now to make ſome application and ſpirituall uſe of theſe Dials.

Chriſt before his Incarnation was like to the SunneThe ſpirituall uſe of theſe Dials. ſhining upon the Equinoctiall Diall, where the ſhadow is very low; ſecondly, before Chriſt came in the fleſh, there were many Ceremonies, and a long ſhadow, but ſince Chriſt came in the fleſh, this is like the Sunne ſhining upon the Polar Diall, the ſhadow is ſhort and the Sunne is neerer.

Thirdly, our eſtate in this life compared with the life to come, is like to the meridionall Diall; for the meridionall Diall ſheweth not the twelfth houre; ſo in this life, we ſee not the ſonne of righteouſneſſe in his brightneſſe.

Fourthly, our eſtate in this life, is like the verticall Diall, which ſheweth neither the riſing nor ſetting of the Sunne; ſo in this life we know neither our comming into the world, nor the time when we are to goe out of it.

Fiftly, our eſtate in the life to come is like the Horizontall Diall, for as the Sunne ſhineth alwaies upon the Horizontall Diall; ſo ſhall the Sunne of righteouſneſſe ſhine alwayes upon us in the life to come.

CHAPTER XXVI. Of their Day. GEN. 1. 3. And the Evening and the Morning were the firſt day.

A Day in the Scripture, is either a naturall, artificiall, Dies Naturalis. Artificialis. Propheticus. or a propheticall day.

The naturall day conſiſteth of foure and twentieA day put for 24. houres. houres, comprehending day and night, Num. 8. 17. In that day that I ſmote every firſt borne in the land of Egypt. But Exod. 12. 29. it is ſaid, that at midnight the Lord ſmote the firſt borne of Egypt; ſo that by day here is meant the whole twentie foure houres.

The artificiall day began at the Sunne-riſing, and ended at the Sunne-ſetting, Exod. 16. 14. Why ſit yee all the day from morning till night? And it had three Periods in it, morning, mid-day, and evening; and the midday is called Zeharaijm, and it is put in the duall number, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Meridies. becauſe it containeth a part of the forenoone, and a part of the afternoone.

Pſal. 65. 8. Thou makeſt the outgoings of the morning, and the evening to rejoyce; the outgoings of the morne, is the riſing of the ſtarres before the Sunne riſe, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the outgoings of the evening, that is, when the Moone riſeth, and the ſtarres with her, as Heſperus; the Sunne is ſaid to go out as it were out of his chamber, when he ariſeth out of the Sea, or the earth, Pſal. 19. And he is ſaid to goe in and to dip in the Sea, Mark. 4. when he ſetteth.

Ortus Heliacus, is when the ſtarres ariſe with the Ortus Heliacus. Chronicus. Coſmicus. Sunne; Ortus Chronicus, is the riſing of the ſtarres with the Moone; Ortus Coſmicus, is when the ſtarres riſe at certaine ſeaſons in the yeare, as Orion, Plejades, &c.

A Propheticall day is taken for a yeare in the Scriptures; as they had a propheticall day, ſo they had propheticall weekes, propheticall moneths, and propheticall yeares.

A weeke ſignifieth a weeke of yeares, as Daniels ſeventie Propheticall dayes, weekes, and yeares. weekes, Dan. 9. 25. So the moneth ſignifieth a moneth of yeares, according to the Greeke computation, counting thirtie dayes to a moneth; ſo the yeare ſignifieth a yeare of yeares, Iere. 28. 3. Adhuc duo anni annorū; So theſe places in the Revelation, Forty two moneths an hundreth and ſixtie dayes three yeares and an halfe, ſo time, times, and halfe a time, are prophetically to be underſtood; A propheticall day, is a yeare; the weeke ſeven yeares, the moneth thirtie yeares, and the propheticall yeare three hundreth and ſixtie yeares, and this way they counted, to ſignifie the ſhortneſſe of the time.A day applied to the eſtate of grace.

A day is applyed in the Scripture firſt to our eſtate in grace, Heb. 4. To day if ye will heare his voyce, harden not your hearts; and all the Compariſons in the Scriptures are taken from the forenoone, to ſhew the growth of grace; Firſt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or the morning Starre, and the dawning of the day, and the day-ſtarre ariſe in your hearts, 2 Pet. 1. 19. Secondly, to the Sunne-riſing, Eſay 8. 20. It is becauſe there is no morning in them; and thirdly, to the Sunne in the ſtrength of the day, Iudg. 5. 3.

Then the declination of grace is compared to theDeclination of grace compared to the declining of the Sunne. Sunne in the afternoone, Iere. 6. 4. Ariſe, let us goe up at noone; woe unto us for the day goeth away, for the ſhadowes of the evening are ſtretched out, Micah 3. And the Sunne ſet upon the Prophets.

The forenoone is compared to the time of grace before it come to the declining, therefore let us make great reckoning of this time to redeeme it, Pſal. 108. • . I my ſelfe will awake early: but in the Originall it is more emphaticall, [Hagnira ſhahher] Expergefaciam auroram. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Expergefaciam Auroram. As if David ſhould ſay, the morning never tooke me napping, but I wakened it ſtill.

Secondly, the day repreſenteth the ſhortneſſe of ourThe day repreſenteth the ſhortneſſe of our life. life to us, and it is compared to an artificiall day, Pſal. 90. 5. In the morning it flouriſheth, and groweth up, but in the evening it is cut downe and withereth: it is like Ionas Gourd, which groweth up in one artificiall day, and decayeth againe; and the houres of the day whereunto our life is compared, are like planetary houres, long in the Summer, and ſhort in the Winter: Compare our dayes with the dayes of our fathers, they are but few and evill, in reſpect of their dayes, therefore our dayes are called dies palmares.

The Lord made the day for man to travaile, and theThe day was made for man to travaile in it. night for him to reſt in, therefore they are monſters in nature, that invert this order, who ſleepe in the day and wake in the night, Pſal. 104. 23. Man goeth forth unto his worke, and to his labour, untill the evening. And Verſ. 20. Thou makeſt darkneſſe, and it is night, wherein all the beaſts of the Forreſt doe creepe forth: Thoſe who turne day into night, follow the beaſts, and not man; ſuch a monſter was Heliogabalus, who would riſe at night, and then cauſe morning ſalutations to be given unto him: the Hiſtory ſaith, that the world ſeemed to goe backward in this monſters dayes: this ſort of people Seneca calleth them our Antipodes, for when we riſe they goe to bed & contrà.

How they reckoned the dayes of the Weeke.

THe Iewes reckoned their dayes thus; Prima Sabbath, ſecunda ſabbath, the firſt day of the weeke, the ſecond day of the weeke, &c. Secondly, the Latine Church reckoned from the Paſſeover, Prima feria, ſecunda feria, &c. Thirdly, they borrowed afterward another ſort of reckoning from the Heathen, who reckoned their dayes by the Planets, the Sunne, the Moone, Mercurie, Mars, &c.

What is the reaſon that they reckoned not the dayes Queſt. of the weeke according to the order of the Planets, for the Planets ſtand after this order, Saturne ſtands in the higheſt place, then Iupiter, next Mars, and ſo in order Sol, Mercurie, Venus, and then Luna. Iupiter followeth not Saturne in the dayes of the weeke, but Sol; ſo Mercurie followeth not Sol but Luna.

The order of the dayes of the weeke is Mathematicall; Anſw. for the ſeven Planets being ſet downe in a circle according to their owne naturall order, by an equall diſtance, they make ſeven triangles, reaching from their baſes to the Hemiſphere, whoſe baſes ariſe from the ſeverall corners drawne in the circle, in whoſe circumference, the ſeven Planets are ſet downe according to their owne order, making up one equall triangle in every one of their two ſides, as, ☉ Sol, ☽ Luna, ♂ Mars; ☉ Sol is in the right ſide of the triangle, ☽ Luna in the top, and ♂ Mars in the left ſide of the triangle; and ſo from ♂ Mars to ♃ Iupiter by ☿ Mercurie; and from ♃ Iupiter to ♄ Saturne by ♀ Venus; and from ♄ Saturne to ☽ Luna by ☉ Sol, and from the ☽ Moone to ☿ Mercurie by ♂ Mars; and from ☿ Mercurie to ♀ Venus by ♃ Iupiter, as yee may ſee in the figure following.

A Demonſtration to ſhew how the dayes are reckoned according to the ſeven Planets.

astrological illustration

Whether may theſe names of the weeke dayes which Queſt. are impoſed by the Heathen, be uſed in the Chriſtian Church or not?

The Apoſtles themſelues uſed ſuch names for diſtinction, Anſw. as Areopagus, Mars ſtreete, Act. 17. So; we ſailed in a Shippe whoſe Badge was Caſtor and Pollux. Act. 28. and ſuch like.

CHAPTER XXVII. Of their moneth. EXOD. 12. 2. This ſhall be the beginning of moneths to you.

BEfore the people of God came out of Egypt, the moneths were reckoned according to the courſeReaſons proving how many dayes every moneth had. of the Sunne, following the cuſtome of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and their moneths were full thirtie dayes, as may be gathered out of the eight of Geneſis, the floud began to waxe the ſeventh day of the ſecond moneth Iair, anſwering to our May; and it began to decreaſe in the ſeventh day of the ſeventh moneth Tiſhri: from the ſeventh day of the ſecond moneth, to the ſeventh day of the ſeventh, are one hundred and fiftie dayes, which being divided by thirtie, giveth to every moneth thirtie dayes. After they came out of Aegypt their moneths were full thirtie dayes, Numb. 11. 19. Yee ſhall not eate one day, neither fiue dayes, neither tenne dayes but even a whole moneth. Hence we may gather that their moneth was full thirtie dayes; becauſe theyReaſons proving how many moneths are in the yeare. reckoned by fiue, ten, twentie, thirtie. So there were twelue moneths in the yeare, every moneth conſiſting of thirtie dayes: 1 King. 4. 7. And Salomon had twelue officers over all Iſrael, which provided victuals for the King and his houſhold. Each man in his moneth through the yeare made proviſion: now if there had beene more then twelue moneths in the yeare, (as afterward the Iewes made their intercalar yeare Veadar) then one ſhould haue had two moneths. So 1 Chron. 27. 1. and 12. 15. The chiefe Officers ſerved the King by courſes, which came in and out moneth by moneth throughout all the moneths in the yeare: here we may ſee that there were twelue moneths in the yeare, & every moneth had thirty dayes, which made up in the yere three hundred and ſixtie dayes.

But becauſe there were fiue full dayes lacking in theThe twelue moneths come ſhort of the courſe of the Sunne fiue dayes. moneths to fill up the courſe of the Sunne, which is three hundred ſixtie and fiue dayes, the Egyptians put to the fiue dayes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the laſt moneth Tiſhri: The fiue odde dayes illuſtrated by an apologue of Mercurie and the Moone. and they illuſtrate the matter by this apologue, they ſay, that Mercurie and the Moone at a time did play at the dice for the fiue odde dayes, and that Mercurie did winne them from the Moone, and Mercurie followed the courſe of the Sunne. And in reſpect the Sunne every yeare runneth three hundred ſixtie fiue dayes andHow the leape yeare or biſſextile is made up. ſixe odde houres, which ſixe odde houres every fourth yeare maketh a day, they added this day to the fourth yeare, which yeare by the Egyptians was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as ye would ſay the dog turning about to himſelfe, as when he biteth his owne taile: and the Latines called it annus from annulus, becauſe it turned about to the ſame point againe. So Ioh. 18. 13. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a yeare, ſo Luk. 3. 2. This odde day which was added every fourth yeare was called dies deſultorius, becauſe it wanderedThis deſultorie or biſſextile day at the firſt did run thorow the twelve Moneths. to and fro through the whole yeare, for the ſpace of one hundred and twentie yeares. This is called ſaeculum, Gen. 26. and therefore they inter-laced a whole moneth for this deſultorius dies, which inWhat makes an embolimie yeare. the ſpace of one hundred and twentie years maketh up a moneth of thirty dayes: and becauſe that day which afterward was inter-called in the fourth yeare lacked ſome ſcruples of a whole day, therefore in the ſpace ofThe Sunnes courſe commeth alwayes backe in the moneths. one hundred thirty and ſixe yeares the Sunne turned backe a day in every moneth, when it commeth to the Equinoxe or Solſtice. The Sunne was in the Equinoxe at Chriſts death, in the twentie fifth of March▪ now it is come to the tenth of March, and if the world ſhould continue long, it ſhould come to the tenth of Ianuary and ſo backward. This ſheweth that the Sunne keepethThe Sunne followeth the firſt mover. the revolution of the firſt mover, who comes alwayes neerer to the North Pole, as the Astronomers haue obſerved.

Theſe fiue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dies, the laſt of them Nehemias calleth Nephthar, from the word patar, purificare, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Purificare. writing to the Iewes which were in Egypt, 2 Macc. 1. 36. he ſayes, that the Temple was purified upon the laſt of theſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dies, called naphthar: for the Egyptian moneths had alwayes thirtie dayes, which make up in the yeareTheſe fiue intercalar dayes had divers names among the Egyptians. three hundred and ſixtie dayes, and fiue odde dayes which added to the end of the yeare were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and by Egyptians and Arabians, Naſi, the firſt of them was called Oſiris, and the fift naphthar.

The moneth of the Moone hath twenty nine dayes and twelue houres, therefore amongſt the Iewes the moneths were either twenty nine, or full thirty.

The moneths of the Moone are conſidered threeA threefold computation of the moneths of the Moone. manner of wayes. Firſt, as the Moone goeth from one point of the Zodiacke and returneth backe to the ſame againe: and this is called periodus, vel curſus lunaris, which ſpace of time is more then twenty ſeven dayes, and leſſe then twenty eight. The ſecond is the returning of the Moone to the ſame place where ſhe went backe laſt from the Sunne, and this is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : this conſiſteth of twenty nine dayes and twelue whole houres. The third is the ſecond day from the conjunction, and it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the apparition of the new Moone; this is in the ſecond day after the conjunction.

All the time before the captivitie the moneths had no proper names, Ezek. 1. 1. Now it came to paſſe in the No proper names of the moneths before the Captivitie. thirtieth yeare, in the fourth, that is, in the fourth moneth. So the Romanes gaue the names to the moneths from their number, as September, October, &c. Therefore theſe three names ſpoken of, 1 King. 6. 37. 38. Ziph for the ſecond moneth, and Bul for the eight, and ſo ethanim; Theſe firſt names Ziph and Bul, Scaliger holdethThe names of the moneths before the captivitie were appellatiue. them to be Sydonian names, or Tyrian: but we may ſay rather that they were appellatiue names all this time; Ziph, ſignificat amaenitatem, Dan. 2. 31. ſo the moneth ethanim, menſis antiquorum, a Chaldie word, becauſe they reckoned the creation of the world from that moneth.

Alexander the great changed theſe Chaldie names which they had learned in the Captivitie, into Macedonian names, as Adar he called it Xanthius, and tiſhri he called i • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as yee would ſay Iupiters boy, 1 Macch. 9. 50.

It was after the captivitie before they learned to inter-callThe reaſon of the moneths intercalation after the captivitie. their moneth, and then they began to inter-call them, that they might make both the Sunne and the Moone come both to one period every ſecond or third yeare. And that they might know the time of the change of the Moone, for the keeping of their feaſts the better: and for every ſecond or third yeare they doubled the moneth adar, and called it veadar, and this yeare was called the embolimie yeare. And becauſe the Sunne and the Moone met not in one period the ſecond or third yeare, therefore they made up the golden number conſiſting of nineteene yeares, wherein the SunneThe courſe of the Sun and Moone agree after nineteene yeares are compleat, and called the golden number. and the Moone met both in one period together. The rule for this embolimie amongſt the Hebrewes was this; ter ter bis bis ter ter ter, id est, menſis intercalandus est, anno tertio, ſexto, octavo, undecimo, decimo quarto, decimo ſeptimo, decimo nono; et annus decimus nonus erat intercalandus, conſiſting of ſeven moneths.

Before the captivitie they had no other inter-calling or reducing the Moone to the Sunne, but onely dies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Egyptiorum: and the Turkes at this day obſerving onely the lunarie yeare, and never reducing the Moone to the Sunne, therefore the moneth Rammadon falleth ſometimes in Summer, and ſometimes in wiuter.

When they inter-called their moneths, they called the moneth which they inter-called, Veadar; and this Veader was their twelfth moneth, and Adar was their thirteenth moneth; this Veadar was but eſteemed as momentum temporis among the Iewes, and in their civill computations it had no uſe, neither judged they any cauſe in this moneth, and the Iewes ſet downe this caſe.

Ruben and Simeon were two twins; Ruben the eldeſt was borne in the laſt day of the intercalar moneth Veadar, and Simeon his brother was borne in the firſt day of the ordinary moneth adar, ſo that Simeon was but a day younger then Ruben. And the caſe was handled amongſt the Iudges which of them ſhould enter into the inheritance firſt, and they ordained that Simeon ſhould enter a moneth before his brother Ruben, becauſe Ruben was borne in that moneth which was not reckoned amongſt the moneths, and therefore they counted him a moneth younger then his brother Simeon. The Sunne exceedeth the Moones courſe eleven dayes.

This reckoning they kept, that they might reduce the courſe of the Moone to the Sunne, for the Sunne exceedeth the Moone eleven dayes; and alſo the moneth

The Sunne exceedeth the Moones courſe eleven dayes.

The moneth exceedeth the Moones courſe ſixe dayes.

The Sunne exceedeth the twelue moneths fiue dayes and ſixe houres.

What maketh up the leape yeare.

exceedeth the Moone in the whole yeare ſixe dayes, (when the moneths are full thirtie dayes.) And thirdly the Sunne exceedeth the twelue moneths, fiue dayes and ſixe houres, which ſixe houres every fourth yeare maketh up a day, and this yeare we call leape year • : theſe eleven odde dayes are not caſt away, they are inſititij dies, or ingrafted daies, as a graft is grafted in a tree, and they are called the Epact, becauſe they are caſt to, to the end of the year, for to reduce the Moones courſe to the courſe of the Sunne; neither are they left as dies deſultorij, to runne at randome through all the moneths of the yeare.

This time of the Epact with them is counted as no time, and they illuſtrate the matter thus. A man hadThe embolimie epact counted as no time. thirty ſonnes and thirty daughters, and three which were neither his ſonnes nor his daughters, but abortives, borne out of time; theſe thirty ſonnes and thirty daughters were the dayes & the nights of the moneths, and the three odde dayes after the third embolimie were reſerved as inſititij dies, untill the next embolimie, and were no part of the moneths of the yeare, untill the ſeventh embolimie.

The ſpirituall uſe which the Scripture maketh of the Moone is, firſt to ſhew us the inſtabilitie of the world, therefore Revel. 12. 1. the Church is the woman cloathed with the Sunne, having the moone under her fect: to ſignifie that the Church ſhall tread under foote the changeable world.

Secondly, as the Moone changeth, ſo doth the life of man, Iob 14. while my change come: ſo Prov. 31. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Filii mutationis. aperi os tuum in cauſa filierum mutationis, that is, for him that is going to be put to death; and as we pray when the Moone changeth, Lord ſend us a good change, ſo ſhould we pray eſpecially when we are ready to die, that the Lord would giue us a happie change.

CHAPTER XXVIII. Of their Yeare. 2 CHRO. 24. 23. And it came to paſſe at the end of the yeare, (or in the revolution of the yeare) that the Hoſt of Aſſyria came up.

THe Iewes had a twofold beginning of the reckoning of their yeare; the firſt was from Tiſhri, the ſecond was from Niſan.

They began their firſt reckoning from Tiſhri, in the moneth Elul their yeare ended, and in this moneth their new yeare began; this was called [Tekuphah] revolutio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Revolutio. anni. 1 King. 20. 26. it was in this moneth that the Kings went forth to battaile, 2 Sam. 11. 1. And it came to paſſe when the yeare was expired at the time when Kings went out to battaile. They went out to battaile at this time of the yeare, becauſe then the heat of the yeare was declining; and the Chaldees called this moneth, Menſis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Menſis Antiquorum. Ethanim, id eſt, veterum, 1 King. 8. 2. In this moneth they began to reckon before they came out of Egypt, becauſe the Iewes held that the world was created in this moneth; this moneth is called [Hhoreph] pueritia, for as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chaldaicè Pueritia et Hye • s. Tiſhri is the beginning of the yeare, Gen. 8. 22. ſo the beginning of our age is our childhood, Iob 29. 4.

Their Eccleſiaſticall reckoning began in Niſan, Exod. Their Eccleſiaſticall reckoning began in Niſan. 12. 1 Chron. 12. 15. Theſe are they who went over Iordan in the firſt moneth, when Iordan had overflowed all the bankes: this was in the moneth Niſan, for then the ſnow melteth upon the mountaines of Libanus, and the waters overflow the banks of Iordan. Ioh. 4. 35. Say ye not there are yet foure moneths and then commeth the harveſt? that is, the Paſcha and the Pentecoſt; the firſt was the beginning of the harveſt, and the laſt was the end of the harveſt; the beginning of the harveſt fell in the firſt moneth of the yeare in Niſan; for on the fourteenth day was the Paſcha, & on the fifteenth day they brought in handfuls of new Corne; and Zach. 7. 1. The word of the Lord came unto Zachariah in the fourth day of the ninth moneth, even in Chiſleu, that is, in the ninth from Niſan. So the feaſt of the Tabernacles was kept in the ſeventh moneth Tiſhri, which is the ſeventh from Niſan.

From Niſan they reckoned their feaſts, the reigne ofWhat they reckoned from every moneth. their Kings, their contracts, bonds, and Obligations.

From Elul anſwering to our Auguſt; they reckoned the age of their young beaſts which they were to offer to the Lord, none of their beaſts were offered before Elul.

Thirdly, from Tiſhri anſwering to our September, they reckoned the ſeventh yeare of the reſting of their land, and their Iubilees; and from this time they reckonedVide Buxt • r. Synag. how long their trees were circumciſed or uncircumciſed.

Fourthly, from Shebat anſwering to our Ianuary, they reckoned all their trees which payed fruit, they payed tithe onely of theſe trees which began to flouriſh at that time.

The concluſion of this is; As the Lord changed the Concluſion. reckoning of the Iewes from Tiſhri to Niſan, becauſe the Iewes then were delivered out of Egypt; ſo the Lord hath changed our reckoning now from the old Sabbath of the Iewes, to the new reckoning of our Sabbath, becauſe this day our delivery and redemption was finiſhed; 2 Cor. 5. 17. Old things are paſſed away, behold all things are become new.

CHAPTER XXIX. Of their numbring, and manner of counting. PRO. 3. 6. Wiſedome commeth with length of dayes in her right hand.

THey numbered of old three manner of wayes; firſt, by their fingers; ſecondly, by letters; and thirdly, by Ciphers.

Firſt, by their fingers, for as their firſt meaſure was their hand. Eſay 40. 12. Who hath meaſured the waters with the hollow of his hand, and met out the heavens with his ſpan? So their firſt numbering was by their fingers; and Salomon alludeth to this forme, Pro. 3. 6. Wiſedome cōmeth with length of dayes in her right hand. The Greeks called this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , becauſe they numbered upon their fiue fingers; ſo Ovidius, Lib. 2. Faſt.

Seu quia tot digitis per quos numerare Solemus. So Iuvenal writing of Nestor; —Sua dextra computat annos.

They numbered upon their ten fingers, becauſe no ſimple number can go beyond nine, and the tenth number is the complement of all ſimple numbers.

They numbered, firſt with their right hand upon the left, becauſe the right was the moſt fit hand for action, for the ſpirits lie in the right ſide of the heart, and ſo make the right hand more fit to doe any thing; and the bloud lieth more to the left ſide, and therefore the left hand is not ſo fit for action. Salomon ſaith, that the wiſe mans heart is at his right hand, Eccleſ. 10. 2. the ſpirits enableth his hand more to doe; and the fooles is at his left hand, becauſe there are not ſo many ſpirits in the left ſide of the heart to quicken the hand; but when the ſpirits encline equally to both the ſides, then he is [Itter jad] ambidexter, that could uſe the left hand as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ambidexter. well as the right; ſuch were the men of Benjamin and Ehud; it ſhould not be tranſlated left handed, Iudg. 3. 15. but he who uſed both the hands.

They numbered upon the left hand from one to ninetie nine, and at an hundreth they began to turne to thePlinius. Lib. 44. right hand; therefore Ianus was ſet up at Rome, with the number of the dayes in the yeare upon his hands, having the great number upon his right hand, and the ſmall number upon his left.

The way how they numbered upon the left handBe •• a de rati • ne temp • rum. was this; when they counted one, they laid the point of their little finger in the midſt of their palme; whenThe manner of their counting from 10. to 100. they counted 2, they laid the ring finger upon the palme of their hand, when they counted 3, they laid their middle finger upon the palme of their hand; when they counted 4, they lifted up their little finger from the palme of their hand, and they left other two fingers lie ſtill upon the palme of their hand; when they counted 5, they lifted up the ring-finger from the palme of their hand; and when 6, they lifted up the middle finger; when 7, they laid the point of their little finger about the middle of their hand; and when 8, the ring-finger about the middle of their hand; when 9, the middle finger about the middle of their hand; when 10, they laid the naile of their forefinger at the middle of the thumbe; when 20, they laid the naile of the forefinger betwixt the ioynts of the thumbe; when 30 they laidAll numbers under an hu • dred were counted upon the left hand. the naile of the forefinger and the naile of the thumbe together; when 40, they laid the thumbe upon the forefinger croſſe-wayes; when 50, they inclined the thumbe to the plame of the hand; when 60, they laid the top of the forefinger to the thumbe; when 70. they laid the naile of the thumbe to the top of the forefinger; when 80, they laid the naile of the thumbe betwixt the forefinger and middle finger; when 90. they laid the naile of the forefinger at the roote of the thumbe. Luk. 15. 4. The Parable ſeemeth to allude to this forme of counting, he left ninetie and nine and ſought that one which was loſt.

Then they tranſferred the numbers from their leftAll numbers from an hundred to a thouſand upon the right hand. hand to the right hand, and they numbered hundreths upon the right hand, as they number ſimple numbers upon the left hand.

When they came to reckon 1000, they laid the palme of their left hand upon their breaſt, with their fingers ſpread; when 2000, they laid the backe of their left hand upon their breaſt with their fingers ſpread; whenAll numbers from 1000 to 100000. they numbered with their left hand. they numbered 30000, they laid the palme of their left hand upon their breaſt with their fingers upward; when they numbered 40000, they laid the backe of their left hand upon their breaſt, and their fingers downward; when 50000, they laid the palme of their left hand upon their navell, with their fingers upward; when 60000, they laid the backe of their hand upon their navell, with their fingers downward; when 70000, they laid the palme of their left hand upon their left thigh, with their fingers croſſewayes; when 80000, they laid the backe of their left hand upon their left thigh, with their fingers upward; when 90000, they laid the palme of their left hand upon their left thigh, with their fingers downward; ſo that the hand was laid twice up and twice downe, backward and forward upon their breaſt, navell, and thigh, therefore Plautus ſaith, Ecce autem avertit nixus laeva, in femore habet manum, dextra digitis rationem computat feriens femur, that is, he turneth his left hand from his left thigh, & is come with his right to ſmite upon his right thigh, to ſignifie an exceeding great number.

When they came to 100000, they counted withAfter 100000. they counted the ſame way with their right hand. their right hand upon their belly, navell, and thigh, as they did before untill they came to 10000000.

The Hebrewes, Greekes, and Latines, counted likewiſe by the letters of their Alphabet; the Hebrewes andM. Mille. D. Dimidium mille. X. Becauſe it conſiſteth of two VV. V. Becauſe it ſtandeth in the fift place amongſt the Vowels. Greekes numbered by all the letters of the Alphabet; but the Latines had onely ſixe by which they counted, M. D. C. X. V. I. M. for 1000. D. for 500. C. for 100. X. for 10. and I. for 1.

Afterwards they numbered by Ciphers, which were but lately found out: The Turkes learned it from the Arabians; we from the Turkes; and it commeth from the Hebrew word [Saphar] numerare; in the Arabicke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Numerare. Siphra est privatio, that is, a figure in the number which ſignifieth nothing by it ſelfe.

The Ancients did not onely number with their fingers, but alſo ſpeake with them; unto which Salomon alludeth, Pro. 6. 13. The wicked man he ſpeaketh with his Alluſion. In tarentilla. fingers; therefore Naevius ſaith, Alij dat annulum, alium invocat, cum que alio cantat, alijs deni que dat digito literas; Loqui digiti • quid. He giues a ring to one, he calls upon another, he ſings with another, and to others he giues letters by his fingers, that is, he mixeth his ſpeeches with others by poynting out Letters with his fingers. Beda in his Booke de indigitatione, Beda libello de indigitatione ſets downe the manner how they ſpake with their fingers, after he hath ſet downe the manner how they counted with them, for he ſaith, De ipſo computo quaedam manualis loquela figurari poteſt, quâ literis quis ſigillatim expreſsis, verba quae ciſdē literis contineantur, alteri qui hanc quo que noverit induſtriam tametſi longè poſito legenda & intelligenda contradat: that is, out of the ſame numbering there may be drawne out a certaine ſpeaking by the hands, which a man may deliver to another who ſtands a farre off, who hath the ſame skill both to read and underſtand, and this is by Letters expreſſed ſeverally, and the whole words are contained in theſe Letters. So that the ſame way a man counts with his fingers, that ſame way doth he ſpeake with his fingers, for the firſt number upon the hand, poynteth out the firſt Letter, the ſecond number the ſecond Letter, and ſo to the end of the Alphabet, and the man that had the beſt dexteritie did ioyne the Letters together, and made up a word or phraſe, which onely he and the ſpeaker underſtood.

They reckoned their numbers upon their fingers: Concluſion. when we looke upon our fingers, we ſhould learne to number our dayes; Wiſedome biddeth us binde her precepts to our fingers, Prov. 7. 3. Alluding to their Phylacteries which they had upon their Armes; ſo ſhould we put thoſe numbers upon our hands, and continually make uſe of them for the ſhortneſſe of our life.

CHAPTER XXX. Of their civill Contracts, and manner of writing them. IERE. 32. 7. Buy thee my field that is in Anathoth, for the right of redemption is thine to buy it, &c.

IN this contract and bargaine betweene Ieremie and his Vncles ſonne Hanameel, conſider firſt the manner how the contract was written; and ſecondly, how this teſtimony is cited by Matthew, Cap. 27. 7.

Firſt, for the manner of writing the contract, he whoS • ali •• r in Elen • ho. was to buy the ground wrote two Inſtruments, the one he ſealed with his owne Signe • , the other he ſhewedTwo Inſtruments written at th • buying of Land▪ one clo • ed and another no • cloſed. uncloſed to the witneſſes, that they might ſubſcribe and beare witneſſe of that which was written: this the witneſſes did ſubſcribe upon the backe of the incloſed inſtrument, and theſe two Inſtruments were almoſt alike in all things, ſaue onely that in the ſealed Inſtrument ſomething was concealed from the witneſſes, the thingsWhat things were concealed from the witneſſes in the cloſed Inſtrument. concealed were theſe, the price of the Land, and the time of the redemption, theſe they concealed, (for none knew theſe but the buyer and the ſeller) in caſe that the Goel or the next of the kindred knowing the time of the redemption, and the price, and the Morgager not being able to redeeme it at the day, it was lawfull for the next of the kindred to haue redeemed it; theſe two being concealed, there was place ſtill for the poore man to redeeme his Land after the day, therefore they ſet downe in the incloſed Inſtrument, onely the bare diſpoſition without the price or time of redemption. So amongſtC • lius Rodogineus. the Romanes, when they ſealed their latter will, they concealed the name of the heire, leſt any wrong ſhould be done unto him.

It may be asked how theſe words are cited by Mathew, Queſt. chap. 27. 9. Then was fulfilled that which was ſpoken by Ieremie the Prophet ſaying, and they tooke the thirtie peices of ſilver the price of him that was valued, which they of the children of Iſrael did value, and gaue them for a p • tters field, as the Lord appointed me; he alledgeth Ieremie, but the words are ſpoken by Zecharie▪ chap. 11.

This teſtimonie in Mathew is made up of the ſaying Anſw. of Ieremie and Zecharie, and yet Ieremie is onely citedThe New Teſtament c • teth two places out of the old to make up one teſtimonie. by Mathew: for it is the mann • r of the new Teſtament to make up one teſtimonie of two cited out of the old Teſtament, although written in divers places in the old Teſtament. Example. Peter Acts 1. 20. maketh up but one teſtimonie of divers places collected out of the 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 Pſalme 69. 17. and 109. 8. ſo 1 Pet. 2. 7. this teſtimony is made up of diverſe teſtimonies out of the Pſalme 118. 22. and Eſay 8. 14. So Chriſt, Math. 21. 5. maketh up one teſtimony out of Eſay 62. 11. and Zach. 11. 11. So Mat. 21. 14. made up of Eſay 56. 7. and Iere. 7. 11.

Secondly, this is the manner of the New Teſtament,The New Teſtament 〈…〉 ing of two Prophets, expreſſe him who •• th the chiefe part of the teſtimonie. when teſtimonies are cited out of two, they leaue out the one and expreſſe onely the other, and they cite the whole teſtimony as written by one: example, Mat. 21. 5. there is a teſtimony cited out of two Prophets, yet they are cited but as one teſtimony, it is cited out of two Prophets, Eſay 62. 11. and Zach. 9. 9. Yet the Evangeliſt ſaith, that it might be fulfilled which was ſpoken by the Prophet; the firſt words are Eſayes, the latter are Zacharies, and yet they are cited as if they were the words of Zachary. So Mark. 1. 2. As it is written in the Prophets; this teſtimony is written both in Eſay and Malachy, Behold I ſend my Meſſenger before thy face, &c. yet Mat. 3. 3. Eſay is onely cited and not Malachy.

Now let us conſider here why the Evangeliſt citeth here Ieremie rather than Zacharie, the Evangeliſt wouldWhy Matthew rather cites Ieremie than Zacharie. giue a reaſō here, not ſo much why Chriſt was bought by the Scribes and Phariſies, as of the feild which was bought for ſuch a price; Zachary ſpeaketh nothing of the field that was bought, wherefore it had not beene pertinent for the Evangeliſt to haue brought in the teſtimony of Zachary here. Ieremie in his thirtieth ſecond Chapter telleth when the Captivitie was now approaching, he is commanded to buy ſuch a field, and in buying ſuch a field there was ſome ſecret myſtery; ſecondly, there was ſome analogie, for this feild bought by Ieremy was a type of the Potters field, whereof Matthew ſpeaketh, and the analogie conſiſted eſpecially in this, the field which Mathew maketh mentiō of, was bought to be a buriall for ſtrangers, and this was typed in the field which was bought by Ieremy, for Ieremy was commandedWhat time Ieremiah bought this field. to buy this field at that time when he was taken priſoner, and when there was little or no hope for him to come out of priſon, and when the City was beſieged by the Chaldeans; the buyer might thinke now that he had but ſmall reaſon to buy that land, which was preſently to be taken by the Chaldeans; Ieremie might haue ſaid unto the Lord, the Citie is to be delivered into the hands of the Chaldeans, and thou bidſt me buy the field for ſo much money, & the Lord ſaith, I will deliver this Citie into the hand of the Chaldeans; hence it may ſeeme that this field was bought rather for ſtrangers than for the buyer himſelfe, or any that belonged unto him; therefore Lament. 5. 2. Ieremie ſaith, our inheritance is turned to ſtrangers, our houſes to Aliants.

But how could Anathoth be turned into a buriall place? Queſt.

It is anſwered, the feild which was in Anathoth was Anſw. aſſigned to the Levites, Ioſh. 21. 18. Theſe Cities which were aſſigned unto the Levites, they had no feilds which were arable about them, to beare Corne, but ſome ground for the feeding of their Cattle; and it is moſt probable that they had ſome Gardens wherein they buried their dead; as we reade of Ioſeph of Arimathea, who had a Garden neare the Citie in which Chriſt was buried: Secondly, this feild by Matthew is called the Potters feild, & here we may ſee ſome reſemblance betwixt this feild and the feild ſpoken of by Ieremie; for after the writs were perfected, Ieremie ſaid to his Scribe Baruch, take theſe writs and put them in an earthen pot, that they may continue there for many dayes, verſ. 14. There muſt be ſomething typed by this, that he biddeth take theſe writs and put them in an earthen pot, for men uſe to put their writs in Cheſts and boxes and ſafeſt places; and as this buying of the field was ſet downe as an argument to ſtrengthen the Iſraelites, that they ſhould returne out of the Captivitie, and poſſeſſe their own lands; ſo it was a type of that which Matthew ſpeaketh; & as this feild which Ieremie bought was turned into the uſe of ſtrangers, ſo was the field which Mathew ſpeaketh of made a buriall for ſtrangers; and as the writs were hid in the earthen pot in Ieremies time, ſo was this feild which Matthew ſpeaketh of, a Potters feild. In Zachary there is no mention made of the buying of the feild with the thirtie peices of ſilver, but Matthew ſpeaketh of buying of the feild, and ſo doth Ieremie, therefore the Evangeliſt pertinently citeth Ieremie and not Zacharie.

From the citing of this teſtimony we may draw this Concluſion. Concluſion, there are many things written in the old Teſtament, which at the firſt ſight might ſeeme to look no wayes to the new; but if we looke neerer and neerer unto them, we ſhall ſee how they agree together, therefore we ſhould ſearch the Scriptures, which beare teſtimony to Chriſt, Ioh. 5. 39.

CHAPTER XXXI. What things the Goel was bound to doe to his kinſman, and what things were done to him by his brethren. PROV. 23 10 Remoue not the old land-marke, and enter not within the feild of the fatherleſſe, for their Redeemer (or Goel) is mightie, and he will plead their cauſe.

HE that was the Goel in Iſrael, was bound to doeThe priviledges of the neereſt kinſman. three things for his brethren; firſt, he was vindex ſanguinis, the revenger of the bloud; ſecondly, he redeemed the morgaged lands of his kinſman: thirdly, he delivered him out of priſon. Theſe three things he was bound to doe jure propinquitatis, becauſe he was his neereſt kinſman.

Now let us apply theſe to Chriſt our Goel, firſt our Goel, or vindex ſanguinis, the revenger of our bloud,Chriſt our neereſt kinſman hath taken all their priviledges upon him for us. revengeth all our wrongs. When the heart of the revenger of the bloud was hot within him, Deut. 19. 6. it was a terrible thing for the manſlayer to meet him, he purſued eagerly after him. So Ieſus Chriſt purſueth after his enemies, who ſhed the bloud of his Church.

Secondly, the Goel redeemed the morgaged Land, Ruth 4. 4. and Iere. 32. 7. Ieremie couſin to Hanameel redeemed his morgaged Land; we haue morgaged our inheritance in heaven, but our Goel Ieſus Chriſt, who is fleſh of our fleſh and bone of our bone, will redeeme it to us againe.

The the third thing which the Goel did to his kinſman, was to relieue him out of priſon. So we being condemned to that everlaſting priſon, Chriſt hath bailed us.

Now the priviledges which the firſt-borne who wasThe priviledges of the neereſt kinſman as he was firſt borne. the Goel had done to him were two; Firſt he had the double portion of his Fathers goods; And ſecondly, his ſecond brother was bound to raiſe up ſeed to him.

Ieſus Chriſt our eldeſt brother, he is annointed with gifts aboue his fellowes, Pſal. 45. and from him we receiue grace for grace, Ioh. 1.

The ſecond thing which was due to the Goel wasVVhat the ſecond brother was bound to doe for the eldeſt. this, if he died without children then his ſecond brother was bound to raiſe up ſeed to him: and if he refuſed to doe it, they pulled off his ſhoe and ſpit in his face. The application of this is; Chriſt our Eldeſt brotherMiniſters are Chriſts ſecond brethren. ſhall never want a ſeed in his Church to the worlds end. When Onan refuſed to raiſe up ſeed to his brother, then Selah was bound to doe it, Gen. 38. So there ſhall be ſtill ſome who ſhall performe this dutie to our Eldeſt brother.

Againe the children were not called their children, but the eldeſt brothers children The application is, the Preachers are Chriſts younger brethren, therefore they ſhould beget children to Chriſt, and not ſeeke their owne honour.

If they refuſed to raiſe up ſeed to their brother, thenThe portion of a ſloth • ull Miniſter. their ſhoe was pulled off, and they did ſpit in their face. Great ſhall be the ſhame of theſe who refuſe to doe this dutie to their elder brother Chriſt: their ſhoe ſhall be pulled off, and they ſhall looſe their part of that heavenly inheritance.

The Church having ſuch a Goel, men ſhould be loth to meddle with her. Prov. 23. 10. Remoue not the old Concluſion. markes, and enter not within the field of the fatherleſſe, for their Goel, or redeemer, is mightie, and hee will plead their cauſe: here he alludeth to that place, Deut. 25. 8. The Lord is a Goel to all his poore and diſtreſſed members: he was Ioſephs Goel when he was in priſon: The armes of his hands were made ſtrong by the hands of the mighty God of Iacob. Gen. 49. 24.

CHAPTER XXXII. The difference betwixt the brother naturall, and the kinſman in raiſing up ſeed to the eldeſt brother, and what was done to them if they refuſed. LEVIT. 25. 9. Then ſhall his brothers wife come unto him, &c.

THere was a twofold pulling off of the ſhoe in Iſrael, A two-fold uſe of the pulling off the ſhoe. the firſt was for a religious uſe, the ſecond for a civill uſe. Firſt the religious uſe we ſee in Exod 3. 5. and in Ioſh. 5. 13. The ſecond uſe was a politicke uſe, and this politicke or civill uſe was two fold; Diſcalceatio. firmat • ria Ded •• oris. the firſt ſerved for the ſolemnity of their contracts, & it was called firmatoria diſcalceatio; the ſecond was for a puniſhment and diſgrace Deut. 25. 9. And it differed from that which was uſed in confirmation in ſundry points.

Firſt, when their ſhoe was taken off for a puniſhment Differ. 1 or diſgrace, the woman herſelfe pulled off the ſhoe of him who refuſed to raiſe ſeed to his brother; but in the contract of confirmation the man himſelfe looſed his owne ſhoe and pulled it off.

Secondly, that pulling off the ſhoe was for the diſgrace of the man; but this which was uſed in contracts was to ſecure the man in his right: it • ended to no diſgrace to him; or if he ſold the land, it was onely a ſigne that he was willing to quit his right; and if he bought the land it was a ſigne to him of his poſſeſſion.

Thirdly, that pulling off of the ſhoe was by commaund but this pulling off the ſhoe was by cuſtome. Ruth 4. 7. This was the manner in former times in Iſrael.

Fourthly, this ſhoe was pulled off from the naturall brother, if he refuſed to raiſe up ſeed; but that ſhoe for confirmation was pulled off by any who made a contract, in token of poſſeſſion: And the Lord alludeth to this forme Pſal. 60. 8. Over Edom I will cast my ſhoe, that is, I will take poſſeſſion of it: this was called [Hhalizah] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Detractio. detractio.

Fiftly, when the ſhoe was pulled off for diſgrace, it was given to no bodie, but the ſhoe which was pulled off in bargaining was given to him who bought the land.

Sixtly, In the former pulling off of the ſhoe, there was no requeſt made that the ſhoe ſhould be pulled off, but it was pulled off againſt his will; but in the latter, they deſired him to pull off his ſhoe, and he did it willingly.

Seventhly, In the former the ſhoe was pulled off againſt his will in the preſence of the Iudges; but in this bargaine the ſhoe might be pulled off before any ſufficient witneſſe.

Eightly, The former was onely pulled off when the brother refuſed to raiſe up ſeed to his brother; but in the latter the ſhoe was pulled off in any contract of alienation.

Ninthly, When they pulled off the ſhoe in diſgrace, they ſpit in his face, which the Seventie tranſlate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and Ioſephus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to ſmite him in the face: but in this latter there was no ſuch diſgrace offered to the man.

Tenthly, In the former when the ſhoe was pulled off, the woman ſaid, ſo ſhall it be done to the man who refuſeth to build his brothers houſe, Deut. 25. 9. but in the latter there were no ſuch words ſpoken.

Laſtly, he that refuſeth to raiſe up ſeed to his brother his houſe was called domus diſcalceati in Iſrael; but there followed no ſuch diſgrace to the man who pulled off his ſhoe in the contract.

They make another difference to be this, that he whoThe difference betwixt the naturall brother and the kinſman. was the naturall brother, when he raiſed up ſeed to his brother, the children were not called his children, but his brothers children, and the ſhoe was pulled off his foot, becauſe he refuſed to doe that honour to his brother; but when a couſin-german raiſed up ſeed to his kinſman, the children were not called after his kinſman that was dead, but as the father pleaſed to call them. Boaz called not his ſonne Machlon, after the firſt husband of Ruth, but Obed.

But the queſtion is, whether they were bound to Queſt. giue them the ſame names or not? For Deut. 25. 6. the words in the originall are theſe; Primogenitus quem pepererit ſtabit ſuper nomen fratris ſui, ſhall ſucceed in the name of his brother: therefore it may ſeeme they were called after the elder brothers name.

To ſucceed in the name is to ſucceed in the place, and Anſw. not to be called after his name: and Ionathan paraphraſeth it, exurget in haereditate nomine fratris, to continue his name, but not to be called after his name.

There were two ſorts of brothers amongſt the Iewes, naturall brethren and legall brethren; the naturall brother was bound to raiſe up ſeede to his eldeſt brother; the elder firſt, and if he died, then the ſecond, and then the third, &c. Mat. 22. And if they did not, then they were puniſhed and diſgraced; but thoſe who were legall brethren, or couſin-germanes, as N. was to Machlon, they were not compelled to marry them, but if they did not, there was ſome diſgrace put upon them, but not that great diſgrace which was put upon the naturall brother. If a couſin-germane, or a legall brother had married his couſines wife, the children which he begot upon her, were not called his children, but his couſines children; even as the children which the naturall brother begat, were not his children but his elder brothers, and therefore N. ſaith, Ruth 4. 6. I cannot redeeme it, leſt I marre my owne inheritance; that is, theſe children begotten upon Ruth ſhould not be called my children, but my kinſmans, and ſo all that I inherite ſhould goe to them.

The concluſion of this is; the Holy Ghoſt here marketh Concluſion. the couſin-germane with a note, not naming him by his name, but paſſing him by; but they who were naturall brethen, if they refuſed, they were noted with a greater marke of infamie: ſo the moe obligations that Paſtors haue, if they refuſe to doe their dutie to Ieſus Chriſt, the greater ſhall be their ſhame.

CHAPTER XXXIII. Of their Marriages. IVDG. 14. 7. And he went downe and talked with the woman, and ſhe pleaſed Sampſon well, and after a time he returned to take her.

THey had their Sponſalia de futuro, & de praeſenti; de futuro, as Lots ſonnes in law were but affianced to his daughters, they were not as yet married, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 accepturi filias cius. [Lokehhe benathau] accipientes uxores, ſhould be interpreted, Brevi pòſt accepturi, for they knew not as yet a man, Verſ. 8. So Deut. 20. 7. What is there that hath betrothed a wife, and hath not taken her. So Ioſeph and Marie were affianced, ſee Deut. 22. 24.

Betwixt their affiance and their marriage there intervened a time. Iudg. 14. 7. And he went downe and talked with the woman. This was for the affiancing; and Verſ. 8. After a time he returned againe to take her; that is, to marry her: the firſt time that he went downe he killed the Lyon; and the ſecond time when he went downe to the marriage, he found honey in the Lyons belly. After ſome dayes, cannot be underſtood of a yeare, that a whole yeare intervened betwixt their affiancing and their marriage; when the word Dies, is putWhen the word [Day] ſignifieth a yeare, and when a moneth. in the plurall number, and ſome leſſe number following it, then it ſignifieth a yeare, and the leſſe number ſignifieth moneths; as Gen. 24. 55. Let her abide with us dayes or ten; that is, a yeare of dayes, or at the leaſt ten moneths. So 1 Sam. 27. 7. David abode with the Philiſtims dayes and foure moneths; that is, a yeare of dayes and foure moneths; ſo Ezek. 1. 1. in the thirtieth yeare, in the fourth, in the fift of the moneth; that is, in the fourthDayes abſolutely ſet downe in the Scripture ſignifie an infinite time. moneth, in the fift day of the moneth; but when dayes are put alone, they ſignifie an indefinite time, and not an yeare; ſo Gen. 40. 4. Fuerunt dies in cuſtodia, that is, a certaine time; ſo Lev 28. 29. He ſhall redeeme it within dayes, that is, within the time that he and the man to whom he had morgaged the houſe agreed upon. So Iudg. 14. 8. After dayes he returned to take her, that is, after a few dayes, and not after a whole yeare; the preparation of a whole yeare, was enough for a Kings marriage.

Sponſalia de praeſenti, were, when he ſaid I take thee to my wife in the preſent.

The time of their marriages was in the night, Mat. 25. 6 At midnight the Virgines came to wait for the bridegroomes returning with their Lamps in their hands; ſo Luk. 12. 36.

Marriages of old were made three manner of wayes, the firſt was called Vſucapio, the ſecond, conſarreatio, and the third was called coemptio.

Per uſum, vel uſucapio, when a man married a maidePer uſum, vel uſucapio. which had ſtayed almoſt a yeare with him; the example which moſt reſembleth this in the Scripture, was thatPer confarreationem. of David, when he was old he tooke Abiſhaig to him, 1 King. 1. 2.

Per confarreationem, when the bridegroome marriedBriſſonius de ritu nuptiarnm. the bride, the bridegroome tooke a Cake of bread, and brake it betwixt him and the bride, or ſome Corne, and put betwixt their hands; to ſignifie that they were to breake bread, and to liue together in mutuall ſocietie; Hoſea alludeth to this forme, Cap. 2. 3. I bought her for Alluſion. an Homer of Barley. So Ieſus Chriſt the husband of his Church, married her per confarreationem, putting the bread in her hand, and marrying her to himſelfe in the Sacrament, to ſignifie that he would dwell with her for ever.

The third ſort was per coemptionem, for it was thePer coemptionem. manner of old, that the bridegroome bought the bride for ſo much, and the bride gaue little or no dowrie to the bridegroome; ſo the ſonnes of Sichem bought Dina, Gen. 34. 12. Aske me never ſo much dowrie and I will The man gaue the dowrie and not the woman. giue it: ſo David bought Michol, Sauls daughter for ſo many foreskins of the Philiſtims, 1 Sam. 18. 25. And Iacob ſerved ſeven yeares for Rachel. The bride brought onely Donationes, vel paraphernalia, as chaines, bracelets, Gen. 24. but the dowrie which they gaue was but a ſmall thing, 1 King. 9. 16. it is ſaid that Pharaoh tookePharaoh giving Gezar to Salomon, it was a preſent and not a dowrie. Gezar from the Philiſtims, and gaue it to Salomon for a preſent, it ſhould not be tranſlated for a dowrie. Exod. 22. 17. He ſhall pay money according to the dowrie of Virgins; which is but a little ſumme, fiftie ſhekels, Deut. 22. 29. Thus Chriſt bought his ſpouſe with his bloud, Act. 20. 29. ſhe was a poore Damſell, and had nothing to giue.

As their marriages were made by one of theſe threeMarriages diſſolved after the ſame manner they were made. Ceremonies, per uſum, confarreationem, & coemptionem; So amongſt the Romanes, the marriage was diſſolved afterVſurpatio. Diffarreatio. Renuncipatio. the ſame manner. The firſt was diſſolved uſurpatione, if the woman whom he had married (being his maide before) had ſtayed but three nights from her husband, then by the Romane law he might put her away; the ſecond was diſſolved diffarreatione, they brake bread and ſo departed; the third was diſſolved renuncipatione, they tooke their hands aſunder and ſo departed; this the Greekes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the Latines, Divortium.

The Ceremonies which they uſed in their Marriages 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Poſtulationes Sponſaliorum, Sponſalia ſacra ob matrimonium. were theſe; firſt, he put a Ring upon her finger; the Hebrewes called this [Tebhignoth Keduſhim] and he ſaid, be thou my wife according to the law of Moſes and of Iſrael, and this he did before witneſſes; this was called Subarrhatio, this Ring was put upon the fourth finger of the left hand, becauſe a veine commeth from the heart to that finger, as the Phyſitians ſay.

The day when the bride was married, ſhee tooke the vaile off her face, this was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the gifts which were given that day, were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; before ſhe was married, ſhe put a vaile upon her face, and this was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the gifts which were given to her before the marriage were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

The ſolemnities in the marriages were theſe; firſt,Divers ſolemnities uſed at the marriage. they put a crowne upon the head of the bridegroome, and then upon the bride, and the crowne was made of Roſes, Mirtle, and Ivie, and the mother of the bridegroome put this crowne upon his head. Cant. 3. 11. Goe forth, O yee daughters of Sion, and behold King Salomon with the crowne wherewith his mother crowned him in the day of his eſpouſals, and in the day of the gladneſſe of his heart.

This crowne wherewith the bride and the bridegroome were crowned, was but a corruptible crowne; but that crowne, which we ſhall get in the life to come, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 non pollutus, eſt & nomen gemmae ſic dictae quod in ignem conjectae non conſumatur. fadeth not, nor falleth not away, 1 Pet. 1. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is a precious ſtone, which if yee caſt it in the fire it never conſumeth; ſo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 flos amoris, a flower that never fadeth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 immarceſſibilis, nunquam marceſcens, flos quidam ſic dictus quod non marceſcat.

In their marriages they had thoſe who accompanied the bridegroome, and they were called Socij ſponſi, the children of the wedding; and the Greekes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , circuire. All the time of the wedding they might doe nothing but attend the bridegroome, they might not faſt in the time of the marriage nor mourne, Mat. 9. 15. Can the children of the wedding mourne ſo long as the bridegroome is with them?

He who chiefly attended the bridegroome was calledWho was the bridegroomes friend. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſuch a one was he to whom Sampſons wife was given, who was called his companion, the Chaldie called him [Shuſhebhinah] Pronubus or auſpex; this was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pronubus, Auſpex. not a friendly part in Sampſons companion to take the bride from him, for he that hath the bride is the bridegroome, but the friend of the bridegroome which ſtandeth and heareth him, rejoyceth greatly, becauſe of the voice of the bridegroome, Ioh. 3. 29. So in the ſpirituall marriage the Preachers who are Auſpices or Pronubi, ſhould not ſeeke the bride to themſelues, ſeeking themſelues and their owne prayſe, but let the bridegroome haue the bride.

They who were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , brought the bride intoVVhat was the chiefe office of the bridegroomes friend. the tent of the bridegroomes mother, to fignifie now that ſhe ſhould be in that ſame place that his mother was in, Gen. 24. 67. They brought her into the tent of Sara, and ſo the bride brought the bridegroome into her mothers chamber, Cant. 3. 4. I held him and would not let him goe, untill I had brought him to my fathers houſe, and to the chambers of her that conceived me; ſhe brought him into her mothers tent, to ſignifie that ſhe ſhould leaue father and mother and cleaue unto her husband.

They did two things after the marriage, firſt they bleſſed them, and then they ſang 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a marriage ſong, rejoycing for their marriage.

Firſt, they bleſſed them, Ruth 4. 11. All the people that The manner of bleſſing the bridegroome. were in the gates, and the Elders ſaid, we are all witneſſes; and the bleſſing was this, the Lord make the woman that is come into thine houſe, like Rachel and like Leah, which two did build the houſe of Iſrael, and doe thou worthily in Ephrata, and be thou famous in Bethlehem: This was the bleſſing given to the bride. And againe, Verſ. 12. Let thy houſe be like the houſe of Pharez (whom Tamar bare unto Iuda) of the ſeede which the Lord ſhall giue thee of this young woman: This was the bleſſing which they gaue to the bridegroome.

They prayed, the Lord make thee like Rachel; it wasThe explanation of the bleſſing. their manner in their bleſſings to alledge the examples of thoſe who had beene happie and proſperous, and ſo when they curſed any body, they brought forth the example of the moſt wretched and miſerable creatures, Ierem. 30. 21. The Lord make thee like Zedekiah and like Ahab, whom the King of Babylon roſted in the fire; ſuch was the curſe pronounced againſt the adulterous woman, Num. 5. 2. The Lord make thee an oath and a curſe among thy people.

The Lord make thee like Rachel and Leah: Why likeVVhy Rachel and Lea are taken for examples in the bleſſing. Rachel and Leah? Becauſe theſe two came out of their Countrey with their husbands, and left their Parents, ſo did Ruth with Naomi to get a husband; ſecondly, like Rachel and Leah, becauſe theſe two ſought children of their husbands modeſtly, Gen. 30. 1. and verſ. 16. So did Ruth of Boaz. Thirdly, why like Rachel and Leah, and not like Bilhah and Zilpah? Becauſe theſe two were but handmaids, and they were not the mothers of many children, as Rachel and Leah. Fourthly, why firſt like Rachel and then like Leah? Becauſe Rachel was more beloved than Leah. Fiftly, why like Rachel and Leah, and not like Sara and Rebecca? Becauſe there came of them the Iſmaelites, who were not of the Church, as well as the Iſraelites.

Doe thou worthily in Ephrata: in the Hebrew it is fac To doe worthily is to doe vertuouſly. virtutem; the Hebrewes put vertue for the ſubſtance gotten by vertuous doing, Pſal. 49. He ſhall leaue his ſubſtance behinde him; in the originall it is, he ſhall leaue his vertue behinde; and Prov. 31. Fecerunt potentiam, id est, comparârunt opes.

Let thy houſe be like the houſe of Pharez; becauſe there were fiue families in the Tribe of Iuda, and Pharez was the chiefe of them, Num. 26. 20. They pray then firſt that they may haue children; ſecondly, that they may haue meanes to maintaine and bring up their children; and thirdly, that they may liue in credit among their people.

After the marriage they did ſing epithalamium, a ſongWhat ſong they ſung after the marriage. of prayſe in commendation of the Bride-groome and Brid, Pſal. 45. ſo Pſal. 77. your virgins were not praiſed, that is, they were not married: and the houſe of marriage the Iewes called it [beth hillel,] domus laudis.

The morrow after the marriage the Bridegroome came forth out of his bride-chāber in great pomp with his Bride, out under the vaile; and theſe who heard his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 voice rejoyced becauſe then the marriage was conſummated: and David alludeth to this, Pſal. 19. for as the Bridegroome made glad the hearts of his friends when he came out of his Tent or covering; ſo the Sunne whenAn anologie betwixt the Sunne riſing and the Bridegroomes comming out of his chamber the morrow after his marriage. he commeth out of his chamber gladdeth the earth: his going out is from the end of the heaven, and his circuit to the end of it. Luk. 1. Chriſt is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the Sunne riſing from the Eaſt, that Sunne of righteouſneſſe comming out of the boſome of his Father, and out of his bed-chamber riſing in the Eaſt, did ſhine upon the Iewes in the South, and next upon us Gentiles in the North, Cant. 7. 9.

The concluſion of this is. We are married to IeſusConcluſion. 1. Chriſt per confarreationem, when he giues us the bleſſed Sacrament, therefore let us come worthily to it, that we take it not as Iudas did the ſoppe, Ioh. 13. for that will make diffarreationem, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , a divorce from him for ever.

Secondly, we are married to him per coemptionem, Concluſion. 2. what was the Church when he married her? She was blacke like the Tents of Kedar: Miriam and Aaron grudged againſt Moſes becauſe of the Ethipian woman whom he had married Numb. 12. 1. ſo was his Church Cant. 1. 5. I am blacke, but yet if ſhee had beene rich, which is a ſecond beautie, it had beene ſomething; but being both blacke and poore, there was a hard matter for the Lord to marrie her. A certaine woman being asked what dowrie ſhe gaue to her husband, ſhe anſwered that ſhe ſhould keepe her ſelfe chaſt unto him onely, as a chaſt ſpouſe. So we having nothing to beſtow upon him, but he having pittie upon us when we were naked and uncomely, let us ſtudie to meete him with heartie affection againe, and not to fall a whoring after other gods, which if we doe he will make us comely as the curtaines of Salomon.

Thirdly, they ſung praiſes and rejoyced at the marriageConcluſion. 3. of the Bridegroome and the Bride. So let us bee glad and rejoyce, and giue honour unto him, for the marriage of the Lambe is come, and his wife hath made her ſelfe readie, Revel. 19. 7.

CHAPTER XXXIIII. Whether a brother naturall (to keepe the Tribes diſtinguiſhed) might marrie his brothers wife or not in Iſrael, or is it meant onely of the next kinſman? DEVT. 25. 5. If brethren dwell together, and one of them haue no ſeed, &c.

THe Law is given firſt to naturall brethren, and not to kinſmen onely: for the Text ſaith, if brethren dwell together, and one of them die and haue no child, now what brethren dwelt together? are they Numerus cardinalis pro ordinali, vnus pro primo: as the evening and the morning was one day, that is, the firſt day. Gen. 1. not naturall brethren: and one of them haue no ſeed, that is, if the eldeſt of them haue no ſeed, vnus pro primo.

And that it is meant of naturall brethren, ſee it by the practiſe of the people of God, for when Er died Onan was bound to raiſe up ſeed to him, Gen. 38. 9. So Ruth 1. when Machlon the elder brother died without children,The ſecond brother was to marrie his eldeſt brothers wife. then the inheritance came to Chilion. And when Chilion died without children, then his Vncle his neereſt kinſman was to ſucceed; and laſt the brothers children or couſin-germans, and he who was to ſucceed in the inheritance, it was he who was bound to marrie his brothers wife: wherefore the Law meaneth firſt of the naturall brother, and if there were no naturall brethren, then the couſins or next kinſmen were to doe this dutie.

When the Sadduces propounded the queſtion to Chriſt, that ſeven brethren married one wife; it is meant of ſeven naturall brethren, ſee Tobit 3. 8. And where it is ſaid Deut. 25. 5. the wife of the dead ſhall not marrie with a ſtranger, what is that, with a ſtranger? That is with one who is not of the familie of him who is dead. And firſt ſhe was bound to marrie with the naturall brother, who was not a ſtranger, and if there had not beene a naturall brother, then with the next of the kinſmen, who was not a ſtranger. Wherfore ijbbam and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are underſtood firſt of the naturall brother, and then of the next kinſman.

But it is promiſed under the Law as a great bleſſing, Object. that he ſhould leaue a poſteritie behind him, and that his name ſhould not be blotted out in Iſrael. But if the brother married his brothers wife, then his children were not called his children, but his eldeſt brothers children, and ſo his name was blotted out in Iſrael: and ſo he might haue ſet up a pillar as Abſalon did for continuance of his name, becauſe he had no children of his owne.

But to haue the name of Ieſus Chriſt continued is a Anſw. greater bleſſing,To be the father of Ieſus Chriſt according to th • fleſh, a greater bleſſing to the ſecond brother, then to haue children of his owne. Pſal. 72. 19. coram ſole filiabitur nomen ejus per ſucceſsionem filiorum, we ſee what befell Onan becauſe he refuſed to doe this dutie, h • e ſaid the ſeede ſhould not be his, therefore the Lord ſlew him, Gen. 38. 9. 10.

But God expreſly forbad in his Law, that a man ſhould lie with his wives ſiſter, and by the ſame Law it Object. is forbidden that a man ſhould lie with his brothers wife, this might ſeeme to bee inceſt and confuſion.

God indeed forbad in his law that a man ſhould lie Anſw. with his brothers wife,God hath many exceptions from his owne Law. but God who gaue that law, hath given this law alſo. And as the Iewes ſay, qui obſervare juſſit Sabbatum, is etiam juſſit profanare Sabbatum. So the Lord who forbad a man to lie with his brothers wife, hath reſerved this priviledge to himſelfe to make an exceptiō from the law. The Lord commanded in his Law Deut, 24. 4. If a man put away his wife and ſhee goe from him, and become another mans wife, he may not take her againe to wife; yet the Lord tooke his Church againe Ier. 3. 1. he hath reſerved ſundry priviledges to himſelfe and exceptions from the Law▪

Secondly, we muſt diſtinguiſh here betwixt theſeMorale poſitivum. Div •• um poſitivum. lawes which are morall poſitiue lawes, and theſe which are divine poſitiue lawes. Morall poſitiue lawes are ſuch,We muſt diſtinguiſh betwixt the morall poſitiue part of the Law, and the divine poſitiu • part. which the very light of nature commaundeth. Divine poſitiue lawes are theſe, which are acceſſory commaundements added to the firſt. Example. This is a morall poſitiue law, that a man ſhould not lie with his mother, no • with his mother in-law; for this is a fornication that is not named amongst the Gentils, 1 Cor. 5. 1. And it was for this ſort of inceſt that the Cananites were caſt out of Canaan. So this is primarium jus naturae, or morale poſitivum, that a man ſhould not lie with his daughter, nor his daughters daughter, deſcendendo deſcending downward. But this againe is divinum poſitivum, or ſecundariū What is prim • rium, and what is ſecundarium ius naturae. jus naturae▪ in the collaterall line that a man ſhould not lie with his ſiſter or his brothers wife, no marriage in the collaterall line was forbidden at the firſt by the law of nature, or morall poſitiue law, but it was forbidden afterwards by the divine poſitiue law, Levit. 18. 16. When Iuda lay with his daughter in-law, this was inceſt in the higheſt degree, becauſe it was contrary to jus naturale, or morale poſitivum. So when the Corinthian lay with his mother in-law, it was againſt morale poſitivum, or jus naturale. But when Amram married Iochabed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amita, it ſhould not be tranſlated Pat •• • lis his couſin-german but, his fathers ſiſter. See Num. 26. 59. his fathers ſiſter, Exod. 6. 20. this was not againſt the morall, poſitiue, or naturall part of the Law, becauſe it was not in the right line, but in the collaterall, although in the neereſt degree, it was againſt the divine poſitiue law.

And for to repleniſh his Church with people, God ov • rſaw this ſort of marriage at the firſt. But God doth more here, he commandeth the brother to raiſe up ſeed to his brother. Firſt this is not contra primarium jus naturae, becauſe it was not in the right line. Secondly it is an exception from ſecundarium jus naturae: for when God willed them to doe this, he willed them not to doe this to ſatisfie luſt, for that was contrary to primarium jus naturae, but onely that the elder brother might bee a type of Ieſus Chriſt, who ſhould neuer want a ſeed in his Church. If a woman were barren, the Lord could not command another man to goe in unto her and beget children upon her, for that were contra primarium jus naturae; the Lord will not ſuffer now that a brother ſhould marrie a ſiſter, as he did in the beginning of the world, neither if a brother now ſhould marrie his eldeſt brothers wife were it lawfull, for now the eldeſt brother is not a type of Chriſt, and it ſhould not bee an exception from the Law, but contra ſecundarium jus naturae.

The concluſion of this is. God who giveth the Law Concluſion. maketh not a Law to himſelfe, but he hath reſerved to himſelfe exception from the Law, when and where it pleaſeth him.

CHAPTER XXXV. Of their priſons and places of puniſhment. GEN. 39. 20. And Ioſephs Maſter tooke him, and put him into the priſon: a place where the Kings priſoners were bound.

THey had ſundry ſorts of Priſons; firſt, they hadOf their place of puniſhment. Warding, as Shimei was confined not to come over the brooke Kedron; and, Abiather in Anathoth, and he who killed caſually was confined in theThree ſorts of Priſons among the Iewes. Citie of Refuge; this was a free ſort of Priſon, at the firſt Carcer non erat pars paenae, the Priſon was not a part of the puniſhment.

Secondly, they had another ſort of Priſon, in which they were more reſtrained than in the Ward, they were kept in Priſon, but others had acceſſe to them, as when Iohn was in Priſon, his Diſciples had acceſſe to him; ſo Paul was in bonds, but yet he begot Oneſimus in his bonds, Phil. 1.

Thirdly, they had a more ſtraite Priſon called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Cuſtodia, a cloſe Priſon.

And fourthly, they had a deepe or a low pit; the Greekes called it Barathrum in Athens, and at Rome it was called Tullianum; ſuch was that Priſon in which Ieremie was let downe with cords in a Dungeon, where was no water but myre, Iere. 38. 6. And Zacharie alludethAlluſion. to this, Zach. 9.. 11. As for thee alſo by the bloud of thy Covenant, I haue ſent forth thy Priſoners out of the Pit wherein is no water.

There were ſome Priſons within the Citie of Ieruſalem, See Nehem. 3. 25. and ſome without the Citie; within the Citie, as the houſe of Ionathan, which was neere the Kings Palace,Some Priſons within, and ſome without the walles of Ieruſalem. Iere. 37. 15. So the Dungeon of Malchior, the ſon of Hammelech, Iere. 38. 6. So they had Priſons without the gate, as that Priſon wherein Peter was put, Act. 12. 10. And when they had paſſed the firſt and the ſecond Ward, (that is, the quaternions of Souldiers that kept him) they came unto the yron gate that leadeth unto the Citie: this Priſon was without the gate neare Mount Calvarie, and it was the loathſomeſt and vileſt Priſon of all, for in it the theeues who were carried to Calvarie to be executed were kept. And Chriſt alludeth to this Priſon,Alluſion. Mat. 25. 30. Caſt him into utter darkeneſſe, where there ſhall be weeping and wailing, and gnaſhing of teeth: which Alluſion could not be underſtood, unleſſe there had beene a darke Priſon without the Citie, where was utter darkeneſſe.

Now let us compare Ezechiels Ward, Cap. 4. Ieremies A difference betwixt three ſorts of Priſons. Priſons, Iere. 37. and 38. and Peters Priſon, Act. 12.

Ezechiel when he was warded in his owne houſe byTheſe things were not done in viſion but really, for when he ſaith a thing was done in viſion, he ſaith, in ſimilitudine onely. the Lord, Cap. 3. 24. Firſt, he was commanded to ſtay in his owne houſe; ſecondly, he was commanded to lie three hundreth and ninetie dayes upon his left ſide, Cap. 4. 4. and fortie dayes upon his right ſide, Verſ. 6. Then for his dyet, he is commanded to take wheat, barley, and beanes, and lentils, and millet, and fetches, and to put them all in one veſſell, & to make bread of them, Verſ. 9. there was no choiſe of bread here, and then to cover and bake it with mans dung, Verſ. 12. or at the leaſt with cowes dung, Verſ. 15. And for the quantitie, he ſhould eate it by meaſure, twentie ſhekels weight every day, Verſ. 10. which was ten ounces; and his drinke was by meaſure the ſixt part of an Hin of water, Verſ. 11. which was as much as twelue egges would hold.

Now let us ſee how Ieremie was handled in his Priſon, Shemajah gaue commandement by a Letter to put him in the ſtockes, Iere. 29. 26. In the Hebrew it is [El-hazinok] navis ſugentis, as yee would ſay, the ſhip 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the ſucker, they cloſed the Priſoner betweene two boords, and they gaue him ſome liquor in the meane time to preſerue his life. So Iere. 11. 19. Mittamus lignum in panem ejus; Chaldeus, proijciamus lignum, that is, if he will, let him eate the ſtockes, he ſhall haue no other bread▪ or, corrumpamus penem ejus, the engliſh tranlation hath it, let us deſtroy the ſtalke with his bread; and Ieremie was in a deepe Dungeon where he ſtood in myre and clay, Iere. 38. 6. So they uſed to put them in the ſtockes; they were at the firſt called Nervi, becauſe they were made of the ſinewes of beaſts, and afterwards they were made of yron, Pſal. 105. 18. whoſe feete they hurt with fetters, he was laid in yron.

Then for Peters Priſon, it was utter darkeneſſe, without Peters Priſon a loathſome Priſon. the Citie, that the ſtench and filthineſſe of theſe priſoners might not be offenſiue to the Citizens, the moſt loathſome Priſon of all, and the darkeſt Priſon, and therefore a great wonder when the light ſhined in it, Act. 12. 7.

There are three Priſons; firſt, our mothers belly, inThree ſorts of Priſons. which we are firſt Priſoners; and ſecondly, the graue; and thirdly, the Priſon of the wicked in hell.

This firſt priſon it is a ſtraite priſon; it was a great preſervation when Ionas was preſerved three dayes in the Whales bellie, the weeds being wrapped about his head, and the earth with her barres cloſed him round about, Ionah 2. 5. Yet his life was brought up from corruption; it is as wonderfull a preſervation in our mothers belly how we ſhould liue, being ſo wrapped there and preſerved from corruption; he was but kept there three dayes, but man is kept nine moneths.

Our ſecond Priſon is the graue, Ionas was kept in theThe graue a ſtrong Priſon. Whales belly with jawes and teeth; Peter was kept in the Priſon with foure quaternions of Souldiers; but man is kept within this Priſon with a more terrible guard, when the body is ſowne in corruption, in diſhonour, and in weakeneſſe, 1 Cor. 15. 43. And oftentimes with ſinne the greateſt enemie of all, Iob 10. 11. their ſinnes lie downe in the duſt with them, that is, in the graue, this Priſon keepeth a man ſure.

The laſt Priſon is that of the wicked in hell; manHell a terrible and fearefull Priſon. when he dyeth is ſaid to returne to his owne earth. Pſ. 146. 4. That is, he hath right to the earth, becauſe he was made of the earth, and he muſt returne to it againe; So the wicked haue right to hell, it is their proper inheritance, Iudas went to his owne place, Act. 1. 35.

A childe when he is in his mothers belly, his firſt priſon, although he be wrapped up there, and cloſely kept, yet he hath a kinde and louing keeper, his mother; but the graue is a terrible keeper and an enemie, 1 Cor. 15. 26. Yet this enemie muſt render up her dead againe; & even as the Whale ſpued out Ionas, becauſe he could not concoct him; ſo ſhall the graue caſt up her dead againe, not being able to concoct them; but there is no redemption out of hell the laſt priſon: In other Priſons, men haue found ſome mitigation and favour, but never any in this priſon. Ioſeph was put in fetters, the yron entered into his ſoule, Pſal. 105. 18. That is, the yron cut his fleſh, and came as it were to the ſoule; but the Lord was with him, and extended kindneſſe unto him, and gaue him favour in the ſight of the Keeper of the Priſon, Gen. 39. 21. But in this priſon the Lord is not with them, neither finde they any favour in the eyes of their Keeper; but as the Task-maiſters doubled the Taske upon the poore Iſraelites in Egypt, and were heavie exactors over them, and ſaid daily to them, Get you to your burthens; ſo theſe fiends of hell are rigorous exactors over the wicked: Ieremie when he was in a deepe Priſon, yet he had Ebedmelech to intercede for him, Iere. 38. 7. but none doe intercede for the wicked. Peter was in a darke Priſon, yet the light did ſhine about him, his fetters fell off from him, & the Angell led him forth, and ſet him free; But in hell, there is no light nor no redemption out of it.

The concluſion of this is; as Ieremie prayed unto the Concluſion. King Zedechias, that he would not cauſe him to returne to the houſe of Ionathan the Scribe (which was the priſon) leſt he died there, Iere. 27. 20. So let us put up our ſupplications to the Lord, that he would not ſend us into that eternall Priſon to die for ever.

CHAPTER XXXVI. Of their Whipping. DEVT. 35. 3. Fortie ſtripes may be given him, and not exceede.

THere were ſundry ſorts of puniſhments amongſtDivers ſorts of puniſhments. the Iewes; firſt, damnum, ſecondly, vincula, thirdly, verbera, fourthly, talio, fiftly, ignominia, ſixtly, ſervitus, ſeventhly, mors. But they never uſed to baniſh any, becauſe they would not put them where there was a ſtrange Religion profeſſed.

When they whipt their malefactors; firſt they had a reſpect to the offence committed; and ſecondly, to the perſon who was to be whipt; and thirdly, to the whip.

Firſt, they had a reſpect to the offence; in ſimplici delicto, They had a reſpect both to the perſon and to the offence in whipping. they might not exceede fortie ſtripes, but they might diminiſh the number of the ſtripes, if the perſon offending had beene of a weake body; Secondly, for a double offence they might not exceed fortie, but they were to giue him the full fortie all at once; if a man had committed theft, and with all had added perjurie, this was a double offence, and for this he got the rigour, full fortie.

If he had a ſtrong body, and committed a double offence▪ then he got the full fortie all at one time; ſecondly, if he had a ſtrong body and committed a ſimple offence, then he got not the full number; thirdly, if he had had a weake body & committed a double offence, then he got the full number, but at two ſeverall times; but if he had beene of a weake body, and committed a ſimple offēce, then the number of the ſtripes was much diminiſhed.

Againe, they conſidered how many ſtripes the offender might beare, and the number of the ſtripes which the whip gaue: Example, the offender is able to beare twentie ſtripes, and they adjudge him to haue twentie ſtripes; now they giue him but ſixe blowes, for if they had given him ſeven blowes, they ſhould haue exceeded the number preſcribed, for the whip wherewith they whipped them had three thongs, and if they perceived that he grew faint and weake, when they were beating him, they diminiſhed ſome of the number; if they ordained that he ſhould haue twelue ſtripes, and obſerved in the meane time that he fainted not, yet they exceeded not that number twelue, which they had ordained to giue him at the firſt.

When they whipped Paul, 2 Cor. 11. 24. and gaue him thirtie-nine ſtripes at three ſeverall times; firſt, it ſeemes that he hath beene of a ſtrong body; ſecondly, it was for three ſeverall offences (as they thought) that theyThe offender was not whipt thrice for one fault. beat him; for if the offender had thrice committed the ſelfe ſame fault, then he was no more beaten, but he was ſhut up within a narrow wall, wherein he might neither ſit nor ſtand, and there he was fed Pane afflictionis & aquâ preſſurae; example, if he had eaten the fat twice, Levit. 3. 17. he was but beaten twice; but if he had eaten the third time of it, then he was ſhut up in a cloſe priſon, or ſuch a priſon in which Ahab commanded Micheas to be put, 1 King. 22. 27.

The offender was bowed downe when he was beaten, Deut. 25. 2. he neither ſat nor ſtood, and he who whipt him, ſtood upon a ſtone, and he let out or in the whip, by drawing up or downe the knot upon it; for when the knot was drawne up, then the thongs ſpread farther and gaue a ſhrewder blow; and when the knot was drawne downe, then the thongs were contracted, and they gaue the leſſer blow; when he ſtood behinde him, then he whipt him upon the breaſt and belly, and he gaue him three blowes at a time; and when he ſtood before him, he laſhed him upon the ſhoulders, and gaue him ſixe blowes, three upon every ſhoulder.

There ſtood three Iudges by when he was whipt,Three Iudges ſtood by when they were whipt. the firſt repeated theſe words of the Law to him, Deut. 28. 58. If thou obey not all theſe things, then the Lord ſhall multiply thy plagues: the ſecond Iudge numbered the ſtripes; and the third Iudge ſaid to the whipper, Lay on, ſheliſhi omer lachozen hacce, Dicit ei qui portat flagellum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maymone Hal: Sanht: cap. 16. percute.

He who was beaten, was not diſgraced by this beating, for whipping amongſt them was but as a civillWhipping was not a diſgrace amongſt the Iewes. mulct, or fyne, not a diſgrace as it is amongſt us, and therefore the Lord ſaid, Deut. 25. 3. That thy brother ſhould not ſeeme vile in thine eyes. When they whipt any of their brethren, they did it not in ſcorne or deriſion, but in compaſſion, they looked upon him, and received him after the puniſhmēt, as their brother againe: and as he who looked upon Cato Vticenſis ſeeing him drunke, turned away his eyes and ſeemed to take no notice of it, being aſhamed that ſuch a graue man ſhould be ſo overtaken; ſo did they behold their brethren with pitie, and were readie to cover their offence, and would not upbraid them afterwards for it.

The ſpirituall uſes which wee are to make of theſe Concluſion. 1 whippings, are firſt, as they fitted the whip to the perſon, if he were weaker or ſtronger, ſo the Lord layeth no more upon us than we are able to beare.

Secondly, as the Iudge ſtood by and numbered the Concluſion. 2 ſtripes; ſo the Lord our God numbereth all the afflictions which befalleth his children.

Thirdly, although they were beaten, yet they were Concluſion. 3 not vile in the eyes of the Iudges, ſo when the Lord correcteth us, he counteth not baſely of us, but eſteemes us as his children.

Fourthly, as they were reckoned ſtill brethren when Concluſion. 4 they were whipped; ſo ſhould we account theſe who are afflicted, and the Lords hand upon them, to be ſtill our brethren.

CHAPTER XXXVII. Whether an Iſraelite that had lien with a bondmaide, that was betrothed, was whipped or not? LEVIT. 19. 20. And whoſoever lyeth carnally with a woman that is a bond-maide, betrothed to a husband, and not at all redeemed nor freedome given her, ſhee ſhall be ſcourged.

THe Iewes did hold, if an Iſraelite had lien with a bond-woman betrothed, and not redeemed, ſhe was to be beaten, and he was to offer a ſacrifice for his offence; ſhee was to be beaten, becauſe ſhee was not a free-woman, and ſhee had nothing to offer, and although ſhe had, yet ſhe could not offer it, becauſe ſhe was a ſtranger and not converted.

The Seventie tranſlate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from [Bakar] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vapulatio erit a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 •• Inquirere; but it commeth from [Bakar] Bos, becauſe they were whipt with a thong of oxe-leather, and ſome tranſlate it Nervo bovino.

The reaſon why the Iewes held that the woman ſhould onely be beaten is this, becauſe the word [Tihieh] is in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Iewes held that the woman was beaten and not the man. the feminine gender, and they reade it, ſhe ſhall be beaten and not the man; he committed not adultery, he polluted not another mans wife, nor a free-woman, but a ſtranger, and a ſlaue, therefore he was not to be beaten, but to offer a ſacrifice; but this word [Tihieh] may agree as well with [Bikkoreth] which is in the feminine gender, and not to reade it ipſa erit vapulatio, ſhe ſhall be beaten, but there ſhall be a beating, that is, they ſhall be both beaten, and the man ſo much the rather, becauſe he lay with her who was betrothed to another; and the words following ſeeme to imply ſo much, they ſhall not be put to death; this whipping ſhall be a ſufficient puniſhment for them: the Seventie tranſlate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but Ionathan in his Paraphraſe following the reſt of the Hebrewes, paraphraſeth it thus, Scrutatio erit in judicio ejus; ut vapulet ipſa rea, & non ipſe.

But the man is bound to bring a Ram for his treſpaſſe Object. offering; if he had beene whipt, why is he commanded to bring an offering?

Becauſe his ſinne was greater than the womans, Anſw. therefore he was both whipt and brought his offering, in cunctis nuditatibus pares ſunt vir & famina; if a freeThe puniſhment of the man & the woman was alike for every uncleanneſſe. man had lien with a free-woman in Iſrael, then he was bound to marry her, or elſe to pay her dowrie; ſecondly, if a free man lay with a bond-maide that was betrothed and not redeemed, then they were both whipt; but neither of them put to death; he died not although the woman was betrothed, becauſe ſhe was not a free-woman; thirdly, if a free man had lien with a free woman betrothed, then they were both to die; fourthly, if a free man had lien with a married woman, then they were both to die, Deut. 25. Fiftly, if a married man had lien with an unmarried woman, they were both to die: laſtly, if both the perſons had beene married, they were both to die; here in cunctis nuditatibus ſunt pares, vir & faemina.

Thoſe who are equall in ſinne, ſhall be equall in puniſhment. Concluſion. 1

The puniſhment did not expiate the ſinne, but the ſacrifice. Concluſion. 2

The whore and the harlot are one fleſh, therefore but one ſacrifice for both. Concluſion. 3

CHAPTER XXXVII. De Lege Talionis, Of the Law of Retaliation. EXOD. 21. 24. Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foote for foote.

THe Lawyers when they interpret this Law, they Talio Analogica. Identitatis. ſay, that there is talio analogica & talio jdentitatis; and they ſay, that talio identitatis ſhould be obſerved, if the cauſe be alike, and the perſons, and the manner of doing. Example; a private man beateth out his neighbours eye in ſpite and malice, therefore his eye ſhould be pulled out againe; but talio ſimilitudinis is then to be obſerved: when the fact varieth in many circumſtances, as who did it, to whom he did it, &c. then talio analogica ſhould be obſerved, but not identitatis: example; if a ſonne ſhould beat his father, he ſhould not be beaten againe, but he ſhould die the death; here they obſerue not medium rei, but medium perſonae. Example Medium Rei. Perſonae. the ſecond, in that Parable of Nathan to David, when the rich man came and tooke the poore mans ſheepe, 1 Sam. 12. 3. Here medium rei was not to be obſerved, but medium perſonae, becauſe he was a rich man. So in commutatiue Iuſtice we obſerue medium rei, but in diſtributiue Iuſtice we obſerue medium perſonae.

Againe, they diſtinguiſh betwixt Radamantheum jus, The ſtrict ſenſe of the Law of Retaliation. the ſtrict ſenſe of the Law, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or reciproca paena. The ſtrict ſenſe of the Law is, when literally they will haue eye for eye, and tooth for tooth; the milder ſenſe of the Law, is, when they will haue ſome other ſatisfaction for the wrong done: the Iewes generally follow this ſenſe of the Law, if a man did beat out his neighbours eye, or his tooth; they followed not this Rhadamantheum ius, or the ſtrict ſenſe ofThe milder ſenſe of the Law of Retaliation. the Law, that he ſhould pay one of his owne eyes, or one of his owne teeth for it, but that he ſhould ſatisfie the man whom he had wronged, by paying ſo much money to him; for in theſe caſes that were not deadly, they held that they might make recompence and ſatiſfaction by money: and they giue this inſtance out of the Law; if an Oxe were wont to puſh with his horne, and it hath beene teſtified to his owner, and he hath not kept him in, but that he hath killed a man or a woman, then the Oxe ſhall be ſtoned to death, and his owner ſhall be put to death, or if there be a ſumme of money laid upon him, then he ſhall giue for the ranſome of his life whatſoever is laid upon him, Exod. 21. 30. 31. Here he might redeeme his life with a ranſome, becauſe he was not the direct killer, if he ſatisfied the parties by giving a ſum of money. So they held that they might ſatisfie for ſuch tranſgreſſions which were not capitall, by paying of money. And the law of the twelue Tables amongſt the Romans ſaith, Si unum perfoderit unius jactura multari, The Roman Law of Retaliation. ſi utrum que unius tantùm ut ſceleris ſui notam geſtare poſsit; & quoniam funeſta & impia manus amputari ei debet, pro manu ablata, beſsis patrimonij ſui irrogatur, id que in ſolatium vitae ejus cui oculi ſunt effoſsi, auferto. If he had put out both the mans eyes, they would take but one of his eyes, and cut the hand from him for the other eye, and then they mitigated that part of the puniſhment, and they made him pay the fourth part of his ſubſtance to relieue the man whoſe eyes he had put out.

The Heathen ſay, that Ceres the goddeſſe of Corne, Simile. cut off the ſhoulder of Pelops, Ceres could not ſet in a ſhoulder of fleſh and bone againe, therefore the gods tooke the next beſt courſe, and they ordained her to put in a ſhoulder of Ivorie to Pelops: ſo he that had beaten out an eye or a tooth of a man, he could not put it in againe; therefore they thought it good that he ſhould put in a ſhoulder of Ivorie, that is, with his goods to maintaine him whom he had hurt.

CHAPTER XXXVIII. That theft amongſt the Iewes, was not capitall. EXOD. 22. 1. If a man ſhall ſteale an Oxe or a Sheepe and kill it or ſell it, he ſhall reſtore fiue Oxen for an Oxe, and foure Sheepe for a Sheepe.

THeft by the Law of Moſes was puniſhed by reſtitution,Three ſorts of Precepts amongſt the Hebrewes. paying ſometimes two for one, or foure for one, or at the moſt fiue for one, & not aboue.

The Hebrewes had three ſorts of Commandements, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Praecepta 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gravia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Levia. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Media. Hebrewes had three ſorts of Commandements, firſt, they had [Mitzboth Hhamuroth] Praecepta gravia, and [Mitzboth Kalloth] Praecepta levia: thoſe which they call, Praecepta gravia, here they ſay the puniſhment is alwayes indiſpenſable, as the murtherer is alwayes to die the death. Secondly, they had Praecepta levia, as not to kill the dam ſitting upon the egges; this was one of the judiciall Lawes of the lighteſt ſort, for there was no puniſhment in Iſrael for tranſgreſſion of this Law; ſo if an Oxe had killed a man, his fleſh was not to be eaten, this was one of their judiciall Lawes; but if a man had eaten the fleſh of ſuch an Oxe, he was not to die for it.

Thirdly, they ſay, they had Praecepta media, where the puniſhment might be enlarged or diminiſhed, but not unto death, as in theft.

Affirmatiue commandements binde not ſo ſtrictlyHow affirmatiue and negatiue Precepts bind. as Negatiues doe, this is a Negatiue, yee ſhall not ſuffer a Witch to liue, but this is an Affirmatiue, that the theefe ſhall pay fourefold or fiue; this Law had ſundry exceptions and mitigations, it might be extended or mitigated, he was bound to pay fourefold, but yet the Magiſtrate might haue mitigated this, and taken but twofold from him; and they might haue extended it further, as Salomon extendeth it to ſevenfold, Proverb. 6. 31. [Ieſhallem Shibhgnathaijm] he ſhall pay ſevenfold: the Hebrewes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 double the duall number, ten in the duall number,VVhat the doubling of the duall nūber among the Hebrewes ſignifieth. is twentie; three is thirtie; and foure is fortie; but when they come to ſeaven, here they double not. The light of the Moone ſhall be as the light of the Sunne, and the light of the Sunne ſhall be ſevenfold; then he addeth for explanation, as the light of ſeven dayes, Eſa. 30. 26. Here Shibhgnathaijm doubleth not in the duall number, as in the former numbers, but onely ſtandeth for ſeven, he ſhall pay Shibhgnathaijm, that is, ſeven for one;VVhat the number ſeven ſignifieth. ſome interpret it a definite number for an indefinite, or he ſhall pay ſevenfold, that is, as much as two for foure; but it is not the manner of the Scriptures to take the number under ſeven, for ſeven; or he ſhall pay ſevenfold, that is, much more then he tooke; and the words following ſeeme to approue this interpretation, he ſhall pay all the ſubſtance of his houſe. And ſometimes this puniſhment was extended to death, as Davids ſentence was, that he ſhould die the death, becauſe he tooke the poore mans onely ſheepe. Some anſwere that it was not for his theft that David gaue out ſentence of death upon him, but for his oppreſſion and violent theft, as if a man had come by night, and had broken into a mans houſe, and had ſtollen any thing, then he might haue ſafely killed him by the Law, and he was not to die for it; but if he had come after the Sunne roſe, and had ſtolen any thing, and the owner of the goods had killed him, then he was to die for it.

But out of Davids anſwere we may obſerue this, thatThe perſon againſt whom the theft is committed aggravateth the ſinne. the perſon againſt whom the ſinne is committed, aggravateth the ſinne, as for a rich man to ſteale a poore mans ſheepe; ſo the time aggravateth the ſinne, if the theefe came in the night to ſteale, then the owner of the goods might ſafely kill him, becauſe of his violent theft. But it may be asked, what is violent theft? If a man ſteale to ſatisfie his hunger, that is not violent theft, but if a man ſteale who may get his living other wayes, and liue upon the ſweat of other mens browes, or if he ſteale from one that hath ſmall means to liue on, or if he haue meanes to liue upon who ſtealeth, this is judged violent theft, and the Magiſtrate for this may put him to Tom. 1. 2. Municipall Lawes bind onely in the Countrey where they are made. death. Thomas obſerveth well, that the Magiſtrate may adde to the judiciall Law of Moſes according to the neceſſitie of the time, and greatneſſe of the offence; and as the Municipall Lawes of other Countries oblige not men, but in the Countrey where they are made, ſo doth not Moſes judiciall Law; A Magiſtrate in Iſrael was bound when a malefactor was whipt not to giue him aboue fortie ſtripes, this Law bindeth not the Magiſtrate now, ſed creſcentibus delictis exaſperantur paenae, but the equitie of Moſes judiciall Lawes bindeth all people; this is the equitie of Moſes Law, that for violent theft, a man ſhould alwaies die, and the Law judged that violent theft, which is not for a mans neceſſitie to ſatisfie his life.

What if a poore man had but a little to ſaue his life, Queſt. and another were in as great extremitie, whether were this violent theft for him to take from the poore man in ſuch a caſe.

No doubt it were, therefore Chriſt ſayth, Anſw. • hee that hath two coats, let him giue his neigbour one, How Chriſts words are to be underſtood in workes of charitie. to wit in his neceſſitie, but not he that hath one coat, for then he was not bound to giue it.

It is alledged Prov. 6. 30. that the theife ſhould pay ſeven-fold, Object and not be put to death, but the jealous husband will kill the adulterer.

This place proveth nothing, it ſheweth onely what Anſw. the jealous husband doth, it ſheweth not what he may doe. And ſecondly, for the theife, it ſheweth onely what was the uſuall puniſhment amongſt the Iewes, by their judiciall Lawes to take ſeven fold, but it ſheweth not what may bee done by the poſitiue lawes of other Countries.

The concluſion of this is; Now under the Goſpell theft is a greater ſinne then under the Law, and the neceſſitieA difference betwixt that which is done, and that which ſhould bee done. is greater amongſt us generally, then it was amongſt them. And thirdly, that ſelling of men to make reſtitution for things taken by theft, is not in uſe amongſt us, and therefore theeues may bee put to death.

CHAPTER XXXIX. Of their proceeding in judgement before they executed the malefactor. EZEK. 9. 10. Goe through the midſt of Ieruſalem, and ſet a marke upon the forehead of thoſe that ſigh &c.

THoſe who were appointed to be ſaved amongſt the people of God, he uſed to ſet a marke uponThoſe that were to bee ſaved, the Lord cauſed to marke them. them, Exod. 12. When the Egyptians were to be deſtroyed, the Lord commanded his people to ſprinkle the bloud of the Paſchall Lambe upon the lintels of their doores; and from this as Epiphanius marketh, theLib. 1. cont▪ har. 18. Egyptians uſed at the Equinoxe in the Spring, to take vermilion and to rubbe over all their trees and houſes with it, ſaying that, at that time of the yeere the fire had almoſt burnt up all Egypt, and therefore they uſe this as a ſigne in remembrance of their deliverance. So the Lord commanded Ezekiel to ſet a marke upon thoſe of Ieruſalem that mourned, whom he was minded to ſaue. Ezek. 9. 4.

But what was the reaſon that he ſet not a marke of Queſt. deſtruction upon them that were to be deſtroyed, as he ſet upon theſe who were to be ſaved?

The reaſon was, Anſw. becauſe of the great number that was to be deſtroyed,God did not marke thoſe who were to be deſtroyed, becauſe of their great number. in reſpect of the handfull that was to be ſaved, for where there was one to be ſaved, there was a hundred to be deſtroyed; there were but ſeven thouſand who bowed not their knee to Baall, and of the great multitude that came out of Egypt, onely two entred into the land of Canaan. And Revel. 7. 4. of all the Tribes of Iſrael there were but one hundred and fortie foure thouſand ſealed in the fore-head. And in Ieremies time it was very hard to find one that executed judgement in all the ſtreetes of Ieruſalem, Ier. 5. 1. There were a few good men at that time, as Ieremie himſelfe, Ebedmelech the Blackmoore, Vriah the Prophet, and the Rechabites▪ But the moſt of the reſt were naught, and if Ieruſalem had beene ſearched few had been found in it. And this was a griefe to the Prophet Micah, which made him to complaine, that hee could not get a cluster to eate, Mica. 7. 1. meaning that the good men were periſhed out of the earth.

The Heathen learned this of the people of God, to marke thoſe who were to be ſaved with the letter • tau, and theſe that were condemned with the letter • theta. ItThe heathen marked the condemned with theta, and them that were abſolved in judgement with ta • . Aſcon. ped: was the cuſtome of the ancient warriors, when they returned from battaile, he who kept the regiſter of their names, marked the names of thoſe who returned ſafe with the letter tau, and the names of thoſe who were wanting with the letter theta, the Latines learned this from the Grecians, the Grecians from the Egyptians, and the Egyptians from the people of God. Perſius

Si potis es vitio nigrum praefigere theta.

They put not two to death in one day, except theyThe Iewes put not two to death in one day, but for the ſame crime. were guiltie of one crime, and they giue this example; If a man had lien with the Prieſts daughter, he and ſhe were not put to death both in one day, becauſe ſhe was guiltie of a greater ſinne then he, therefore ſhe was to be burnt quicke, but he was not to be put to death that day, neither was he burnt quicke as ſhe was.

How came it to paſſe then that they put Chriſt and the two theeves to death in one day, ſeing Chriſt▪ was Queſt. condemned for affecting the Kingdome, and the theeves for theft?

Chriſt and the two theeves were condemned Anſw. for one fault becauſe they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſeditioſi Mark. 15. 7. a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ſediti • factio▪ troublers of the peace of the Kingdome; and therefore the theife ſaid, thou art 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the ſame condemnation, Luke 23. 40. Barrabas was a murtherer and ſo ſhould haue dyed by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Effractores. the ſword, but becauſe he made inſurrection and troubled the common peace, therefore he was to be crucified. And the Hebrewes call theſe [perizim] effractores, and the Rabbins called them liſtin, from the Greeke word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they tooke armes to trouble the peace of the Common-wealth, and they uſed to crucifie all theſe who troubled the Kingdome and made inſurrection.

CHAPTER XL. Of their Capitall puniſhments. IOSH. 7. 25. And all Iſrael ſtoned him with ſtones, and burned them with fire after they had ſtoned them with ſtones.

THere were ſundry ſorts of puniſhments inflicted upon malefactors by the houſe of judgement among the Iewes. Some of them were burnt, ſome of them were ſtrangled, ſome of them were ſtoned, and ſome of them were beheaded, and ſome of them were drowned.

He that lay with his mother, or daughter in law the wife of his ſonne, or with a maide that was betrothed,Who were ſtoned. Deut. 22. 24. Or if a woman bowed downe to a beaſt, Levit. 20. 16. ſo the blaſphemer, Levit. 24. 14. and Idolater, Deut. 17. 5. So he who offered his ſeed to Molech, Levit. 20. 2. He that had the ſpirit of divination or was a wizard, Levit. 20. 27. He that profaned the Sabbath, he that curſed his father or his mother, Levit. 20. 9. ſo the diſobedient ſonne was ſtoned to death. Deut. 21. 21. He that perſwaded or enticed others to Idolatry, Deut. 13. 1. all theſe were ſtoned to death.

Firſt the Prieſts daughter if ſhe committed adulterie. Secondly he who lay with his owne daughter. ThirdlyWho were burne. he who lay with his ſonnes wife. Fourthly he who lay with his daughters daughter, or with the daughter of his wiues daughter. Fifthly he who lay with his mother in law, or with the mother of his mother in law, or hee who lay with the mother of his father in law, his wife being yet aliue; even all theſe were burnt. Ioſh. 7. 15. He that is taken with a curſed thing ſhall be burnt with fire, and verſ. 25. all Iſrael ſtoned him with ſtones, firſt he was ſtoned, and then burnt.

Thoſe who killed were beheaded, and thoſe who fellWho were beheaded. away to Idolatry.

The fourth ſort of puniſhment was ſtrangling; wch wasWho were ſtrangled. the lighteſt ſort of puniſhment capital among the Iewes. Firſt he who did ſtrike his father or his mother. Secōdly he who ſtole a man in Iſrael. Deut. 24. 7. Thirdly any old man who hearkened not to the voice of the Synedrion. Fourthly a falſe Prophet; and he who lay with another mans wife. Fiftly, he who defiled the Prieſts daughter; all theſe were ſtrangled. And the Iewes ſay, whereſoever this puniſhment is ſet down, let his bloud be upon his owne head, it is to be underſtood of ſtoning; but where the phraſe is found, let him die the death, and the puniſhment not ſet downe in particular, then it is to be underſtood of ſtrangling. But this holdeth not, it is ſaid Exod. 21. 12. he that ſmiteth a man that he die ſhall ſurely bee put to death: ſo it is ſaid, that the adulterer ſhall die the death, yet he was not ſtrangled but ſtoned. Ezek. 16. 40. Ioh. 8. 45.

This ſtrangling the Romanes changed into crucifying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 crucifigere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Crux. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arbor. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . which was called [zacaph] crucifigere, and the croſſe was called [zeceph] crux, and [gnetz] arbor, and the Greekes called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lignum geminum.

Laſtly drowning, Mat. 18. 6. It were better that a milſtone were hanged about his necke, and that he were drowned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dimerſio in pelagus, ſubmerſio. in the midſt of the Sea; and the Greekes had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they were put in a cheſt of lead, and ſunke in the Sea, as Caſaubon ſheweth out of Athenaeus.

What ſort of puniſhment is meant Quest. Gen. 17. 14. he that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Exciſio. is not circumciſed, that ſoule ſhall bee cut off from his people?

The Hebrewes expound this ſort of puniſhment diverſly, Anſw. Kimchi ſaith, he ſhall be puniſhed by the Lord, but he addeth, that he is much miſtaken who thinketh that the child not being circumciſed is ſecluded from the life to come. Moſes Cotzenſis thinketh, that theſe who were not circumciſed the eight day, ſhould dye without children, alluding to that place Levit. 20. 20. But all of them agree in this that the puniſhment is inflicted by the Lord.

Exod. 31. 14. Whoſoever doth any worke on the Sabbath Object. day he ſhall be cut off from his people, and bee ſurely put to death, by cutting off here is meant, cutting off by the Magiſtrate, why ſhould it not then be ſo underſtood in that place Gen. 17. 14. ſo Levit. 20. 6. If any goe after wizards, I will ſet my face againſt him, and cut him off; by cutting off here is meant, to be cut off by the Magiſtrate, why is it not ſo then to be underſtood in that place of Geneſis before mentioned?

Maymone anſwereth to theſe places, diſtinguiſhing Anſw. betwixt the manifeſt tranſgreſſion, and the hidden tranſgreſſion of the Law, if one did violate the Sabbath with a hie hand, and if there were witneſſes, and he were admoniſhed before not to doe ſo, then he was cut off by the hand of the Magiſtrate; but if he was not admoniſhed ſecretly before, and did tranſgreſſe, then hee was cut off by the hand of the Lord. But wee muſt diſtinguiſh betwixt theſe phraſes Levit. 17. 10. and 21. 6. I Difference betwixt theſe two phraſes, I ſhall cut off &c. and thou ſhalt cut off &c. ſhall cut off that ſoule, and thou ſhalt cut off that ſoule; Exod. 22. 18. thou ſhalt not ſuffer a witch to liue, but when hee ſayth, I will ſet my ſelfe againſt that ſoule which eateth blood, and will cut him off from my people, then it is meant, that by his owne hand immediately hee will cut him off.

But what ſort of cutting off by the hand of God is Queſt. meant here?

It is not meant of any bodily puniſhment inflicted Anſw. upon their bodies, or upon their poſteritie, as the Iewes interpret it, but of excommunication and ſecluding them from the Church. So Calvin, Iunius, Deodati expound it.

CHAPTER XLII. Why they gaue wine to thoſe who were going to be executed. PROV. 31. 6. Giue wine unto thoſe that be of an heavie heart.

THey uſed to doe three things to them who were condemned. Firſt, they gaue them wine to drinke to comfort them. Amos 2. 8. They drunke the wine of the condemned in the houſe of their God; that is, they dranke the moſt excellent wine, for ſuch wine they gaue to the condemned. Secondly, they uſed to apply 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſoft wooll, which the Chirurgians apply to wounds to mitigate their paine, becauſe their death was a lingering death. Thirdly, they uſed to hold odoriferous canes or reedes to their noſe to refreſh their braines.

But ſee what miſerable comforters the Iewes were to Chriſt, Luke ſaith▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they derided him, Luk. 23. 35. for in ſtead of wine, they gaue him vinegar and gall to drinke, which was a moſt bitter ſort of drinke; and the Lord ſaith Ier. 9. 15. I will feed this people even with wormwood, and giue them water of gall to drinke. And for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they gaue him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , hyſope tyed about a reed and dipped in vineger, and they gaue it him not to quench his thirſt, but to ſmell it in deriſion.

They gaue him wine to drinke mingled with myrrhe, but he received it not, Mark. 15. 23. Chriſt would not drinke this cup mingled with myrrhe (for it intoxicated the braine) that he might be ſenſible of the paine which he was to ſuffer for us. It is a great judgement to be beaten and not to feele it, Prov. 23. 35. The Lord who went willingly to death, did willingly drinke the cuppe of Gods wrath for us; and therefore he was unwilling to drinke this cuppe, which would haue made him ſenſeleſſe of the paine.

They gaue him hyſſope in ſtead of wooll which ſhould haue mitigated his paine, the tender mercies of the wicked are cruell. Prov. 12. 10.

Chriſt ſuffered in all his ſenſes, in his taſt, they gaue him veneger mixed with gall; in his feeling, whereas they ſhould haue applied ſoft wooll, and bound up his wounds, & mitigated his paine, they applied but hyſope ſo in his hearing, he heard their bitter mockes and ſcoffing. And as he felt the grievous paine of the croſſe in all his ſenſes, ſo the wicked ſhall ſuffer the paines and torments of hell in all their ſenſes.

The concluſion of this is, ſin is ſweet in the beginning, but bitter in the end; Adam did eate aſweet fruit, but Concluſion. here is vineger and gall a bitter potion offered to Chriſt for it; the lippes of a ſtrange woman drop as an hony combe, and her mouth is ſmoother then oyle, but her end is bitter as wormwood, ſharpe as a two-edged ſword, Pro. 5. 3.

They giue him hyſope; hyſope was the laſt purgation and ſprinkling when the leper was brought into the Campe againe: and David alludeth to this, Pſal. 51. waſh mee with hyſope. So Chriſts death muſt purge us from all our ſinnes, and bring us into the ſocietie of the Saints of God, that there we may dwell for ever.

CHAPTER XLIII. Of their VVarres. DEVT. 20 10. When thou commeſt neare to a Citie to fight againſt it, then proclaime peace vnto it, &c.

FIrſt let us conſider in their warres, the time when they went to battell; ſecondly, the manner how they pitched about the Tabernacle; thirdly, the manner how they marched when the Camp removed; fourthly, the Proclamation made to them at their removing; fiftly, the conditions of peace offered to the enemie; ſixtly, what they did before they joyned battell; and laſtly, the ſong which they had after the victorie.

Firſt, what time they entred to be Souldiers? theThe time that thev entred to be Souldiers. Levites entred to their Miniſtery when they were thirtie yeares, Num. 4. 42. But the Souldiers entred when they were twentie yeares, and they left off when they were fiftie; none went to the warres but they who payed the halfe ſhe kell; the Levites were exempted, becauſe they ſerved the Lord in the Tabernacle, they neither payed this halfe ſhekell, nor yet went to the warres. Women likewiſe were exempted, She that tarrieth at home, divideth the ſpoyle, Pſal. 63. 12. So were the weake, ſicke, and infirme, the yong, and the old under twentie and aboue fiftie; ſo the captiues, and Idolaters, all theſe were exempted, none of them payed the halfe ſhekell, or went to the warres.

Secondly, when they pitched about the Tabernacle, they pitched their Tents with their faces towards it, Num. 2. 2. becauſe of the reſpect that they carried to it. They pitched round about the Tabernacle when they reſted in their Tents; and David alludeth to this, Pſal. 76. 11. Let all that be about him, bring preſents unto him that ought to be feared; there were three Tribes vpon every quarter; Iuda, Iſſachar, and Zabulon upon the Eaſt; Ruben, Simeon, and Gad upon the South; Ephraim, Manaſſe, and Benjamin upon the Weſt; Dan, Aſher, and Nephthali upon the North, Num. 23. 10. Who can number the fourth part of Iſrael? Here is an alluſion to the Campe as it was divided in foure quarters.

There were three Tribes on every quarter, and a ſpace betwixt them and the Tabernacle, and Moſes and Aaron and the Prieſts upon the Eaſt; the Coathites upon the South; the Gerſonites upon the Weſt; and the Merarites upon the North; theſe lay betwixt the Tribes and the Tabernacle to watch the holy place; So betwixt Gods throne and the foure and twentie Elders compaſſing it, were foure living creatures full of eyes, Rev. 6. 10.

In the firſt place Iudah pitched and removed firſt,The priviled • e. Iud • h. Iudah got the firſt place, of him the Kings were to come, he marched firſt, he ſacrificed firſt, Numb. 7. 12. Iudah gaue a Lyon in his Colours. Themiſtocles ſaid, it was better to haue a Lyon to be a Captaine to a company of Harts, than to haue a company of Lyons and a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Catulus leo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Leo • v •• s. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Leo cord t • s. Hart to be their Captaine: The Lyon is firſt [Gur] Catulus Leonis; then he is [Cephir] cum incipit praedari, when he beginneth to catch the prey, and then he is [Labhi] when he groweth old. Firſt, Iudah was the LyonsWhen Iudah was the Lyons whel •• , h • Lyon, and the • ierce Lyon. whelpe in Ioſhuah's time, Ioſh. 1. when they went out firſt to Conquer the Land; then he was Cephir in Davids time; and thirdly, he was [Labhi] Cordatus Leo in Salomons time.

And in placing of theſe Tribes, ye ſhall obſerue that alwayes wit • • he feebler Tribes there is a warre-like and a couragious Tribe placed, as with Iſſachar and Zabulon two feeble Tribes, Iudah is placed; Iſſachar wasA warrelike Tribe placed with the more feeble. dull like the Aſſe, and loved to co • tch betweene two burdens, Gen. 49. 14. So Iudg. 15. 16. Why abodeſt thou amongst the ſheep-folds, to heare the bleating of the flockes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sibilare. (or delighting to whiſtle by the flockes) having no minde to helpe thy brethren in the warres. Zabulon had no skill in the warres, he dwelt by the Sea-ſide, and gaue himſelfe onely to ſhipping, therefore Iudah was joyned to helpe theſe two weake Tribes; ſo in that viſion, Eſa. 21. 7. The Aſſe and the Camell are joyned together; the Camell ſignifying the Medes, the more generous people, and the Aſſe the Perſians, the more dull people.

In the ſecond companie was Ruben, Simeon, and Gad; Ruben unſtable as water, Gen. 49. 4. So Simeon a weake Tribe divided in Iacob and ſcattered in Iſrael, Gen. 49. 7. now to helpe theſe they had the warre-like Tribe of Gad joyned with them, Gen. 49. 19. Gad jedud jegudennu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elegans paranoma • ia. vehu jagud gnakabh, Gad a troupe ſhall overcome him, but he ſhall overcome at the laſt: the men of Gad, were mightie men of warre, and had faces like Lyons, 1 Chron. 12. 8.

In the third companie were Ephraim, Manaſſe, and Benjamin, and Ephraim the moſt warrelike of the three, Ephraim had skill to handle the Bow, Pſal. 78. 9. but Benjamin was [Ittorjad] he could ſling with both the hands. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ambidexter. 1 Chron. 12. 2.

In the fourth companie were Dan, Aſſer, and Nephthali; and of theſe three, Dan was the moſt valiant: Zabulon and Nephthali were a people that jeoparded their liues unto the death, Iudg. 5. 18. but Dan was their Captaine, he came in to ſaue the taile of the hoaſt, and he was called the gathering hoaſt; and the Lord alludeth to this forme, Eſa. 51. 11. I will goe before you and gather you in: they left none of the weake behinde them, Num. 12. 15. and Miriam was ſhut out of the Campe ſeven dayes for Leproſie, and the people journeyed not, till Miriam was brought in againe: David alludeth to this, Pſal. 27. 10. Though my father and my mother ſhould forſake me, yet thou wilt gather me up: Amalek cut off the taile of the Hoſt, Deut. 25. 17. theſe are called the hind most of the Hoſt, Ioſh. 10. 19.

Every one of theſe quarters had their Captaine, andEvery one of the Quarters had their Captaine he was the wiſeſt and moſt couragious, for ſtrength and counſell are for the warres, Prov. 10. 5. 2 Sam. 23. 8. the Tachmonite, for his wiſedome is [Ioſhebeang] he ſat in the Councell, and for his valour and courage he is called Hadino the Eznite, that is, who delighted to lift up the ſpeare; young and raſh youths are not fit to be Captaines, ſuch as was Alexander the Great, who ran violently Quando animali additur geniti • us famini •• s pluralis, tu •• ſignificatur animal illud teuer •• eſſe, Gen. 38. 7. rather thorow the world, than by skill or wiſedome, therefore Dan. 8. 21. he is called Hircus caprarum, that is, a young Goat.

There were foure memorable things to be obſerved in this Campe; firſt, their order; ſecondly, their cleanlineſſe, thirdly, Salus caſtrametantium; and laſtly, how the Lord provided meat and cloath for them.

Firſt, the order that was in this Campe; this was Acies The order of this Campe. benè ordinata, and God who is the God of order and not of confuſion ſet them in this order. Balaam ſaw this when he ſaid, Num. 24. 5. How goodly are thy Tents, O Iacob, and thy Tabernacles O Iſrael. As the vallies are they ſpread forth, as Gardens by the River ſide, as the trees of Lign-aloes, which the Lord hath planted, and as Cedar trees beſide the waters.

Secondly, Mundities, the cleaneneſſe and nea • neſſe of this Campe, for the Lord commanded them when they were to eaſe nature to goe without the Campe, and to take a padle with them, and dig in the ground to cover their excrements. Deut. 23. 12.

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉 Thirdly, Salus caſtrametantium, there was none feeble in their Tribes, Pſal. 105. 37. and pes tuus non fuit fermentatus, thy foote did not ſwell theſe fortie yeares, Deut. 8. 4.

Fourthly, the Lord provided well for this Campe,The Lord provided meat and cloths for this Campe. both meat and cloths; meat, He rained downe Manna from the heavens, and fed them with the bread of Angels, and for their clothes they waxed not old, Deut. 8. 4. And it is moſt probable that their cloaths did grow with them as they grew, & their ſhoes waxed not old upon their feete, Deut. 29. 5. Their ſhoes did grow with their feet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 noninveterârunt. and it ſeemeth that the childrens clothes were made of the clothes of them who died.

The foure Captaines pitched their Tents at the foure corners of the Campe, Iudah pitched in the Northeaſt corner; Ruben in the Southeaſt; Ephraim on the Southweſt; and Dan on the Northweſt corner. Num. 2. 2. Every man of the children of Iſrael ſhall pitch by his own ſtandard, with the Enſigne of their fathers houſe, farre off about the Tabernacle of the Congregation ſhall they pitch.

grid containing sixteen panels, each depicting three tents, representing sixteen tribes A figure to ſhew the Enſignes, Motto's, and order of the Tribes pitching about the Tabernacle. Returne, O Lord, unto the many thouſands of Iſrael. Num. 10. 36.

WEST.

first panel

quaſi prim • Genti • auri vu •• h ritudo •• u •

Ephraim

second panel

Duo fi •• tui &c. mei erunt.

Manaſſes

third panel

Lupus Rapax.

Beniamin

fourth panel

fi • t coſuber in 〈◊〉 . Ce •• ſtes in ſemita.

Dan

fifth panel

Gad A • cinotus p •• ſiabi •• tar.

Gad

sixth panel

gerſonitae

seventh panel

Meraritae.

eighth panel

Non est Deus ui Deus. Jeſhurun.

Aſser

SOVTH.

NORTH.

ninth panel

Diuidam eos in Ia • ob et diſperdam eos in iſrael

Simeon

tenth panel

Coathitae

eleventh panel

Moſes Aron et Saserdotes

twelfth panel

Dans eſoquia pulchritu • inis.

N 〈7 letters〉 y.

thirteenth panel

Eſſuſ es Sicut aqua

Ruben

fourteenth panel

in littore maris • ebitabis

Zabuſon

fifteenth panel

Accumbeus inter Terminos

Issacher

sixteenth panel

• a • u • us • eonis

•••• th

EAST.

Riſe up, O Lord, and let thine enemies be ſcattered, Num. 10. 35.

They had their Colours, their Enſignes, and their Motto's.

Firſt, their Colours; their Colours were accordingTheir Colours were anſwerable to the ſtones in Aarons breſtplate. to the Colours of the ſtones in the breaſtplate of Aaron: Iudah gaue a greene Colour like the Smarag: Ruben a red Colour like the Sardius; Ephraim a golden Colour like the Chryſolite; Dan gaue partie coloured of white and red like the Iaſper.

Their Enſignes were; firſt, Iudah gaue a Lyon; Ruben In their Enſignes they had the Emblems of Beaſts. the head of a man, becauſe he was the firſt borne, and the head of the familie; Ephraim gaue the head of an Oxe, becauſe he was the ſonne of Ioſeph, who was called Bos Dei, Deut. 33. 17. His glory is like the firſtling of his Bullocke; and Dan gaue an Eagle in his Colours, becauſe the Eagle is an enemy to Serpents, the Serpent ſhould not be put in his Colours but the Eagle, an enemy to the Serpent; Dan ſhall judge his people, Gen. 49. 16. Dan is a Lyons whelpe, he ſhall leape from Baſhan. Here he is commended both for his wiſedome and his ſtrength, the Serpent doth not expreſſe theſe two well, but the Eagle doth expreſſe them very fitly.

Thirdly, their Motto, Iuda's Motto was this; Iuda is Their Motto's in their Enſi • nes were out of the Teſtament of Iacob, or of the ſong of Moſes. a Lyons whelpe, Gen. 49. 8. Ruben had this, Vnſtable like water, Gen. 49. 4. Ephraims Motto was, his glorie is like the firſtling of his Bullocke, Deut. 33. 16. Dan had this Motto, he ſhall be a Serpent by the way, an Adder in the path, and ſo every one of the Tribes had their Motto.

The Lord as their Generall dwelt in the midſt of theirThe Lord was their Generall. Campe, and his Enſignes were the Cloud and the pillar of fire; the Cloud to direct them by day, and the pillar by night, then he was the guide of their youth, Iere. 3. 4. The motto which they gaue him was this, Mi camocha 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ba • lohim Iehova, quis ſicut tu Iehova inter Deos; and hence they made the name of the Macchabees, Mem, Caph, Beth, Iod: and they were called Macbei at the firſt, and afterward Macchabaei: and like unto this was that abbreviation, Agla, attagnebher legnolam adonai, Tu fortis in aeternum Domine.

When they marched, they kept not the ſame orderTheir marching was different from their pitching about the Tabernacle. as when they pitched about the Tabernacle, for when they marched, Iuda, Iſſachar, and Zabulon went before; and the Gerſonites and the Merarites next them ſet forward, bearing the Tabernacle, Num. 10. 17. In the ſecond place came Ruben, Simeon, and Gad, who lay upon the South; and next them came the Cohathites with the Arke, Num. 10. 21. After them Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manaſſe; and David alludeth to this, Pſal. 80. 2. Before Ephraim and Benjamin and Manaſſeh, ſtirre up thy ſtrength, and come and ſaue us; he ſaith, before Ephraim, for when they carried the Arke Ephraim came behinde the Arke, and the Arke was before him, and when they reſted, Ephraim was upon the Weſt ſide of the Arke, which Num. 2. 18. is called [jammah] the Sea-ward, becauſe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Sea lay towards the Weſt, ſo that the Arke both when they pitched and when they marched was ever before Benjamin, Ephraim, & Manaſſeh. In the laſt place came Dan, Aſſer, and Nephthali; Dan was in the Reareward of all their Camps throughout their Hoſts, Num. 10. 25.

When they marched Aſcendebant Chamuſſhim, Exod. The manner of their Marching. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 13. 18. Aquila & Symmachus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , qui quintam coſtam habebant cinctam, becauſe they carried their ſword at the fift rib, but Theodoſion tranſlateth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , they went fiue in rankes, when they marched they were ſaid to be Accincti, Gen. 49. 19. Num. 32. 17. 1 King. 10. 11. And Salomon alludeth to this Prov. 30. 31. ſpeaking of the horſe girt in his loines, a warlike beaſt, fit for the battell, and contrary to this is diſcinctus when they lay aſide their armour.

Thirdly, they made a Proclamation in the Campe,In their marching they made a Proclamation for foure ſorts of people. that he who had built a new houſe, and had not dedicared it, ſhould goe backe: Secondly, if he had planted a Vineyard, and had not made it common, he ſhould goe backe: thirdly, if he had betrothed a wife, and had not lien with her, he ſhould goe backe: and fourthly, they cryed that all thoſe who were fearfull and faint hearted ſhould returne.

He who built a new houſe, and had not dedicated it,What new houſe was meant in this Proclamation. he ſhould goe backe, which they expounded thus, if he had built a new houſe, either for his dwelling, or for his Cattell, or his Corne, then he was to goe backe to it, but if he had built a new houſe for pleaſure, and let it and taken hyre for it, then he was not to goe backe.

Secondly, if he had planted a Vineyard and had not made it common, then he was to goe backe; where there is an Alluſion to that forme ſet downe in the Law, that the firſt three years after that a man had planted a Vineyard, he might not eat of the fruits thereof, then the fourth yeare they were the Lords, and in the fift yeare they were made common, and then turned to the planters owne uſe, and it was all one whether he planted the Vineyard, bought the Vineyard, or had gotten it by inheritance or by gift.

Thirdly, if he had betrothed a wife, and had not lien with her, whether ſhee had beene a maide or a widow, he was to returne home: and this Immunitie from the warres laſted for a whole yeare to thoſe who were new married; but they ſay, if the high Prieſt had married a widow he was not exempted, ſo if an inferiour Prieſt had married a repudiate woman, or a common Iſraelite if he had married a baſtard, then he was not exempted.

Fourthly, all thoſe who were fearfull and faint-hearted, Qui mollis eſt corde, Hebraicè, he ſhould returne, lest he make his brethrens heart faint alſo, Deut. 20. So all thoſe who were guiltie of any crime were ſent away,All that were knowne for notorious ſinners, were diſcharged from the warres. for ſinne alwayes makes a trembling and a faint heart, but the miſery is now that the moſt lewd take themſelues to this calling, Pſal. 68. 30. Rebuke the company of the ſpearemen, Hebraicè, rebuke the beaſts of the reedes; the Lord accounteth thoſe profane Souldiers for all their ſpeares but like beaſts amongſt the reeds, there are few like unto the Centurion, or Cornelius, who haue good Souldiers.

Gideon made a Proclamation, Iudg. 6. Whoſoever is Gideons Proclamation. fearefull, let him returne, and ſo there remained but ten thouſand; and he tryed his Souldiers againe, and all that bowed downe to drinke he ſent them away, & he tooke with him onely thoſe who lapped like dogges, which were but three hundred.

Whether made he choiſe of theſe as the moſt cowardly, Queſt. or the moſt couragious?

It is commonly holden that they were the moſt couragious Anſw. who lapped like dogges, and lay not downe to glut themſelues; but if we will looke to the Lords in • ention here, we ſhall ſee that the moſt feeble were kept here, and not the moſt couragious, for the Lord would not haue Iſrael to bragge here, and to ſay, Mine owne hand hath ſaved me▪ Iudg. 7. 2. The Lord would onely • aue the whole prayſe of the Victory. Now whether made it more for the praiſe of God, when he overcame with a few c • wards, than if he had overcome with a number of valiant Souldiers: were not they moſt cowardly, who durſt not lie downe to take leaſure to drinke? But ran and lapped as the dogs doe about Nilus; the Lord made choiſe of the moſt fearefull and cowardly for his glorie; But Marcus Craſſus amongſt the Romans, cauſed to let bloud of the cowards, & he giues this to be the reaſon, that that bloud which they would not ſhed in defence of their Countrey, ſhould now be ſhed to their diſgrace and ſhame.

They had two ſorts of warres; the firſt were bella There are two ſorts of warres. ſpontanea, and the ſecond was bella praecepti, new married men and thoſe who planted a vineyard were exempted from the firſt warre, but not from the ſecond warre which was againſt the Canaanits, the Bridegroome was not exempted from this neither.

Fourthly, before they joyned battle with the enemy to deſtroy them or to ſacke their Citie, they offered conditions of peace to the enemies that were not to be deſtroyed, if they ſought peace of them; we haue one example, in the Cherethites, that were Davids guard; they were called Curetae by Virgil, Curetum allabimur oras: So they were called Cretenſes, theſe came of the Phenicians or Philistins; Creta was a Colonie belonging to them, ſee Act. 27. 12. Phenice which is a haven of Creet. Deut. 20. 10. And the conditions were three eſpecially. Firſt, that they ſhould receiue the ſeven precepts of Noah: Secondly, that they ſhould be tributaries to them; And thirdly, that they ſhould bee ſervants to them.

The Moabites and Ammonites were ſtill excepted Object. Deut. 3. 3. but Deut. 2. 9. diſtreſſe not the Moabites neither contend with them in battle, how then ſhall wee reconcile theſe two places, when hee bids them not to ſeeke the peace of the Ammonite.

The reconciliation is this, thou ſhalt not ſeeke the Anſw. peace of the Moabite or Ammonite, but if they ſeeke it of thee, then thou ſhalt not diſtreſſe them, nor contend with them in battell.

If they would not receiue the peace offered, then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let him fl • e that wil • fl • e. they cryed, dedat ſe qui vult, fugiat qui vult, pugnet qui vult.

Before they joyned battell they comforted the Souldiers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he that will haue peace, let him haue peace. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He that will make warre let him make warre. after this manner, truſt in him who is the Saviour of Iſrael in affliction, Ier. 14. 8. this day thou fighteſt, pro confeſsione vnitatis divinae, quòd deus unus est, that thy God is one, therefore, thou mayeſt carrie thy life in thy hand ſecurely, Iob. 13. 4. and thinke neither upon thy wife nor thy children, but put the care of them out of thy heart. And the Apoſtle allud • th to this, 2 Tim. 2. 4.Lam. 5. 9 in animae noſtrae ferimus panem, id eſt, in perien •• animae. ſo Pſal. 119 animae mea in maenu mea. that he who goeth to the warres, entangleth not himſelfe with the cares of this world. And they exhorted them to caſt the care of their houſes, wiues, children, and familie upon the Lord, who will provide for them: 1 Sam. 25. 28. 29. The Lord will provide a ſure houſe for my Lord the King, becauſe he fights the battles of the Lord, and his ſoule ſhall be bound up in the bundle of life.

When they marched neerer their enemie, they raiſedWhat they did when they were at the ſhocke of the battell. the duſt with their feete which was the neereſt ſigne of warre: and Chriſt alludeth to this forme Mat. 10. When you come into a houſe offer your peace, and if they refuſe it, ſhake off the dust of your feete, and let your peace returne to your ſelfe: when the enemies were overcome, they fell downe at the Conquerours feete, and ſeemed to licke the duſt under his feete, Pſal. 18.

And ſo they uſed to caſt a fire-brand within the enemies land, and the Prophet Obadiah alludeth to this, verſ. 18. there ſhall not one be left aliue in the houſe of Eſau, the Seventie tranſlate it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that ſhall carrie a fire-brand. Such were thoſe faeciales amongſt the Romanes, who threw a ſpeare into the enemies land in defiance of the enemie.

After the victory they divided the ſpoile, and then they ſung 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or carmen triumphale.

It was their manner after the victory to ſing a ſong ofWhen the ſong of tryumph was ſung. praiſe, as Moſes and Miriam did, Exod. 15. ſo Barak and Deborah, Iudg. 5. ſo David after he had conquered all his enemies ſang the eighteenth Pſalme, ſo Revelation 19. when all the enemies of the Church ſhall bee ſubdued, they ſhall ſing a ſong of praiſe to the Lambe who ſitteth upon the throne.

The women eſpecially did ſing this ſong, and thereforeThe women did ſing the for • of victorie. Pſal. 68. 11. it is ſaid, great were the company, [hammebhaſſheroth,] of thoſe that publiſhed it, in the faeminine gender, of the women that publiſhed it.

In this ſong of victory the King is commended, that he aſcended on high, and led captivitie captiue, and received gifts or ranſomes from the captiues, Verſ. 18. And the Apoſtle applieth this to Chriſts victory over all his enemies, he aſcended on high, and gaue gifts to men, Ephe. 4. 8. And in this ſong of victory, they ſung this Carmen amabaeum, a ſong by intercourſe, I will bring againe from Baſan, I will bring my people againe from the depths of the Sea, Verſ. 22. They remembered theſe two deliverances in all their ſongs of thankeſgiving for deliverance: firſt, how the Lord delivered them out of the red Sea; and ſecondly, that deliverance from Og King of Baſhan when he came againſt them.

That ſong of Deborah, Iudg. 5. firſt, containeth a praiſeThe ſubject of Deborabs ſong. to God, who gaue the victory. Secondly, it maketh mention of the inſtruments which he uſed in this victory, as the ſtarres. Thirdly, it condemneth thoſe who would not come, as Meroſh: and fourthly, it commendeth thoſe who came willingly. And laſtly, a prayer againſt the enemies of the Church, Verſ. 28.

CHAPTER XLIIII. Of their Burials. GEN. 49. 29. And he charged them and ſaid unto them, I am to be gathered to my people, burie me with my Fathers.

IN their burials, firſt, we are to conſider the placeThe circumſtances that were uſed in Buriall. where they buried them; ſecondly, the ceremonies which they uſed at their Burials; thirdly, the forme of their Tombes; fourthly, the great charges that they were at in their burials; and laſtly, how they comforted the living after the dead were buried.

Firſt, the place where they buried them, it was commonlyThe place where they uſed to bury. without the Citie; In Ieruſalem they were buried without the Citie neare the brooke Kedron, Mat. 27. 53. And many aroſe, and came out of the graues, and went into the holy Citie, and appeared there: ſo the widowes ſonne of Naim was buried without the Citie, Luk. 7. 12. ſo the poſſeſſed men walked amongſt the graues in ſolitarie places, Mark. 4. 37. And Chriſt was buried in a Garden without the Citie.

They buried all of one familie together, 1 Sam. 3. 1.With whom they were buried. they buried the bones of Saul and Ionathan in the buriall of their Fathers: ſo Gen. 33. 2. therefore they were ſaid to be gathered to their fathers; and David alludeth to this forme when he ſaith, gather me not with the wicked. Pſal. 30. For all the bodies of the faithfull were laid together, ſo are their ſoules gathered together, & this is called, the bundle of life, 1 Sam. 25. The Greeks called thoſe who were not buried with their Fathers, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , outburied.

They buried the man and the wife together, as Abraham and Sara in the field of Ephron, Gen. 25. ſo Iacob andTh 〈…〉 full were buri 〈…〉 ther. Leah, Iſaac and Rebecca, ſo Tobias and his wife were buried together, Tob. 4. 4. And hereby they ſignified the conſtancie and loue which ſhould be betwixt the man and the wife, and that they died in the ſame faith, therefore the Orthodoxe Church when they died they would not be buried beſides Heretickes; Sophronius ſaid, Noli me tangere haeretice neque vivum neque mortuum.

They buried ſtrangers in a part by themſelues, Act. 1.The ſtrangers converted, deſired • o be buried with the faithfull. 18. this place they called it Kebher galaja, ſepulchrum exterorum: when the ſtrangers were converted to the faith, they deſired to be buried with the faithfull; as Ruth ſaid to Naomi, where thou dieſt there will I die and be buried, Ruth 1. 17.

Secondly, they uſed many Ceremonies in their buriall,The Ceremonies in buriall. firſt, they faſted, 1 Sam. 31. 13. 2 Sam. 1. 12. and they mourned and wept and faſted while even; ſo 2 Sam. 3. 34. David faſted for Abner till the Sunne was ſet.

Secondly, they wept, as for Aar • n thirtie dayes, Num. 20. 29. ſo for Moſes, Deut. 34. 8. ſo for Saul and Ionathan, 2 Sam 1. 12. ſo for Ioſia did all Iſrael mourne, 2 Chron. 35. 24. Families lamented, the men by themſelues and the women by themſelues, Zach. 1 • . 12. ſo Luk. 23. and the women followed after weeping. They mourned and lamented chiefly for their Kings, Iere. 34. 5. and they will lament thee, ſaying ah Lord; they lamented for their King as the widow doth for her husband, for the King is the husband of the Common-wealth, and when ſhee wanteth him ſhe is a widow, Lament. 1.

Such was the lamentation which David made for Saul and Ionathan, 2 Sam. 1. 18. it is called there the lamentationHow theſe words are to be underſtood, he taught them the uſe of the Bow. of the Bow, he commanded to teach the children of Iſrael the Bow, it is commonly tranſlated, he taught them the uſe of the bow, or to ſhoot with the bow, but this is impertinently caſt in, in the midſt of Davids lamentations, that he taught them the uſe of the bow, but it ſhould be this way tranſlated, he taught them this lamentation, intituled the Bow, for it was the manner in old times to giue ſundry titles to theſe lamentations, as, Fiſtula, Scutum, Ovum, Ala, Securis; ſo Pſal. 45.Euſtatius lib. 4. to the chiefe Muſitian upon Shonannim, as yee would ſay upon the lillies, the ſong of the marriage is intituled the lillie. Chriſt is, the lillie of the valleyes, and his Church is as the lillie among thornes, therefore this marriage-Pſalme is intituled the lillie; ſo the title of this lamentation was Arcus, the Seventie tranſlated it well David edidit threnum hunc, & it is ſubjoyned that he made this lamentation, that he might teach it the children of Iſrael; and Ioſephus addeth, that the Iewes did diligently learne theſe Lamentations even unto his time, the reſt of this Lamentation is ſet downe in the Booke of the juſt, verſ. 18. and to tranſlate it he taught them to ſhoot with the bow, were not pertinent, for they had skill in the uſe of the bow alreadie, 1 Par. 12. and it was not for vnskilfulneſſe in the uſe of the Bow that the Philiſtims overcame them. When Ioſias was killed in the battaile, Ieremie made his Lamentations or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for him. WhenAlexander ab Alexandro lib. 3. Genialium. they buried their dead they had Minſtrels, Mat. 9. 23. who ſang the praiſes of the dead, this the Greekes called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and when the corps were to be carried out, they cryed Conclamatum est; and they hyred Praeficas, mourning women. Iere. 9. 17. and when theſe women did ſing the dolefull ſong, ſhe that was the chiefe mourner ſung over carmen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at every reſt; the like wee ſee in Pſal. 136. for his mercie endureth for ever: ſo Iere. 9. 18. the chiefe mourner repeated theſe words in the Lamentation, that our eyes may run downe with teares, and our eyelids g • ſh out with waters: ſo Ezek. 26. 7. how art thou deſtroyed that waſt inhabited of Sea-faring men.

They lamented not for their wicked Kings when they died; Herod fearing that he ſhould not haue this honour done to him when he died, commanded when he was about to giue up the Ghoſt, that a number of his wiſeſt Counſellours ſhould be gathered together, and that his Ioſephus: The ſtratageme that Herod uſed that men might lament for his death. Guard ſhould inviron him about, and put them all to the ſword, that there might be a lamentatiō at his death, which they were purpoſed to haue done, unleſſe that Salome the ſiſter of Herod had prevented it, and diſcovered to them the plot, and then they kept a feaſt of joy in remembrance of that deliverance, as they did at Hamans death.

Thirdly, they uſed to waſh the bodies of the dead, this was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and ſo they waſhed the body of Dorcas and laid i • in an upper chamber, there was alſo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ecclus 31. 25 that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, a waſhing of themſelues for touching of the dead; and the third was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , baptized for the dead, that is, counted as dead men, 1 Cor. 15. 29. for when they were baptized they went downe into the water, and were baptized all over the body.

They embalmed the bodies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 differ.They embalmed the dead. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to prepare all thoſe things which ſerue for the embalming of the body, and this was called a burying among the Iewes, they uſed much this emb • lming of the bodies before they buried them, but now becauſe the doctrine of the Reſurrection is ſo cleare, this ceremony of embalming ſhould not be uſed.

When they embalmed the bodies of their Kings,They bu • ned ſweet O. dours for them. they burnt ſweet odours for them, as for Aſa and for Zedekiah, Iere. 34. 5. Thou ſhalt die in peace, and with the burnings of thy fathers the former Kings, ſo ſhall they burne Odours for thee: Although Zedekiahs eyes were pulled out of his head, and carried captiue to Babylon; yet he is ſaid to die in peace, becauſe he had all theſe ſolemnities performed to him in his funerals. Thoſe of Iabeſh Gilead tooke the bodies of Saul & his ſonnes and burnt them, and buried their bones under a tree, 1 Sam. 31. 13. To burne their bodies here is not meant, that they burnt them to aſhes, and then buried their bones, but they burnt odours upon their bodies untill they were buried; for theſe ſpeeches are all one, comburent te, asHow theſe phraſes are to be underſtood, Comburent te & comburent tibi. the L • tines ſay, comburent tibi, as the Hebrewes ſay, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as the Greekes ſay, et aromatizare, as the Evangeliſts ſay, for every one of theſe phraſes ſignifie the great pompe which was uſed at their burials. And where it is ſaid, they buried their bones, it is to be underſtood by the figure Synecdoche, their bodies, 2 Sam. 1. Are we not all of his bone: ſo Gen. 2. She is fleſh of my fleſh, and bone of my bone, and this laſt part here is but an explanation of the firſt. Iechonias wanted this honorable buriall, and therefore is ſaid, to be buried with the buriall of an Aſſe, Iere. 22. which was, inſepulta ſepultura.

The heathen burnt the bodies to aſhes before theyThe Heathen burned them to aſhes. buried them, becauſe that they thought, that the fire purged the bodie, but the greateſt abuſe of all in burning of the dead, was when the King of Moab tooke the King of Ammons ſonne, and burnt him to Lyme, and then, (as the Iewes ſay) with that incruſtârunt muros, they plaiſterd their wals.

By this we may underſtand why the Scripture bringeth in Og the King of Baſhans b • d, ſaying, is it not in Rabbath of Ammon unto this day? Deut. 3. 11. this was not his ſleeping bed, but his funerall bed, for when they were dead, they laid them upon a rich bed, and burnt odours over them, untill their friends carri • d them to the graue, and then they came home and burnt the bed and things belonging unto it. Now the reaſon why this bed of Og burnt not, was becauſe it was made of yron, ſo ſay Rabbi Iſaac Abrabaneel, and Arrias Montanus.

They had funerall feaſts called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , thereforeOf the feaſts at their Burials. Ezek. 24. 17. when his wife died he was forbidden to eat of that bread, eat not the bread of men; Enoſhim, that is, the bread of mourning men; theſe feaſts they called afterwards, feralia & ſilicernia, and they uſed to ſet the meat upon the graues of the dead, Iob. 4. 17. poure out thy bread upon the buriall of the juſt: ſo Eccleſ. 30. 18 as meſſes of meat ſet upon the graue.

The third thing to be conſidered in their burials, is the forme of their Tombes, the Kings were buried in ſtately Tombes together in the Citie of David, and thoſe Kings who were not buried there, were thought to be baſely buried, if they were not buried in the buriall of David, or in the buriall of the Kings in Mount Sion.

The nobler ſort ſome of them had Caues hewed outTheir burials were hewed out of a rocke. of a rocke, which had ſeverall burials within them, and Chriſt was buried in ſuch a buriall, Eſa. 53. 9. He made his graue with the wicked, and with the rich, [Bamathau] in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Excelſa eiu • . excelſis, that is, although he was crucified with the wicked, yet he was buried in the Tombe of Ioſeph, not in a baſe buriall but an honourable buriall, which was Ioſephs owne buriall, who was an honorable man.

The Prophets were uſually buried in ſtately Tombes,The Prophets were alſo buried in ſtately burials. Iere. 26. 23. And Iehojakim ſent for Vrias the Prophet out of Egypt, and cauſed to ſ • ay him with the ſword, and cast his dead bodie in the graues of the common people: the Prophets were not uſually buried in the burials of the common people; ſo Mat. 23. 29. Woe be to you, becauſe yee build the Tombes of the Prophets, and garniſh the ſepulchres of the righteous.

For the common people they were but laid in the ground, without any Tombe, Luk. 11. 4. Yee are like graues which appeare not, and the men that walke over them are not aware of them.

They had ſome markes of diſtinction to diſcerne the Tombes of the better ſort; example we haue of this in Ioſhua 24. 30. it is ſaid there, that they buried him in Timnath-herah, but Iudg. 2. 9. they buried him in Timnathheres; Heres is called the Citie of the Sunne, and they 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sol. changed the name of the Towne, becauſe Ioſhua was buried there, whoſe ſepulchre had the picture of the Sun drawne upon it, as the Iewes write, and the ſepulchre of Eliſha was knowne by it ſelfe in the fields, 2 King. 13. 21.

Fourthly, they were at great charges in burying of their dead, it was ſo great that many times their friends refuſed to bury them, therefore Gamaliel who was a man of power and credit amongſt them, reſtrained this. Nicodemus ſent for an hūdreth pound weight of Myrrhe and Aloes, to embalme Chriſt, Ioh. 19. 39. and Chriſt alloweth the fact of Marie, Mat. 26. 10. when ſhe poured the boxe of precious oyntment upon his head, Why trouble ye the woman, for ſhe hath wrought a good worke upon me: and Gamaliel ordained that none ſhould be wrapped in ſilke, but all in linnen, and no gold put upon them. So amongſt the Romans they were glad to diminiſhCic • rolib. 2. de ll. theſe charges, tria ſi velit recinia & vincula purpurea, & decem tibicines plus ne adhibeto.

Laſtly, after the buriall was ended they uſed to comfortThey comforted the living after the dead were buried. the living after this manner; firſt, ſit conſolatio tua in Caelis; ſecondly, quis audet d • o dicere, quid ſeciſti? thirdly, they repeated theſe words of Eſay. chap. 25. 8. he will ſwallow up death in victorie, and wipe away all teares from their faces; and Pſal. 72. 16 they ſhall flouriſh and ſpring againe as the graſſe on the earth: they b • leeved the reſurrection of the bodie, therefore they called the Church-yard [Beth chaijm,] domus viventium, and as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Domus viventium. our ſoules lodge but a while in the bodie as in a tabernacle, 2 Cor. 5. 1. ſo our bodies lodge but a while in the graue as in a tabernacle, Act. 2. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , my fleſh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . reſteth in hope as in a tabernacle, and then they cryed, Zacor • ki gnapher anachnu, remember that we are but dust, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dominus penſet jacturam tuam. and they conclude with this of Iob 1. the Lord hath given & the Lord hath taken, bleſſed be the name of the Lord. When their little children died, they uſed not many ſpeeches of conſolation, but onely ſaid, the Lord recompence thy loſſe; Iob hath a notable ſaying, I came naked out of my mothers wombe, and I ſhall goe naked thither againe; How ſhall I goe thither againe? it is not taken for the ſame place, but for the ſame condition; hence it is that the inferior parts of the earth are called both the mothers wombe and the graue, Pſal. 139. 15. I was curiouſly wrought in the lower parts of the earth; that is, in my mothers wombe, Epheſ. 4. 9. Chriſt is ſaid to deſcend into the lower parts of the earth, that is, into his mothers wombe, and ſee the affinitie betwixt the belly and the graue, Chriſt joyneth them together, Mat. 12. As Ionas was three dayes and three nights in the belly of the Whale, ſo ſhall the ſonne of man be in the heart of the earth: and Salomon, Prov. 30. joyneth them together, there are three things that are not ſatisfied, the graue, and the barren wombe, &c.

The concluſion of this is, let us remember, Iob 30. Concluſion. 23. that the graue is, domus conſtitutionis omni vivo, that is, the houſe in which we are all appointed to meet, and it is domus ſaeculi, the houſe of our age in which we dwell a long time, therefore we ſhould often thinke of it, and not put the evill day farre from us, and make a covenant with death.