THe Occasion, Rise and Progress of the Warr with the Indi­ans in the Southern and Western parts of New-England, to­gether with the Issue, and Success thereof, hath in the for­mer part of this Narrative, been already declared. Be­fore an Entrance be made into a Relation of those Troubles that befell the Eastern and Northern parts of the said Country from the Indians in­habiting those parts; it will be requisite to give some general De­scription of the place, as being less frequented, and so more unknown then the other, like Heraulds that use to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge, as an Historian once said, That so the Reader may not miss the Truth in Story, by being unacquainted with the places whereon the discourse proceedeth; Briefly therefore, that more cost and pains be not spent in the surveying a barren, and Rocky Country, then will quit cost; The List or Border here being known to be more worth then the whole Cloth; That whole Tract of Land, being of little worth, unless it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-Coast, and some Spots and Skirts of more desireable Land upon the Banks of some Rivers, how much soever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible Reports of such as have only [Page 2] Sayled by the Country, or viewed some of the Rivers and Havens, but never passed through the heart of the Continent. The whole being scarce worth half those mens lives, that have been lost these two last years, in hope to save it.

This North part of New England, did first like Zarah put forth its hand, thereby inviting the Adventurers to twist the Scarlet Thred of their hopes about the same, by that Auspicious beginning they were rea­dy to promise themselves great prosperity in having that Advantage before others, to plant and people that part of the Country.

But that fair opportunity was almost quite lost, by some Fatal, and mischievous Accidents, happening soon after that noble Enterprize was first set a foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter more fully be declared.

The first place that ever was possessed by the English, in hope of making a Plantation in those parts was a Tract of Land, on the West­side of the River of Kennibeck, then called Sagatawocke, since Saga-de-hocke: other places adjoyning were soon after seized, and improved for Trading and fishing. The more remote, & furthest Northward at this time belonging to the English (Penobsot forty years since being surpri­zed by the French, and by them held to this day) is called Pemmaquid, distant seven or eight Leagues from Kennibeck, and is the utmost Boun­dary of New-England, being about forty Leagues distant from the mouth of Pascataqua River. That Pemmaquid is a very Commodious Haven for Ships, and hath been found very Advantagious to such as use to come upon these Coasts to make fishing Voyages; South West, or South East, from whence about six or seven Leagues lies an Island cal­led Monhiggon, of much use on the same account for fishing, it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from Damarils Cove, (a place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fishermen in former times) There have been for a long time seven or eight considerable dwellings about Pemmaquid, which is well accommodated with Pasture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattle, and some Fields also for Tillage; All the Land improvable for such uses being already taken up, by such a number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned.

In the mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a considerable Island cal­ [...]ed Aro [...]ck, some years since purchased by Major Clarke and Capt. Lake two Merchanes of Boston; on which they built several large dwel­ings with a Ware-house, and many other Edifices near the water side, [...] being intended by the Owners for a place of Trading, as well as [Page 3] Planting; there being many of late seated there, fit to carry on each designe, where also was built a fort, which if it had been carefully defend­ed, might have proved the defence, and Security of all that side of the Country, as it used to be their Magazine, up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck, four Leagues Eastward toward Pemmaquid, in another con­siderable River called Ships-Coat, upon the Banks of which were many scattered Planters, who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians, left as was judged, a thousand head of neat Cattle for the use of the Indians, that made the late Insurrection against the Inhabi­tants of those parts, besides their Fields and Barns full of Corn

There is another River that issues into Kennibeck, a little higher up into the Country called Pegypscot, that comes down from behind Cas­co Bay. This Pegypscot is the seat of the Amoscogging Indians, who have had a great, if not the principal hand in the late mischiefs.

Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck lies that famous and spacious Haven called Casco Bay, The North East Cape of which is made by an Island called Saguin; The Southern or opposite point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth, which is in the Bosome of this Bay, be­ing about eight or nine Leagues over at the mouth of it, and aboundance of small Islands, many of them being inhabited by Fishermen, and others; one of the principal of that sort, is called Jewels Island. There are many places about this Bay fit to make commodious habitations; and on the South side of it is a small Ʋillage called Falmouth; All, or most of it, lately destroyed by the Indians.

Not far from Casco to the Southward, or South-west, still is a River called Spurnuik, over against which lies Richmond Island, not far from the main Land, being divided therefrom by a small Channel foordable at Low water; It hath for a long time been the Seat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former, if not the first promoter thereof whose daughter he married.

The next Plantation Southward is called Scarborough, a small Ʋillage seated upon black point, over against which is another point, for distin­ction from the former called blue point: This black point was lately the Seat of M. Josselin, being a parcel of the Province of maine, or falling within the Precincts thereof, and was formerly by Patent granted to the said Josselin or his Predecessors, since purchased by Mr. Scotto of Boston.

Saco River lies next in order to Pascataqua, a Navigable River; where Major Philips had a commodious Scituation [...]ately; at the mouth of which River lies winter Harbour, encompassed on one side [Page 4] by a Neck of Land, formerly the Propriety of one Mr. Winter whose Name it still retains, but lately purchased by Major Pendleton, where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and habitation.

There is another Harbour lying a little Southward of Saco made by that which is called Cape Porpuise; a convenient Seat for Fishermen, as are most of the other places above named. Between Cape Porpuise & Pascata­qua there are but two small Towns more, (though ambitious of great Names) the one called Wells, the other Yorke, Wells is seated upon a small River or Creek affording a small Harbour fit only for Barkes & smalle [...] Vissels; on each side of which Town lies a small River, the first called Kenni­bunk, the second Maguncuck the other Town is called York, for­merly known by the Name of Agamenticus, from an high Hill of that Name not far off therefrom. The point of Land which lies between the said Towns, is called Cape Nidduck, making a small Harbour likewise, into which issues another pretty River, on the Banks of which is Scituate the Town of Yorke. All or most of the forementioned Towns and Plan­tations are seated upon and neer, some River greater or lesser, whose streams are principally improved for driving of Sa [...]-Mills; Those late Inventions, so useful for destruction of Wood and Timber, specially of Firre Trees, which do so abound in those Coasts; that there is scarce a River or Creeke in those parts that hath not some of those Engine [...] erected upon them.

The upper Branches of the famous River of Pascat [...]qua, being al­so imployed all of them that way, namely, Stu [...]geon Creeke, Salmon Falls, Newechewannick, Quechecho, Oyster River, Swamscot, Green­land, Lamprey-Eele River, together with the Towns of Exeter, and Dover, seated upon, or near some of the main Branches thereof, whose principal Trade is in Deale Board [...], cut by those Saw-Mills, since their Rift Timber is near all consumed. On each side of that brave Navi­gable River of Pascataqua down towards the mouth of it, are seated on the North side the Town of Kittary (a long scattering Plantation made up of several Hamlets.) on the South side the Town of Portsmouth, to which belongs the great Island, lying in the mouth of the said River, a place of considerable Trade, these late years, the which together with Strawberry Bank the upper part of the said Town of Portsmouth, are the Magazine, and chief, or only place of Commerce & Trade for al the Plantations, betwixt it, and Casco Bay; All the said Plantations have in these last two years, viz. 1675. 1676. felt more or less of the Rage and Cruelty of the Barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that side of the Country, As shall more particularly be declared in what [Page 5] follows, after a short discourse of the first planting that side of the Country which may serve as a kind of Prologue to the following Tra­gedy.

This part of New-England began first to be planted about the same time with Ʋirginia, viz. in the year 1606. There the first Letters Pa­tents granted by the King for the Limitation of Virginia, did extend from 34 to 44 Degrees of North Latitude, and was divided into two parts, namely the first, and the second Colony; The former was appro­priated to the City of London, The other, to the Cities of Bristol, Ex­eter, and Town of Plimouth, each of which had Laws, Priviledges, and Authority for the Government, and advancing their several Plantati­ons alike, As saith, Capt. Smith in his general History of Virginia, and New-England. This second Colony of New-England promising but little Advantage to the Ʋndertakers, by reason of its Mountainous and Rocky Scituation, found but few Adventurers forward to pro­mote the planting thereof, after the death of Sir John Popham, who was the first that ever procured men, or means to possess it; for when the main Pillars are removed, what can be expected but that the whole building should fall to the ground. Yet, notwithstanding the discou­ragements the first Planters met withal in their first Winter seasoning, in that cold and rocky desert (which made them all return home in the year 1608) did Sir Francis Popham his Son, having the Ships and Pro­vision which remained of the Company, and supplying what was ne­cessary for his purpose, send divers times to the Coasts for Trade and Fishing, of whose loss or gain, as saith my Author, himself was best able to give account. And some of the Ships sent by him, and the Earl of Southhampton, with other Noble Adventurers, did bring home some of the Natives of the place in one of the next following years, by whose Informations, some of the first Ʋndertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their hopes, and see if possibly they might finde something that could enduce a fresh Resolution to prosecute so pi­ous and Honourable a work.

But in the mean time before there was yet any Speech, or endeavour to settle any other Plantation in those parts, That about Saga de hook being thus abandoned for the present by the first Ʋndertakers, The Frenchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle themselves with­in our Limits, which being understood by those of Virginia, they dis­creetly taking into their consideration the inconveniences that might arise by suffering them to harbour there, Sir Samuel Argal was sent with Commission to displace them, which he with great discretion, de [...] ­terity [Page 6] and Judgement performed about the year 1613. The which made way for the Plantation at Nova Scotia, granted afterwards by King James to Sir William Alexander one of his Majesties most Ho­nourable Council of Scotland. The said Argal seized the Forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Mansel, St. Croix, and Port Ru­al, and carried away their Ordnance, with other Provisions to the Colo­ny of Virginia, to their great Benefit. The said places were held by the English divers years after, till about the year 1635. by Commission from the Scotch Lord aforesaid, but how his right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French Nation, doth not concern us with Re­ference to the business in hand, further to enquire.

Things remaining in this posture for the space of near seven years, some of the first Adventurers apprehensive of better hopes of good that might ensue by a fresh Attempt, Resolved to set the designe a foot a second time, to which End several Ships were sent on that account in the year 1615. but with as bad Success as the former; for in the year before, viz. 1614. Capt. Smith desirous to promote the Colony of New-England, as well as that of Virginia came thither with two Ves­sels, and returned back to England in the lesser of them, with intent to be there again that next year, to promote the said Plantation; But after he was gone, one Thomas Hunt master of the Ship, he left behind, like a wicked Varlot, to prevent the carrying on the Plantation, that he & a few Merchants might wholly enjoy the benefit of the Trade of the Country, after he had made his Ʋoyage, seized upon four & twenty of the poor Inno­cent Natives, that in confidence of his honesty, had put themselves into his hands, then clapping them under Hatches, carryed them away to Ma­lego, whither he was bound with the fish he had made upon the Coast, for that Market: But this vile act, although it kept him for ever after from any more imployment in those parts, yet that was the least part of the mischief that attended his wicked practice; for upon the Arri­val of the Adventurers Ships the next yeare; Two Natives of the place that had been some years in England, and coming back unto the said Ships, as soon as they understood the iniury so Treacherously done to their Country men, they contracted such an hatred against our whole Nation, that although one of the said Natives dyed soon after, yet the other called Epenow, studied how to be Revenged, which he so far found means to Effect, that he frustrated this second Attempt of setling a Plantation in these parts.

Yet did not the Adventurers cast off all hope of carrying on their de­signe, wherein Providence within a few years after so favoured them, [Page 7] that one or more of the Salvages called Tisquamtum and Samoset, car­ryed away by Hunt, was brought back to New-found Land, from whence he was soon after conveyed by the prudent endeavour of Capt. Mason (then Governour of the Plantation begun upon New-found Land) into the hands of some of the Adventurers by whose means they hoped to work a peace betwixt the said Natives on that Coast where the fire had been kindled before; for the Adventurers imployed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and industrious Gentleman to settle the affairs of the Plantation, now a third time revived again about Ken­nibeck, in the year 1619, or thereabouts. By his prudence and care a lasting peace was made betwixt the Natives of the place, and the English, who were but a little before so abhorred by them, for the wrong formerly received, so as the Plantation began at last to prosper, and continue in good liking, and Assurance of the Friendship of their Neighbours, that had been lately so exasperated against them. This Tisquantum forementioned, was not a little Instrumental, and helpful to the Plantation begun at New Plimouth about the following year, viz. 1620. in their weak beginnings, there being frequent mention of his Name, as also of one Samoset, a Native of the same place, by the like Providence brought back to Kennibeck, and from thence with Tis­quantum came to the New-planters at Patuxet, or Plimouth, and brought them into acquaintance with Massasoit, the great Sachem about those parts; without whose Friendship that new Plantation would hardly have subsisted long.

This Story premised is the more to be minded in this place, because the Friendship upon the means and occasions aforesaid, confirmed be­twixt the Indians in these Eastern parts, & the English, had continued stedfast and Constant to this year, when it was broken by another Trea­cherous and wicked practice, of a like nature, and parrallel to that of the foresaid Hunt. As may more fully be declared afterwards.

Possibly the like sacisfaction may prove the more probable means to procure a setled peace. But to return, whence this Digression hath been made. Some years were spent to bring things to this Issue: The Adventurers were put to much care and pains before they could get their Patent confirmed, and Renewed again; many Obstructions they met withal from some Interlopers that began to look into the Trade of this Country, and would irregularly have had a share therein, or made it common to all Traders, to which End they petitioned to a Par­liament then called, to bring about their Ends, but at the last it was set­led firmly in the hands of sundry Noble and worthy Patentees, Lords, [Page 8] Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, commonly known by the Name of the Councel of Plimouth, who had the absolute power under the King, for making all Grants, and disposing of all Lands from the 40th. to the 48th. Degrees of North Latitude; All which was accomplished about the year 1621. Some printed Relations that speak of these Transacti­ons, write much of the flourishing state, and hopeful prosperity of this Plantation, published about forty or fifty years since, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any considerable Advantage did ever ac­crue to the first Ʋndertakers from this their New-Plantation of the Eastern parts, unless by the Trade of Fish, and Furrs, which latter continued not long; As for the former, The chief benefit redounded on­ly to them that managed it by their own particular Stocks, and personal Endeavours: And if without offence it may be spoken, the multitude of Patents soon after granted to several Gentlemen of Broken Fortunes, have provided but places of an Honourable Exile or Confinement, whi­ther many deserving persons of better Education then Fortune, were sent to shift for themselves in a Forreign Land, without being further Troublesome to those nearer home, on whom they had their hopes and Dependance; yet it must not be denyed but that some of the Ʋnderta­kers were at vast Expences, casting their Bread upon these waters, where none of their Friends and Relations have as yet had opportunity to find it. The Reason of which is not hard to give, in Reference to all those Lands and Territories that lye to the Eastward of Pascataqua River. One main Cause hath been the multiplicity of Grants and Patents for the dividing of the said Tract of Land, for beside the strife that hath been occasioned by the Intricacy and indistinctness of their Liberties and Bounds, (enough to have maintained a greater number of Lawyers, then ever were the Inhabitants) If the Grantees had been supplyed with mo­nyes proportionable to their writts and Controversies about their bounds and Jurisdictions, which sometimes they have been ready to decide with their Swords, witness those fatal Names imposed on such Accounts upon some places belonging to those parts, as Bloody point, Black and Blew point, and every considerable Parcel of Land being by Patent granted to several particular persons, hindred the erecting of Town-ships and Villages, which if it had been otherwise disposed of, might have been full of Towns, and well peopled, and thereby the Inha­bitants had been able to have stood upon their Guard, and defended them­selves against the common Enemy, whereas now they were but like sco­pae dissolutae, or like his Arrows that being bound up in one bundle could not be broken by an ordinary Force, but being loose, were easily snapt [Page 9] asunder, by any single hand. Another Reason might be, the imploying of such Agents & Instruments as either wanted Skill or Fidelity to manage what they were betrusted with, which made many of the Adventurers long ago complain, that (in stead of Bills of Exchange & other Returns which they expected) they received nothng but large Inventoryes of the wants of their several Plantations, and the Servants sent over to improve them, which were all the Returns that many of them ever received for the large Summs of mony many disbursed for the carrying on their affairs A third Reason may be the several Changes of Government the Inhabi­tants have passed under, which have occasioned not only much vexation, & Expences to such as were upon the place; but much discouragement to several others, who by the commodiousness of the Soyle, would willingly have chosen Station in those parts, had they seen any hope of a setled Go­vernment, ever like to have been obtained; which is not hard to demon­strate, by giving a little touch as we pass along, on the several changes of Government, the places forementioned have been moulded into, & the se­veral Proprietours of, have claimed Interest in the Land. In the year 1624. A Patent was granted by the Councel of Plimouth, the grand Proprietours, to Captain Mason for a large Tract of Land about Pascataqua, but it not be­ing distinctly bounded, himself, with Sir Ferdinando Gorges obtayned a joynt Patent in the year 1629. for the Land betwixt Saga de-Hock East, & Naum Keag West, but that also interferring with the Bounds ganted be­fore that time to sundry Gentlemen & Merchants that had obtained a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack; Capt. Masons bounds were afterwards by Consent, (as is said) of his Agent or Agents, reduced to some Branches about Pascataqua River (who yet could not agree with those that acted in the Name of Shrewsbury men) but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietour or his Successours, (till of late dayes) was by the desire of the Inhabitants yielded up to the Massachusets Government, near twenty years since.

In the year 1630. A Patent was granted by the said Councel of Pli­mouth (signed by the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinando Gorgeri, and sealed with the common Seal of the Councel aforesaid) to John Dy, Thomas Impe, Grace Harding, and John Roach of London, for a large Tract of Land on the South of Saga-de Hock forty mile square by the Sea side, and so up into the Country: John Dy afore said, and his Partners took in another as Partner, and Associate with them, Mr. Richard Dummer of Newbury in New-England, in the year 1638. to whom they delivered the Oreginal Patent, with an order from them and in their Name, to take up the Land described in the Patent, but, [Page 10] he being denyed opportunity to Effect it, as also a Ship formerly sent by the Patentees for that End, not accomplishing their desire, they not long after sold all their Interest in the said Patent, to one Mr. Rigby a Lancashire Gentleman, who made Mr. Cleaves his Agent to manage the business of his purchased Interest in the said Patent; To whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the Original Patent, which ac­cordingly he did: what trouble was occasioned soon after between the said Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Ʋines Agent for Sir Ferdinando Gor­ges, is well known to the Inhabitants of the place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the said Mr. Rigby came afterward to loose his Interest (at least with the Inhabitants) in the Patent.

In the year 1632. Sir Ferdinando Gorges not resting in the joynt Patent obtained for himself, and Capt. Mason, obtained a distinct Pa­tent for himself, and got it confirmed by King Charles the first of blessed and famous memory, for all that large Tract of Land from Saga-de-hock to Pascataqua River, and so about an hundred miles up into the Coun­try, by the Name of the Province of Maine. What benefit and Im­provement was ever made thereof by his Agents, or Successours, is best known to themselves; But for the Inhabitants, who upon one ac­count or another had been induced, either by any precedaneous grant or liberty from himself, or his Agents, to take up any Land within the Bounds of the said Province; They finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and setled Government, did at the last petition the general Court of the Massachusets to be taken under their Jurisdiction and Government (reserving the Liberties and Priviledges of their former purchases and Grants, as to Title, possession and propriety to themselves) which was granted them, though not only, and altoge­ther upon the grounds on which it was desired by the Petitioners. Yet notwithstanding all this, were not things setled either to the comfort or content of the Inhabitants: for sometimes some demanded Right of Jurisdiction over them by virtue of Sir Ferdinando's Patent, sometimes Commissioners imployed by his Highness the Duke of York, attempted to settle a Government amongst the people, sometimes they tryed what might be done by Agreement amongst themselves, but after their Re­turne for England, by one means or other, the Government relapsed again into the hands of the Massachusets, although a Supersedeas there­unto seems to have been put by an order from his Majesty this last year.

By these several Ʋic [...]ssitudes and changes of Government, the flou­rishing of the said Province hath been much obstructed, which else might have been much advanced, and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity [Page 11] to have secured themselves against the late Barbarous Incursions of the Indians; and possibly those Exorbitancies that many of the present Proprietours have run into, to the just provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and so the mischief also which hath ensu­ed, might thereby have been averted: For a well ordered Govern­ment would never have suffered those things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely lookt into by such as had absolute or po­sitive and unquestioned power of Rule in their hands, would have been otherwise ordered, the present mischief that is come upon those places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more easily redressed, then now is like to be.

As for the Tract of Land that lies Eastward beyond Kennibeck, be­twixt that and Pemmaquid, it is said to have belonged to one Mr. Ald­worth, and his Successours; who was Alderman of Bristol, and one that had a Patent thereof, and imployed some as his Agents, that did some­times reside upon the place; And was lately setled in some order of Government by his Highness the Duke of Yorks Commissioners, by whom also was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the In­dians in those parts, and the English, at a Court kept by their Ap­pointment in Kennibeck, which if it had been observed, might in all probability have prevented in great measure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the English and the said Indians: For upon some Jea­lousies of the Rising of those Indians about twelve or thirteen years since, it was agreed, that if any mischief should happen to be done by the English or Indians, one against another, though it were to the kil­ling any person, neither side should right themselves, but complaint should be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong, and to the Court, if it were done by the English, Both which did promise satis­faction should be made, for the preventing any quarrel: The Names of the Sachems, as likewise of them that were in power at the Court, do stil remain upon publick Record. But matters of Government in those parts being since collapsed; no Authority more then what was meerly voluntary and perswasive being owned. Things are now brought to that miserable state, which follows next to be declared.

Ever since the first setling of any English Plantation in those parts about Kennibeck for the space of above fifty years the Indians alwayes carryed it fair, and held good Correspondence with the English, until the News came of Philips Rebellion, and Rising against the Inhabitants of Plimouth Colony in the End of June 1675. After which time, it was apprehended by such as had the Examination of the Indians about Ken­nibeck, [Page 12] That there was a general surmise amongst them, that they should be required to assist the said Philip, although they would not owne, that they were at all engaged in the Quarrel. The like Jea­lousie did appear in all the Indians that inhabited to the Eastward of Pas­cat [...]qua, which plainly shews that there was a designe of a general Rising of the Indians against the English, all over the Country, (possibly as farr as Virginia, the Indians there making Insurrection the same year,) & that many if not most of them were willing it should succeed, al­though the Elder & wiser of them liked it not, fearing the Issue, as they had cause: But many of the young men about Casco Bay, and Amonos­coggan were certainly known to flock thither the last year, and did, sun­dry of them, come short home. Forherein they acted but like Salvages, as those in Ʋirginia did, fifty year before, shewing themselves friendly and Courteous to their new neighbours, till they had an opportunity to do them mischief. So that notwithstanding many of the Inhabitants in the Eastern, as well as in the Western parts of the Country, that were wont to Trade with the Indians, were not willing to believe any such purpose a­mongst them, but were ready to think, some of the Ruder sort of the Eng­glish, by their imprudent & irregular actings, had driven them into this Re­bellion; yet is it too to evident, that the said Indians (who naturally delight in bloody & deceitful actions (did lay hold of any opportunity that might serve for a pretence to be put upon their barbarous practices. The Indians about Wammeset & Pascataqua, that had joyned with their Country men in their rising against the English the last winter, when they were pinched with hunger in the cold Winter following returned back to the English, & desired to make peace, & firmly engaged to continue their wonted Friend­ship; yea, some of them, as if they were really sorry for their murthers, & Cruelty, of their own voluntary motion came with the Prisoners they had taken, & resigned them up to the English; yet when their own Ends were Answered, & another opportunity was offered of doing further mischief of like nature: they presently returned to their former practice, as is well known of Simond & Andrew, that had killed some, & led others Captive in the last spring from Bradford & Haverhill, who came in the End of June to Major Walderns, bringing home English Prisoners with them, yet did the very same Indians within less then two Months after joyne with the Amonoscoggan & Kennibeck Indians, in a committing the sad tragedies that were list acted in those parts; Yet was he & the other his Partner suffered to escape, for want of sufficient guarding the Prison, where they were put, in order to further Tryal. But seró sapiunt Phryges; It is hoped that we shall after some few more Experiences of this nature, learn to beware of [Page 13] this subtle Brood, and Generation of Vipers, ever since Enmity was put be­tween the Seed of the woman & the Seed of the Serpent; It hath been the por­tion of her Seed in every Generation, & in every Nation to meet with the sad Effects of that Enmity; Nor can they ever expect to finde better deal­ing from any of the other sort, further then either fear of their power, or hope of benefit by their favour, may induce them to another disposition, as we the Inhabitants of New-England have found by this late, & sad Expe­rience in Reference to these Pagans in the West amongst whom our Lot is cast, they proving, as one says of the Mahometans in the East, like a nest of Hornets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his Ears that comes near them. But it is now time to begin with the particulars of the Tragedy it self, that the Reader account not the Prologue too long. It was on the 24th. of June 1675. when the first mischief was done by the Indians about Mount-Hope, before twenty dayes were over, the fire began to kindle in these the most remote & most Northerly bounds of the said Country, or two hundred & fifty miles distance, & upon this oc­casion; July the 11th. 1675. A Letter was brought to Kennibeck from one Henry Sawyer an Inhabitant of Yorke, signifying the news of the Indians ri­sing about Plimouth, & that a course was taken to disarm the indians along the shore. This rumour did so far awaken the Inhabitants of those parts that the very next day at a general meeting of the English at one Capt. Pattisbals bouse, several offered themselves as Voluntiers, to go up the said River of Kennibeck, to make discovery of the Indians Fidelity, or else to fight them, if occasion were. The third day after, marching up the River to Quegeseck, they met with the Inhabitants of Ships Cot River, which is a River lying about twelve or fourteen miles to the North East of Kenni­beck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the perswasions of one Mr. Walker, that used to trade with them, brought down an inconsiderable part of their Amunition, as a few Guns, a little Powder & Shot, with a few knives: About seven of the Kennibeck Indians, & five of those called Ammoscog­ging Indians, about Pegypscot, (a river more Southward toward Casco) made this shew of bringing in their Arms Capt. Lake, Capt. Partishal, with Mr. Wiswal, in whose hands was setled a kind of military power for those parts, were sent for to examine the said Indians further, of whom upon Exami­nation they saw Reason to suspect some, if not all, whereupon they sent Messengers the second time to the Ammoscogging Indians; & also a Letter to Mr. Walker, to send down their Arms and Amunition to them for their greater Security. After Mr. Wiswal was returned home, the five Ammoscogging Indians aforesaid brought in their Guns, but with no good intent probably; for an Indian called Sowen, having an Axe in his hand, struck at one Hosea Malier a French man, but was prevented [Page 14] from doing him mischief, however the said Indian was presently bound and put into a Cellar. Some of the English that used to Trade with those Indians were ready to excuse the Indian, saying he was drunke, or that he was a distracted Fellow, but Mr. Wiswall with the other two ex­aminants, lookt upon those as meer Excuses, and altogether groundless, for one of them to this day affirms, that he was as Rational and sensible as any of the rest.

The ancient Indians being asked what they thought was meet to be done in the said Case, said, he was worthy to dye for such an affront, yet they would be glad if his life might be spared, offering to be joyntly bound in his behalf, to pay forty Beaver Skins at the next Fall-Voyage, giv­ing their hands in token of their Fidelity, and also leaving their Arms in the hands of the English as a Pledge of their faithful keeping those Ar­ticles of Peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themselves honest men, they were to have their Arms delivered them again, which was accordingly performed the last June, 1676. They having in the mean time carried themselves peaceably toward the English. The day after, viz. July 19. 1675. An Indian of great note amongst them, called Robin hood with great Applause of the rest, made a dance, and sung a Song to declare their content in what was transacted. And so they parted, setting the Indians at liberty, that had engaged thus for their friend Sowen, the Indian; but yet to this day one Skin of Beaver was never paid to the English, as was promised; The Indians all this time were well provided for of victuals by Capt. Lake, with other supplies of Rhum and Tobacco, even to the disgusting of some English then present.

But the Indians left as Hostages upon Sowens account, how Civilly soever they were treated, ran all away at the last, trusting more to the Celerity of their own feet, then to the Civility of their English Friends; who after they were escaped, joyned with a parcel of their Fellows soon after about twenty in all, in robbing the house of one Mr. Purchase an antient Planter about Pegypscot River, and a known Trader with the Indians, what ever wrong may be pretended by the said Indians, as done them in their Trading, (of which more may be spoken afterwards) that will no whit excuse their perfidious Treachery, and falshood in break­ing Covenant with the English, dissembling, and seeking all Advantages of Cruelty against their English Neighbours, of which in the following Winter and Summer, 1676. there will be a more full and undenyable discovery. This was done in the beginning of September, 1675. Those Indians that first assaulted Mr. Purchase his house, did no other mischief, [Page 15] save plundering it of strong Liquor, and Amunition, also killing a Calf or two, with a few Sheep, but no more then what they eat, and spoyling a Feather bed by ripping it open, to turn out the Feathers, con­tenting themselves with the Case, which they might more easily car­ry away. They offered no incivility to the Mistress of the house, (her husband, and her Sons, being at that time from home) yet one of her Sons approaching near the house, and finding it possessed of those new Inhabitants, he rode away with all speed, and yet no faster then there was need; for an Indian followed him with a Gun under his Coat, to have shot at him, if he could by his flattery, and dissembling, have got him within the reach of his Piece.

It is said, that at the first they used fair words, and spake of Trading, but as they went away, told those of the house, that there were others coming after that would deal far worse with them, which within a short time after came to pass, for these were but the messengers of Death, which was soon after inflicted, and that in a most Barbarous manner upon sundry Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Plantations.

The English in those parts being much incensed hereat, Twenty five of them soon after going up Cas [...]o Bay in a Sloop and two Boats to ga­ther Indian Corn, and to look to what they had upon the said Bay neer Amocoscoggen River; when they came near the houses, they heard a knocking, and a noise about the houses, and presently espyed two or three Indians, who did not yet see them: The English being come a good way from their Vessel, endeavoured to get between the Indians, and the woods, which when they perceived, they ran toward the water side, but the English in pursuit killed one of them, and wounded another, who yet escaped away in a Canow cross the River, a third running back toward the woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who presently came down, and lay in wait to intercept the English, that thought of no dan­ger, but scattered themselves all about the place to gather their Corn, and lade the Boats therewith, but before they were ready to go away, The Indians coming down, fi [...]ed upon them, and forced them all into the Sloop; had not some of them been better prepared then the rest, they might all have been cut off, for some little resistance being made by them that were ready with their Guns, it gave the rest an opportunity to get all into the Sloop; yet not without many wounds: So with much ado, they all escaped with their lives, leaving the two Boats almost laden with Corn for a prey to the Indians, who presently burned one, and plundred the other of all that was therein; some are ready to think that the English [Page 16] did imprudently to begin the Quarrel, and not first enquire into what the Indians were about in the house, and seek Redress according to the forementioned Agreement, made at the Court in Kennibeck. But if this hapned after what follows next to be related viz. that which was done to Old Waterly, and his Family; (the English can be blamed for nothing, but their negligence & Security, in that having alarmed their ene­mies, they stood not better upon their guard), which is not very certain. For 'tis thought that within a few dayes after, or the next week more hor­rible outrage was committed upon the Family of an ancient man, whose Name was Waterly, an Inhabitant of Casco Bay, who had some years be­fore removed from Gloucester, or Cape Anne out of some discontent, which afterwards he often bewailed, resolving either to have returned back, or else to have removed to some securer place, but he was arrested by the Sons of violence, before he could Effect his purpose. This old man with his wife, his Son, and his daughter in Law (at that time great with Child) with three grand Children were cruelly murdered by those bar­barous Salvages, at one time: another of his grand Children was taken alive, and led into Captivity, a daughter of his was said to be carryed to Narhagauset, which shews they joyned with the Southern Indians in the Rebellion; when once these Indians had embrued their hands in English blood, they were emboldened to the like bloody Attempts in the Adjacent places.

This Waterly lived so far from Neighbours, or else was encompassed with Creeks or Rivers, that no Relief could presently be sent to him, however Lieut. Ingerson of Casco the next day with a File of men, repair­ed to the place where his house-stood, to see what was the Reason of the Fire they discerned the day before, there they found the house burned to ashes, the bodies of the old man and his wife half consumed with the fire, the young woman killed, and three of the grand Children, having their brains dashed out, and their bodies were laid under some Oaken Planks, not farr from the house; one girle of about eleven years old, was carried Captive by them, and having been carried up and down the Country some hundreds of miles, as far as Narhaganset Fort, was this last June returned back to Major Walderns, by one Squando the Sagamore of Saco; A strange mixture of mercy and Cruelty.

Soon after Capt. Bonithon's and Major Philips Dwellings were as­saulted, one on the East, the other on the West side of Saco River. It is said, they had seasonable notice of what was intended against them, by their Barbarous Enemies, Those Amonoscoggan Indians; viz. by an Indian of Saco, their Neighbour, better minded then the rest of his [Page 17] Country men: who observing a strange Indian coming to his Wig­wam in Company with some of his acquaintance, one of whom inform­ed him, after the rest, (with the stranger) were gone; That the said stranger came from the Westward, and that his business was to per­swade the Eastern Indians to fall upon the English in their dwellings here, as the rest had done to the Westward. Captain Bonithon, either upon this Information, or upon the knowledge of what was done a lit­tle before at Casco, had left his house, and was retired over the River with his Family to Major Philips his Garrison. Thus two are better then one: for otherwise, both might have been destroyed: For upon the 18th. of September following, being the 7th. day of the week, about eleven a Clock, they at Major Philips his Garrison saw Capt. Bonithon's house on fire on the East side of Saco River, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of a Beacon, giving them notice to look to themselves, their Enemies being now come; for otherwise, they might to their great disadvantage have been too sud­denly surprized, for within half an hour after, they were upon them, when a Sentinel placed in the Chamber gave notice that he saw an Indi­an by the Fence side, near a Corn Field, Major Philips not willing to be­lieve till he might see with his own Eyes, ran hastily up; another of his men, coming after, cryed Mr. what mean you? do you intend to be killed, at which words, he turned suddenly back from the window, out of which he was looking, when presently a Bullet struck him on the shoulder, grazing only, upon it without breaking the bone. The Indians upon the shot, thinking he had been slain thereby, (as they heard after­wards) gave a great shout, upon which they discerned that they were surrounded by them, whereupon they presently fired on the Enemy from all Quarters, and from the Flankers of the Fortification, so as they wounded the Captain of the Indians, who presently leaving the Assault retired three or four miles from the place, where be soon after dyed, as they were informed: He counselled them to leave the siege, but they were resolved not so to quit the place; nor were those within less reso­lute to defend it: one of the best men was soon after disabled from any further Service, by a wound which he received in one of the Ʋolleys made upon them by the Assaylants; But that no whit daunted the rest of the Defendants, who continuing still firing amain upon the Enemy: This Dispute lasted about an hour, after which the Enemy despa [...]ring to take the house by Assault, thought upon a device how to burn it.

First, firing the house of one of his Tenants, then his Saw-Mill, after that his Corn Mill, hoping by that means to draw them out of the Gar­rison [Page 18] to put out the fire, but missing of their purpose in that, they called out, you English Cowardly Dogs, come out and quench the Fire: They continued this sport all the afternoon, continually almost without any Intermission firing upon them: The besieged hoped for Relief from the Town, but none came, The Major still encouraging his men to stand it out, which they manfully did all that night, when they were alarmd almost every half hour: and betwixt whiles they could hear their Axes and other Instruments, knocking about the Mills till the next day: They within the house conceived they were preparing some Engine wherewith to burn the house, which proved accordingly, for about 4 or 5 a Clock in the morning at the setting of the Moon, the Major was called by his men to look out, when he saw a Cart with four Wheels, having a Barricado built in the fore part, to keep off Shot, and filled with combustible matter, birch rindes, straw, powder, and Poles twenty Foot long, apt to fire the house: he bid them let them drive it within Pistol shot, before they made any shot against them; His men were a little discouraged at the sight of this Engine: but he bid them, be of good Courage, and use the means, putting their trust in God, who, he was confident would deliver them: The Cart, when brought a little nearer, became unweildy by Reason of the Barricado planted in it, and being to pass through a small gutter, one Wheel stuck fast in the Slough, which brought the Cart suddenly to the Left, whereby the Drivers lay all open to their right Flanker, when presently they fired upon them out of the said Flanker, and having so fair a shot upon them, and not being above Pistol shot from the place, they killed six of the Enemy, and wounded fifteen, as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their Resolution, not to follow their Captains Counsel and Example in leaving the Siege; for now they presently departed: So as at Sun rise, they within the house espyed forty of them marching away, but how many more were in the Company they could not tell.

The Indians it seemed went toward Blue point, where it is said they killed several persons: but those in the house feared they went for more help, and expected their Return, but it seems their Courage failed them, as to another Attempt, upon an house so well garrisoned, and manfully defended. Major Philips sent to the Town for help, acquainting them with what had passed, but none was sent them, either that day, or the next, so as having spent almost all their Amunition, the people that were with him, would not be perswaded to tarry longer, then the Mun­day morning: which constrained him and his Family to remove to the Town; about a Fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and [Page 19] burnt down the empty house. There were fifty persons in the said house during the time of the Siege, and but ten able hands; they had five more that could do something, but through Age, or minority, not able to make any notable Resistance; yet so it pleased God, in whose hands are all mens lives and limbs, and who is never wont to fail them, who in time of danger are ready so to confide in his power, and goodness, as not to neglect the use of due means for their own Preservation, so to order things, that not one person of all those fifty, was either killed, or mor­tally wounded. Major Philips himself was wounded, but not dangerous­ly at the beginning of the Assault, his M [...]l's with other Edifices were the first day burned by the Enemy, & so were all the houses at Saco, or most of them soon after, that were above the Fisher-mens stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried Captive by the Enemy from the same place, dy­ed in the Winter following, by eating some poysonous Root, in stead of a ground nut, as was reported by the Indians afterwards.

Much about the same time, five persons going up to the River of Sa­co, were all killed by the same Indians.

These Tragedies being thus acted at Casco Bay, and Saco, those Bar­barous Enemies dispersed themselves in parties, intending to do all the mischief they could to all the English, inhabiting about that side of the Country; In the same Month of September they came down towards Pascataqua, doing the like Spoyle upon the Inhabitants of the several Branches of that River, which they had been doing elsewhere; In the first place they burned the two Cheslyes houses about Oyster River, and kil­led two men that were passing along the River in a Canoo; and carried a­way an old Irish-man, with a young man taken from about Exceter, who yet both of them soon after made an escape to a Garrison at Salmon-Falls in Kittary by the help of an Indian better minded then the rest, the first after seven weeks, the other after a Months Captivity.

Much about that time, one Goodman Robinson of Exceter with his Son were travelling toward Hampton, where, as they passed along, they were way-laid by three Indians, viz. John Samson, Cromwel, and John Linde, who shot down the old man, whom they left dead upon the place; his Son, hearing the Guns escaped their hands, by running into a Sw [...]mp, whither the Indians pursued him, but could not overtake him, so as he got safe into Hampton about midnight, where he declared what befel him by the way, and how narrowly he avoided the danger, intimating likewise, that he feared his Father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Swet, who the next day with a dozen Souldiers of the Town, went to search those woods, where they found the poor old man, shot [Page 20] through at his back, the bullet having pierced through his body, and was stopped by the skin on the other side: Another of Exceter, called Foul­sam, was at the same time driving a pair of Oxen in the same Road, where, soon after he heard the Report of the Guns when Robinson was killed, he espyed the three Indians creeping upon their bellies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robinson, but leaving his Oxen, he put on his horse with all speed, and so was delivered from the danger that the other fell into, it is reported that one of the Indians made a shot at him; but he was either gotten out of their reach, or else they m [...]ssed their aim at that time. The same Indians had a little be­fore met with another English man in those woods, one Charles Rand­let, whom they carryed Captive, although he soon after escaped out of their hands, by the help of another Indian called James. It is said there were four Indians of that Company, and that the fourth was sent away with Randlet, so that there were but three seen together at the killing, and pursuing the other forementioned. One of the said Indians, viz. John Samson was killed by some of Capt. Hathorns Souldiers at Casco Bay in September following 1676. when the Scouts of our forces came upon the Indians on the sudden, and had a small brush with them; but all the rest made a shift to get away: As for the other two, viz Cromwel, and John Linde; one of them, it is said, is since killed, or taken and sold away, the other is at Kennibeck, whom vengeance may also in due time overtake, as it hath done the other.

Within a few dayes after that barbarous Fact at Oyster River, two Indians, viz one named Andrew, and the other Hope-hood, the Son of him called Robin Hood, assaulted the house of one Tozer at Neweche­wannick, wherein were fifteen persons, yet all women and Children, who without all doubt had all of them fallen into the merciless hands of rhe two cruel and barbarous Caytiffes, had not a young maid of about Eigh­teen years of Age first espyed them, who being endued with more Cou­rage then ordinarily the rest of her Sex use to be, (the blessing of Jael light upon her) first shut to the dore, whereby they were denyed En­trance, till the rest within escaped to the next house, that was better Fortified; That young Ʋirago kept the dore fast against them so long till the Indians had chopt it in pieces with their Hatchets, when entring the house, they knocked the poor maid down with their Hatchets, and gave her many other wounds, leaving her for dead upon the place; after which, they passed on toward the next dwelling, in their way meeting with two Children, that had escaped the house first broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three years old, which could not follow fast [Page 21] enough, or else they that carryed it, could not convey it over a Fence soon enough to save themselves and it; And carryed away the other of seven year old, which yet was returned safe within half a year after: The poor Maid that had ventured her own Life so far, to save many others, was by a strange Providence enabled to recover so much strength after they were gone, as to repair to the next Garrison, where she was soon after healed of her wounds, and restored to perfect health again.

The next day toward night more of the Barbarous Enemies being gathdred together they made another Assault upon the neighbouring dwel­lings.

The English, as many as could be spared out of the Garrison, (not above eight in number) pursued after them about half a mile, but night coming on, it was judged best to retreat, lest otherwise they might have been Intercepted in their return home, by any of them lying in Ambush, which is their usual way of doing mischief. After divers shot made on both sides, but five of the Enemies appeared: who yet took the Advan­tage of Captain Wincals absence, (whose dwelling was not far off) to burne his house and Barne, with another house, and two Barns more, wherein was much English Corn; above an hundred Bushels was supposed to be in one of them. After they had done this mischief they fled away.

The next day after, the same Indians, or others of their Fellows, came upon the other side of the River, from whence they shot over se­veral times, to some that were grinding in the Mill, but after the ex­changing of many shot on both sides of the River, betwixt them, six of the Enemy shewed themselves in the Twilight, uttering several Insolent and barbarous Speeches calling our men English dogs, &c. yet all this while out of reach of their shot, and then they ran all away like dogs after they had done barking.

After this, those very Indians, as was supposed, burned five or six houses about Oyster River, and killed two men, viz. one William Roberts and his Son in Law. The Inhabitants of Do [...]er, with some other Reso­lute young men, being much provoked by these many Insolencies, and injuries done by the Enemies, obtained liberty from the Major of the Regiment, to try whether they could not meet with some of the Indians, by secret Ambushes, and sculking amongst the Bushes and Trees, as the Indians used to do with them, to which End about twenty divided them­selves into several small parties: soon after as they were looking after the Enemy, a party of ours espyed five of the Indians, some gathering [Page 22] Corn in the Field while the rest of them were busied in beating of an Oven to bake some of the fruit which they gathered also in the same Field.

The English were at such a distance that they could not make any sign to their Fellows, without being discovered by the Indians in the Field; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the house, at one end of the Field, where they suddenly rushed upon two of the wretches, and knocked them down with the Butt end of their Muskets, which was not done so silently, but the other three in the Field took the Alarm, and fled away, who else might as easily have been surprized as the other two.

These Outrages thus daily committed, filled all the Plantations about Pascataqua with fear and confusion; scarce any place, where there was not either Reason for some to complain of the loss of their Friends, or burn­ing of their houses; which caused most of them that lived scatteringly, at any distance from Neighbours, either to garrison their houses, or else to desert their own dwellings, and to repair to their next Neighbours that were better fortified then themselves; But all the Inhabitants in those parts in general, were Alarmed to stand upon their Guard.

On the seventh of October following, being a day of publick Humili­ation, a man was shot down as he was riding between two garrison houses about Newechewannick, and dyed of his wounds within two hours after; About the same instant of time two young men were shot dead about a mile from that place; These two had their Arms or Guns with them, which were carryed away by them that killed them, together with their upper garments; It is not said that these three last, (though killed upon a day of Humiliation) were surprized in their repairing to, or retur­ning from the place of publick worship, which would in a great measure have abated the sorrow of their sad Funerals, if when they were suddenly arrested by the Harbingers of Death, they had been found so doing.

Soon after this, they Assaulted another house at Oyster River, the which, although it was garrisoned, yet meeting with a good old man, whose Name was Beard without the Garrison, they killed him upon the place, and in a barbarons manner cut off his head, and set it upon a Pole in derision, not far off about the same time they burned another house and Barne.

Upon the sixteenth of October being Saturday, about an hundred of the Indiaas were gathered together, to Assault Newechewannick; They began with one named Tozer, half a mile from the upper Garrison, at Salmon Falls. The said Tozer was presently killed his Son taken [Page 23] Captive, (but returned after some Months Restraint) several Guns being shot at this Assault, Alarmed Lieut. Plaisted at the next Garri­son, who like a man of a publick Spirit immediately sent out seven men from the Garrison under his Command, to see what the matter was, but being met by an Ambush laid in the way as they went, lost two or three of their Company, the rest hardly escaping back to the place whence they came, whereupon, the said Lieut. Plaisted immediately dispatch­ed away a Messenger to Major Waldern at Quechecho, which because it seems to be the last time that ever that good and useful man set pen to paper, shall here be Inserted.

What Answer was returned to this importunate and pathetical Let­ter is not fully known at present; most probably he that was most con­cerned in the Contents of it was either absent from home, or in no Capa­city to send the Relief desired; which if it could have been had, might have prevented the sad mischief that fell out the next day; when Lieut. Plaisted being more earnestly bent to perform that last office of love to his deceased Friends, whom he could not by all his Endeavours save from the danger of death, while they were in the Land of the living would needs venture himself with twenty Souldiers out of his Garrison, to fetch off the dead bodies.

To that end he ordered a pair of Oxen to be yoked to bring them to his Garrison, in order to their Christian buryal, not considering that the Indians lay sculking thereabouts, waiting for such opportunityes. They went first to the furthest place, where they found Ro. Tozers body, and put it into their Cart, but coming back to take up the other two bo­dies, [Page 22] [...] [Page 23] [...] [Page 24] which were fallen in a little Swampe nearer to the Garri­son, they were set upon by an hundred and fifty of the Enemy, that had hid themselves in the bushes, and under a stone wall, and Loggs in the way as they were to pass; By the sudden noyse of the guns, the Cattle being frighted ran away to the garrison with such of the dead, as were first laid up thereon, (and possibly with one of them wounded at that instant) leaving their Owners to fight it out with their Enemies. Lieut. Plaisted being thus desperately Assaulted, he with his twenty men, was forced to retreat to a place of better Advantage; but being there so hot­ly pursued, they were not able to abide it long; Although they killed and mortally wounded several of the Indians, as themselves have fince confessed: but they most of them being so much overmatched, took the opportunity of a fair Retreat, and so got safe to their Garrison, while Lieut. Plaisted out of the height of his Courage, disdaining either to fly from, or yield himself (for 'tis said) the Indians were loth to kill him, but desirous rather to take him Prisoner) into the hands of such cursed Caytiffes, did fight it out disperately, till he was slain upon the place, his Eldest Son and another man were slain in their too late Retreat, and his other Son was sorely wounded, so that he dyed within a few weeks after.

The Indians were contented with this mischief for the present (and indeed if all the English they had to deal with, had shewed the like Re­solution with this Plaisted they would not have done half the mischeef, that since hath been done by them) and slunke away into the woods before the next day, when Captain Frost came up from Sturgeon Creek, (a few miles below the River) with a party of his friends, and buryed the dead: During these onsets, the Enemy also took their Advantage to burne three houses, and two barns before they left the place.

The latter End of the same Month they burned a Mill near the same place belonging to Mr. H [...]tchinson a Merchant of Boston; from whence they came down lower toward Sturgeon Creek, where they burned one house, and killed two men, not far from Captain Frost's dwelling, he escaping himself very narrowly, being shot at by the Enemy, about Ten in Number, who might easily have burned his house, and taken all that were in it, being but three boyes besides himself, had he not used this policy, to call out to some to march this, and the other way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to Command, which under God was the means of his escape; for his house was neither Fortified, nor well manned, yet was far from Neighbours.

The next day the said Indians passed down the River on Kittary side, killed one man, whose house they first plundered, and then set it [Page 25] on fire; All this was done just over against Portsmouth, from whence out of a small Battery was discharged a piece of Ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed so to fling its shot as it fell very near a par­ty of the Indians, for they were so affrighted therewith, (if none of them were killed) that they left a good part of their plunder near the place: They were pursued by some of the English, before they could recover their home, and by the help of the Snow that fell about that time, were traced till they were overtaken, but being near a Swamp, them­selves escaped, for hast leaving two of their Packs behind them.

Soon after they went up the River again to Quechecho, where they burned an house, and two or three Barns. Another Party of them got over or beyond the other branches of Pascataqua River, toward Exce­ter, and Lampny Eyle River, where they killed one man: sundry of them were seen in the woods about Exceter; and between Hampton and Exceter, where they killed one or two men in the woods as they were travelling homewards, occasioning the people of those Towns to stand continually upon their guard, which proved a great annoyance to the Inhabitants.

But to look a little back to the Plantations more Eastward from Pascataqua River, where these outrages of the Indians first began.

At Casco Bay Lieut. Ingersons Son, with another man going out a fowling about this time, were both killed before they returned home, his Fathers houses being burned, with wany others also thereabouts.

At Black point, Lieut. Augur with two more were assaulted by the Indian [...], where after many shot exchanged betwixt them, himself was so wounded, that he dyed soon after, and his brother also was killed with­in a few dayes afterwards, not far from the same place.

When the rising of the Indians first began in those Eastern parts, (with us called the County of Yorkshire) Captain Wincol of Neweche­wannick, with some others, having a Sympathy for the sufferings of the Neighbours, marched up that way with a small party of men; In his first Skirmish with the Enemy he chanced to loose two or three of his Com­pany; the rest being not above eleven in all, as they were marching a­long by the Sea side were assaulted by a great number of the Indians, judged to be an hundred and fifty: he being hard beset with so great a number retreated to an heap of Bolts that lay near the water side, by the shelter of which they lay safe from the Indians Guns, and so well plyed their few Guns, that they slew many of their Ene­mies, and put them all to a kinde of Route at the last: After which by the help of an old Canoo, they recovered safe to the other side [Page 26] of the Banke. But nine Saco men had worse success, who yet came with a very good Intention to help their friends, upon the hear­ing of their Guns; but as they came to Rescue Captain Wincol with his small party, they themselves fell into an Ambush of the Indians, and so were all cut off, with two other men also, near the place where the first Skirmish was, for the Indians from the shore side could discern any that were coming towards them, when they were a great way off, and so might easily way-lay them, before they could come up to them. Near upon seven houses were burned about this time, and some persons killed at Black point.

Two persons likewise were killed at Wells in the beginning of the winter, one of them were servant to Mr. William Simonds (one of the principal men in the Town aforesaid) the Gentleman himself with his Family were removed to a Garrison house in the middle of the Town, his servant going early in the morning to look after some business there; tarryed longer then was needful to provide something for himself, the In­dians i [...]ited themselves to breakfast with him, making the poor Fellow pay the shot, when they had done, with the loss of his life.

A week after one Cross was slain at Wells likewise, who was a kind of a distracted Fellow. Also one Isaack Cousins was there killed in the beginning of Winter, after there had been some Overtures of peace be­twixt Major Waldern and the Indians.

With such kind of mutual Encounters was the latter part of the year spent betwixt the Indians and the English from Pascataqua River to Ken­nibeck, from the beginning of August to the End of November, wherein many were slain on both sides: In one place, and in another; of the English in those parts were slain upward of fifty. The Enemy lost as appeared afterward by their own Confession, above ninety, partly in the foresaid Skirmishes, and partly in their joyning with the Indians to the Westward, whither it is said, many of them were invited to repair, to help destroy the English, in hope to enjoy their possessions afterwards; But God had otherwise determined, who did arise at last to save the meek ones of the Earth, and plead the Cause of his People.

The Governour and Counsel of Massachusets, had, at this time, their hands full with the like Attempts of Philip and his Complices to the Westward, yet were not unmindful of the deplorable Condition of these Eastern Plantations; having committed the care thereof to the Ma­jors of the Respective Regiments of the several Countyes on that side of the Country, but more especially to the care and prudence of the Ho­noured Major D. Denison, the Major General of the whole Colony, a [Page 27] Gentleman, who by his great insight in, and long Experience of all Martial Affairs, was every way accomplished for the managing that whole Affair; He had, to ease the other side of the Country, drawn out a sufficient number of Souldiers from the next Countyes, to have redu­ced all the Indians Eastward to their obedience; but just as they were intended to march up to the head Quarters of the Indians, to fall upon them there, viz. to Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, about an hundred miles up into the Country Northward.

The Winter setting in so sharp and severe in the beginning of De­cember, and latter end of November, It was not possible to have march­ed a dayes Journy into the woods, without hazarding all their lives that should venture up; The Snow being found generally in those woods, four foot thick on the 10th. of December, so as it was not possible for any to have travelled that way, unless they carryed Rackets under their feet, wherewith to walk upon the top of the Snow: This alone Conside­ration forced them to lay aside their designe for the present, but soon af­ter it was done to their hands; for the depth of the Snow, and sharpness of the cold were so extream, that the Indians in those parts were so pinched therewith, that being hunger sta [...]ved, they began to sue for peace, making their Address first to Major Waldern on that account, by whose mediations that whole body of Indians Eastward were brought to an hopeful Conclusion of peace, which was mutually agreed upon, and possi­bly might have remained firm enough to this day had there not been too just an occasion given, for the breaking of the same by the wicked practice of some lewd persons, which opened the door, and made way for the bringing in all those sad Calamities, and mischiefs that have since fallen upon those parts of the Country; As shall hereafter be de­clared.

In the latter end of June, 1676 The Indians that had made a ge­neral Conspiracy against the English were strangely dispersed, and dispi­rited, so as they from that time began to separate one from another, and every Nation of them to shift for themselves, as hath been already men­tioned in the former part of this Narrative. Canonicus the great Sachem of the Narrhagansets distrusting the proffers of the Eng­lish, was slain in the woods by the Mohawks, his Squaw surrend­ring her self, by this means her Life was spared.

Many of those about Lancaster, and the places adjoyning there­unto, did cunningly endeavour to hide themselves amongst those Indi­ans about Pascataqua, that had newly made their submission to the English, by Major Walderns means and concluded a peace, yet could nei­ther [Page 28] dissemble their nature and disposition past before from suspition of mischief, nor yet so artificially conceale their persons, but they were easily discerned by such as in former times had any acquaintance with the Eastern Indians by way of Trade, or other Converse: Whereup­on the forces newly raised in the Massachusets, under the Command of Captain William Hathorne, and Captain Joseph Syll, designed for the subduing of those Indians about the River of Merrimack, and Pascata­qua, that still stood out in Hostility against the English, meeting with those under the Command of Major Waldern aforesaid, and Capt. Frost of Kittary; It was mutually agreed detwixt those several Command­ers to seize upon all those Indians that at that time were met together about Major Walderns dwelling at Quechecho; The Contrivement suc­ceeded according to expectation, & all the said Indians were handsomely surprized, September 6th. 1676. without the loss of any persons life, either Indian or English; to the number of near four hundred: by which de­vice, after our Forces had them all in their hands, they separated the peaceable from the perfidious, that had been our Eeemies, during the late Troubles; finding above two hundred involved in the former Re­bellion, more or less, accordingly they were sent down to the Governour and Councel at Boston; who adjudged seven or eight of them Immedi­ately to dye; such as were known to have had their hand in the blood of the English, or that had been shed by their means, the rest, that were found only Accessaries to the late mischiefs, had their lives spared, but were sent into other parts of the world, to try the difference between the Friend­ship of their Neighbours here, and their Service with other Masters elsewhere.

Those who had been alwayes either peaceable and true to the English, never intermedling in the quarrel, as Wannalancet the Sagamore of Pen­nicook and some others were quietly dismissed to their own places.

Besides these that were surprized at the time aforesaid; there were several others, who had been the chief Actors, that were taken up and down in those woods beyond Merrimack, and so were delivered up to Justice; As John Monoco, Sagamore Sam, old Jethro, with some others, as hath been already mentioned, yet young Jethro brought in forty at one time. It was a special favour from God, so to order it, that the In­dians aforesaid, were so surprized; for had they continued in their for­mer Rebellion, and had taken the opportunity to have joyned with the Eastern Indians, as some of them did a few Months before, they would in all likelihood have utterly destroyed all the Plantations of the English beyond Pascataqua River; As manifestly appears by the mischief [Page 29] which was lately done by the means of a few, that by too much Conni­vence of some in those parts, that entertained a better opinion of them then it seems they deserved. For whereas mention formerly was made of a small party of Indians that on the third of May in this present year, had murdered one Thomas Kembel of Bradford, and carryed away his wife & five Children Captive, yet two or three of the Actors did, upon what Consideration is not known, retu [...]n the woman and Children again within six weeks, and because of their voluntary returning of them, were dealt more favourably withal; being only put into prison at Dover for a time, yet possibly conceiving that a prison was but a preparation for a worse evil, they took an opportunity (two of the chief Actors in the foresaid mischief, called the one Simond, the other Andrew) to convey themselves out of the place of Restraint, and afterwards going amongst the Amo [...]oscoggan and Kennibeck Indians, have joyned with them in those bloody and cruel depredations lately made in those parts, which fol­low in order next to be related.

Some little Colour or pretence of injury was alleadged before those Eastern Indians began their outrage both in the former, as well as in the present year, the chief Actor or rather the beginner of all the foresaid mischiefs Eastward, is one Squando, the Sagamore of Saco Indians, whose Squaw as is said was abused by a rude and indiscreet act of some English Seamen in the last Summer, 1675. who either overset the Ca­noo wherein the said Squaw with her Child were swimming in a River thereabouts, or else to try whether the Children of the Indians as they had heard, could Swimme as naturally as any other Creatures, witting­ly cast her Child into the water; but the Squaw immediately diving in­to the water after it, fetcht it up from the bottom of the River, yet it so falling out that within a while after the said Child dyed, (which it might have done if no such Affront had been offered) The said Squando Father of the Child hath been so provoked thereat, that he hath ever since set himself to do all the mischief he can to the English in those parts, and was never as yet since that time truly willing to be Reconciled. Although he is said to have sent home some that were taken Captive the last year. Surely if their hearts had not been secretly filled with malice and Revenge before, they might have obtained satisfaction for the wrong done, at an easier Rate More probable it is, that this was only an occasion to vent the mischief they formerly had conceived in their hearts.

There is an injury of an higher nature, mentioned as the ground of their quarrel with us, who live about Pemmaquid, and Kennibeck, which hapned the last Spring, viz. one Laughton with another person [Page 30] or more who having obtained under the hand of Major Waldern a war­rant to seize any Indians Eastward, that had been guilty of any Mur­der or spoyle done to the English in those parts; did most perfidiously and wickedly entice some of the Indians about Cape Sables, who never had been in the least manner guilty of any injury done to the English, aboard their Ʋessel, or else some other way, and then carryed them away to sell them for slaves; which the Indians in those parts look upon as an injury done to themselves, and have alledged it to the Inhabitants of Pemma­quid, as one of the principal grounds of their present quarrel: The thing alleadged is too true as to matter of Fact, and the persons that did it were lately committed to prison in order to their further tryal. Yet all those Indians do, or may know full well that they who did them that wrong, were lyable to due punishment, (or else their quarrel might be accounted just, and they considered as Indians, must have the more al­lowance) if they could be found, nor ever were any countenanced a­mongst us, that had done them any kind of injury, nor did those that take upon them the revenging of the injury, know that they were Inha­bitants of this Country that did the wrong; nor was then ever any orderly Complaint made thereof, but this cannot excuse their perfidiousness and Cruelty, some other pretences were alleadged by the said Indians that yet do bear no proportion to the mention of a wrong or injury, viz. be­cause our Traders were forbidden to sell any Amunition to any Indians whatsoever; which those Indians say they cannot live without; yet seeing themselves, as well as the Westward Indians have so ill improv­ed, that which they had before, there was little Reason why they should quarrel with us, for selling no more:

Further also it is affirmed by some persons worthy of Credit, that for divers years past have lived in those parts, that the Indians thereabouts, need not have wanted powder or shot, only they wanted something wherewith to cloak their malitious and barbarous practices of late com­mitted against us; but there being different opinions about this point, we shall leave it at the present.

But this being premised in Reference to the pretended ground, or occasion of the quarrel; It remains that the Effects thereof, be now related.

Before the Warre with Philip was well ended to the Southward, there was a fresh Alarm sounded again to the Eastward, for on the eleventh of August, 1676. The very day before Philips heart (that had harboured so many mischievous and Treacherovs devices against the English was by one of his own Company shot through) did a party of Indians begin their [Page 31] Outrages at Casco in a most perfidious and treacherous manner, killing and carrying away Captive to the number of thirty persons, and burn­ing their houses, amongst whom was the Family of one Antony Brack­et Inhabitant of Casco, who was thought to have been killed, but he himself with his wife and one of his five Children carryed away Cap­tive with a Negro, did happily make an escape from their bloody and deceitful hands, In November next ensuing

The manner how Antony Bracket and his wife made their escape was very remarkable, and therefore judged worthy to be inserted here al­though out of due place, the Indians that led them Captive, having brought them to the North side of Casco Bay: News was brought to the said Indians of the surprizal of Arowsick house in Kennibeck, withall the store therein, which did so rejoyce them, that they made all haste to share in the good things there to be had. Thus eager to be gone they promised Bracket and his wife that they should have also a share there­in if they would make haste after them, bringing along a burthen alot­ted to each of them: The woman having a little before observed an old Burchin Canoo lying by the water side, hoped it was an opportuni­ty Providence offered for their escape; whereupon she first prudent­ly asked of the Indians to let the Negro their own servant (at the same time carryed Captive by them) help them to carry their burthens, which was granted: then she begged of them a piece or two of meat, which was not denyed them. Thus being furnished with help and provision, the Indians leaving them thus behinde to come after with their several burthens and a young Child; They could not but look up­on it as a nutus Divinus, to bid them, shift for themselves: the woman also found a needle and thred in the house, where they stayd on that side of the Bay, with which having mended the Canoo, they ventured to get away; which prosperously succeeded: for in that old Canoo they cros­sed a water eight or nine miles broad, and when they came on the South side of the Bay, they might have been in as much danger of other indi­ans, that had lately been about Black point, and had taken it; but they were newly gone: So things on all sides thus concurring to help for­ward their Deliverance, they came safely to the Fat at Black point, where also by special Providence they met with a Vessel bound for Pas­cataqua, that came in to that Harbour, but a few hours before they came thither, by which means they Arrived safe in Pascataqua River, soon after, all which Circumstances are very worthy to be noted.

Amongst those Indians that seized this Brackets Family, the chief was one Simond, that newly or a little before had escaped out of Dover [Page 32] Prison, where he was not over carefully lookt to, he had had his hand in the murther of sundry English, as himself confessed; not missing save one in the which he had discharged his gun upon, but because he came in voluntarily, bringing in a woman and five Children of the Eng­lish, who had been carryed Captive a little before, it was questioned, whether his last act of submission might not ballance his former transgre­ssion, and therefore was he committed to that, not so secure a Prison, till his Case might be further considered of,. It is said that coming to that Brackets house over night he pulled forth a counterfieted pass, under the hands of some publick Officers, or men intrusted with that Service, making shew of all Friendship, but in the morning or soon after, he pulled off his Vizour of a friend, and discovered what he was, yet grant­ing Life to this person and his Family, that did not, or could not resist, which he denyed to some of the Neighbours not far off, who were many of them killed by this bloody Ʋillany, and his Partners.

There are some Circumstances in the Assault of Anthony Brackets house very considerable, which, because it was the first Outrage com­mitted by the Indians in this their second Insurrection, 1676. are worthy of a more particular remembring.

This Indian forementioned called Simond, after he had escaped out of Prison at Dover, came up to Gasco, and either in the end of July, or beginning of August, acquainted himself with this Antony Bracket, and oft frequented his house: Upon the ninth of August, some of the Indians having killed a Cow of his, the Indian Simond coming to his house promised to bring the Indians to him that had killed his Cow. In the mean time they of the place sent two men to Major Walderns at Dover, to complain of this injury done by the Indians; but before their return, very early in the morning on the eleventh of August, Simond with a party of Indians came to Antony Brackets house, and told him there were the Indians that had killed his Cow; but as soon as they had said that, the Indians went further into his house and took hold of all the Guns they could see, Antony Bracket asked what was the meaning of that, Simond presently replyed, that so it must be, asking him withal, whether he had rather serve the Indians, or be slain by them, Antony Bracket Answered, that if the Case were so, he would rather chuse to serve them, then be killed by them: Simond replyed, that then they must be bound, which presently was done. The said Bracket, his wife, and a Negro were all bound by the Indians, his wife had a Brother, who offer­ing to resist was killed forthwith, the rest with five Children were led away Prisoners.

[Page 33]Two hours after one Pike that lived not far off, but knowing no­thing of all this, went up in a Canoo toward one Robert Corbins house, where he found one Humphry Durham, and Benjamin Atwel at work about their Hay, after a little stay, he left them intending to go up high­er with his Canoo, but as soon as he was a little past, he heard Guns shot off, which made him with another man he had with him, presently re­turn back; before he came beyond Corbins house he saw an English boy running with all haste, which made him fear some mischief was in hand, and presently a Ʋolley of shot came against them, but the Bullets flying over their heads, did them no hurt: presently Simond Indian appear­ed, and called them to come a shore; but they liked not his Courtesy, but presently turning their Canoo into the stream got out of the reach of their Guns, hasting down to his own house with all speed; when he came near to his house, he called to the People to make hast away, to­wards the Garrison house, and bid the rest look to themselves, and fire up­on the Indians, that were coming against them: In the mean while, the Indians passing from Anthony Brackets to Corbins, killed Corbin him­self, with Humphry Durham, and Benjamin Atwel forementioned: Then passing on to other houses, carryed away some of them Captive, and killed others. At one of the next houses, the women and Children got off into the water by a Canoo; but one James Ross, his wife and Children were carryed away: Corbins wife with one of the other mens wives; and the Children of another of them, they likewise carryed away.

In another side of the Town, three were as they were going to reap at Antony Brackets, passing from an house where they left their Canoo, met with John Mount-joy and one Wakely, to whom they told what had hapned, soon after they heard two Guns shot of, whereby it seems two men were killed, wherefore coming back toward Thomas Brackets where they had left their Canoo, they saw him shot down by the Indians; one of the three not so well able to run hid himself in the bushes in hope to make his escape more conveniently afterwards, which accordingly he did; but in the mean time he saw the Indians carry away Thomas Brack­ets wife and Children; Soon after the three men aforesaid got safe to My. Mount joyes Garrison, but not trusting to the Security of that Garrison, they soon after repayred to an Island in the Bay, called James Andrew, Island.

One George Lewes and his wife tarryed all this time in their house fill the next day, when they had opportunity to get safe to the Island aforesaid, together with the two men that were now returned from Ma­jor Waldern; whither they had been sent, but too late, to make complaint [Page 34] of the Indians that had counterfieted his pass to travail into those parts, and had done this mischief.

The day after one George Felt suspecting the worst by reason of a smoak, he saw on the opposite side of the Town, took his wife and Chil­dren into a Canoo to see what the matter was, but when he came near a point of Land not far off, he found several of his Neighbours goods which made him conclude their Owners were killed, which was a sufficient warning to him likewise to fly for his Life, which he did to the same Island. After they had sundry of them escaped thither, some of them remembred that they had left powder behind them in one or two places; whereupon they resolved to venture a party of them in the night, partly to prvent the Indians from having any Advantage thereof, and partly for their own defence if occasion should be; Their Attempt succeeded well, for they brought away a barrel of powder from one Willes his house, and likewise a considerable quantity out of a Chest in a Store house, where the Indians had been ransacking, & had taken things out of the other end of the Chest, yet overlooked the Powder: In this surprizal of the Plan­tation in Casco Bay, called Falmouth, there were thirty four persons kil­led and carryed Captive.

That this was not a casual Attempt, but a designed plot, it will ap­pear, in that just about the very same time, the Indians at Kennibeck, made the like Insurrection, whereby it is concluded, either that the In­dians which escaped from Dover, stirred them up thereunto, or else that the said Indians finding them in a disposition tending that way, by reason of some injuries done them that dwell farther Northward, they offered their Service to help forward the designe.

It is to be noted here, that the Indians about Kennibeck were per­swaded to continue their former amity with the English notwithstand­ing the report of Philips rising that year before, and the Outrages com­mitted the last Autumne, and winter following, yet which is more, they had lately renewed their League with the English in those parts, al­though they had often complained to those of Pemmaquid, of the inju­ry they suffered, in the withholding from them the Trade of Powder, and shot, without which they said they cannot subsist, and for want of which it is alleadged by themselves, that some of them perished the last Winter.

But the Quarrel of late fallen out betwixt the English, and the Indi­ans about Kennibeck, and Eastward thereof, being a matter of great Consequence; For the farther satisfaction of the Reader, it shall in what follows, be more particularly described; It being the duty of every one [Page 35] that publisheth thing's of this nature, to to do the right of an Historian to all sorts of persons, any way concerned in what is made publick; The Information was received from a prudent person, an Eye and Ear wit­ness of all that hapned amongst the said Indians, both the former and present year, and one that was of more publick Concernment in those Transactions then some others, therefore may the more heed be given thereto. Mention is already made of what hapned in September, 1675. to the Company belonging to a Sloop, and two other Boats, that went up Casco Bay to gather Indian Corn; Upon that Accident it is said, divers Indians on the East side of Kennibeck River repayred to their Fort at Totonnock (a place up higher into the Country beyond Kennibeck and Shipscot River) where was an English trading house. And the Indians Eastward of the said River, had as yet done no harm to any of the English, yet did Captain Sylvanus Davis Agent for Major Clarke and Captain Lake of Boston, upon these Overtures think it fit to fetch down the Powder and Shot with other goods from the said Trading house, tel­ling the Indians, by the Messenger sent up, he would have them come down and live below in that River, ro take off Jealousies, and that he would then supply rhem with what was needful.

But the Messenger told them, in Case they would not come down, and deliver up their Arms, the English would kill them. He that sen­deth a Message by the hand of a Fool saith Solomon, cutteth off the feet, and drinketh dammage; This Message was delivered by him that went, as was confessed by himself, who put it into his mouth, or whether it was devized in his own heart, it concerns not us now to enquire, but the dammage that side of the Country hath been made to drink thereby, is not easy to recount; for upon this Threatning Message the Indians for­sook their Fort presently, and went Eastward, and sent abroad to Johns River and to the Sea side to get all the Indians they could together to come up Penobscot River.

A Gentleman who at that time lived at Pemmaquid, a kind of Su­perintendent over the Affairs of that place, considering the sad state things were running into, laboured to obtain a Parly with the said Indians, or some of them, which after much trouble and cost, he did accomplish. But in the mean time, such was the violence used by some refractory English in those parts, that they could scarce be restrained from offering violence to the persons he sent up as Messengers, or others that lived quietly amongst them, and did also as violently set themselves to oppose him­self, or any others that acted with more moderation, then the rest; pro­testing against them, as those who for gain supplyed the Indians with [Page 36] Powder and Shot, and said they would kill any Indian they met; others at Monhiggan offered five pound for every Indian that should be brought, yet would not these persons that were so violent against the In­dians in their discourse, be perswaded upon any Terms, then, or after­ward, to go out to fight against the Indians in an orderly way; as ap­peared both by their Security in not standing better upon their guard, and by their sudden flight afterward, running away like a Flock of Sheep, at the barking of any little dog: Things being in this posture, what could be expected but a present warr with the Indians, although as it seems, there were few or none like to be found, willing to undertake it, or fit to manage it in those parts. How ever, the person aforesaid, understanding, the General Court at Boston had appointed a Counsel of Warr at Kennibeck, applyed himself to them, laying before them the desperate state things were falling into; whereupon they issued out war­rants to restrain all manner of persons from medling with the Indians without farther order, which within few dayes should be had. In the mean time the Sachems of the Indians meet at Pemmaquid; where, af­ter many complaints made of the hard dealing of the English in Kenni­beck River, they came to Tearms of Peace, promising to keep true Friendship with the English; and to hinder the Amonoscoggan Indians from medling with the English, if by any means they could, and also to return peaceably in the Spring of the year. This Gentleman afore­said, having a long time waited to go to Boston; was willing to take the opportunity of the present Winter, hoping things were now pretty well setled in those parts betwixt the Indians and the English; found soon after, that he was cited thither to Answer some Complaints (though made without ground) for selling Powder & Shot to the Indians contrary to Order.

But those false opinions being easily blown away by his own appea­rance at Boston, and so having dispatched his occasions there, he return­ed before the winter was over to Pemmaquid, where hearing of a Ves­sel that intended to take Indians in those parts, and carry them away to a market, the which he had many strong Reasons to believe, (it being no hard matter to surprize many such, that suspecting by fraud, would easily be enticed aboard a Ʋessel to trade, or may be to drink Liquor) sent both the Master and Company, if they had any such intent to for­bear, seeing those Indians were at peace with us, and likewise to the Indi­ans, to inform them of such a Vessel, and to beware thereof, but yet it seems the Master and Company took several Indians Eastward, who were also at peace with us, and to our geeat sorrow shipt them aboard for a market.

[Page 37]The winter being now over, the forenamed Agent of Pemmaquid, went to a meeting of the Indians Eastward, to perswade them, of the Countr [...]es willingness to continue a peace with them. They seemed very joyful thereat, and in the Spring brought some Presents to confirm the Peace, and to that end also delivered up an English Captive Boy to those of Kennibeck. But when the Summer came on, that the said In­dians had liberty to travail up and down the Country to visit their Friends as they used to do; they missed those their Friends who had in the winter perfidiously been carryed away, and as is related, they fell in­to a Rage against the English, making Complaint thereof to the said Agent, Mr. Earthy, Mr. Richard Oliver, and others: They were told means should be used for bringing them back again, which had been so Transported, those to whom the Complaint was made, did scarce be­lieve it to be true, as not having heard thereof from any other hand, and probably hoping none, especially after solemn warning, would deal so perfidiously with Heathens, to lay such a stumbling block before them.

The Indians being certain of the thing done, could not be easily paci­fied, being likewise incensed against the English, for withholding the Trade of Powder and Shot the last winter, saying, they were frighted from their Corn the last year by the People about Kennibeck, so as many of them dyed in the following winter for want of Powder and Shot, wherewith to [...]ll Venison and Foul; Adding withal, that if the Eng­lish were their Friends as they pretended, they would not suffer them to dye, for want thereof: However, the said Agent making the best he could of a bad Cause, used all means to pacifie the Complaynents, and to that end promised them, that if they could meet with any of the Amonoscoggan Indians (who it seems all along had the bitterest Enmi­ty against the English) he would give them a meeting to treat in order to a Peace, Major Waldern having already concluded a Peace with the Pas­cataqua & Casco Indians, & by that means, if they could conclude the like peace with the Amonoscoggan men, (that could not yet be found) there would be a general Peace with all the Indians Eastward of Pascataqua, which the Indians that were present at this discourse, seemed very joy­ful at: yet still by one fatal Accident or other, jealousies still seemed to increase in their minds, or else the former injuries began to boyle a fresh in their Spirits, as not being easily digested, what ever had been said, or done to allay the offensiveness thereof. Soon after comes a Post from Toton­nock, to desire him to repair thither according to his promise, where they told him be should meet with Squando, and divers Amonoscog­gan Sachems, and that Mug was sent Post to fetch the said Squando: [Page 38] This Gentleman mindful of his promise, went with the Post to Kenni­beck, and finding Captain Lake at his house in Aro [...]sick; It was judged meet, that Captain Sylvester Davis should go along with him, with in­structions from the Counsel then sitting in Kennibeck, how to carry on their Treaty. After they had gone part of their way towards Toton­nock, they came to an English house, where they were told, what great jealousies of deceipt in the Indians were upon their Spirits, from what they had heard of Muggs and Tarumkin, an Amonoscoggan Sachem: going farther to a place called Kedonu-Cook, they met with Indians, who were very shye of telling them any thing, which added to the for­mer Intimation, greatly increased their fears: but being resolved of their voyage, they went onward still in their way, yet falling short of the place on purpose, that they might finish their business with them the next day: when they came to their Fort, they were first saluted with a Ʋolley of Shot, then brought into a Wigwam where their Sachems were: Ma­dockawando sate as chief, who now stiles himself their Minister: Being set in Councel, they made Assiminasqua their speaker; whose Adopted Son was the said Madochewando: He told them it was not their Cu­stome, if any came as Messengers to treat with them, to seize upon their persons, as sometimes the Mohawks did with such as had been sent to them: Captain Davis and the other Gentleman told them, therein they dealt like men: Answer was presently made them; you did other­wise by our men, when fourteen came to treat with you; And set a Guard over them, and took away their Guns: And not only so, but a second time you required our Guns, and demanded us to come down unto you, or else you would kill us, which was the Cause of our leaving both our Fort, and our Corn to our great loss.

It was without doubt no small trouble to their minds, in a Treaty with these Pagans, Haec diei potuisse, & non potuisse refelli: Yet to put the best Construction might be, on such Irregular actions, which could not well be justifyed. They told them, the persons who had so done, were not within the Limits of their Government, and therefore though they could not call them to an account for so acting, yet they did utter­ly disallow thereof: Adding farther, as soon as we understood thereof, we sent for you to Pemmaquid, and Treated you kindly, and kept you, as you know, from the violence of the English; The Indians Replyed, we do but inform you, and will Treat further in the Afternoon. But when the Afternoon came, our Two Messengers told them, their busi­ness was to Treat with the Amonoscoggan Sachems, and that they were sorry, Squando was not there: Then having confirmed their Peace with [Page 39] those Eastward Indians, they intreated the Amonoscoggan men to speak, who likewise urged Tarumkin, the chief Amonoscoggan Sachem to speak, who after some pauze, said he had been to the Westward, where he had found many Indians unwilling for Peace: but says he, I found three Sachems (whom he named, though those he spake to knew them not) willing to have peace; And for my own part, I am willing for peace, and gave them his hand with Protestation of his continuing in Friendship, so did seven or eight more of the Amonoscoggan men; whose Names they took, of whom Mug and Robin Hoods Son were two After this Madochewando asked them what they should do for Powder and Shot, when they had eaten up their In­dian Corn, what they should do for the Winter, for their hunt­ing Voyages? asking withal, whether they would have them dy, or leave their Country, and go all over to the French. Our Mes­sengers told him, they would do what they could with the Gover­nour, some might be allowed them for Necessity: He said they had waited long already, and therefore would have them now say yea, or nay, whether they should have powder as formerly, or not? Our Mes­sengers then Replyed, you your selves say, many of the Western In­dians would not have Peace, And therefore if we sell you powder, and you give it to the Western men, what do we but out our own Throats? Adding further, It is not in our power without leave, if you should wait ten year more, to let you have powder, at which words they seemed much to be offended.

But yet the next day they resolved to go down with them, & to speak with the Western men, thereby, if it might be, to stop their farther pro­ceeding.

So going down with them the next day, they met with some Indians who had got strong Liquor, with whom they fell a drinking: Our Messengers stayed at two places for them, and finding that still they tar­ryed behinde, not knowing what farther to do, they went home, it be­ing the sixth day of the week. But the next night save one, news came to Kennibeck, that the Indians had killed divers English in Casco, al­though it was not yet known at Pemmaquid. Upon this News Capt. Davis set out one Sentinel the next night. The rest, (such was their Security) went all else to bed. And in the morning, were all like Laish surprized, thus might it be said, Invadunt Aedem somno (si non) vino (que) sepultam. The particulars of the surprizing of Kennibeck, and Arowsick house are thus related by such as were acquainted therewith.

Upon the thirteenth of August, 1676. several Indians repaired in the [Page 40] Evening to the house of one Mr. Hammond, an ancient Inhabitant, and Trader with the Indians up Kennibeck River, His daughter or a maid that was servant in the house, either naturally afraid of the Natives, or else upon something she observed in their Countenance, or Carriage, manifested so much fear, as made her run out of the house to hide her self in some place abroad; The Indians perceiving it, the more to dis­semble their Treachery, ran after her, and brought her into the house, telling her (although they could not perswade her so to believe) that there was no Reason to be afraid of them: presently after more of the Barbarous Ʋillains coming into the house, she grew more afraid then before, being now more strongly perswaded that they came on purpose to kill or surprize those in the Family, whereupon she suddenly made an escape out of the house, and presently passed into a Field of Indian Corn, whereby she might the better avoid the danger of any pursuer, and so ran cross over the land that night ten or twelve miles, to give them notice that lived at Shipscot River, It is said that after she got out, she heard a noyze in the house, as if they were fighting or scuffling within doors; but she did not count it wisdom to go back to see what the matter was, know­ing enough before of their Villanyes, how well soever her Mrs. (that was more versed in the Trade of the Indians) might think of them. Those of Shipscot taking this warning escaped away as soon as they could leav­ing their Cattle and their dwellings as a Prey to the Indians. What befel Master Hammond and his Family is not yet certainly known: Reports pass up and down, that some who came down the River after­wards, saw some of the dead stripped upon the Banke of the River, which makes us fear the worst, concerning all the rest; for certainly the whole Family sixteen in Number, were all at that time either killed, or carryed away Captive, none save the maid aforesaid, being known to make any other escape, to inform their Friends like Jobs Messengers, what befell the rest of the Family.

The Indians having in this manner surprized Mr. Hammonds house, they passed down the River the same night; but going by another house, medled not with the people, only turned their Canoos a drift, that they might not find means afterwards to escape themselves, or help others so to do: possibly their chief aim being at Arowsick house, they would not, for fear of being discovered, make any Attempt upon any place near by: wherefore August the fourteenth very early in the morn­ing, having in the night, or before break of day passed over on to the Island called Arowsick, several of them undiscovered lay hid under the Walls of the Fort, and behind a great Rock near adjoyning, till the Sen­tinel [Page 41] was gone off from his place, (who went off it seems sooner than was Reason, considering the danger) when presently some Indians followed him in, at the Fort gate, (as some report) while others of them immediately seized the Port holes thereof, and shot down all they saw passing up and down within the Walls, and so in a little time be­came Masters of the Fort, and all that was within it: Captain Lake (joynt Owner with Major Clarke of the whole Island) hearing the bussle that was below, betwixt the Indians and those that belonged to the place, was strangely surprized, yet himself with Captain Sylvanus Da­vis and two more, understanding that the Indians had seized the Fort, & killed divers of the English, apprehending it bootless, or rather heartless to stay, as not being able to stand upon their guard, or make any resi­stance, made a shift to find some passage out at a back door, whereby they escaped to the water-side, where they found a Canoo, into which they all entered and made away toward another Island near by: This was not done so secretly but the Indians discerned them before they were gone farr; four of them therefore hasted after those that had escaped; in ano­ther Canoo, and coming within shot, discharged their Guns upon them, whereby Sylvanus Davis was sorely wounded; yet making hast, as ge­nerally they use to do, that fly for their lives, timor addidit alas, they got a shore before the Indians overtook them. It is said they were strangely dispirited, or else they might easily have defended themselves against their pursuers: But when once mens hearts are sunke with fear, and dis­couragement upon a sudden surprizal, it is hard to buoy them up, to make any competent resistance: Capt. Davis being sadly wounded, could neither trust to his legs to fly, nor yet make use of his hands to fight; yet was strangly preserved; Providence directing him to go into the Cleft of a Rock hard by the place, where he first landed; The Indians by the glittering of the Sun beams in their Eyes as they came a shore, did not discern him; so as lying hid under the Covert of the band of Provi­dence, for two dayes, he at last crawled a little about the water side, till he found a Canoo, whereby he escaped away with his Life, much a doe. The other two men, were better foot men, and parting from Captain Lake, made their escape ten or a dozen mile, to the further end of the Island, and so escaped from the Indians, till they found means to get off: Poor Captain Lake, that a few hours before, slept quietly in his Mansion house, surrounded with a strong Fortification, defended with many Soul­diers, is now forced to fly away with none to attend him. And as the Awful hand of Divine Providence ordered things, was as some say, pur­sued [Page 42] by such Indians as were meer strangers to the place, that knew not the Master from the man, by one of whom he was shot down, as is sup­posed, soon after his coming ashore; Lieut. Davis heard two Guns, by which 'twas thought, & soon after was known so to be by an Indian which since hath confessed to Captain Davis that he shot him that day Arowsick was taken, which he intended not to have done, but that he held up his Pistol against him, whereas if he had but asked qua [...]ter, he should have had his Life. Captain Lake was slain at that time, although many hopes were for some time maintained, that he was taken alive, and kept with other Captives, amongst the Indians; And 'tis said the Indians of those parts did not intend to kill him, if they could have help­ed it: But it was known, that his hat was seen upon an Indians head not long after, which made his Friends conclude what had be fallen the Owner that good man, who might Emphatically be so termed in distinction from them that may truly be called Just men, and no more: For it seems according to the just Agreement betwixt him­self and his part owner of Arowsick Island, it was not his turn this year to have been upon the place, but such was his goodness, that he yielded to the desire of his Friend and Partner, as in his room and stead to take upon himself that Service in this time of danger, it is hoped his goodness in future time will not be forgotten by such as were any way concerned therein, or had Advantage thereby.

This Island (called Arowsick from an Indian so named, that formerly possessed it, and of whom it was purchased by one Mr. Richards who sold it to Captain Lake and Major Clarke) lyes up ten miles within the mouth of Kennibeck River; it is some miles in length, and contain­eth many thousand Acres of very good Land; where meadow and arable ground are in a good proportion well suited together; within the Fort aforesaid were many convenient buildings for several Offices, as well for wares and Trading, as habitation: six several Edifices are said to have been there erected. The Warehouse at that time was well furnished with all sorts of goods; besides a Mill and other Ac­commodations, and dwellings within a mile of the Fort and Mansion house; some of whose Inhabitants hardly made their escape, upon the first surp [...]izal of the Fort.

All which considered, the loss that befel the Proprietours at the sur­prizal of this Island seems to be very great, valued at many thousands: but those that were the Owners with others of late times, have found in their own Experience, what Solomon said of old, There is a Time to get, and a Time to loose, a Time to keep, and a Time to cast away; A Time to [Page 43] break down, as well as a Time to build up. The persons killed and taken at Kennibeck, both at Mr. Hammonds, and at Arowsick, are said to be fifty three.

Upon the Report of this sad disaster, all the Plantations of the Eng­lish in those parts were soon after left, and forsaken by degrees. All the rest of the Inhabitants of Kennibeck River, Shipscot River, Saga-de-hock, Damanicottee, fearing to be served in the same kind, fled to the Islands of Cape-bonawagan and Damorils Cove.

On the second day at night a Post was sent to Pemmaquid to inform them of what had hapned, who being but eight or ten men, were mind­ed to go to the Island called Monhiggon, having secured the best of their goods, but the wind taking them short, they were forced to turn into Damarils Cove, where they found Mr. Wiswal, and Mr. Colicot, there they laboured two dayes to settle a Garrison; But partly by the muti­nousness of the People, and partly by the want of Provision nothing could be done to secure the Island, so that it was presently deserted: From thence they went to Monhiggon, resolving there to tarry till they heard from Boston, from whence Mr. Colicot, and Mr. Wiswel promi­sed to do their utmost endeavour to send help. There they setled three Guards, and appointed five and twenty to watch every night, not know­ing but that the Indians might come every hour. But continuing these a Fortnight, and finding no Relief like to come; and seeing all the Coun­try burned round about. (For after they had gotten all that could be saved from Pemmaquid, they saw all the other Island, Windgins, Cor­bins sound, New-Harbour, Pemmaquid all on fire in two hours time) then considering what was best to be done, they found no Boats could be sent to sea for fear of weakning the Island, and that most of those that were upon the Island, were Strangers, Coasters, and such as came from the Mayne, and were ready to be gone upon every occasion, they laid an Imbargoe for one weeks time, after which a Letter was received from Major Clarke, defiring their Assistance for enquiring after Capt. Lake if alive, saving, what could be had at Kennibeck &c. but intimating nothing of any help like to come, besides those that brought the Letter told them, it was in vain to expect any help from Boston. It being questi­oned there, what they had to do with those parts, upon which the In­habitants considered, that if they should tarry there, and spend all their Provision, and neither be able to go to Sea, nor yet to live, or be safe a shore for want of help, it were better for them to remove, while they had something left to live upon, and seek imployment else where; so by Consent they resolved forthwith to Transport themselves, and what they [Page 44] had saved of their goods to some place of Security, so they took the first opportunity to set sayle, some for Pascataqua, some for Boston, and some for Salem, at one of which three places they all safely arrived.

Having thus escaped at first as Lot out of Sodom, but not counting themselves safe in that Zoar, where for a little while they made shift to hide their heads, till they might escape to some surer place, there waiting for better times, when they may with peace and quietness re­turn to their former habitations, or seek some other else where.

When the foresaid Exploits were done by the Indians in and about Casco Bay, several of the English removed to Jewels Island, where they hoped to be more secure from the Indians, but their barbarous Enemy finding so little Resistance made against them on the main Land, a con­siderable party of them came with their Canoos to destroy that Island also, about three weeks after the forementioned mischiefs.

There was a fortifyed house upon the said Island, where the English that either kept upon the Island, or repayred thither, hoped to have secured themselves. But at that time when the Indians assaulted the place, many of the English were absent, few left in the Garrison, but women and Children: some were gone to other places to fetch Indian Corn, others were in a Boat imployed about Fish, amongst whom was one Richard Pots with two more; The wife of the said Pots was wash­ing by the water side, where she was surprized with her Children, and carryed away in fight of her husband, who was not a little distressed with that sad Spectacle, but was not able to afford any Relief either to wife or Children; although one of the Children espying his Father in his boat, ran into the water, calling out for help, but an Indian ran after him to catch him up; the poor man in a great Agony being within half shot, was about to have fired upon the Indian, but then fearing he might wound his Child which the Villain had laid hold of, he forbore, rather suf­fering him to be carryed away alive, then be exposed to so manifest dan­ger of his Life, or Limbs, by shooting at the Indian.

It is said that some of the Indians were killed by them in the Garrison: They speak of a Lad that at one shot killed two or three of them, some Guns were found afterwards under the Fort, which were supposed to have belonged to some of the Indians that were killed. Some that were abroad when the Fort was assaulted, desperately broke in through the In­dians, whereby at the last, many of the People were preserved: some flying away from Jewels Island in a Canoo toward Richmonds Island, met with a K [...]tch, to which they made known the distress the People were in, who thereupon went to the place, and took in all the People they found [Page 45] there, and carryed them off to a place of more safety. Yet were there several persons said to be killed and carryed away at that time viz. three men, who were known to be killed, two women and two Children, that are supposed to be yet alive, though in the Enemies power.

From thence they went to Spurwinks, where they assaulted one place or more, and killed one man, wounded another, and carryed another away Captive: Amongst them that were in danger of surprizal, one that could not run, hid himself in a garden of Cabbages so as he was not found, yet was very near them, for he over heard several questions, they asked him they took; by which means he was the better enabled afterward to prevent the danger two more were coming into, for the poor Fellow that they had taken, told them, that one Shendal with another man were to come that way by and by; whereupon this man that had hid himself, meeting that Shendal and the other man gave them notice of the danger, whereby they were delivered out of the snare, for that time; not long after one of them, viz Mr. Shendal fell into their hands as shall be declared afterwards. Within a while after, or much a­bout that same time, another sad Accident befel six or seven of them that belonged to Casco. For upon the twenty third of September some persons that belonged to a Sloop, and a Shallop, that were pressed into the Service (one Reason of which was to prevent their stragling they being persons that belonged to those parts about Casco) were over desirous to save some of their Provision, to which end they first made their Address to Captain Hathorne, (under whom they were ordered to serve) desiring they might be released; the Captain told them he could not do it, but desired them to have patience for a while, they told him, that they must and would go, else their Families must starve at home: The Captain told them further of the danger, and bid them not stir at their peril: However they would go, and soon after went to Mount-joyes Island to fetch sheep, where they landed seven men; but the Indi­ans presently set upon them, they presently betook themselves to the Ruines of a stone house, where they defended themselves as long as they could; but at last they were all destroyed either with stones cast in upon them, or else with the Enemies shot, except one, who, though at the first it was hoped his wounds were not mortal, yet soon after dy [...]d thereof; Amongst these was one George Felt much lamented, who had been more active then any man in those parts against the Indians, but at the last he lost his own Life amongst them, in this too desperate an Adventure.

The Indians growing more bold by these Attempts in those remote places, drew down nearer towards Pascataqua, for not long after a party [Page 46] of them came upon Cape Nidduck, where they killed and carryed away all the Inhabitants of a few scattering houses, to the number of seven in all, and such was their Salvage Cruelty exercised in this place, as is not usually heard of, for having dashed out the brains of a poor woman that gave suck, they nayled the young Child to the dead body of its mother, which was found sucking in that rueful manner, when the People came to the place. The day before a man and his wife were killed by them at Wells, and two men more soon after. On the twelfth of October following near an hundred of the Indians made an Assault upon Black point, all the Inhabitants being gathered into one fortifyed place upon that point, which a few hands might have defended against all the Indians on that side of the Country. But as it seems, one called Mugg was the Leader of the Indians; one that had from a Child been well acquaint­ed with the English, and had lived some years in English Families, who though a cunning Fellow, and had prevailed much in his Attempts, yet at this time shewed more Courtesy to the English, then according to for­mer Outrages could be expected from any of those barbarous miscre­ants; and was willing to make offer of a Treaty to Mr. Josselin, chief of the Garrison, to whom the said Mugg promised liberty for all that were there, to depart with their goods upon the surrender of the place: The said Josselin reports, that when he came back from his treating with Mugg, that all the People were fled away out of the Garrison, having carryed away their goods by water before his return, in so much that having none but his Household Servants to stand by him, he was capa­ble to make no Resistance, and so surrendred.

When People have once been frighted with Reports and Sense of danger, they are ready to fly away like a Hart before the Hunter or his Hounds, one of the Inhabitants of the place affirmed he saw an hundred and fifty Indians, which was more by an hundred than any body else ever saw near the Fort. But when a place is designed to Ruine, every thing they take in hand shall tend that way.

The loss of Black point was accompanyed with another sad Acci­dent, that fell out about the same time at Richmonds Island. For young Mr. Fryer with some others at Pascataqua, to whom it seemed grie­vous that the Indians should make all that Spoyle in every place in those farther Plantations, ventured upon the great Importunity of Mr. Shendal, with a Ketch to try what they could save of such things that the Indi­ans had left. But things were so ordered, that before they had laden their Ketch, coming too near the Stage head, they presently found them­selves in danger of a surprizal, for part of their Company being a [Page 47] shore, were seized by the Indians, or in danger thereof, whom they were not willing to leave behind; and besides the wind blowing in hard upon them, they could not get out of the Harbour, but were forced to abide the danger of an Assault. The Indians getting many of them into the stage head annoyed them so fast with their shot, that not a man of them was able to look above deck, but he was in danger of being shot down, amongst the rest Mr. James Fryer venturing too much in view of the Enemy received a wound in his knee, which appeared not dan­gerous at the first, but for want of better looking to, then could be found amongst that black Regiment, into whose hands he soon after fell; It proved Mortal unto him, within a few dayes after: he being by a strange Accident brought home to his Fathers house at the great Island in Pascataqua. Mr. Fryer being thus wounded, the rest of the Com­pany defended themselves for a while with much Courage and Reso­lution, till they were brought to the sad choice of falling into the hands of one of these three bad Masters, the Fire, the water, or the Barbarous Heathen, to whom at last they thought it best to yield, in hope of liber­ty afterwards, at least of lengthning out their lives a little longer, for the Indians had manned out a Canoo with several hands to cut their Ca­ble, and others stood ready within the defence of the stage head to fire upon any one that stirred in the Ketch, by which means the Vessel after the Cable was cut soon drave a shore; and then was it threatned to be presently burned, if they did not all yield, to which they all at last consented.

The Indians how barbarous soever in their own nature, yet civilly intreated their Prisoners, and upon farther discourse sent one or two of them to Pascataqua, to give them there an opportunity to Ransome their Friends. The persons sent home to procure a Ransome, were to return with such a quantity of goods as the Indians had desired; by such a precise time: but they that brought the things for their Ransome, coming a day or two before the time, when those that sent them were gone up the River at Black point, and not returned: Some other Indi­ans waiting for such an opportunity seized the goods, at least that part which they most desired, and through mistake, killing one of the three men hat brought them, dismissed the other two, without return of the Prisoners as was expected.

As to what hapned afterward, we are yet much in the dark, and for the present can write but by guess: for within a few dayes after the return of Mr. Shendal, and the other man that went to carry the Ransome, before November 1. Mugg himself came to Pasca­taqua, [Page 48] bringing Mr. James Fryer, who soon after dyed of his wound, one of the Prisoners along with him complaining that without his knowledge some of the Indians had seized what was sent for the Ransome of the rest, promising upon his Faith, that he would make good his word for the sending home all the Prisoners, and offered also in the Name of the other Indians, to confirm a new Peace with the English for the fu­ture: The Major General of the Massachusets Colony was then at Pas­cataqua, but not willing to Transact a matter of that nature and mo­ment by his sole Authority, ordered the said Mugg (supposed to be the chief Leader of the Indians) to be carryed down to Boston to the Go­vernour and Councel there, to conclude the business, with whom he soon after agreed upon a firm Peace with the English of the Massachusets in the Name of Madockawando, the chief of all the Indians in the Eastern parts about Penobscot, engaging also to remain himself, as hostage aboard the Ʋessel (in which he was sent home from Boston November the 21st. following) until the Prisoners (which are said to be fifty or sixty that they have still in their hands) be sent home, and the rest of the Articles per­formed. The Issue of which we as yet wait to hear in Gods good time, this 12th. of December following, 1676. when they there have made an end of the reckoning, 'tis hoped we may have our right again.

There are two principal Actors amongst the Indians that have all a­long promoted these designes amongst them, one named Squando, Sa­gamore of Saco, and the forementioned Madockawando, the chief Com­mander of the Indians Eastward about Penobscot, who are said to be, by them that know them, a strange kind of moralized Salvages. Grave and Serious in their Speech and Carriage, and not without some shew of a kind of Religion, which no doubt but they have learned from the Prince of darkness, (by the help of some papist in those parts) that can Trans­form himself into an Angel of Light; under that shape, the better to car­ry on the designes of his Kingdome. It is said also, they pretend to have received some Ʋisions and Revelations, by which they have been commanded to worship the great God, and not to work on the Lords day. We know where that Fountain hath its Rise, that sendeth forth at the same place sweet and bitter waters. And from whence their hearts are in­spired, that joyn blessing of God, with cursing and killing his Servants.

It is reported by some that came lately from those parts, that the In­dians there do as yet refuse to have any peace with the English, and will not as yet return any of our Captive Friends, till God speak to the foresaid Enthusiasts, that are their Leaders, that they should no longer make warr with us, and the like.

[Page 49]But not to trouble our selves farther with those Ministers of Satan, or those that are acted by the Angel of the bottomless pit, (who pos­sibly since their delusions are but two fold more the Children of Hell then they were before.) We know better how to understand the mind of the great Lord of Heaven & Earth then to depend on such lying Oracles.

That God who hath at present turned their hearts to hate his Peo­ple, and deal subtilly with his Servants; we hope in his time, will ei­ther turn the stream, and cause them to deal friendly and sincerely with his People, as heretofore, or give us an opportunity to destroy them.

In the next place it remains, that some account be given of our Forces under Captain Hathorne, and of their several Expeditions into the Eastern parts, since the middle of September last; first up toward Casco, by the Sea-side, then afterwards through the woods directly Northward, toward Ossapy, and Pigwauchet, in hope to have found the Enemy there at their head Quarters.

Upon the first Report of those Devastations and Spoyls that had been made by Fire and Sword in those Eastern Plantations. It was judg­ed necessary to send some Forces that way to put a stop unto the current of those Outrages, before the Remainders of the Southern Indians could have opportunity to joyn with them: To that end about an hundred and thirty English, with forty Indians were dispatched away into those parts, under the Command of Captain William Hatborne, Captain Syl, and Captain Hunting, who were to joyne with such as could be raised in those parts, under Major Waldern, and Captain Frost: After they had surprized the Indians that flocked into those parts, (as was Related before) which was done upon September the 6th. 1676. Captain Hathorne who was Commander in chief, marched the Forces by the Sea-side towards Casco; For at that time they were upon some demurre, whether to march directly toward Ossapy, and Pig­wauchet, where the head Quarters of the Enemy was supposed to be, or else to march directly toward Casco Bay, where they heard Parties of the Enemy were daily spoyling the Plantations of the English; At the last it was judged most Expedient to try if they could not meet with some partyes of the Enemy amongst those Plantations near the Sea-side, by that means at least to prevent them from doing more mischief if they could not find an opportunity to fall upon some of them, and destroy them: But their time was not yet come, nor were all the Desola­tions as yet accomplished, which God had a purpose to bring about by their means. For notwithstanding there was a sufficient Force to have suppressed all the numbers of the Enemy, if they had been many more [Page 50] than they were; yet being emboldened and grown subtle by their former successes, they had so dispersed themselves all about the woods in those p [...]rts, that when our Forces were in one place, they would be in ano­ther, and so did much mischief thereabouts, while our Souldiers were out after them: For after they had by several steps in ten dayes time got­ten to Casco, from Newechewannick (about the eight of September) they marched to Wells, and from Wells to Winter Harbour, and so from thence to Black point they passed by water, and then arrived at Casco Bay, about the twentieth of September, yet about that very time, were seve­ral of the English cut off at Mount joyes Island, and that in sight of our Forces, when they were not able to come at them, for want of Boat, the Island lying two Leagues off in the Bay; This hapned the twenty third of the same month, as was said before, and within two dayes af­ter, another party of the Enemy were doing mischief at Wells, and Cape Nidduck, and yet escaped away, when they had done.

Nor could our Forces in all their Expedition meet with any of them, but two; one of which soon after he was taken, was let goe, by the Treachery or Carelessness of them that held him. For when our For­ces were come within a few miles of the hither side of Casco Bay, some of our Natick Indian Scouts going in Company with the Indians under Blind Will, (a Sagamore of Pascataqua, who went in Company with eight of his men, supposed to be good Pilots for the places more East­ward) met with some of the Enemy, and laid hold of a couple of them; Justice was done upon one of them, the other, although he was led by two of Blind Wills Indians, they made a shift to let goe, who escaping away, got over a River, and gave notice to the Indians who were on the other side, & were heard but a little before threshing in a Barne that belonged to one Anthony Bracket, (whom they had lately surprized) Another disappointment our Forces met withal about the same time, for when Captain Hathorne was up at Casco Bay with his Souldiers, he n [...]ver could come up with the Indians, either through want of Skill in them that were his Scouts, or rather want of Faithfulness in one that should have been his guide, who had got his living by Trading with the Indians, therefore seemed unwilling to have the Brood of them de­stroyed: As was known afterwards. And by that means a party of the Enemy escaped the hands of our Souldiers. Yet it pleased God at one time to bring the Forlorne of our Forces upon a party of the Ene­my, who espying the English, presently fled away into the woods, like so many wild Dear, yet one of them, viz. that J. Sampson who had been of the Company, that killed Robinson the year before, was by the [Page 51] special hand of Divine Justice, suffered to fall, by some of our Forces: He was a very lusty, stout man, and one that was armed with several sorts of Weapons, but there is no Weapon shall defend them, whom death hath a Commission to destroy: There is no Ransome in that War: The rest of the Indians that were scattered about Casco Bay, having discovered our Forces, made their escape: But, we hope their time is short, and that God will find some way to cut off the bloody and de­ceitful Enemies of his People, and not suffer them to live out half their dayes.

But by one such Accident or other; our Souldiers could not meet with any of them that had done all the mischief about those parts And while out Forces lay about Casco Bay; A small party of the Enemy came down upon the Borders of the Town of Wells, where they lay in Am­bush near a Garrison house, at one end of the Town, and shot down Mr. James Gouge from his horse, September the twenty fourth, being Lords day, as he was going home from the Meeting; and then knocked down his wife, giving her several wounds with their Hatchets about the head, of which she dyed within three dayes after.

The next day September the twenty fifth, the same party being not above seven in number went toward Yorke, and surprized Cape Nid­duck in a barbarous manner, killing most of the poor people belonging thereunto: Some of their Neighbours hearing of the Guns, came to their Rescue: The Indians being on the further side of a River, dared them to come over and fight with them man to man: using several Reproach­ful Tearms to them, making a Shot at them also, which some of the Company not being able to bear, did very resolutely adventure through the River after them; but they were not willing to try the valour of the English; when they perceived they found a way to pass over the Ri­ver upon them, but returned back towards Wells; where they killed ano­ther, one George Farrow, September the twenty seventh, as he was too carelessly venturing to his house without any Company: These things hapned while our Forces were at Casco, where they tarryed seven or eight dayes. And hearing of these Outrages committed in some of those places which they left behind them; and not being able to meet with any of them in the place where they were, they returned back to­ward Wells, and Yorke; but the Indians were escaped away into the woods after their Companions, before they came there: Our Souldiers having thus spent much time and pains in a fruitless Expedition toward Casco, they resolved to venture another march after them, up towards Ossapy, supposing they might by that time be drawn homewards toward [Page 52] their Winter Quarters; or else, that they might destroy what they had left behind them, to prevent their harbouring there for the future: But it seemed good to him, who by his Sovereign Power and Infinite wis­dom ordereth all Events and purposes (wherein his People or others are concerned) to disappoint all endeavours used at that time for the sup­pressing of the Enemy, or putting any stop to their wonted Successes: For soon after our Forces were returned back from Casco, news was brought of the surprizal of Black point, on the twelfth of October, as was mentioned before; which notwithstanding; It was judged more ad­viseable to venture and proceed on with the Expedition toward Ossapy, (whether it was supposed by this time, the greatest number of them were retired) rather then to return back again to recover Black point, where was nothing to be expected but an empty Fort, and some desert­ed houses, which it seems the Indians had forsaken by that time.

And besides that other Forces were about the same time ordered to repair thither, sufficient for the repairing & securing of the place with what else was left remaining from the hands of the Enemy; And likewise several Souldiers were ordered to Garrison the Towns thereabouts, to prevent them from making any further Assault upon them. However, they were so far emboldned by the taking of black point, and the Ketch at Rich­mond Island with several Prisoners also which were surprized at the same time; That a party of them came the very next week after, toward Wells, hoping to attain that, and all the Towns, and places else betwixt Cas [...]o Bay and Pascataqua, as they had done black point. For a party of them under Mugg their chief Leader, brought Mr. Shendal along with them to Wells, where they summoned the first Garrison at the Towns end To facilitate the business, they sent the said Shendal as their Agent, or Messenger to move them to surrender, without hazarding an onset; But the People were not so despondent, to yield up the place upon so slight an occasion; which when the Enemy discerned, they soon drew off, after they had done some little mischief to the Inhabitants: For first they killed Isa­ack Lit [...]lefield not far from the Garrison, It is said, they would willingly have had him yield himself Prisoner, but he refusing, they shot him down, yet they were so Civil, as to suffer his Friends to fetch away his body, with­out offering any further act of Inhumanity to it, or Hostility toward them that fetcht it off. An old man called Cross, was killed by them likewise about the same time, and another, Joseph Bigford by name, belonging to the Garrison, was sorely wounded at that time, so as he dyed soon af­ter: Thirteen head of [...]at Cattle were also killed by them, out of which they only for haste, took the Tongues, leaving the bodies of all the rest [Page 53] whole to the Owners, unless it were the Leg of one of them, which was also taken away.

This was all the mischief was done by them, after the taking of Black point: The Inhabitants of Winter Harbour, near adjoyning thereto, being alarmed with the surprizal of the other place; fled away with their goods, for a time; till they heard the Enemies were removed far­ther Eastward, and then it was said, they returned to their place again; In this posture have things in those places remained ever since, in those Eastern Plantations betwixt Pascataqua and Casco Bay.

But our Forces under the Command of Captain Hathorne, and Cap­tain Syl, having at the last obtained all things necessary for a Winter march into the woods, did upon the first of November following, set forth toward Ossapy, where, after four dayes march of very difficult way, over many Rivers, not easy to pass at that time of the year, they ar­rived; but found never an Indian, either there, or in the way, as they marched along: The Indians belonging to those parts, had not many years before hired some English Traders to build them a Fort, for their se­curity against the Mohawks, which was built very strong for that purpose fourteen Foot high with Flankers at each corner. But at this time the Soul­diers intending to disappoint them of their Refuge, made Fuel thereof, which at that time was very needful for our People, who had marched many miles through deep Snow in a very cold Season, when they could hardly keep themselves from freezing as they passed along, so early in the Winter: None of the Enemy being to be found there in their strongest Fort; It was not counted worth the while for all the Company to march any farther: Wherefore a small party being sent up eighteen or twenty miles farther Northward amongst the woods, whereas they pas­sed along they met with many vast Lakes, (supposed to be the Cause of the sharpness of the cold, in that side of the Country) making the place scarce habitable for any besides those Salvages that use to hunt there­abouts, for Moose in the Winter, and Beaver in the Summer, (a sort of Creatures, whose Skins are of more Account than all their bodies.) But at this time it is supposed they were all gone lower toward the Sea side, to share the Spoyls of the English Plantations, lately surprized by them; which is all the Reward they have met withal, who in former years, for the sake of a little Lucre by Traffick with them, have run themselves there into the very Jaws of destruction, either by Irregular dealing with them; or by their too much confidence in their deceitful Friendship.

November the ninth, our Forces having spent nine dayes in this Service, returned safe to Newechewannick, from whence they set forth at the first, [Page 54] having run more hazard of their Limbs, by the sharpness of the Frost, than of their lives by any Assault from their Enemies.

There was great probability that the designe might have had some good Effect, if Mugg a chief Leader of them, did not much abuse those he fled unto, with a proffer of Peace; for he told them that there were about an hundred of them about Ossapy, not many dayes before: But it becomes us to look beyond second Causes, in Events of this na­ture; and conclude, that God had raised up these Barbarous Enemies to bring a like Chastisement upon the English in this side of the Country, with that which others had endured elsewhere, in the end of the former, and beginning of this present year.

Whereas mention was formerly made of a Peace concluded at Boston betwixt the Governour and Council of the Massachusets, and Mugg an Eastward Indian, in the name of Madockawando chief Sagamore of all the Indians about Pemmaquia and Penobscot; which said Mugg, was sent from Boston, November the 21st with two Vessels, to receive the Prisoners there detained by the Indians, and also to see the Ratification of the several Articles of the said peace concluded upon. Which Articles for the better satisfaction of those that have not been acquainted with them, are thouhgt fit here to be Inserted.

Things were so ordered by the good Providence of God, that the said Vessels arrived safely at Penobscot in the beginning of the next month, where they found the said Madockawando, who was ready to confirm and make good the Articles of the Peace concluded at Boston by his Agent in his Name; And was willing also to deliver all the Prisoners that were then in his Power, or under his Command, which were but two, who were taken in the Vessel at Richmonds Island, the twelfth of October last. The said Mugg likewise being sensible of the Obliga­tion he lay under, to make good his word, did venture to go up himself to another Plantation of the Indians, where was supposed some more of the English Prisoners were, to see whether he could obtain their Re­lease, as also to perswade with the rest of the Indians thereabouts to joyne in the confirmation of the Peace; It appeared to the persons belonging to the Vessels, that the said Mugg went with some Reluctancy, as fear­ing the Indians he was going amongst, would either kill him, or keep him Prisoner; To which end, he ordered the Commanders belonging to the Ʋessels to tarry for him, about three dayes, or four at the most, assu­ring them, that if he did not return by that time, they might certainly conclude that either his Life or Liberty was taken from him; However the Vessels tarried about or near a week beyond the time limited, in expecta­tion [Page 57] of his coming; But after so long stay, they neither seeing, nor hear­ing from him, were ready to fear the worst, viz. that his Country men had made him sure from having more to do with the English. Whereupon for fear of being shut up by the sharpness of the Winter from returning themselves, they took the opportunity of the next fair wind of setting Sayle for Boston, (only turning in to Pemmaquid to see if they could hear any farther News there) where they arrived with such Prisoners, as were freely delivered by Madockawando, the twenty fifth of December following, Anno, 1676. Amongst which Prisoners, be­sides the two forementioned, who were found at Penobscot, there was a third, by a more remarkable Providence then ordinary, added unto them, Mr. Thomas Cobbet, Son of that Reverend and worthy Minister of the Gospel, Mr. Thomas Cobbet (Pastor of the Church at Iptwitch, a Town within the Massachusets Jurisdiction) who had all the time of his Sons Captivity together with his friends wrestled with God in their daily Prayers for his Release, and accordingly he was with the more joy received by his friends, as an Answer and Return of their Prayers. The said young man had lived with Mr. Fryer, Merchant of Ports­mouth for some years before, and had been oft at Sea with Mr. James Fryer the eldest Son of the said Merchant, and who had after much Experience of his Faithfulness, dexterity, and Courage on all such Ac­compts, borne him so much Respect, that when he was urged by his Fa­ther to go along with Mr. Shendal, as was said before, he would not venture unless his Friend Thomas Cobbet would go along with him; the which Service he only for his Friends sake accepted, which proved a fa­tal Adventure to Mr. James Fryer, and might have done to the other also, had not God otherwise disposed of him, having, as is hoped, more Service for him in the Land of the living. Amongst all the Prisoners at that time taken, the said Thomas Cobbet seemed to have had the hardest portion: For besides the desperate dangers that he escaped, before he was taken. First, by a bullet, shot through his Wast-Coat. Secondly, by a drunken Indian, who had a knife at his Throat to cut it, when his hands were bound, when the Indians came to share the Prisoners amongst them, he fell into the hands of one of the ruggeddest Fellows, by whom within a few dayes after his surprizal, he was carryed first from Black point, to Shipscot River in the Ketch, which the Indians made them to Sayle for them, into the said River, from thence he was forced to travel with his Pateroon Four or five miles over land to Damariscottee, where he was compelled to row or paddle in a Canoo about fifty five miles far­ther to Penobscot, and there taking leave of all his English Friends and [Page 58] acquaintance, at least for the Winter, he was put to paddle a Canoo up fifty or sixty miles farther Eastward, to an Island called Mount Desart, where his Pateroon used to keep his winter station, and to appoint his hunting Ʋoyages; and in that Desart-like Condition was the poor young man forced to continue nine weeks in the Service of a Salvage miscre­ant, who sometimes would Tyrannize over him, because he could not understand his Language, and for want thereof, might occasion him to miss of his Game, or the like. What ever sickness he was obnoxious unto, by change of dyet, or other account, he could expect no other allowance than the Wigwam will afford: If Joseph be in the Prison, so long as God is with him there, he shall be preserved, and in due time remembred.

After the end of the nine weeks, the Indian whom he was to serve, had spent all his powder, whereupon on the sudden he took up a Resoluti­on to send this young man down to Penobscot to Mouns [...]re Casteen to procure more powder to kill Moose and Dear, which it seems is all their way of living at Mount Desart; The Indian was certainly over ruled by Divine providence in sending his Captive down thither, for a few dayes before, as it seems, after the Indians in that place, has been pow­awing together, he told him, that there were two English Vessels then come into Pemmequid, or Penobscot, which proved so indeed: yet was it not minded by him surely, when he sent his Captive-thither for pow­der, for it proved the means of his escape; which his Pateroon might ea­sily have conjectured, if it had not been bid from him As soon as he Arrived at Penobscot, he met with Magg, who presently saluted him by the Name of Mr. Cobbet, and taking him by the hand, told him, he had been at his Fathers house, (which was November the first or second before, as he passed through Ipswitch to Boston) and had promised to send him home, so soon as he returned. Madockawando taking notice of what M [...]gg was speaking that way, although he were willing that he should be released according to Agreement, (his Pateroon being one of this Sa­gamores Subjects, though during the Hunting Ʋoyage of the winter, he lived at such a distance from him) began to demand something for satisfaction, in a way of Ransome, not understanding before that his Father was, a great Preachman, as they use to call it: Reply mas made to him, that he should have something in lieu of a Ransome, viz. a fine Coat, which they had for him aboord the Ʋessel; the which the Saga­more desired to see, before he would absolutely grant his Release: but upon sight of the said Coat, he seemed very well satisfied, and gave him free liberty to return home. Whilst this Mr. Thomas Cobbet was a [Page 59] Prisoner at Mount Desart going along with the Indians to hunt, in an extream cold day; he was so overcome with the sharpness thereof, that all his Senses were suddenly benummed, so as he fell down upon the Snow, not being able to stir hand or foot, and had without doubt there perish­ed in a little time but that the Indians he was going along with, missing him, presently ran about the woods to seek him, and when they found him, they were either so pitiful to him, or so careful of their own good, as not to cast away a likely young man, from whom they expected ei­ther much service, or a good Ransome, for want of a little Care, and pains to preserve his life; wherefore, taking him upon their shoulders, they carryed him into the next Wigwam, so as he soon after revived, and came to himself again, without any farther mischief.

At another time, the Salvage Villain whose Prisoner he was, so long as he had strong Liquor, for five dayes together was so drunke, that he was like a furious mad Beast, so as none durst come near him, his Squaws he almost brained in one of those drunken fits.

The said Thomas was forced to get out of his sight into the woods all that night, for fear of being mischiefed by him. Where making a fire he kept himself alive: The Squaws being by Gods special Providence so inclined to pity, that they came to him daily with Ʋictuals, by which means he was at that time also preserved: All which put together, makes his Deliverance the more Remarkable, as an Answer of prayer.

As for the Rest of the Prisoners, (which are said to be fifty or sixty) They were left with them who first surprized them at Kennibeck, and Shipicot River: The Women are imployed it seems to sew and make Garments for them; They having plundered much English goods at Arowsick. They are so much elevated with their late succesles, in spoyl­ing so many of the English habitations, that they seem not very ready to hearken to Tearms of peace, as their Sagamore Madockawando doth de­sire: Nor are the English able to come near them with any of their For­ces this Winter season, in regard both of the Remoteness of the place, and sharpness of the Cold, which uses to be extream in those parts: How their hearts may be inclined in the following year, or what the English may be enabled to do against them, is known unto God only, on whom we de­sire to wait for a comfortable Issue of these our Troubles. But until they have spent all the plunder that is taken, it is no doubt, but they will seem averse from having peace; As others to the Westward did, whole hearts were hardned against all proffers of that nature, till they were de­stroyed; Possibly some Remnants of them that escaped in those other parts, are got hither amongst these, and do ani [...]a [...]e them all they can to [Page 60] Hostility against us, till they make these as miserable as themselves, and so forced at the last to fly their Country. Many have been the Trou­bles we have met withal from these our Barbarous Neighbours round about us, but God we trust will deliver us out of them all, as he hath promised to do for the Righteous, who may in the darkest night of Affliction say, Eight is sown for them, which shall spring up in the ap­pointed Time thereof.

No farther News came to hand concerning the English Prisoners at Kennibeck, after the Return of Captain M [...]or from Penobscot, till the fifth of January. When one Francis Card with another young man formerly an Inhabitant of some place about Kennibeck, or of Arowsick, (but then a Prisoner with the Indians, made an escape from the Indi­ans, and so got over Casco Bay, and then to Black point, from thence he was conveighed to Pascataqua soon after, and then to Boston.

The manner of his escape, as he reports was this: He was imployed by the Indians to thresh Corn at a Barn a little lower in the River, than the place where the Indians commonly kept being trusted alone, to go and come of himself, because there was no suspition of any coming to carry him away, or seeming possibility to get away without being discovered, he found means to plot with another young man, who was sent to look hor­ses; whose flesh it seems is by those wild Salvages, preferred before the best Beef, so as having their choice of both, they took what they liked best; And this being the Imployment of the young man, he had the fit­ter opportunity when he was in the woods to make any Contrivance to get away. Thus being resolved upon their designe, they provided ne­cessaries accordingly, and sent such a Message home to their Maesters, as might occasion them not to expect them very soon that night; Thus resolved, they marched away, as soon as ever they perceived the Coast was clear; And having provided a Canoo accordingly fit for the de­signe, by the help of it they got over the waters, by which they were to pass which were not frozen; And in the night time turned into a Swampe, where they might make a fire to keep them from starving with the Cold, without being discerned; So as within two or three dayes they recovered the Fort, and Garrison at black point, from whence they were soon conveighed to Boston.

This Francis Card made this Relation of matters when he came to Boston, viz. that the Prisoners which he left behind were well, and not much misused, only put to do the Servile work about the Indians: woe must it needs be with Christians, when put not only to sojourne, but to serve in those Tents of Kedar. Such of the women as were gifted at [Page 61] knitting, and Sewing, were improved to make stockings, and garments for their Pateroons: So as it seems the Ware house at Arowsick furnished them with Cloth, Stuff, and Linnen, and the Inhabitants served for Ar­tificers to cut it out, and make it up.

He reported also that the Indians spake nothing of any Peace; but ra­ther being heightned with their late and great Successes, were contriving how to get possession of the other places in the hands of the English, on that side of the Country, which God forbid should ever come to pass; but finding so easy work of their former Exploits, they hope they shall accom­plish their purposes with the like facility in all other places where they come.

It seems Squando is their chief Leader, that Enthusiastical, or rather Diabolical Miscreant; who yet hath put on a garbe of Religion, and orders his People to do the like; performing Religious worship amongst the Indians in his way, yet is supposed to have very familiar Converse with the Devil, that appears to him as an Angel of Light in some shape or other very frequently. This Francis Card also affirmeth, that there is nothing so great a number of the Indians as is here reported, for he saith, when they were going out upon some designe, while he was in their hands, he had an opportunity to count them all, and could find but ninety eight of them, that were men: Neither could he discern that there were any of the Western Indians, unless Simon and Andrew, that formerly escaped out of Dover Prison: Although it was before appre­hended there were multitudes of them flocked thither.

By the Report which he brings it doth not appear so difficult a mat­ter to make an Attempt to recover the place, and destroy them that hold it, as was before apprehended: Insomuch, as that designe, that was un­der debate before the GOVERNOƲR and COƲNCIL a little before, and was let fall for the present, as a matter not Feasible, hath since been set a foot with a fresh Resolution: And another thing also occurred about the same time, which put new Life into the said designe, viz. an apprehension that there were several of the Narrha­gansets [Page 63] scattered about in these woods near Pascataqua, who it was feared might joyne with those of Kennibeck in the Spring, and so come down upon the English Plantations, and spoyle them all that are thereabouts. For soon after Francis Card coming to Boston, some of Major Wa [...]de [...]ns Indians at Quechecho, as they were hunting in the woods chanced to meet with three strange Indians, the which had Guns, at least two of them; but those of Quechecho were without. The other Indians began to insinuate into them, to see if they could make way for their acceptance with the English: Those Indians that this mo­tion was made unto, in a most perfidious manner gave them encourage­ment in the business,; And appointed a place where to meet them the next day, saying, they would not have them now go home with them to their Wigwams, least their Women and Children should be frighted with the sight of their Guns; All which was spoken upon a Treacherous Account, by that means to betray them, for they had neither Women nor Children at their Wigwams; but not having Guns themselves, as the other had, they durst not then seize upon them: The next day therefore ac­cording to Appointment, their guests expecting a Treaty, and a Friend­ly Complyance, (yet coming apart, as was ordered the day before to be the more easily surprized) arrived at the place Appointed; And there presently the first being thus Treacherously brought into the snare was dispatched out of hand. The like was also done to the second; The third was not at such a distance, but he either discerned or sus­pected, what became of his Fellows, and therefore made the more bast to escape; but his deceitful Friends were too quick for him, who shot him down before he could get out of their reach: So as they took him alive, as is said; but he could not live much longer by Reason of his wounds: These Quechecho Indians cut off the Scalps of their poor Countrymen, (which is their usual manner, when it is too far to carry the heads) which being brought to Major Walderns Indians, they were presently discerned to be Narrhagansets by the cut of their hair. This Instance is a sufficient Evidence of the Subtilety, guile, and Falshood natural to all these Indians; and may satisfie any Rational person, what little trust there is to be put in their words, promises, or Engagements, though never so solemnly made, farther then they that make them; see Advan­tage in the keeping and performing. Subtilety, malice, and Revenge, seems to be as inseparable from them, as if it were part of their Essence.

What ever hopes may be of their Conversion to Christianity in after Time, there is but little appearance of any Truth in their hearts at pre­sent, where so much of the contrary is so ordinarily breathed out of their mouths.

[Page 64]These were the manners of the Gentiles in former times, while they remained Children of Disobedience, until they were rene [...]d after another Image: Nor are these uncapable Subjects for Divine grace to work up­on, yet are there some natural vices proper to every Nation in the world, as Paul speaks of the Grecians, from the Testimony of one of their own Poets: [...], &c.

But to Return; These things so concurring, and several Gentlemen from about Pascataqua repayring to Boston, so represented the states of things Eastward before the GOVERNOƲR and COƲNCIL, as that it was apprehended not only necessary, but Feasible also to sup­press the foresaid Indians in those parts: Whereupon it was forthwith concluded that an Expedition should be made against them; To which end two hundred Souldiers, whereof about sixty were of the Natick In­dians, that have given good proof of their Valour, and Faithfulness to the English; All which were immediately dispatched away, the first week in February by water, under the Conduct of Major Waldern as Commander in chief; A person well approved for his Activity, as well as Fidelity and Courage in concernments of that nature: They had to Encounter with Rough and contrary Winds, and much cold weather the first week after their setting forth; But having so much Experience of the favour and goodness of the Almighty, who is wont alwayes to be present with his Servants in like Cases, though he hath often for a time deferred for the tryal of their Faith, & exercise of their patience; yet useth not to fail his people, that put their trust in him, and diligently seek his face; A solemn time being appointed for that end; To the which we expect a comfortable Answer: we that have sent forth our Friends on the publick Service, being thus engaged to follow them with our Pray­ers, at the present in silence wait upon the Lord of Hosts to give a blessing to the designe; Hoping our Friends in this necessary, though difficult Service, thus called forth, have gone out with the like Encou­ragement, and Resolution, that sometimes Joab did; Let us be of good Courage, and play the men for our People, and for the Cause of our God; And let the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

Upon the eleventh of February two Indian Squaws, that had run a­way from Major Walderns in the beginning of winter, out of discontent, because the husband of one of them, and some of the Relations of the other were sent away, came back again with more wit, than they carry­ed with them, though with less flesh upon their backs: for having wan­dred up toward Pigwachet, till they were almost starved there, they say, some Indians were seen by them, pretending they were going to the head [Page 65] of Connecticut River, with Hostile Intents against the English; but they going away as they did, little heed is given to the Storyes they tell upon their Return.

February the nineteenth following, John Abbot, the Master of Mr. Fryers Ketch taken October the Twelfth, before at Black Point, came in to the Isle of Shoales, having made a desperate Adventure to escape; he gave a more probable Account of things in those parts.

He saith, they were first carryed to Shipscat River, where the Vessel in which they were taken, was moored for all the Winter: In which time, the Indians having spent all their Amunition, and most of their Provisi­on, counted it high time now to be looking out for more: to which end, they caused the said Abbot to fit up the Ʋessel, (being a Pinnace of about thirty Tun) as well as he could, with such assistance as they could afford him; and ten of them shipped themselves in the same, intending for Penchscot; from thence to Sayle up that River, as far as they could; and then leaving their Ʋessel to proceed on with their Canooes, as high up the River as the stream would permit, and so to pass on to Cannada to buy powder of the French there; It being at this time two and thirty Shillings a pound amongst the Indians at Kennibeck. But, as Providence ordered it, after these Marriners were launched into the deep, a small storm with a contrary wind began to arise; of which the English Skipper found wayes in his steering to make the danger seem more than really it was. in so much that they resolved to put in at Cape-bona-waggon, three Leagues to the Eastward of Shipscot, where eight of them went a shore, leaving two Indians aboord with the English Skipper: After he had got so well rid of them, he contrived how to get shut of the other also: There­fore he perswaded them, that the Vessel would not ride safely in that place, so as he prevailed with them to let him go to another Harbour, called Damaris Cove, two or three Leagues more Eastward: In the way as he Sayled, he so ordered his steering, that sometimes the waves were ready to overrake the Ʋessel, which put his two Indians into a fright, so as they made all the hast they could to get a shore, as soon as ever they came within the Harbour, urging him to go along with them; but he pre­tended a necessary Excuse to stay behind to look after the Vessel but with intent, as soon as ever he should see them a shore, to boyse Sayle for some English Harbour, having no body aboord with him, but a small English Child about three [...]ears old: It seems the Indians had a Child or two of their own dead in the Vessel, who dying after they began their Ʋoyage, they were the forwarder to go a shore with them, for buryal: The said Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpose; (for he oft resolved [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66] on this Project before) first tallowing the Mast with a piece of fat Pork left by the Indians, as high as he could reach; that he with his own hands might the more easily hoyse the Sayle, so choosing rather to cast himself upon the Providence of God in the waters, than to trust himself any lon­ger with perfidious Salvages on the dry Land; he came safe to Isle of Shoales before the Evening of the next day, February the nineteenth.

Within a few dayes after John Abbot aforesaid, made his escape in the Vessel; There came an express from Major Waldern that command­ed in chief over our Forces sent to Kennibeck to subdue the Indians in those parts, & deliver the English Captives that have been detained in their hands, since August last, which giveth this Account of their proceeding.

February the seventeenth, this morning the wind North East, soon after South, and South West, we sate Sayle with our Ʋessels from Black Point, for Portland, but on the East-side of Cape Elizabeth, we espyed John Pain, (who was sent out a Scout) who brought word the way was clear of Ice, and Indians whereupon we steared for Mary Point at the head of Casco Bay, and got there this night, but too late to get to the Fort before morning.

February the eighteenth, we sent this morning our Scouts out by Land, who returning about eight of the Clock brought word they espyed the Tracts of three Indians, and found a Birch Canoo at Muckquitt about four miles off, by which we feared we were discovered, the Companyes about four a Clock were drawn forth, and just beginning their march, when we espyed five Canoos of the Enemy about half a mile off, they landed over against us on an Island, and holloed to us, whereby we per­ceived they desired a Trea [...]y, hoping to gain the Captives, we sent John Pain to them, they promised him to bring the Captives by morning, and desired peace: After this John Pain was sent again, and stayed among the Indians in the room of Simon, who came to the Major, he was questioned, and Answered as followeth:

How came you to know we were here?

We continually kept out our Scouts, and Yesterday our Indians left a Canoo at Muckquitt, which this day we missed, and perceived the English had taken it, and our Men that left the Canoo, espyed you a a great way off at Portland.

Why did you break your Covenant with me?

Blind Will stirred us up to the War here, and said, he would kill you at Quechecho; Simon having said this, askt the Major what his business was here? to whom it was Answered, we came to fetch off the Captives and make War as we see good, Simon also told us that the [Page 67] Captives were all well, that we should have them by morning, that Squando was there, and would give the Captives to Major Waldern that they intended peace, had sent to Boston before now, but that Mugg told them the English would be here shortly.

The Major upon this dismissed Simon, and sent for Squando, to which Squando Answered, he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a Birch Canoo. To this the Major Answered, he would not venture himself in our Leakie Canoo, and that if he had no more to say the Treaty was ended: To this Squando Answered, he would be with us again at Ten a Clock, and bring the Captives.

On the Nineteenth. Wind North East, the weather thick; About Noon we discovered a party of Indians in fourteen Canoos about three mile above us in the Bay: they landed on a point of Land and burnt one English house, and shouted to some of our men that were Scouts, chal­lenging them to fight: Immediately on the Return of our Scouts we marched against them as secretly as we could: upon sight of us they fled; but Captain Frost came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of Gun shot: in this Skirmish we judged, we killed and wounded several of them without any damage, yet some of their Bul­lets hit some of our men. For the Captives sake immediately after this, we hung out a Flag of Truce, and the Enemy did the like: John Pain was sent to them to demand the Reason why they fired the house, and brake their Promise.

Simon met him half way, and Answered, the house was fired Accidentally without Order from Squando: that they had sent for the Captives who were a great way off, and the foul weather hindred their coming: He questioned Iohn Pain also why we fought them while we were in Treaty.

Pain Answered they brake it themselves in not performing their pro­mise, challenging our Souldiers to fight; this latter Simon denyed, and Answered the other as before: Simon told him they had two men wound­ed, and expected satisfaction, but also promised the Captives the next day, and so left us.

On the twentieth. The wind North East, and Snow, it was resolved to Sayle for Kennibeck the first fair wind, whether we had immediately gone upon our knowledge, that we were discovered by the Enemy, but that the wind and weather hindred us hitherto.

February the twenty first, this morning the wind North West, we set Sayle for Kennibeck, and arrived at the Harbours mouth at four a Clock: About Sun set we set Sayle up the River, and got to the lower end of Arowsick.

[Page 68] Twenty second, we set Sayle this morning, but could not get to the head of the River for Ice, whereupon we landed our Souldiers about two a Clock, about twelve miles off Aboundessit Fort, and immediately began our march, about eight a Clock at night came to the Fort, we found no Indi­ans, there we took up our Quarters this night.

Twenty third we sent out Scouts to discover the march of the Ene­my, but found so many Tracts every way, that we knew not what way to follow them; At a Council of War it was resolved that Major Waldern should Sayle for Penobscot, with two of the Ketches, and part of the Souldiers to seek after the Captives, and fight the Enemy If he had opportunity: the rest to build a Garrison. In the absence of our For­ces, the Vessels espyed several Fires below the River, and one English ho [...]se was burnt, about Sun set, the Souldiers returned to the Vessels:

Twenty fourth this morning the Major with two Boats and a Shallop went to spy out a place to settle a Garrison, and found one against the lower end of Arowsick Island, and the Vessels are brought to it

Twenty fifth. We rested here this Sabboth.

Iohn Bakers house opposite to the lower end of Arowsick, being judged the most convenient place for their purpose, as well for the con­venience of water for the Souldiers, as of a Cove wherein Ships might R [...]de, within Command thereof, their Vessels therefore were immedi­ately Anchored there, where they rested on the Lords day, February the twenty fifth.

The next day according to the Advice of the Commanders, Ma­jor Waldern embarqued sixty men in two Vessels, with which he set Sayle immediately for Peno [...]scot, leaving the rest to be imployed in ma­king preparation for setling a Garrison in the said place.

In their way, off from Gy-obscut Point, they espyed two Indians in a Canoo, that waved their Caps, as if they desired speech with them. Iohn Pain and Wat. Ghendal were presently sent; they gave them Intelligence that many Indians were at Pemmaquid with English Captives, up­on which they bent their Course thither [...] where arriving they Anchor­ed at four a Clock, the same day; soon after two Indians holloed to them from Mr. Gardners Fort. Iohn Pain was sent a shore to enquire who they were, and what was become of the Captives: Sundry sorts of Indians were found upon the place, with several Sagamores, the chief of whom, was Mattahando, who told them he was glad to see English men there, and that he desired peace, and promised to deliver such Captives as were at Penobscot, the next morning; adding also, that he desired to speak with Captain Davis. After John Pain returned to the [Page 69] Major, he was sent back with the said Davis, and staid a shore, till three Sagamores went a boord, and signified as much to Major Waldern, as they had said before to John Pain. While they were in discourse, an English Captive was espyed in a Canoo with his Pateroon, with whom they desired to speak, but it was not granted at that time, he being carryed far­ther up the River out of fight.

Soon after the Major went a shore with six men, yet carrying no Arms with them. He found their words smoother than Oyle, yet were there drawn Swords in their hearts, of which some of their actions, gave no small ground of Suspition: for they deferred all till the next morning; nor were they willing to let the man that was espyed before in the Canoo come a boord to see his Friends without leaving an Hostage in his room, of which the Major was very glad, that he might have an opportunity of a little discourse with one whom they might trust. When they re­turned from the shore, a sign was promised to be given for the Appea­rance of the Indians by the firing of three Guns. The next morning, February the twenty seventh, the Major with the same number as before, went to Treat with them: They with John Pain having first holloed to them; upon their coming a shore their persons were searched on both sides, and all Arms laid aside. The whole Forenoon was spent in a Treaty, whereat they seemed much to rejoyce in expectation of a Peace with the English; yet when Major Waldern desired a present delivery of the Captives, with Assistance of men and Canoos to fight the Mo­noscoggin Indians, Enemies to them both, it was denyed, though they could not have had a fitter Testimony of their Fidelity.

They alleadged that the Captives were given them by Kennibeck In­dians, and they must have something for keeping them all Winter, and therefore were not willing to let them go without Ransome; And for their Canoos, they said they had them in present Service, being then bound for Penobscot. The price demanded, viz. twelve Skins a person, was yielded to; upon which they presently delivered William Chadburn, Iohn Whinnick, and Iohn Worwood, which were all that they would owne, or could be proved they had.

That part of the pay, which was to be in Liquor, was presently laid down, the rest was promised to be sent in the Afternoon. The Com­manders debated what was farther to be done, one or two of the old Sa­gamores, (who were believed) seemed sincere about the Peace, professed that none of them had any hand in the War, but only some of their young men, whom they could not Rule: But several of the Company affirming they saw some of the said Indians at Casco engaged in Hostility [Page 70] against the English, it was resolved not to enter into any League of Peace with them, but rather to fight them, or surprize them after they had dispatched the business about the Captives.

This being determined, the Major with five of his men went a shore, with part of the Ransome, the better to beget a Confidence in them; and then presently to return a boord, and fit his men for farther Service; But if he had not wisely provided against all Exigencies aforehand, he might have been prevented from ever going aboord more; for stepping aside a Rod or two from the place, for better Circumspection, he espyed the point of a Lance from under a boord, hid there, as were other Arms near by for a Treacherous designe that was in their minds, soon after, upon the receiving the rest of the Pay, to have been put in Execution. Where­upon Major Waldern took up the Lance, and came towards them, changing them with falshood and Treachery, for hiding Weapons just by, wherewith to destroy them as soon as they had delivered the goods: The Indians discovered their guiltiness by their Countenances, some of them making towards him, thinking to get the said Weapon out of his hands; but he bid them stand off, threatning to kill every one that offered to touch him; And immediately waved his Cap ouer his head, (which was the signe agreed upon, for the Souldiers to come all a shore, in Case of need) upon which Token the Souldiers all hasted away. In the mean while the English that went a shore to wait upon the Major, were forc­ed to bestir them, both to secure the goods from being carryed away, and to defend Major Waldern: Some of the Squaws with others of the Ene­my ran away, one of them catched up a Bundle of Guns that were hid near by, and ran away with them, Captain Frost seized an Indian called Megunnaway, a Notorious Rogue, (that had been in Arms at Connecti­cut last Iune, at the Falls, and saw that brave and Resolute Captain Turner, when he was slain about green River; and helped to kill Thomas Bracket at Casco, August last.) And with the help of Lieutenant Nutter, according to the Majors Order carryed him a boord, while himself searching about farther found three Guns hid in a Cow-house just at hand, wherewith he armed the other three men that were with him: By this time some of the Souldiers were got a shore, and instantly according to their Majors Command pursued the Enemy towards their Canoos; In the Chaso, several of the Enemies were slain, whose bodies they found at their Return; to the number of seven, amongst whom was Mattahando the Sagamore, with an old Powaw, to whom the Devil had revealed, as sometimes he did to Saul, that on the same day he should be with him; for he had a little before told the Indians, that within two dayes, the [Page 71] English would come and kill them all, which was at the very same time verified upon himself: The body of our men overtook them before they all recovered their Canoos, so as without doubt, divers others of them were slain likewise: for they sunke a Canoo, wherein were five drowned before their Eyes: and many others were not able to paddle: four they took Prisoners, whom they brought away with them. There being about five and twenty of the Indians present at this Encounter.

Much more damage might have been done by our men upon the Ene­my, if they had known the ready way to their Canoos; but the Indians having prepared all things ready for flight, in Case, as well as for fight, the more easily made their escape. One of the Captives taken was Ma­dockawando's Sister, who was Entertained very Courteously by the Com­mander in chief, and had been carryed forth with to her brother, in hope by her means to have gained the better Tearms for our remaining English Captives, but it was certainly known that he was gone from home upon an Hunting Designe, and not to return in two Months.

The English took much Plunder from the Indians, about a thousand weight of dried Beef, with other things, Megunnaway was shot to Death, the same day or the next, so as Justice is by degrees pursuing those perfidious Ʋillains, and one after another they are brought under the Wheel of Destruction. Simon, that Arch Traytor, seems as is said, by his Consumptive looks, to have received the Sentence of Death, which may bring him into the same place or State with the rest.

Feb. 28th. they set Sayle for Shipscot, but the wind failing, they were put in at Kennibeck, from whence Captain Fisk with forty men were sent to the said place to seek after Plunder, where they found be­tween thirty and forty Bushels of good wheat, which they brought away with them, several other things they lighted upon here, and there, some of which were brought away; As one or two great Guns, and some An­chors, from Saga de Hock, Boards from Arowsick, where they found an hundred thousand Foot, of which they brought home, enough for the lading of their Vessels, leaving the rest to be Transported in a more convenient Season.

While our Souldiers were upon Arowsick, two of the Enemy chanc­ing to come upon the place, one of them presently received his Reward, the other received his Payment, which yet is supposed to amount to the whole; The Canoo wherein he seemed to escape, being found the next day all bloody, and split asunder.

March the first, one of the Indian Squaws a Captive was sent to Ta­ [...]anet Fort, with a Message to the Sagamores to Treat for the rest of the [Page 72] Captives: Five dayes were given her for her Return, which were not expired, when Major Waldern, with most of the Souldiers were called to return home towards Boston, where they arrived March the eleventh, 1676. 77. having first put in at Portsmouth. Bringing along with them the bones, or rather the body of Captain Lake, preserven entire and whole and free from putrefaction by the coldness of the long winter, so as it was when found by the discretion of one that was near him when he was slain, easily discerned to be his, by such as bad known him before.

It is hoped by those that returned, the Enemies are by this Encounter of the English so scattered and broken, that they will not be able to rally again suddenly, or make any after Attempt, if the present Advantage be seriously pursued. And thus have our Enemies themselves many of them fallen into the pit, which they have been digging for others.

This day also Letters were received from Major Pinchon of Spring­field, but without mention of any appearance of Enemies in that Quar­ter, whereby we are encouraged to believe, that they have stumbled and fallen down backward, so as they shall never rise any more to make far­ther disturbance. That which crowned the present Service was the per­forming it without loss of blood; They all returning home in safety, not any one being missed; Let them accordingly remember to pay a suitable Tribute of Thankfulness to him, under whose Banner they went forth, and returned in Safety; And say with Moses the Servant of the Lord, JEHOVAH NISSI.