ANNO 1640. Novem. 3. began the Parliament, called the Long Parlia­ment, year 1640 (we may truly term it the Black, or the Bloody Parliament) that involved the three Nations in blood, and destroyed [Page 2]the King, the Parliament it self, and thee Kindoms.

The King in the beginning of this Parliament, had for the security of the Subjects in their Persons, Liberties, and Estates, passed many and several Acts of grace, (to the no small dimi­nution of his Royal Prerogative) more than all his Predecessors Kings of En­gland, from the Conquest downward, had ever done; and all this to remove from them all jealousies and fears.

After this in May, 1641. he gives way at the great and pressing importu­nity of the House of Commons, [...]1. to the Condemnation and Execution of the Earle of Strafford, a loyal Subject, and a most able and accomplish'd coun­sellour, as any Prince in Christendome ever had. The King was very hardly moved to yield either to his attaindor or execution, as not being satisfied in conscience, of any guilt or crime in him, deserving such punishment, but [Page 3]yield at length he did (though with much reluctancy) to satisfie the im­portunity of the people, and indeed at the request of the Earle himself; who desired Jonah-like, to be cast over­board, thereby to appease the violent rage of a tempestuous people. The truth is, this Nobleman, as also the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (afterwards Anno 1644.) were meerly sacrificed to the malice and revenge of the Scots.

In August following, the King goes into Scotland, to compose differences there, between himself and his Sub­jects of that Kingdom: which done, he returns again to London, and is there received with exceeding joy and tri­umph of the people, in or about the be­ginning of December.

The House of Commons to wel­come his Majesty home, instead of gi­ving him thanks for the many gracious Acts he had lately passed, they present him with a Remonstrance, Dec. 15. [Page 4]laying open all the miscarriages and misfortunes of his whole Government, from the beginning of his Raign, even to that present; and this they publish, contrary to his express desire, to the whole Kingdom; whereby they gave occasion to the people, to conceive jea­lousies and suspicions of a malignant party about the King, still carrying on their own designs, both against Religi­on, and the Laws of the Land.

After the publishing of this Remon­strance, fears and jealousies encrease a­mong the people; the vulgar rabble in and about London, frequently flock down to Westminster, with Petitions and clamours, against the Bishops and Popish Lords, and disaffected Mem­bers (as they termed them) in the House of Commons, and no redress could be had again them, though the House of Lords and the King him­self had moved the House of Commons to declare against them. The truth is, they were favored and countenanced [Page 5]under hand, by some Members of that House.

The King to avoid the danger of these tumults, withdraws from White-hall to Windsor; from thence after­wards to Newmarket, and so by Cam­bridge into the Northern parts; and thence to York.

The Parliament soon after his re­moval from Whitehall, petition Him, at Newmarket, and elsewhere, for the Militia, to have it put into such hands as the two Houses shall think fit; but he denyes them: telling them that the Law hath setled it in Him; that to di­vest Himself of the power of the Sword, is to bereave Himself of pow­er to protect his people, and support the Laws. This Petition was much insisted on by the Parliament under pretence of feares and jealousies; but the King absolutely and perempto­rily denyes it.

The King by several journeys comes year 1642 [Page 6]to York, in the beginning of the year 1642, and there he settles His Court. Soon after his coming into those parts, he was denyed enterance into Hull by Sir John Hotham, when he offer'd to go into the Town but with twenty persons attending Him; The King thereupon fearing, lest the same armed force that kept Him out of Hull, might surprize His Person at York, he enter­taines a guard of the Gentry of that County. This by the house of Com­mons is Voted a levying of War a­gainst the Parliament, though they themselves had long before, three times as many of the Trainedbands of the Ci­ty, to guard the houses dayly.

Many Petitions, Answers, and De­clarations, passed between the King and Parliament, during his Majesties being at York, wherein it is evident to all understanding men, that the King had the better cause, and was more a­ble to maintain it by the pen, and by reasons and arguments, than the Par­liament [Page 7]was; for the truth is, his Decla­rations, and Answers to their Messages, Petitions, and Propositions were un­answerable.

But words and writings not being sufficient to compose these differences, they proceed from words to blows: About July, they Vote that the King is seduced by evill and Malignant Counsellers, and thereupon they Vote an Army to be raised under the Com­mand of Robert Earle of Essex; the pretence is for King and Parliament, against these Malignant Counsellers; but they accuse or name none in particular.

The same year, Aug. 24. the King sets up his Standard at Nottingham, commanding all men who were bound to assist him by vertue of their Tenures, to repair unto him. But at Notting­ham there being no great appearance (though Essex his Army was at that time listed, and formed ready to march) his Majesty marches with those few Forces he had to Leicester, Worcester, [Page 8]Shrewsbury, and so upon the borders of Wales, gathering an Army; Essex all this time marching after him, and pur­suing him.

After some little conflict at Wor­cester, wherein the Kings Forces under the conduct of Prince Rupert, & Maurice had the better, the two Armies meet at Edge-hill near Keynton in Warwick­shire, where the first Signal Battel was fought between them, with great losse and slaughter on either side: The Kings standard being taken, yet reco­vered again; his General the Earl of Lindsey slain; but the King had the better, keeping the field all night; and Essex Retreating with his broken For­ces to Warwick-Castle, and from thence soon after with a few horses to London: This Battel was fought on Sunday Octob. 23. and the Guns were heard all that afternoon to Thetford in Nor­folk.

The King presently after enters Ox­ford, and fortifies it, and matches to [Page 9] Reading and Windsor, and so towards London; The Citizens arming and sending forth all the power they could make against him. At Branford he encountred them about Novem. 12. and beat the party that opposed; but fearing least he should be surrounded with their numerous Army of Citizens, he Retreated back to Windsor, and Forti­fying Reading, he marches back to Ox­ford; but about the latter end of the year Reading is besieged by the Par­liaments Forces, and the Governour Sir Arthur Ashton being unhappily wounded with a brick falling from a Chimney beaten down by a Canon-shot, the Garison is yeilded upon composition by Colonel Fielding.

Anno 1643. year 1643 The Kings Forces prevail in the West, under the Com­mand of Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir Richard Grenvile and others, beating out the Earl of Stamford who commanded there for the Parliament. The Earl of [Page 10] Newcastle for the King growes very strong in the North, beats the Lord Fairfax in several Encounters, and takes in all places of strength, except Hull, into which the Lord Fairfax had fled. The Queen lands at Brid­lington with arms and ammunition out of Holland; she marches by Not­tingham, and so to Oxford: The King the mean time takes Bristol; thence he removes & summons Gloucester, which refusing to yield, he sets down before it. The terror of Newcastles Army affrights Norfolk, and the Associated Counties, in so much as many of the Parliament side are preparing to flie beyond sea for their security. But the King setting down before Gloucester, and Newcastle before Hull, wasted their Armies, and trifled away their time; whereas had they joyned and march­ed directly up to London, all had lain prostrate at their feet. The King lay so long before Gloucester, that Es­sex had raised a great Army for the [Page 11]relief thereof, which Army appoach­ing, the King arose and marched off; Essex relieves the City, and pursues him; they encounter at Newbury, where the King was worsted, and lost many gallant men. Newcastle in the mean time lay before Hull, till the Earl of Manchester, besieges and takes Lyn in Norfolk, untill Lincoln and many other places were reduced to the Parliament, with much loss to the Kings party.

The same year the Parliament treats with the Scots for their assistance against the King, and the better to engage them, they impose the Cove­nant (fr [...]med in Scotland) upon the whole Nation, for putting down of Bishops, changing the whole Frame of Church Government in England, and Ireland with Doctrine, Disci­pline, and worship to that of Scotland; the Scots accordingly come in with an Army of 20000. or thereabout, in winter they besiege Newcastle upon [Page 12] Tyne, and at length take it. Mean time the Forces of the Association be­siege Newark upon Trent a Garison of the Kings, and much straiten it; Sir John Meldrum, Sir Miles Hobart, and Sir John Palgrave commanding the forces against it. But in their march, towards the latter end of the year, when they every day expected the sur­rendring of the Town, Prince Rupert comes suddenly upon them with a par­ty of Horse (his body of foot being three or four miles behind) assaults and surprises the Besiegers, disarms them all, and so relieves the Town. Many of the Souldiers, and some Commanders were plundered and stript, contrary to Articles, for which the Kings party were afterward served in the like kind.

Anno 1644. year 1644 The Earl of Essex, and Sir William Waller were sent forth with two Armies, to pursue and take the King. The King fortifies Oxford, [Page 13]and lodging the rest of his Artillery in Dennington Castle, with a light Army he takes the field; Essex goes towards the West then mostly [...]n the Kings pos­session; Waller understanding which way the King was marched, pursued him. At Cropdie Bridge in Oxford-shire, a place of advantage, he sets up­on the Kings Forces, but is himself beaten and routed; this was about the latter end of June.

Waller being thus defeated, the King follows Essex into the West, drives him by degrees as far as Lestithrell in Corn­well, and there coops him up. Essex takes the Sea in a Boate, and leaves this Army to capitulate for themselves. The Horse under the Command of Sir VVilliam Balfore, break through the Kings Quarters, and get away; the Foot commanded by Skippon capitu­late for their lives, leaving their Arms, Ordnance, and Ammunition upon the place, Septemb. 4. and t [...]king an Oath not to serve any more against the [Page 14]King, which nevertheless many of them presently after broke. The King after this hard service, marches back with his Army leasurely, and at New­bury, is assaulted by the broken Troops of Essex his Army, assisted by Man­chester and Cromwell, commanding the Forces of the Association. A sore fight there was in the night, with much loss to both parties: The King gains the Town, and the next day, or the day after, takes his Ordnance, and Ammunition from Dennington Castle in the sight of the Enemy, without op­position, and so marches with them to Oxford. This Sommers service lost the credit of Essex, Manchester, and VValler, they were never imployed after.

But in the mean time, while Essex and VValler were thus imployed against the King, the Scots with the assistance of the Associated Counties, and other of the Parliaments Forces, had so far prevailed against the Earl of Newcastle [Page 15]and his Army, as they had besieged him in York for many months: Prince Rupert with a great Army out of Lan­cashire and the parts adjacent, to his re­lief: Upon the Prince his approach, the Besiegers rise in disorder, and are ready to break and run. The Prince thought it not enough to relieve the City, but would also beat the besiegers, and setting upon them, July 14. they Rally and beat him; a great slaugh­ter there was, not lesse than seven thousand slain of both parts, but most (they say) of the Princes party. The Earle of Newcastle, in discontent at the Prince his rashness, quits the place and all his Command, and with some others of note, leaves the Kingdom. York soon after is again besieged, and Sir Thomas Glenham undertakes the de­fence of the place, but at length was forced to yield upon honourable terms.

Anno 1645. year 1645 The beginning of the [Page 16]year the Parliament new moulds their Army. By a self-denying Ordinance (as they termed it) they cast out Essex, Manchester, and VValler, and all others that were Parliament Members, both Lords and Commons, only Oli­ver Cromwell one of the Burgesses for Cambridge is dispensed with. Sir Thomas Fairfax is made Captain Ge­neral, Cromwell his Lieutenant Gene­ral; Skippon also hath a great command amongst them, and many of Cromwels kindred and Relations have great im­ployment and commands in this new modelled Army, most of Essex his Officers being laid aside.

In May the King marches out of Ox­ford with a very good Army, and takes Leicester by assault, about the latter end of the moneth, having then also a very considerable Army in the VVest, about 15000. (as was reported) un­der the command of Goring, who at that time besieged Taunton.

After the taking of Leicester, the [Page 17]King was requested by Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and the Northern Gentlemen to march Northward for the Relief of Pomsret Castle then straitned by the enemy: But receiving intelligence that Fairfax intended to besiege Oxford, he marches against him, hoping if he could deseat their new model'd Army, all other places and forces would easily be reduced. At Naseby in Northamptonshire the two Armies meet on Saturday, June 14. where at the first encounter the King had much the better, his Right Wing of horsemen Defeating and Routing the Left Wing of the Parliaments Ar­my, wounding Skippon, and taking Ireton (Cromwels son in law) priso­ner. But the Left Wing of the Kings Army, consisting most of Northern Horsemen (and they discontented) at the first Encounter were broken, turn'd head and ran; the King did what possibly could be, riding up and down the field to stay their flight, [Page 18]and Rally them, but all would not do; and the Right Wing of Horse were so farre engaged in the pursuit, as they could not timely and orderly Retreat to succour the Foot. The Horse being thus routed and defeated, the Foot were not able to stand; but after some little resistance and slaugh­ter, yielded themselves prisoners, four or five thousand of them. The Kings Coach, and in it his Cabinet, with Letters and Papers taken; all Arms, Artillery, Bagge and Baggage lost; the King himself hardly escaping to Leicester, and from thence that night to Ashby de la Zouch.

This was the fatal battel of Nase­by: for after this, the Kings affairs ne­ver prospered, but Town after Town was taken, and in all encounters the Kings party was worsted, all the VVest parts by degrees taken in that Sommer, and the Queen and Prince forced to flie beyond sea.

anno 1646. year 1646 Oxford the Kings chiefest Garrison was besieged, and much straitned. About Ascention time, the King in a disguise got out of the Ci­ty, came as far a Downham in Norfolk, and from thence went to the Scots Camp, lying in siege before Newark, and to them his native Subjects he yields himself, hoping by their means to make some better terms with the Parliament. They used him civilly and respectively, gave notice to the Parliament of his yielding himself to them (having made use of his Au­thority for the pr [...]sent surrendring of of Newark) and from thence carry­ed him to Newcastle, a Garrison then in their possession, where he remained all that year, and from thence gave Order to several other Garrisons, as yet holding out for him, to surrender to the Parliaments Forces upon ho­nourable terms.

At Newcastle he remained all that summer, and afterwards upon Treaty [Page 20]between the Parliament and Scots Commissioners, the Parliament pay­ing them 200000. l. in hand, and se­curing as much more to be paid. And promising (as the Scots affirm) to treat the King honourably, and not to do any violence to his Person; they deliver the King up to the Parliament, and quitting Newcastle, and the rest of the Garrisons they held in England, they departed with their Army into Scotland.

The King from Newcastle was re­moved to Holdenby, year 1647 a house of his own in Northamptonshire; there he is kept an honourable Prisoner, attended by some Commissioners of Parliament, and a slender Guard of souldiers; none of his own servants are permitted to wait upon him, nor any of his Chap­lains or Ministers of his Opinion, though he earnestly desired it in a Message to the Parliament; but they force upon him Presbyterian Ministers, [Page 21]of the Parliaments Opinion and ap­pointment: These would not suffer him to celebrate the Feast of Easter, as being against their Directory of late established.

This summer the Wars being fi­nished, all Garrisons surrendred, and the Kings Forces utterly subdued, and forced to compound for their estates, taking an Oath never to bear Arms against the Parliament, they take a resolution to disband the Army, sending some part of it into Ireland, against the Papists still in Arms there, and only to keep 5000 Horse and Foot in England, to pre­serve the peace of the Kingdome, against any risings that might hap­pen.

The souldiers fearing the Wars would cease, and their trade decay, began to Mutinie; first they pick quarrels against the Parliament, and at once impeach eleven of the Mem­bers of the House of Commons, all [Page 22]rigid Presbyterians, as enemies to the Army, and desire they may be seclu­ded the House: They Act now, not as Souldiers, but as Commonors and Freemen of the Nation, pretending to stand for the Native Rights and Li­berties of the people. And to carry on their designes the better, the com­mon Souldiers, who began the work, chuse their Agitators, (as they ter­med them) two or more out of every Regiment, to represent their grievan­ces to the General and chief Officers of the Army: And in conclusion they peremptorily refuse to disband, or to send or go any of them into Ireland, till all their grievances were redressed, and their desires satisfied: But all this (ye must know) was underhand countenanced (if not contrived) by Cromwel and some principal Officers of his Faction.

And because the Parliament had made themselves sufficiently odious, by keeping the King under so strict [Page 23]guards, denying him the attendance of his Chaplains, and the use of the Common-prayer Book, and tendering such harsh Propositions to him, both in relation to himself and his party, that had already suffered so much for his sake; The Souldiers to ingratiate themselves to the people, pretended much for the King, and for his resti­tution of his Throne and Government, upon fairer terms by much, than the Parliament would afford him. And suddenly by a Party Commanded by one Cornet Joyce, they seize upon the King at Holdenby, June 4. in the night, and bring him into the Armies quarte [...]s, then about Newmarket or Cambridge. The General would not suffer him to pass through Cambridge, lest the Schollers, more than ordinari­ly addicted to him, should make any disturbance, but brought him a more private way to his own house at New­market. There he rested some while, and the Gentry and people of all sorts [Page 24]from severtl parts; had access to him, and many came and were cured of the Kings Evil by him. The Souldiers were highly magnified by the people, for their civilitie and specious preten­ces to the King.

From Newmarket the Army remo­ved to Saint Albones, and the King with them, his Majestie being lodged at Hatfield house, there they preten­ded great matters for him, and Crom­wel (especially) in private gave him great hope of his Restitution. From thence June 23. the publish a Re­monstrance of their good intentions towards the Kingdom, and to the King especiallie: Amongst other passages in that Declaration, this is one, They professe they do not see how there can be any peace to the Kingdom firm and la­sting, without a due consideration of, and provision for the rights, quiet, and im­munity of his Majesties Royal Family, and his late partakers: And herein (say they) me think, that tender and [Page 25]equitable dealing (as supposing their cases had been ours) and a spirit of common love and justice, diffusing it self to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquest over their hearts (if God in mercy see it good) to make them and the whole people of the Land lasting friends. These are the verie words in that Declarati­on; and I have noted them the rather, to see how quite contrary to these spe­cious professions, their after-Actings within a short while, were.

The Armie removes to several quar­ters, and the King along with them. They treat him honourably, in respect of what the Parliament had done: they allow him the attendance of his Chap­lains, and the use of the Common-Prayer, denyed him by the Parlia­ment; some Noblemen and Gentle­men of his party, are permitted to come to him. The General obtains of the Parliament, that he may see his children, t [...]en under the custody [Page 26]of the Earl of Northumberland, upon promise of the General, that they shall return again. Proposals are made to him by the Army, far more moderate than the Propositions lately tendred to him at Newcastle. All things are carried by the Army, as if they really ment his Restitution, upon very rea­sonable terms. And most certain it is, that Cromwell gave his Majesty ve­ry faithful promises of restoring him upon more moderate terms than ei­ther the Parliament or Army pro­posed.

But ye must know, while these things vvere in agitation, about the la­ter end of July, there fell a great dif­ference between the Parliament and Army, insomuch as the Army were jealous that the Parliament and City would have brought the King to Lon­don, upon his own terms. The occasion was thus:

The Militia of the City of London, had been setled by an Ordinance of [Page 27] May 4. 1647. in the hands of such of the City, as the Lord Mayor, Alder­men, and Common Council, had no­minated and approved: The Army about the 20 of July, require of the Parliament, that Ordinance may be repealed, and the Militia of the City settled in other hands, such as the Ar­my might confide in; and according­ly in a thin house, the Militia was changed, without any Objections a­gainst the persons formerly intrusted, or acquainting the Mayor or Common Council with it, to hear what they could alledge in their own behalf. The City startled at this sudden and unex­pect change of their Militia, calling a Common Council, they resolve to petition the Parliament for restoring their Militia, as formerly settled, in a full house, and accordingly July 26. the Sheriffs, and some Common Council men, present their Petition; which Petition the same day within a few hours after, was seconded by an­other [Page 28]other of the Apprentices, to the same effect, and wherein they claimed that the ordering of the Cities Militia, was the Birth-right of the City, belong­ing to them by several Charters con­firmed by Parliament, and about one thousand Apprentices, (yet without any armes) came down with this Pe­tition.

The House of Lords upon presen­ting these Petitions, were pleased to grant their desires, revoking the Or­dinance of the 23 of July, and revi­ving that of the fourth of May. The debate stuck longer in the House of Commons, but about three of the clock in the Afternoon, they passed it; The Apprentices staying in and a­bout Westminster-hall and the Parlia­ment door, till the Vote was passed; and then all or the most part withdrew and went to their homes.

The Apprentices being departed, some disorderly persons instigated thereunto (as was probably thought) [Page 29]by divers Sectaries and Adherents to the Army, to make the business more odious, and to give the Army occa­sion to quarrel with the City, flock'd again to the Parliament door; and the Speaker having adjourned the House, they compelled him again to return to the chaire, and there kept both him and the Members in the House, till they had passed a Vote, that the King should come to London to treat.

The Mayor and Common Council still assembled, hearing of this disor­der, sent down the Sheriffs immediate­ly with such strength as they could for the present get, and pacified the tu­mult, sending the Speaker safe to his house; and published Edicts to pre­vent the like. This tumult happened July 26. being Monday.

The House met again next day, be­ing Tuesday, sate again, and Acted qui­etly; and because the Fast was the next day after, they adjourned the House till the Friday following, the [Page 30]Lords having formerly adjourned to that day.

On the Thursday following, the day before they were to meet upon the adjournment, the Speaker with about fourty of the Members, secretly with­drew to the Army then at Windsor, complaining of an horrid force put up­on the House. The rest of the Mem­bers at least 140, meeting on the Fri­day morning according to adjourn­ment, finding neither Speaker, nor Mace, and understanding upon inqui­ry, whither he was gone, they chose a New Speaker, and get another Mace, and set againe; and the like did the Lords, whose Speaker also was fled upon the same account: both (as it was conceived) either inveigled, or threa­tened by the Army, that they might have the better pretence of quarrel a­gainst the City and Parliament. I have related this passage the more particu­larly, that it may be compared with the force afterward put upon the Par­liament, [Page 31]by the Army themselves, upon the King Tryal.

These things thus passed as London between the Parliament and City, high­ly incensed the Army, who now take upon them, to be Supream Umpires o­ver the Nation; they entertain and countenance the fugitive Speakers and Members, and they and the Council of the Army, set together in consul­tation, engaging to support one ano­ther in this quarrel against the members (as they termed them) at Westminister, and the City.

Mean time the Parliament call in the eleven impeached Members, seclu­ded hitherto upon the Armies accusa­tion; they revive the Committee of Safety, they give power to the City by several Orders and Ordinances, to list and raise Forces, to appoint Offi­cers and Commanders, to issue out Armes and Ammunition, for the de­fence of the Parliament and City, a­gainst all that should invade them. [Page 32] Massey, Pointze, Birch, and other re­formadoes that had formerly done great service for the Parliament when Essex was General, are now imployed as chief Commanders for the City. The Army on the contrary drawing to­gether all their Forces, and endeavou­ring to raise the Trained bands in the adjacent Counties, prepare and intend to invade and subdue that Rebellious City.

The City thus prepared for defence, were nevertheless, for preventing the effusion of blood, willing to have ac­corded with the Army upon any rea­sonable terms; and to that purpose sent several messages to the Army; but all would not do, no terms of reconci­liation or peace would be granted, un­less they would submit themselves, and the Parliament, wholly to the power of the Army; which upon the point they did; for in conclusion they agree and yield, To desert both Houses of Parliament and the impeached Mem­bers: [Page 33]To recall their Declaration late­ly published, Relinquish their Militia, deliver up all their Forts and line of Communication to the Army, as al­so the Tower of London, with all Armes and Ammunition therein; to disband all their Forces, and turn all their new-made Commanders and Re­formadoes out of the line, to demolish all their works, and to suffer the Ar­my to march without opposition through the City.

These imperious conditions of the Army, were calmly submitted to by the tame-spirited Citizens: And thereupon, the Army brings in the fu­gitive Speakers and Members, and seat them again in their authority; Fair­fax receives the solemn thanks of the House, the common souldiers two months pay for their good service and valour, and a day of Thanksgiving is appointed, to be solemnly kept for this great deliverance: and Fairfax made General of all Forces, both in [Page 34] England and Wales, and Constable of the Tower of London: All this was done, Aug. 6. 1647.

Soon after the General, Lieute­nant General, and the whole Army, with their train of Artillery, march in triumph through the City of Lon­don; And from that day forward, both City, Parliament, and whole King­dom, are subject to the Army.

Not long after the restitution of these fugitive Members, all Votes, Or­ders, and Ordinances of Parliament, made in their absence, are declared null and void: The eleven impeach­ed Members of the House of Com­mons, have leave granted them to go beyond Sea, and they must think they are favourably dealt with: Seven Lords that sate in the upper House, in the absence of the fugitive Members, viz. The Earls of Suffolk, Lincoln, and Midlesex; the Lords Berkly, Willoughby, Hunsdon, and Maynard, are impeached of high Treason, and com­mitted [Page 35]to the black Rod, for levying of War against the King, Parliament, and Kingdom. The Lord Mayor, Al­dermen, and divers Citizens, are like­wise impeached of the same crime, and committed to the Tower; divers mem­bers also of the Commons House, are under accusation and examination, as countenancers and abettors of the late tumult. But all these impeachments and accusations, in time vanished, and came to nothing; only the Army Fa­ction was by this means strengthened and encouraged, and the other party as much quell'd and discouraged; so that thenceforward all Votes propoun­ded, were passed or not, according to the temper and disposition of the Ar­my. The Parliament became wholly subservient to the Armies designs, as will plainly appeare in the ensuing Story.

Meantime the King continues still under the power of the Army, re­moves and passes from place to place [Page 36]as they remove their Quarters: But now having made the Parliament wholly for their turn, he is removed nearer London, to Hampton Court; there he had much freedom, and abundance of people continually resorted to him. At Hampton Court he receives Propo­sitions from the Parliament, Septem. 7. the same in effect that were tendred to him at Newcastle, in July the year before. The King in answer, desires that the Parliament would take into consideration the Proposals of the Army, of August 1. 1647. as more moderate, and more conducing to satisfie all interests in the Na­tion.

Things thus standing, and the King remaining still at Hampton Court, a Faction of Seditious people called Le­vellers, sprung up in the City and Ar­my; some of the chiefest whereof were Lilburn, Overton, VVyldman, and others, people of a turbulent and hea­dy [Page 37]temper. These frame a writing, called the Agreement of the people, tending to the alteration of the whole frame of Government of the Nation. They stile the House of Commons in their Petitions, the supreme power of the Nation; they bitterly declaim and raile against the House of Lords in se­veral Pamphlets. These at first re­ceive some check from the House of Commons; and one of them (a soul­dier) is by the Council of War, con­demned and shot to death at VVare: but yet they increase more and more, and grow more insolent every day, being (as is was probably thought) counte­nanced underhand by some in the Par­liament, and by some great Officers in the Army, to promote their own ambi­tious designs. At length about No­vemb. 9. or 10. Cromwell sends word to the King by Colonel VVhaley who had the Guard of him, that those kind of people were grown ve­ry numerous in the Army, that [Page 38]he feared they had some malicious de­sign against his Majesties person, and he doubted it would not be in the power of the Officers of the Army to protect him, and therefore advised him, by timely withdrawing himself in private, to provide for his own secu­rity; A Letter of Advertisement also from an unknown person in London to the same purpose, was sent and deli­vered to his Majesty, intimating his danger, and wishing his Majesty were at his or any Loyal Subjects House in London: Whereupon the next day in the Evening, Novemb. 11. his Maje­sty with a Servant or two only, con­veyed himself secretly from Hamp­ton Court, into the Isle of Wight.

In that Island commanded one Co­lonel Hamond, as Governour there for the Parliament; a kinsman he was of Dr. Hamonds, that famous Divine, and (I think) the Kings Chaplain; insomuch as the King might expect some more then ordinary civility from [Page 39]him. Hamond presently gives notice to the Parliament of his Majesties co­ming thither, and upon order from the Parliament, takes him into custody at Curesbrook Castle.

The King also upon his departure from Hampton Court, had left upon the Table a Letter or Message to the two Houses of Parliament, signifying the cause of his withdrawing himself, and also his readiness to concurre with them in all things just and reasonable, for the settling of a safe and well­grounded Peace. And had further soon after his arrival in the Isle of Wight sent another Message or De­claration to them, wherein he offers, First, Concerning Religion to establish the Presbyterian Government for three years, and then afterwards to establish Church-Government in such a manner as shall be concluded upon by the Assembly of Divines, with the addition of twenty Divines to be nominated by his Majesty. Secondly, For the Militia he offers it [Page 40]them wholly by Land and Sea, during his whole Raign, so as after that, it may return intirely to the Crown. Thirdly, For the arrears of the Army, he will un­dertake, if he may have the benefit of Se­questrations from March last, and com­positions to be made before the conclusion of the Peace, and the Assistance of the Clergy, and the arreares of the Rents of his own revenew, that were yet behinde; to pay 400 thousand pound within eigh­teen months; and if that will not do, then to make sale of forrest Lands for raising the rest. Fourthly, He gives them power to dispose of the great Offices of State, as also to nominate and appoint his Privy Counsellours during his raign. Fifthly, For the Court of Wards, if it cannot be regulated without being a grie­vance to his Subjects, he is willing to a­bolish it, for a valuable compensation. Sixthly, He offers to recall and null all Proclamations and Declarations against the Parliament, and all Indictments a­gainst any person for adhering to them, [Page 41]or acting by their authority; and to pass an Act of general pardon and Oblivion to all his Subjects whatsoever.

Those and some other things he of­fers by that Massage of Novemb. 17. and for all other things, he desires they may be debated and composed in a personal Treaty, between himself and the two Houses of Parliament at Lon­don: Which personal Treaty the Scots Commissioners soon after desired to be assented to, and held forth his Majesties offers to be very just and rea­sonable.

But to this Massage of his Majesty the two Houses return answer, by sen­ding him four Bills to sign and confirm under the great Seal of England. 1. To settle the Militia by sea and land, both in England and Ireland, in the two Houses of Parliament for ever; with power to raise what Forces they please; as also what moneys they thought good, up­on the Subjects, for support thereof, there­by divesting the Court wholly of the pow­er [Page 42]of the Militia. 2. To justifie the pro­ceedings of the Parliament in the late War, and to make void all Oaths, De­clarations, Proclamations, and other pro­ceedings against the Parliament. 3. A­gainst all Peeres lately made or to be made without consent of both Houses of Parlia­ment. 4. For the adjournment of the Parliament from place to place, as the two houses should think fit. These Bills be­ing assented to, and confirmed by his Ma­jesty, they will yield to treat with him concerning the rest of the propositions in the Isle of Wight. Which proposi­tions I must further tell you, were such as the Scotch Commissioners declared their dissent upon them, before they were sent.

The King apprehending these four Bills especially in the way they were penn'd, not only destructive to Mo­narchy, but to the peoples libertie, refuses to confirm them; yet in a mes­sage or writing to the Houses, gave his reasons against them.

Whereupon the House of Com­mons presently Vote to make no more addresses to him, but to settle the Kingdom without him: and further by the same Vote, they make it high Treason, for any person whatfoever, to send any Message or Letter to him, or to receive any from him, without consent of both Houses of Parliament. This was about the beginning of Ja­nuary.

The House of Lords would not be drawn suddenly to pass these Votes; divers argued strongly against them; and the House was equally divided a­bout the question; but within three or four dayes after, the Army sending solemn thanks to the House of Com­mons for their passing these Votes, and drawing down some of their Forces to garison Whitehall and the Mewes, it turned the Scale in the House of Lords, and they also passed those Votes.

Soon after the passing of these votes of Non-address, discontents grew high in all parts of the Kingdom; And the common people especially in the parts about London, were wonderfully op­pressed, and even eaten up with Free­quarter. The Commissioners of Scot­land withdrew and went home, and with the assistance of Duke Hamilton, formerly imprisoned by the King, and lately set free by the Parliament, cal­led a Parliament in Scotland, wherein they resolve (Maugre the Kirk) to raise an Army for the delivery of the King.

The beginning of this year 1648, was full of discontents. year 1648 The Welch­men were the first that appear in Arms under the Command of Poyer, Ponel, and Laugherne, formerly for the Parlia­ment, holding out Pembrook Castle a [...] gainst the Parliament, and defeating a party of 2500 that were sent against them. The Lord Inchequen, that was [Page 45]President of Munster in Ireland, de­clares against the Parliament, and joyns with the Marquess of Ormond for the Kings interest; for which the Parlia­ment imprison his son, a child of eight or nine years of age, that was Borded and went to School at Thistleworth near London. Petitions came from ma­ny Counties of England, and from the City of London, requiring a Revo­cation of those Votes for Non-address, and desiring a Personal Treaty with the King, and his future settlement.

These Petitions being slighted, and many Surrey Gentlemen wounded by the Souldiers, at the Parliament door, and in Westminster-hall, and some slain outright for presenting their Petition▪ the Kingdom grew into a general flame. Tumults arose in many pla­ces, as at Norwich, April 24. where the Committee-House was by accident blown up, that part of the City ex­ceedingly shattered, and above 100. people slain. At Bury in Suffolk [...]here [Page 46]the Town was held out some dayes by the meaner sort of people, against the Troopers. In Huntingtonshire, Bed­fordshire, and other places, so that the Troopers were posted from place to place to subdue tumults; and as fast as they subdued them in one place, they brake out in another.

The Kentishmen rise up in armes, to the number of ten thousand, and pos­sess themselves of some strong Ca­stles; They in Essex also, under the command of Sir Charles Lucas and o­thers, second them, and seize upon the Committee for the County at Chelmesford. Pomfret Castle is taken by stratagem, and a great party of the Kings possess it, and command the whole Country round about. Many (if not most part) of the Navy re­volt, and setting Raynsborough their late made Admiral on shore in a Cock­boat, they go to the Prince; with whom also joyned the Lord Willough­by of Parham and others, so as the [Page 47] Prince had a matter of thirty or forty ships, one and other under his com­mand at Sea. The Scots under D. Hamilton, invade the North, by the way of Carlisle, with an Army of fif­teen thousand, besides a party of En­glish (about 3000) under the com­mand of Sir Marmaduke Langdale.

All this time the Parliament are consulting about Propositions to be sent to the King, as also of the place and manner of a personal treaty with him, which was desired by the Lon­doners and most of the Kingdom to be had at London. Thus the time was spun on, and the Summer well-nigh spent, before they could agree upon termes for a personal treaty; and at length it was resolved to be in the Isle of Wight.

In the mean time, while the Parlia­ment thus deferre the Treaty, Cromwel is first sent into Wales, to subdue them; where he found work enough for most part of the Summer: Fairfax is sent [Page 48]against the Kentishmen, where though he were worsted at Rochester Bridge, and lost many men, yet at Maidston he had the better, got the Town, and dispersed them. Presently after five thousand of the Kentishmen, under the command of the Lord Goring Earl of Norwich, being denied passage through London, transport themselves over the Thames, and so into Essex, where after some skirmish about Bow­bridge, with some of the Parliament Forces, they march to Rumford, and so to Chelmesford, and joyn with the Essexmen at that time there Rendez­vouz'd. Fairfax pursues them with all expedition; they march to Colche­ster, but were scarce set down in the Town, before Fairfax with his Ar­my was at their heels. A sore fight there was in the Suburbs, June 13. the next day after their coming into the Town, a thousand men and more slain upon the place, most of them of Fairfax his party. Had they of Col­chester [Page 49]pursued that dayes victory, it is probably thought, they might easily have destroyed Fairfax his Army. The Kings Party fortifie the Town, hoping the Gentry of Suffolk and Norfolk will come in to their assistance: Fairfax on the contrary, by degrees begirts the Town, forcing all the Country thereabout both Essex and Suffolk to as­sist him against it.

During the siege of Colchester, the Duke of Buckingham with Lord Fran­cis his brother, the Earl of Holland, and the Earl of Peterborough, appear in Armes with five or six hundred Horse at Bamsted Downe in Surrey or thereabouts; where they would soon have increased, had they not been sud­denly surprized by a party of the Army out of London; the Lord Francis was slain, and the rest scattered; Bucking­ham escaped, but Holland was soon af­ter taken at St. Neots in Huntingtonshire, cowardly yielding himself without re­sistance.

The Scots mean time lingered and came on slowly, insomuch as Cromwel having subdued them in Wales, he marches immediately from thence into Lancashire, and at Wiggon and Preston defeats them, taking Duke Hamilton prisoner, basely yielding himself in his Chamber, Aug. 18, 19. From thence he pursues his victory into Scot­land, even to the City of Edenburgh, where he is highly applauded and mag­nified by Argile and the Churchmen, who were alwayes against this engage­ment of Hamilton.

Colchester after this, pressed with a long siege, and pinched with hunger, at last yields to Fairfax upon very hard termes, Aug. 28. where the ve­ry same day that they entred the Town, they caused Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle (too gallant men as ever England bred) to be shot to death in the Castle Yard: All the rest of the Nobility and Gentlemen of quality, were carried away Priso­ners.

The Treaty with the King is at length begun: a fixed number of days are at first appointed; that expired, a fortnight more is added, so that upon the finishing of the treaty, a little be­fore all was concluded, Cromwel re­turnes with his victorious Army out of Scotland. The Army fearing the Par­liament would agree with the King, and re-establish him in his Throne (though the conditions were extream hard on his side) they first publish that shame­less vile Remonstrance at Saint Al­bans, Novemb. 16. 1648. wherein they declare their resolutions to que­stion the King for his life, as the Ca­pital Enemy, or grand Delinquent, to bring him to trial. They prefix a time for the appearing of the Prince now beyond Sea, to answer for his crimes; and in case he refuse to come in and submit to a tryal, to banish his person as a Rebel and Traytor, and confiscate his estate.

This Remonstrance was sent to the House of Commons, with a Letter signed by Fairfax the General, whom Cromwel abused and made his Stale in all this action) to take it speedily into consideration, as a matter admitting no delay: But the Commons laying it aside, and making the more speed to conclude with the King upon the Treaty, voting his concessions satis­factory, so far as to be ground of peace; Suddenly on Tuesday, December. 5. A Party of the Army seize upon the Members of the House, whom they conceive to be opposite to their de­sign; They imprison many, and se­clude and deterre more, in all to the number of above two hundred, leaving about sixty or seventy (if that) in the House, and those either Army men, or devoted vassals to Cromwel and his faction; these vote the Kings concessi­ons not satisfactory, and thereupon break off the Treaty.

The Army then presently seize upon the King in the Isle of Weight, they remove him in the night from Caresbrow Castle to Hurst Castle in Hampshire, an unwhole­som place, standing two or three mile into the sea, upon a very narrow neck of Land: there they closely imprison him, and soon after obtain a Vote in their new modell'd House of Com­mons, to bring him to trial. The Lords refusing to consent, they pro­ceed without them, and draw up an impeachment against his Majesty, by the advice of one Dorisley, an outlandish Doctor of Law, and that many years before, had been History-Reader in Cambridge, preferred thither by the Lord Brooks, to read that Lecture by him first founded, but soon after si­lenced and put out by the Vice-chan­cellor and Head of the University, for seditious Doctrine by him there deli­vered, against Monarchy.

For the Kings Trial, they ap­point seventy or eighty Persons, the most of them Army-men (all of them his mortal enemies) to be his Judges: the Judges of the Land and most eminent Lawyers refusing to joyn with them, or assist them, they appoint one Bradshaw a poor petty-fog­ging Lawyer, but of an audacious, im­pudent forehead, to be President of their high Court of Justice, so they call it, (more properly their Court of high injustice.) The King is brought from Hurst Castle to Windsor, about Christmas, where they would not al­low him a Minister to keep the Festi­val with him. From thence they bring him to White-Hall and Saint James about the tenth of January by water. And there afterwards, being brought four several times before their pretended Court of Justice, where he every time refusing to answer, and disclaiming their authority, offering to give his reasons, but they refusing [Page 55]to hear him, at last Saturday January 27. he is condemned to the block, and his head cut off on a Scaffold erected before his Palace gate at White-Hall, on Tuesday following, January 30. to the unexpressable grief and sorrow of all true English People. And thus perished the best, the wisest and the most Religious King that ever England had.

The House of Lords that had base­ly complyed with the Commons, and supported them from the beginning hitherto against their King, because they would not go along with them in this last most wicked act, are kickt off by a Vote. The very same day that they voted the abolition of Regal Government, February 7. 1648. they voted down the House of Peers, as useless, inconvenient, and an hinde­rance to the proceedings of Parlia­ment, a just reward for so ignoble, de­generous spirits.

And because great Personages, like great Trees in a Forrest, seldom fall alone, to compleat the Tragedie, with­in a few weeks after, they impeach Duke Hamilton General of the Scot­tish Army, and the Earl of Holland, as also the Lord Capel, and Lord Go­ring taken in Colchester, and some others. None of these seared to be questioned for their lives till now, for they yielding, had quarter given them. But an high Court of Justice must not be set up for the King alone; They mean to go the same way to work with others: the Law taking no hold of them, they'l make a Law that shall; and therefore the like Court is erected again, for the trial of these Lords and others; though the same President sate not, yet others did, that had the same power.

All that were accused, were con­demned, but Goring being a Gentle­man of no great fortune, and never be­fore engaged against them, found [Page 57]mercy at their hands; Capels great estate drove on his ruine. Hamilton and Holland are observed to have suf­fered deservedly, because they had played on both parts, sometimes for the King, and otherwhiles against him, as affairs changed: The poor spiritness of the rest is observed, in cowardly submitting to their pre­tended authority; only the stout Lord Capel (so Lilburn cals him) would not in the least buckle to acknowledge them a lawful judicatory, but after the example of his Royal Master, denied their Anthority, and when he came to suffer (which he and the other did, March 9.) he took his death with a most resolute and undaunted courage, not only to the admiration of all men, but even to the very terror of his ene­mies; they that neither loved him nor his cause, yet highly commended him for his courage and magnanirnity, and as much despised Hamilton for his timerous baseness, using all means [Page 58]possible to save his life; but all would not do; much confidence he reposed in Hugh Peters, that Clergy Mounte­bank, who at last betrayd him, as him­self had formerly betrayed the King.

After the King was thus put to death, and the Government changed into a Commonwealth, a new Seal and new Coyn being made, this Piece of the Parliament that put the King to death, governed the Nation till April 20. 1653. what time they were thrown out forcibly by Cromwel, (be­ing then their General) and his Army Officers, to the great content and re­joycing of the People.

But in the mean time presently af­ter the death of the King, the Scots proclaimed the Prince, King of Scot­land, by the Name of Charls the se­cond.

Ireland was almost all revolted soon after the death of the King; year 1649 only the [Page 59]City of Dublin held out for the Parlia­ment: But Cromwel going over thither about September 1649. in less then a years time reduces that whole King­dom to the obedience of the Parlia­ment, driving the Natives for the most part out, and cooping up the rest in the Western parts of the King­dom.

Scotland having (as is said before) proclaimed the Prince King; they re­ceived him into that Kingdom and crowned him at Scone the first of Ja­nuary 1649. 1650. whereupon the Parliament having reduced Ireland, they resolve to send an Army into Scotland about June 1650. Fairfax upon this layes down his Commission, and Cromw ll is made Captain Gene­ral in his stead; He marches into Scotland with a great Army, where he lay a long time before he could en­gage the Scots to fight; insomuch as the English were in great distress for provisions, and had been famished or [Page 60]forced to return long before, had they not encamped near the sea, and had the sea free and open to them. At length the Scots set upon them at Dun­bar, but were defeated and routed; at least 10000. of them slain and taken upon the place; all of the Presbyteri­an party, and such as had formerly en­gaged in England for the Parliament against the King: An hundred Ensigns at least are taken, brought up to Lon­don, and hung up in triumph in West­minister Hall: and which is remarkable, great numbers of those Souldiers, that at their coming into England in 1643. had heathenishly prophaned the Cathedral Church of Durham, were now brought prisoners, and lodged in the very same Church, shut' up to­gether, and fed like swine, with roots and other trash, so that with hunger, and cold, and stench, lying there a long time, most of them perished; some of them acknowledging the just hand of God for their sacrilegious propha­ness [Page 61]committed in that place: this is a certain truth, reported by credible persons living near and in that City: And thus our Brethren the Scots were in part payd for their brotherly as­sistance.

But Cromwel hath not yet done with them; he stayes still after the battel of Dunbar, and pursues his victory: he presently takes Leith and Eden­burgh, and afterward that strong and impregnable Castle, called by the Scots the Maiden Castle, because never before conquered: Nor can I say it was now conquered by Cromwell: He took it not by assault, nor yet by hunger, but as is credibly reported, surrendred by the treachery or cowardize of the Lord [...] that commanded there in chief.

This Cast e being taken, Cromwel enlarges his conquest all over the South of Scotland, from Leith and Dunbar on the East, to Glasco and Ayre in the West, without any great [Page 62]resistance. But the City and Castle of Sterling held out for the King, to­gether with the Fife, (the fertilest part of the Kingdom) and all the North of Scotland, from Endinburgh Frith Northward: the Scots being now grown so wise, after their beating at Dunbar, as to take and call in to their assistance all the Kings party, both Scots and English, whom formerly they rejected under the notion of Malignants and Cavaleers, putting the Earl of Mon­tross most barbarously to death, who landed in Scotland a little before the Kings coming thither, and whom if they had entertained, might possibly by the blessing of God, have pre­vented their being beaten at Dunbar, being a man of extraordinary expe­rience, conduct and courage in war, exceedingly beloved of all the Roy­allists in Scotland, and one that had formerly with an handful of men, done incomparable service for the King. But the Presbyterian Scots were as bit­ter [Page 63]against the Kings party, as they were against Cromwell and his army, and would have the glory wholly to themselves and their Covenant, in re­storing the King: that thereby they might the better advance their Cove­nant, and carry on their pretended work of reformation both in Scotland and England.

Cromwel and his Army lay long in Scotland, year 1651 after Dunbar fight, and did little, not able to advance any further. At length towards the latter end of July, he gets over Edenburg Frith, and lands his Army or a considerable part of them in the Fife, with a great loss and defeat to the Scots, who re­sisted: The King soon after quits Ster­ling, and suddenly marches away in the beginning o [...] August, with an Ar­my of about eleven thousand horse and foot into England, by the way of Lancashire; and forcing his way at Warrington bridge, against a party that [Page 64]opposed, he comes by easie marches without resistance to Worcester (Mas­sey being with him) hoping the Pres­byterians in those parts, and about Glocester, would generally have risen, and joyned with the Scots.

The Parliament upon the first in­telligence of his entrance into England, arm all that possibly they can against him, publishing a Proclamation against him and all his adherents as Rebels and Traitors, and forbidding all men up­on pain of high Treason to joyn with him, or to aid or assist him in the least. Cromwel also pursues him out of Scot­land, with as great a part of his Army as he could well spare; at Worcester all forces assembled against him, meet; there they fought, and the Kings par­ty in conclusion is beaten; the Scots (they say) many of them, refusing to fight at all. The King in a disguize very hardly escapes; yet it pleased God, that at last he got safely out of Eng­land, many of the Scottish Nobility, [Page 65]and some of the English, being taken prisoners, and kept long after in the Tower of London. This fight at Wor­cester happened Septemb. 3. 1651. a re­markable day for Cromwels Victories.

Scotland after this, is with little dif­ficulty, wholly reduced to the obedi­ence of the Parliament; and Garisons maintained in several places, even to the utmost Northern Coasts; and they who formerly would not be sub­ject to their King, are now inforced to submit to Cromwell and his Fa­ction.

Afterwards in Anno 1652. year 1652 the Par­liament falls out with the Hollanders, many fierce and bloody battels were fought at Sea, with great loss of both sides; in one of which, Admiral Dean for the English, and in another, Van-Trump, for the Dutch, were slaine. The Hollanders have the worst in con­clusion, so that at last they sue for peace and obtain it.

But some while before this peace was concluded, year 1653 Cromwell being now grown great with his Victories in Ire­land and Scotland, having subdued both these Kingdoms, upon the twentieth of April 1653. he sudden­ly and forcibly turns out the Parlia­ment, who had for four years, and as much as from January to April, since they put the King to death, with bloody cruelty and heavy oppression, governed the Nation.

The Parliament being thus turned out, Cromwel and his Army Officers take upon them the government of the Nation: They presently impose six Months Tax, and erect a new Council of State, (Bradshaw who for­merly for his good service was Presi­dent, is now not so much as a Member of the Council.) Cromwel soon after cals a Convention, of about an hun­dred and twenty persons, pickt out by himself, out of the several Counties of the Nation, most of them inferiour [Page 67]persons, and of the Independent and Anabaptistical faction. These were summoned by particular Warrants or Tickets in paper, under his own hand only to meet at Westminster, and con­sult fort setling the Nation.

Being met according to their sum­mons, Iuly 4. 1653. in the Commons House of Parliament, and having chosen them a Chairman or Speaker, Cromwel comes in amongst them, and puls a writing out of his pocket, there­by giving them the supream authority of the Nation: upon this they pre­sently vote themselves to be a Parlia­ment, and to requite his courtesie, they vote him to be a Member of their Parliament.

Thus being seated in Authority, they make an Act for six Months Tax, at the old rate of 120000 li. a Month; and another Act concerning marriages, appointing Justices of Peace to marry, and none other mar­riages to be valid or lawful: In the [Page 68]same Act, they ordain a Register to be kept in every Parish, in which is to be set down all births and burials, not so much as mentioning Baptism, as a thing in their opinion at least not ne­cessary: thus they lessen and diminish the use and authority of Ministers, whom they intended by degrees, to take wholly away.

In order whereunto, they had a de­sign to take a way Tithes; but the Ministers of London, being called to alledge what might be said in defence of them, by their Counsel learned in the Law, and by Arguments out of Scipture, they opposed so strongly, as that debate was laid aside for the present. But that failing, they had another device, namely by an Act, in one day, to have unbottomed all Ministers in England, and to have lockt up the Church doors, (as some affirmed) and then afterward, to have taken in whom they had thought good, which may probably be con­ceived, [Page 69]should have been only such as would have renounced their orders, if not their baptism.

Things being carried so high and in such a frantick manner, the more mo­derate among them weary of the work, and fearing they should rather bring things into further confusion, then settle any thing, they repair to Cromwel the General, desiring him to take again into his hands his Writing or conveyance of the supream power; whereupon he presently dissolves them: but some of the Anabaptists refusing to obey, and continuing still in the house at their prayers, he sent Souldiers who pulled them out, and lockt up the doors against them De­cemb. 12. 1653.

This Schismatical Convention, called by some the little horn, being thus timely and happily outed; Crom­wel upon the sixteenth day of the same month, having by advice of his Army-Officers and Council of State, fra­med [Page 70]an Instrument of Government, presently after printed and published, consisting of fourty two Articles (and therefore by some called his forty two string'd sidle, by others the Magna Charta) takes upon him the Government of the three Nati­ons, as Supream Magistrate, under the Title of Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scot­land and Ireland. And sending for the Commissioners of the great Seal, the Lord Maior and Aldermen of London, with the Judges of Law, and the chief Officers of his Army, (Pro­clamation thereof being made in Lon­don) he is solemnly installed in West­minster-hall, taking an oath to govern according to that Instrument and the Laws of the Land, though nothing could be more repugnant to the Laws then that Instrument was.

According to that Instrument, year 1654 he cals a Parliament to begin Septemb. 3. [Page 71]1654. though it fell out that year to be Sunday, accounting the day auspici­ous, by reason of his two great victo­ries upon that day, at Dunbar and Worcester. This Parliament was not to be chosen according to the ancient manner, two in a County and two in a Corporation, but ten, eight, six, more or less in a County, according to the proportion of it, and the small decayed Corporations (as Thelford and Rising in Norfolk, and the like elsewhere) were wholly left out. There were also added to the Parliament, Thirty Members for Scotland, and as many for Ireland, chosen or nomina­ted from thence; so as it was a Par­liament of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland; where­of as before, he had made himself Pro­tector.

It is probable the Protector fore­saw that little or nothing would be done by this Parliament; and there­fore to make sure work, he and his [Page 72]Council, (besides this Ordinance for his stile and Title, for the issuing out Writs, and for Law-proceedings, to go according to that Stile and Title, and some others of the like nature, made in the beginning of his govern­ment immediately upon the Change) I say besides these, before the Con­vening of this Parliament a very few dayes, he publishes by Authority of himself and his Council above twenty Ordinances (as some reckoned them,) which were observed as valid Laws; and amongst them, one remarkable one, for the Ejecting of Ignorant, scan­dalous and insufficient Ministers, by any five, or more of the Commis­sioners therein named: and by which in a quarter of a years time, they ejected many Ministers (especially in Norfolk) out of their livings; scarce one of twenty that were accused or complained of, but were ejected; And this was done (I suppose) to gratifie the Anabaptistical and Inde­pendent [Page 73]party, who hitherto beheld Oliver with an evil eye, since he was Protector, looking (as they thought) too like a King.

The Parliament convened accord­ing to appointment at Westminster, Septemb. 3. they presently question the Protectors Authority, though he had at their first meeting, in a very large speech, presently after printed and published, magnified the same, as if he had been called to the Place, by the concurrent and universal consent of the whole Nation. It is true they consented, because they could do no otherwise, being forced thereunto by his armed power.

to silence and suppress this questi­on, within a few dayes after their sit­ting, he enjoyns a Recognition or acknowledgement of his power, by a particular subscription of every one of the Members, before they were ad­mitted to enter the House any more▪ and such as would not subscribe, were [Page 74]forcibly secluded by a guard of Souldi­ers; but at last all or most of them sub­scribed.

No sooner were they set again, but they fall in hand with the Instrument of Government, examining it in eve­ry particular; and the Protector suf­fered them to go on without inter­ruption. They would have been con­tent to have made him Protector, but they would not allow of the Instru­ment of Government in all things.

Ye must know by the way, that one Article of the Government was, that the Parliament called and con­vened, must sit five months (if them­selves think good) and during that time, the Protector had not power to dissolve them; but afterwards at any time he might: It was further ordain­ed, that whatsoever Acts they made and tendred to him, if he did not con­sent within thirty dayes, or satisfie them to the contrary, they were to be Laws valid and binding, without [Page 75]him. To conclude, they spent so long time in tuning the instrument, that just at the five moneths end (counting precisely twenty eight dayes to a moneth) the Protector calls them to­gether, tells them he thought they had been asleep, having not of a long time heard from them; That they had sate long and done nothing, and therefore tells them they may repaire every one to his several home. Thus they are dissolved with a kind of jeer, Ianuary 22.1654.

But I must tell you, the Parliament, would not tender him any Bill to passe, nor receive any Laws from him, till such time as they had regulated the Government of the Nation, and confirmed his authority upon him. The truth is, they thought him not to have power to enact Laws, till themselves had given it him: And therefore they would have nothing pass, till alto­gether were done and finished.

After the breaking up of this Par­liament, [Page 76]it was generally thought, we should never have had any more in his time. For the Protector betakes himself to other Methods of govern­ment.

That year 1655. year 1655 he institutes his Major General: He divides the whole Kingdom into seven Provinces or Cantons; (three, four or five (more or fewer) Counties in a Province.) And over every of these, he placeth a Major, General with his Deputy, and sufficient Authority, not only in Mili­tary affairs, but also in Ecclesiastical and Civil; none came amiss to them, they would meddle in all, upon occasi­on on complaint: Especially in Church-affairs, they take upon them the soveraign power; they put out; silence and inhibit what Ministers they please, by vertue of the late Ordinance against scandalous Ministers, and other orders & private instructions, to them, from the Protector & his Council. They [Page 77]will not suffer any ejected Minister to teach a School either publickly or pri­vately; to pray, or preach, or to per­form any Ministerial duty in any Church or private Family; in a word, they would have starved them, if they could, denying all means of livelyhood to them and theirs.

And because divers ejected Mi­nisters, had during the sitting of this last Parliament, and soon after, com­menced suits in Law for the recovery of their Livings, and had gotten (some of them) damages against their Intru­ders and had hopes of recovering the possession of their Livings: and some of them had already got into possession by Law: The Protector publisheth a Proclamation, thereby strictly com­manding them to quit their possessi­ons, and to release all judgements ob­tained, and further inhibiting all At­tournies, Lawyers and Advocates, to commence or prosecute any Suits for, or to plead in the behalf of such [Page 78]Clients; And all Judges are likewise inhibited, to admit of any such Acti­ons or Pleas in any of their Courts. All which, was apparently to deny them the benefit of the Law, (which is the highest Act of Arbitrary and Tyranni-power that can be) and consequently to condemn that Authority as illegal, by which they were first ejected.

Furthermore upon occasion of a rising in the Spring, by some of the Kings party in the West, he not only pro­ceeds against Col. Iohn Penruddock, and divers other Gentlemen, by Capital punishment; but he decimates all the Cavaleers or Gentlemen of the late Kings party, that had been in arms for him, all over England; that is, he enjoyns them to pay yearly the tenth part of their whole Revenue, notwith­standing their former Compositions made for their Estates, and their Par­dons sued out as the Parliament had enjoyned, and also the late Act of Ob­livion, anno 1651. And this Decima­tion [Page 79]was put in execution by these Major Generals.

And in this Government, he much resembled the Turk: Himself like the Grand Signior, ruling by sole command, had his standing Army (as a guard for his Person) answerable to the Jani­zaries and his Major Generals repre­senting the Bashaws in their several Provinces; And besides these, he had his Auxiliaries lately set up in every County; viz. certain Troops of horse, and Companies of foot, armed and ready upon all occasions, maintaining, and finding their own horses and arms; for a constant yearly salary, the horsemen had 8 li. per annum, and the foot 3 li. and these were upon any occasion to be drawn forth, and march in a few hours warning.

Anno 1656. The Protector cals a­nother Parliament, year 1656 according to the lade mode, ten in a County, &c. These convene at Westminster, Sept. [Page 80]17. Upon their first meeting, many of the Members of several Counties were excluded, because they had been somewhat busie and active in the Par­liament before. This exclusion of Members being noised abroad, many that were not yet gone up, went not at all, lest when they came there, they should be excluded and sent home again. There were in all about se­venscore or more that absented them­selves, or were secluded the House by order from the Council of State; and yet not any reason alledged against them. They represent the injury to the House, but find no redress; the House dare not offend the Protector, by admitting their Fellow-Mem­bers.

This Parliament thus purged and garbled, was for the Protectors turn; he gave them leave to sit almost two five moneths without dissolving or ad­journing.

About the begining of the next spring, year 1657 there is a project set on foot by some in the House for making the Pro­tector King: First a petition or remon­strance from many of the City desire­ing it, was presented by an Alderman of London to the Speaker, sealed up in a box. Afterwards a Bill is prefer­ed for it: the House are very forward in the business; only the Protectors pleasure is not known. They very hum­bly and solemnly petition his High­ness to accept of it; as an honor not only merited by himself, but much in­ducing to the settlement of the Na­tion. But he makes strange at it, gives them thanks for their good af­fection towards him and the publick; yet desires time to consider of it, before they press him to a resolution.

Mean time the Independents and Factious people fast and pray, to avert the judgment that is like to fall upon them, in having a King. Some great Commanders in the Army, and many [Page 82]of the common-souldiers express their dislike of it; amongst whom Lambert, the Leiutenant-General, is the cheif, conceiving it a barre to his ambitious hopes. It is more then probable, the Protector himself thirsted after it, and that the designe was first hammered in his own forge; for Thurloe his Se­cretary openly promoted it, and (as it was said) brought in the Bill. But when the Parliament made their se­cond address to him, he modestly de­nied it, yet he gave them thanks for their good affections to him.

This Parliament sat from the 17. of September, to the 26. of June. And then by an Act entituled The humble Petition and advice, they constitute him Protector, and give him power to no­minate his Successor, which was all one as to establish the Government in his Family: They erect another House of Parliament, in place of the Lords, for which they could invent no other name, but The Other House. It was [Page 83]to consist of a number of persons not exceeding seventy, nor less then four­ty, all chosen or nominated by the Pro­tector, and to be called particularly by Writs, as the House of Peers were wont to be: They also ordain some other qualifications for future elections of Parliament men; and appoint an Oath to be taken by the Protector, and by all successive Protectors: and also an­other Oath by all the Members, both of the one and Other House upon their enterance to sit in Parliament. Some other things they ordaine in that Pe­tition and advice, for setling the future Government. All which the Protect­or ratifies and confirms, by giving his solemn assent in those words, the Lord Protector doth consent.

Further in that Act, they limit him so far, as not to impose any Tax or pay­ment upon the People, without their consent in Parliament; and in lieu thereof, they give him 35000 li. a month by way of Tax for three years [Page 84]to come, from June 24. 1657. be­sides the Excise, Tunage and Pound­age, the Customs, all the Crown lands that were unfold, and all Forfeitures, Penalties, and other accidental Emo­luments that the Kings of England were wont to have; amounting in the whole to Thirteen Hundred Thousand Pounds per annum; for so much they promised to settle upon him forthwith, as a certaine standing Revenue, besides land Taxes. This done, he does not dissove, but only adjourn the Parlia­ment, to the 20. of January follow­ing.

But in the mean time soon after their adjournment, the Protector Cashiers Lambert his Lieutenant-General, and Hacker Colonel of his life-guard, and some other Officers of his Army, who were conceived to be averse to the bu­siness of his Kingship; which gave men cause to conclude, that he still thirsted after the Kingly dignity, as in­deed it is more then probable he did.

And here let me tell you, there go­eth a story very credibly and confident­ly reported by some persons knowing and well-affected to the late Protect­or, That he, when he was a boy, and going to schoole at Huntington, where his father dwelt, dreamed one night thar he should be King, and Ruler o­ver all the Kingdom of England, but afterward he should be hanged. This dream he tells to his fellow school­boyes, and by that meanes it came to his Masters eare, who lashed him sound­ly for it. How near the former part of his dream was fulfilled, appears by this story; and how justly he deserved the latter part, I leave it to others to judge?

Against the meeting of the Par­liament by adjournment, he sends out his Writ, for summoning the Mem­bers of his other House. Some an­tient Peers of the Land he summoned, as the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Manchester, the Lord Say; I cannot [Page 86]say, whether or no the Earl of Salis­bury was one, because he seldom want­ed a place in the House of Commons. Others, some of them, were Gentle­men of quality in several Counties, and of good repute, but the most of them were of his Army-men, or of his alliance, that had married into his Family. Amongst his Army-men, there were Pride the Dray-man, Hew­son the Shoomaker, Barksted the bro­ken Thimble-maker, and others the like, all Colonels of his Army; and Lambert also to gratifie him, is made one of his Peers; and Haselrig, that was a great stickler against him in all Parliaments, is another. There is a Catalogue extant of them all, and therefore it is needless to repeat them.

When the time came according to the Adjournment, January 20. the Nobility though called, disdained to appear: Many of the Gentry absented themselves, yet some of all sorts (ex­cept only the Nobility) enough to [Page 87]make a competent number, appeared. Some that were called to his other House, were elected for the House of Commons, and chose that place, ra­ther then the other House; Sir Arthur Haselrig (always an enemy to the King, and no friend to the Protector) was one of the number: The House of Commons would by no means digest that other House, nor own them; though some messages were sent to them, yet would they not vouchsafe them any answer.

Besides this, there was another bu­siness set on foot in the House of Commons, that touched the Pro­tector very nearly; and that was their tampering with the power of the Mi­litia: The People were to pay the Ar­my, and it was thought just by many, that the Parliament should have com­mand of them. And it was suspected, had they sate but a little longer, that the Army, or a considerable part of it, would have adhered to the Parliament. [Page 88]To prevent this mischief, that was a working, the Protector suddenly and unexpectedly dissolves them, Febr. 4. with this word of comfort (neverthe­less) to his other House, My Lords, ye are Lords, and shall be Lords.

The Parliament thus again dissol­ved in discontent, things rested as formerly, though not without much murmuring and secret discontent, both in the Protector and People.

About the latter end of August, year 1658 or the beginning of September, the Pro­tector dyed; having lain somewhile in a very sad condition, with extream pain and torment in his bowels. Some strongly fancy, that he died on Tues­day, Aug. 30. what time was the most furious, violent wind, that ever hap­pened in the memory of man. And its very probable that he died that day or soon after: but it was given out, and commonly reported, that he dyed on Friday, Sept. 3.

His Funeral was a great while de­ferred, his body embalmed and kept above ground many moneths toge­ther, with mourners continually at­tending his corpse, and meat carried up and served on his Table, as if he had been the greatest Prince in Christendom, and afterwards he was interred with as great funeral solemni­ty, as ever any King of England was interred, and his Hearse or Statue set up after the manner of Kings, and a most most magnificent Monument erected for him.

It is worth the remembring, that about a year or two before his death, he made a new broad Seal, with the Arms of England, viz. a Saint Georges Cross, quartered with Saint Andrews Cross for Scotland, and the Harp for Ireland, and his own Coat in a little Escutcheon in the midst; his Helmet and Mantle, with a Crown imperial, and a Lion puissant for his Crest, and and the supporters a Lyon and a Dra­gon: [Page 90]the Motto underneath his Arms, Pax quaeritur Bello. And this inscripti­on about, Sigillum magnum Reipublicae Anglioe, Scotiae & Hiberniae: On the other side, himself on Horseback, richly trappered, as the King Seal was wont to be; and the Inscription about it, Oliverus Dei gratia, Reipublicae An­gliae, Scotiae & Hiberniae Protector.

And though he usually coined no money, yet I have seen some pieces of Silver, of an half crown bigness, with his Arms (as before) on the one side, and his Picture crowned with bays on the other side, and the former In­scription. In these respects so near he approached to the Royal dignity; sure I am, he assumed more power and authority, then ever any King of England did.

The Protector before his death, had according to the fore-mentioned Humble Petition and Advice, ap­pointed his eldest Son Richard Crom­wel, to succeed him in his place; and [Page 91]accordingly immediately after his Fa­thers death, he was proclaimed in London, and soon after all over England.

The Independents, Anabaptists and other Sectaries, were not well pleased at it; they had rather have had Fleetwood in the place, who had married the late Protectors Daughter, Iretons Widow; for Richard had for­merly been reputed a kind of a good fellow and a Royallist, and never was in Arms against the King, as all the rest of his Fathers Family and Allies had been.

Richard soon after cals a Parliament to begin at Westminster, Jan. 27. not according to the Instrument of Go­vernment, but after the old way, two in a County, &c. Before the calling of the Parliament, and after, con­gratulatory Addresses are made to Richard, from most Counties, Cities and Corporations of Note in Eng­land, extolling the merits of his he­roick Father, expressing their joy for [Page 92]the succession of such a Son, and pro­mising to adhere to him withall faith­fulness and loyalty. In some of their Addresses, they compare the Father to Moses, and the Son to Joshua, the Guiders and Conductors of Gods People out of Aegyptian thraldom, with other the like blasphemous ex­pressions. Richard receives these Ad­dresses with as much gravity, as they were tendered with humility; so that no man could imagine, but that he was most firmly fixed in his Throne; And Lilly the States mercenary Prog­nosticator, assures it, from his Astro­logical Predictions of that year.

AT the opening of the Parliament, Jan. 27. he makes a Speech to both his Houses, wherein he minds them of his just and lawful Title to the Go­vernment, not only by the wonderful Provindence of God, but by the dispo­sition of the Laws: he tels them, he had convened them together for im­portant affairs of State, for the ho­nour [Page 93]and safety of the Nation; wil­led them to take into consideration, the necessity of the Navy and Army, whom he commends for their patience and obedience, to the best Army in the world: some other things to this purpose he commended to them, and told them in conclusion, that they should find him ready and willing to concur with them in any thing for the good of the publick; and to de­ny them nothing that was just and fit; And that if this were not an happy Parliament, it should not be his fault. And all this (says the Book) was spoken with so gracious and Princely a deportment, as hath gained this opi­nion amongst the wisest Hearers, that he deservedly holds the place of Su­pream Magistrate in these Nati­ons.

Thus the Parliament began, and great hopes there were of good agree­ment between the Protector and the People: and doubtless he for his part, [Page 94]would have given them leave to have setled the Nation as they thought good, both for Religion and Civil Government. But still the other House, though called as formerly, and many of them convened, would not down with the Commons; they would not in the least own this new made House of Lords; sit they might, if they pleased, but little or nothing they had to do: for the Commons would never impart any thing to them, nor indeed have any intercourse with them. A pitiful company of Peers they were, and accordingly re­garded.

But Richard and the House of Commons agreed very well; he was willing to leave all to them; And there being a very great number of young Lawyers in the House, that gaped for preferment, they were wil­ling to give him power enough: too much as many suspected.

Ye must know, that in all Parlia­ments [Page 95]since Olivers time, there was a faction of men in the House, called Common-wealths men, that were for a free State (as they called it) and against a single Person. These were such as had purchased the Lands of Bi­shops, Deans and Chapters, and those belonging to the late King, Queen, and Prince; And they feared, that these Lands might be at one time or other restored, unless the Govern­ment were again setled in the way of a Common-wealth: for a single Person they thought might possibly come to be a King. With these also concurred all such, both Parliament-men and Army­men, as were highly guilty of the Kings Trial and death. And all these together, had a great influence upon the Army. These generally were dis­affected to the Protector.

The Army also (Richard having never been a Souldier) were very de­sirous to have a General of their own choice with power to place and dis­place [Page 96]what Army-Officers he thought fit. Fleetwood the Protectors Bro­ther in-law, or Lambert aims at the place; To effect their design, they with the Commonwealths men in Parliament, as Haselrig, and Vane, Scot and Weaver, and others the like, make a Faction in the Army against the Protector. The Commanders of the Army that were of this Faction, had frequent meetings at Fleetwoods Lodging at Wallingford House; whereof Richard had notice, and might have supprest them in time, by some chief Officers that were of his part, who offered their assistance thereunto; but being loth to hazard the effusion of blood, he let things rest, hoping (per­haps) they would not have proceeded as afterwards they did.

Fleetwood soon after advises him to adjourn the Parliament, year 1659 but he refu­sing, they come to him, and force him to send a Writ to dissolve it; This [Page 97]was about the latter end of April, 1659.

The Parliament thus suddenly dis­solved, the Souldiers were at a loss what to do; at last they resolve, after a solemn Fast had among themselves (as their manner was) to call in that piece or tail of the long Parliament, (that Cromwell and themselves had broke up and cast out six years before, April 20. 1653.) to return again to the exercise of their trust, as they termed it; expressing their Repen­tance for that action, and desiring to return again into the good old way. Lenthal the Speaker, and some others of that company, being then in and about the City, very gladly accept the motion; they thought long to be again in authority. They call toge­ther all their fellow-Members that they could get, and had much ado to make fourty, thought they took two of them out of the Gaol, viz. the Lord Munson and Henry Martin, who [Page 98]were Prisoners there upon execution: Being thus got together upon Satur­day afternoon, May 7. the Speaker with the rest, enter the House, and set again as a Parliament; publishing a Proclamation or Declaration, to let the People understand, how by the wonderful providence and mercy of God, they were again restored to the exercise of their trust, being (as they call themselves) Asserters of the Good old Cause, &c.

The Munday following, Mr. William Prin a Bencher of Lincolns Inn, and many more Members of the Long Parliament, that were secluded upon the Kings Tryal, December 1648. met together at Westminster, and went to the House-door, demanding admission to sit with the rest, but were den [...]ed entrance, and kept out with armed guards. Whereupon he writes a Book called his Narrative, wherein he declraes at large their manner of de­manding admission, and in what man­ner [Page 99]they were forcibly kept out, and very solidly pleads the Kings cause against their Commonwealth. And another Book he writes and pub­lishes at the same time, intituled, The good old Cause, wherein he manifest­ly proves, by twelve undeniable Ar­guments, that that which they termed the good old Cause, was far worse, more destructive both to Church and State, to Religion and the Common­wealth, then the Gunpowder Trea­son. And though he openly owned and avowed these Books, setting his name to them, yet they never returned the least answer to them, nor questioned the Author: But these Books thus seasonably pub­lished, gave a deadly blow to their good old Cause, though the ope­ration of it was not so presently discer­ned.

The Parliament (those few that were) being thus got in again, they presently depose the Protector, and [Page 100]alter the Government from a single person to a Common-wealth. They null all honouts conferred by the late Protector, so that many are in an instant unknighted, whom Oliver be­fore had honoured with that dignity. Richard himself but the other day Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, and his Highness at every word, is now in the language of the Parliament but Richard Cromwel Esq; for by that Title they wrote to him, to quit his Lodgings, and remove from White-hall: and his Excellency Lord Henry Cromwell, Lord Lieute­nant of Ireland, is now no more then Mr. Henry Cromwel; All Olivers ve­nerable House of Peers, have now in an instant lost their Lordships, and are the same that formerly they were; so great a change is effected in an instant. Only Fleetwood and Lambert are still termed Lords in the Parliaments first Declaration, May 7. and there was cause for it; for the Parliament were [Page 101]what they were by their means.

And now all mouths are open in an instant, against the late Protector Oli­ver, reproaching him as the worst of Tyrants and Usurpers, tearing his Hearse or Statue in pieces, defacing and pulling down his sumptuous Mo­nument, that was but a few weeks be­fore at a most vast charge, set up in Westminster.

The Parliament were more obliged to the Army, then they were to the people, for putting them again into Authority; for the people had had more then enough of them, for almost two seven years before. Oliver never did so much good for the Nation, nor had more thanks from the people, then when he and his Army had turn­ed these men out, as before is said, April 20. 1653. And therefore they thought it concerned them, rather to gratifie the Army, then to please the people. To this end, not long after their re-installment, they impose a [Page 102]Tax of twelve months, to be paid in a manner altogether. That 35000 li. a month which was not to be paid by the Act that imposed it, till Midsum­mer, 1660. and that quarterly, they command to be paid in presently be­tween Lammas and Michaelmas, 1659. intending (as its probable) as soon as that was paid in, to impose another the like payment upon the people.

After this, about July, they pass an Act for setling the Militia, and it was sent down into the several Coun­ties, to be presently put in execution; but the Army (as it was thought) not relishing this design, it was soon after laid aside.

This year about the beginning of August, there was a rising in Cheshire, Lancashire, and the parts adjoyning, under the command of Sir George Booth, Sir Thomas Midleton, and other Gentlemen in those parts; they de­clare for a free and full Parliament to be elected by the People. It was com­monly [Page 103]reported, the design was general, laid all over all England, and t [...] [...] was carried on ch [...]ly by the P [...] ­terian Party. But Cheshire and the parts adjacent, were the first that a­rose; in other places attempts were made, but they were suppressed.

Sir George Booth had taken West­chester both Town and Castle, and was reported to be very numerous. And therefore upon the first intelligence thereof, Lambert is sent out against him, with an Army of six or seven thousand men, and a train of Artille­ry; and forces from all quarters are appointed to draw to him, so that all meeting, he had a very great Army. Sir George Booth's party, seeing other Counties so slack, begin to faint and forsake him; Lambert marching to­wards them, is opposed by some forces at a narrow pass, but presently all are routed, and Sir George himself, and some others are taken and brought prisoners to London: this hapned about Aug. 20.

This design so strongly and uni­versally (as was reported) laid, and so soon defeated and disappointed, the Parliament themselves, and all men thought them cock-sure. They begun to resolve to submit themselves to the yoke of their old Task-masters, seeing no other remedy; And the Parliament went on with their work, in setling the Nation in a Common­wealth way; intending after that was established, to proceed severely against Sir George Booth and his party. They began already to sequester his and other mens estates; for many they say were engaged in the plot, all over England: and the City of Westchester they quite dis-franchised.

But observe what followed. Lam­bert and the Army were so heightened at this success, and the Parliament (as they thought) so much obliged to them, for restoring them into their power, and preserving them in it, as they thought whatsoever they de­manded, [Page 105]would not have been denied them. Thereupon in their return to London, they take a resolution by una­nimous consent of the Officers and common Souldiers to require to have a General of their own Election, either Fleetwood or Lambert.

The Parliament having intelligence hereof, resolve the contrary; calling to mind, how six years before they had been served by Oliver, who then was their General: and therefore they thought it not fit any more to intrust so great a power in any one mans hand, least he should do as Oliver had done. And therefore they resolve and vote, to put the power of the Army into the hands of seven Commissio­ners, whereof about two or three (at most) were Army-men, and the rest Members of the Parliament.

This Vote of theirs highly dis­contented the Army, and Lambert e­specially; the business came to than height, as about the tenth or eleventh [Page 104]of October, their forces were drawn out on either side at Westminster. Some Regiments for the Parliament under the command of Haselrig, Mor­ly and others; and other Regiments for the Army, under command of Lambert, Desborough, Berry and other Colonels, and ready they were to charge one another. The Council of State interposing, prevented blood­shed, but could not appease or satisfie the Army. At length the Army be­came Masters, and turned out the Par­liament, October 13. whom but a few months before, they had placed in au­thority.

But the Parliament did prudently and stoutly in one thing; when they saw whereto they must, that the Army would turn them out, a day or two before (Octob. 11.) they made an Act presently after printed and pub­lished, That it should be high Trea­son in any, to impose, assess, collect, levy, or pay any Excise, Customs, [Page 107]Tunnage and Poundage, or any Taxe or Tallage whatsoever, from that 11th day of October, but what should be im­posed by the consent of the People themselves in Parliament.

This was a stumbling-block to the Army-men; it hindred them somewhat from the raising of money for the pre­sent; but had things succeeded accor­ding to their minde, they would soone have leapt over it, and raised what mo­nies they pleased.

The Parliament thus casheerd by the Army, the next thing they do is to provide places for themselves. Fleet­wood is made General, Lambert Lieu­tenant General, Desborough is made General of the horse. And they pro­vide a place for Monck also, who at pre­sent is Governour of Scotland; him they will make Major General of the foot. This for the Army.

For the government of the State they must take time to consider of that. But some things they lay for grounds [Page 108]and principles. 1: They'l free the people of the burthen of Tythes (and in time perhaps of Ministers too) that hath been a designe all along since the Army gave Law to the Nation. 2. They will perhaps have a kinde of Parlia­ment, but not of the choyce of the peo­ple; for the people (say they) are grown generally so corrupt, as they are not fit to choose their own repre­sentatives; but must be left to the god­ly. In stead of an House of Lords, thev'l have a standing Senate of Army-Officers and such like godly men, which shall have a Negative voice in all Par­liamentary consultations. These and some others, as I concluded out of some of their books, were their de­signe.

But the truth is, though much con­sultation they had, and some progresse they made in framing a Government, yet could they make no work of it, they could not agree of any. Only thus, for the present exigence of affairs, they [Page 109]establish a Committee of Safety, con­sisting mostly of Army Officers, and some Members of the late Parliament, that since the dissolution thereof, had sided with the Army, whereof Sir Hen­ry Vane was one.

But that which spoyled the sport, and gave check-mate to their new in­tended Government, was a businesse in Scotland. Monck (as I touched be­fore) was governour of that Nation, and had been so in all these changes, almost ever since Oliver took upon him the Protectors place. They had provided Monck a place among them, (so courteous they were) but they were not so prudent as to consult with him about breaking up the Parlia­ment.

And therefore upon the first intel­ligence of these things, Monck in Scot­land declares against their proceedings. The souldiers here (without expostu­lating) presently arme against him; insomuch as their forces are upon their [Page 110]march towards Scotland, from Nor­wich and the parts thereabout, upon the 29th of October the Parliament having been broken up but bare sixteen days before; Monck seeing them thus on the forehand with him, entertains them with a Treaty; Commissioners are appointed on both sides, and furnished with instructions; mean time Monck takes and fortifies Barwick upon Tweed. The newes comes that they are agre­ed, and that both parties have unani­mously declared against the interest of Charles Stuart, (so they commonly call the King) which caused much rejoy­cing amongst the Armies adherents; but this soone after proved to be false: Monck at the return of his Commissi­oners, is not satisfied in some particu­lars; Neverthelesse soone after, he desires another Treaty, which was held at Newcastle; during which time he calls a Covention of the Estates of Scotland, who (as it was reported) not only approved this his undertaking, but assisted him in it.

The Treaty at Newcastle, after some time spent therein, had no better suc­cesse than the former; They could not, or at leastwise Monck would not agree. But Fleetwood notwithstand­ing gives intelligence to his adherents in Norfolk, that they were so farre a­greed, that if they should grant what Monck insisted upon, it would be no whit prejudicial to them.

While these things were thus act­ing, it pleased God there hapned a great frost, and after that so deep a snow, as the like hath not been known of many years, both for the greatnesse and continuance of it. Monck was all that time with his Army at Barwick and thereabouts, never advancing far­ther into England than Alnwick. Lam­bert and his Army having much impo­verished Yorkshire and those parts, what with Texas and Free-quarter, were now about Newcastle, quarterred in a barren cold Countrey, and not able to march by reason of the hardnesse of the waether.

In the meane time I must tell you, from Lambers first advancing against Monck, the Londoners had been solici­ted by Fleetwood and the rest, to joyn with the Army; but they utterly re­fuse it, though they liked well enough the turning out of the Parliament. A­bout the beginning of December, the Apprentices and some others Petition the Lord Major and Court of Alder­men; the souldiers interpose; where­upon there is a great hurliburly in the City, and some blood is shed, a Cap­tain (they say) being slaine; but by the means fo the Major, the tumult is appeased. Fleetwood upon this occa­sion, to curb the City, and prevent any risings hereafter, sends in a considera­ble part of his Army; they take and fortifie four houses in several parts of the City, whereof Gresham Colledge was one; these they strengthen with souldiers and Granadoes, and threat­en to fire the City in case the Citizens should stir.

VVhile these things were thus car­ried at London, Haselrig and some Ar­my Officers, that from the first had adhered to the Parliament, got into Portsmouth about December the third; and there joyning with some chief Of­ficers of the Navy, declare openly for the Parliament against the Army; And because the City of London would not joyne with them, (for they liked the Parliament as thus constituted, as ill as they did the Army) they will a consi­derable part of the Navy under the command of Lawson then Admiral, (who had a little before deserted the Army) block up the Thames; this was about a week before Christimas.

The City thus blockt up by Sea, and Garison'd with Fleetwoods souldi­ers by Land, were in a sad condition: but for all this they would neither de­clare for the Army nor Parliament, but still desired to have a free Parliament of the election of the People; to which the souldiers forced by necessity and [Page 114]want of money, at last consented; but with such qualifications, as had they been observed, would have rendered the Parliament wholly subservient to the Armies interest; And the Com­mittee of Safety had by a Proclamati­on summoned the same to begin at Westminster, Ianuary 24.

But the Parliament now common­ly called the Rump, (and so I shall here­after terme them) taking the oppor­tunity of this difference between the Citie and Army, made a shift to meet together, (a competeur number of them (about 40.) and to crowde again into the House, December 26. late in the Evening by Torch-light. But lest the Londoners should joyne with the Army, and oppose, they promise upon their first fitting, either to call in the Secluded Members by the 6th. of Jannuary; or else to issue out Writs for filling up the House by new Ele­ctions. To pacifie the Army, they passe a Vote of Indempnity to Fleet­wood, [Page 115]Lambert, and all rest of the Ar­my, both Officers and Souldiers, for what was past, in case hereafter they demeane themselves quietly; which Vote they are glad to accept of, not be­ing able farther to oppose.

But I must tell you, that before this, they had endeavoured what they might, in all the Counties, to raise money for the supply of the Army, but could not get any confiderable sums. The Gentlemen in the Countrey, that had been laid horses by vertue of the late Act for the Militia (which was first set on foot by the Parliament of July last, but laid aside soone after for fear of offending the Army) these they now rate at 10 l. for every horse; yet rather than faile they would have taken fifty shillings. Some that were faint-hearted compounded at so low a rate, and paid; but many refused. And of them that compounded, the most part would never pay a penny. This was about the beginning of De­cember; [Page 116]and some money by this tric [...] they got, but not much. About the same time also, they sent forth warrants for one moneths Tax, assessed for Drums and Colours, &c. by vertue of the said Act, but this in many places was never paid, and in most places though rated, yet not paid. So that the want of money, was the maine thing that broke their designe; the souldiers about London, mutining and growing insolent against their Com­manders for want of pay: some of them falling to that party that adhered to the Parliament, and others offering their service and assistance to the City, whom they thought best able to enter­taine them; so that it came to that passe before the Rump got in, that Fleet­wood had little or no command of his souldiers in and about the City. And this gave another advantage to the Rump to croud in.

Being got in as before is noted, The Citizens of London are yet jealous, [Page 117]that they would not according to their promise, call in the secluded Members, nor fill up their House by new Electi­ons. And therefore they fortifie the City in several streets and places of accesse with chains and posts to pre­vent the sudden incursion of horses; For now they feared the Rump Parlia­ment, as much or more than formerly they did the Army: this was about the beginning of Ianuary.

And indeed within a few dayes af­ter they discovered their intentions; the Rump was so far from calling in the secluded Members, as they passed a Vote that never any of them should sit again: and in stead of filling up their House by a new election, they are about contriving an Oath of abju­ration, whereby to force men under a penalty to abjure the King and all the Royal Line or Family; but this Oath stuck long in debate, and at last would not passe amongst themselves.

But notwithstanding the Rump was [Page 118]thus got into possession, and likely e­nough to hold it, Lamberts Army be­ing at the news of it quite broken and dispersed, himself secretly departing from them at Rippon, and posting to London to accept his Vote of Indemp­nity. Monck advanceth with his Army, marching on slowly, and was come to Newcastle about the sixth of Ianuary without the least opposition.

The Rump likes well of it, hoping by his assistance to quell the City, who as yet stood at distance with them, and had in a sort fortified themselves a­gainst them. The Londoners on the contrary, entertaine hopes, that by Moncks coming, the Parliament might be enforced, notwithstanding their former Vote, either to call in the Se­cluded Members, or else to sill up the House with new elections, either of which would have satisfied them, and one of which they resolved to insist upon. All expectations on either side, are upon Monck, but no man [Page 119]knew certainly what his intentions were.

The Rump had from the first intel­ligence of Moncks advancing, after Lamberts Army was disbanded and broken, sent two of their Members (Ro­binson and Scot) to wait upon him, or rather indeed as Spies to watch and observe him. The City of London had also sent their Sword-bearer as far as Newcastle, to congratulate his com­ing, and to tender the respects and af­fections of the City to him. He re­ceives him courteously, returns hearty thanks to the City, but nothing satis­factory of what they expected: so that hitherto, and long after he marched hooded in allusion to his name; no man could tell what to make of him, nor what his design, or the end of his com­ing was, but men guessed and hoped, according as their opinions and desires were: but the Rump both now, and long after, were as confidently assured of him, as of any man within their own walls.

Passing through Yorkshire he is ho­norably received by the Lord Fairfax, and the Northern Gentlemen, who had not many dayes before contribu­ted much to the reducing of a party of Lamberts Officers and Souldiers, that had possessed themselves of York.

While Monck was there, divers of the Yorkshire Gentlemen were very de­sirous to understand his intentions, and to that purpose, requested Sir Henry Cholmely one of their number, to go to him and talk privately with him; which he did, & had conveniencie of discourse with him. At his return they were big with expectation, and demanded of him what he thought of the General; He told them he thought he was like the Peace of God; they asking why? He answers, because he passeth all under­standing. This I was credibly in form­ed of by a Yorkshire Minister, living in those parts.

Coming along all the way to Saint Albones, he receives several Addresses [Page 121]from all or most of the Counties of England, all importing their humble desires, that either the Secluded Mem­bers might be called in, or that the House may be filled up by new electi­ons, that so one way or other, they might have again a full and free Parli­ament; the want of which they ap­prehend to be the cause of all their late sufferings, and frequent changes of Go­vernment, to the oppression of the people, and high dishonor of the English Nation. He receives them all cour­teously, treats them civilly, but for an­swer tells them, That he was but a ser­vant to the Parliament, and that only in a Military capacity; that it became not him to interpose in Civil affairs; that the Parliament he doubted not, would do them right, and satisfie their just desires: That for the calling in of the Secluded Members, the Parliament had already given judgement in that point, and they ought to acquiesce there­in; But for the filing up the House, [Page 122]he told them it was now under debate, and doubted not but they should receive full satisfaction therein; and therefore he exhorts them to attend with patience the determinations of the House, and not by any unseasonable importunity to disturbe their Counsels, which might be a meanes to delay their satisfaction, and the settlement of the Nation, which (said he) was now intended, and ready to be effected.

From Devonshire also (though far remote out of his way) he receives the like Address (one of the first that were tendred to him) wherein after complaint made of their greivances, they earnestly desire the calling in of the secluded Members. But to them (be­ing his Countrymen, and some of them near allied to him) he returns by way of answer, a courteous Letter; where­in amongh other things, he tels them, that the calling in of the secluded Members could not safely be yielded to, most of them being known to be [Page 123]Assertors of Monarchy; He gives them several Reasons, shewing, that as the case of affairs now stood, Mo­narchy was utterly inconsistent with this Nation: That a Republick or Free State was the only Govern­ment, wherein the several interests of the Nation, both Ecclesiastical and Civil might be best preserved: And therefore in the conclusion, he desires them that by their impatiencies they would not obstruct the Parliaments consultations, otherwise (saies he) our peace will be so much the longer a stranger to us, and we thereby made a prey to our selves and forreign ene­mies. This was from Leicester, Jan. 23. and soon after this Letter was printed and published by the Parlia­ment Intelligencer.

Thus giving fair and plausible an­swers to all such as addressed themselves unto him, he marches along and comes to Saint Albones about the latter end of January; where still Addresses are [Page 124]made to him out of Suffolk, Norfolk, and other places, which receive the like answers that others did. But these Addresses (ye must know) were also tendred to the Parliament, though some that tendred them, were clapt by the heels for their pains (as the Berk-shire Gentlemen) and others threatned; whereas Water-men of London, for a congratulatory Address made to them at the same time, re­ceived the solemn thanks of the House.

While he was at Saint Albones, some Aldermen and Common-Council­men, are sent to him from the City of London, to congratulate his coming, and court him; but are returned as for­merly, with thanks for their respects.

From Saint Albones he removes to Barnet, where he makes a stay, refu­sing to come to London, until Lam­berts Souldiers were out of the City. Mean-time Saint James's House is ap­pointed for his Lodging, and the [Page 125]Custody of the Park is voted to him, to hold during the pleasure of the Par­liament, with some other like ho­nours, a magnificent Reward for such an undertaking.

The Souldiers that were late Lam­berts, being voided the City, Monk and his Army marches to London, on Friday, February 3. and is lodged at White-Hall, at whose coming, there is great joy and triumphing all over the City.

On Wednesday following, Febr. 8. The City continuing still in their re­fractoriness and opposition to the Par­liament, they meet in Common-Council, and there pass a Vote or Or­der, Not to pay or levy any Taxes, until such time as they may have a full and free Parliament: For hitherto you must know, the Rump had not agreed upon qualifications for filling up the House; and many thought they never intended it; but only to establish themselves in perpetual authority.

Upon this Vote or Resolve of the Common-Council, the Rump are highly offended, and send a strict or­der to Monk to march the next day with his Army into the City; To pull up their chains and posts, to break down the gates and portcullis of the City; to imprison forwith in the Tower divers Aldermen and Com­moners, that were conceived to be chiefly active in passing those Votes. This command of theirs, Monk exe­cutes next day, Febr. 9. to the great terror and amazement, not only of the City, but of the whole Nation and Kingdom, when they heard the re­port of it: All hearts are saddened, and now most men conclude, that Monk is not the man designed of God for the delivery of this oppressed Nation.

The Gentlemen in the several Counties that had subscribed and ten­dred their Addresses and Declarations, begin now to fear their own Stakes; there being in some of their Declara­tions, [Page 127]expressions against paying taxes without a free Parliament: It had (I must tell also you) before this, been mo­ved in the House, that those Gentle­men that tendred these Addresses, might be sequestred; yet at that time, it was carried in the Negative. They had cause to fear also, that if they intended at all to fill up the House by new Elections, they would impose such qualifications, as should exclude all such Gentlemen in all Counties, as either subscribed or delivered these Addresses: and so the greatest part by far of the Gentry of England, would be made incapable of serving their Country, and consequently the filling up of the House by such a choice, as would then be allowed, would be but a means further to enslave both them­selves and their Posterities.

For these and the like considerati­ons, they had some thoughts and re­solutions in most Counties (as it was reported) to second their Addresses or [Page 128]Declarations with Arms, thereby to vindicate their Native Rights from the oppression of a Combination of Tyrants, who had a long time usurped the supream power of the Nation, and were now perpetuating that usurpati­on upon the free-born people, to their utter slavery and oppression. And it was verily conceived, that had not the face of affairs suddenly changed, by Monks unhooding himself, the whole Kingdom would soon have been put into a general flame of combustion: for the City of London, by this late af­front, were rather incensed than awed: though their Gates and Portcullesses were broken, yet their hearts and cou­rages remained entire, and were the more confirmed and hardened: and had the Counties unanimously risen, it is like the Londoners would not have sit still: for the whole Kingdom was generally exasperated against the Rump; and the dispersed souldiers of Lamberts Army, not knowing where [Page 129]to quarter, nor how to live, might probably be thought willing to adhere to any party, that were in a capacity to entertain them with pay.

The Rump (as it is conceived) by putting Monk upon that base imploy­ment, of being their City-Scavenger, had a design not only to terrifie and curb the City, but also to make Monk and his Army odious and irreconcile­able to them, whereby they might engage him hereafter more firmly to themselves.

Monk having thus executed the Commands of the Rump, he is trou­bled in his mind at it. And upon Sa­turday following, Febr. 11. he draws his Army into Finsbury Fields, and sending for the Lord Mayor and some of the chief Citizens, he had some discourse with them: And presently after, he writes a Letter to the Par­liament, as from White-hall, wherein he tels them, that he had done their commands, though not without some [Page 130]regret; never any such thing having in all these late troubles, been done to that City, so eminent for their assistance and adherency to Parliamentary Au­thority; He minded them, that the end of his coming and first under­taking, as appears in his Declaration, was not only to preserve them in their present power, but to vindicate the liberties and priviledges of Parlia­ments, with the Native rights and freedom of the people; That he ob­served that some persons impeached of high Treason, were yet suffered to sit in the House: That Lambert, Sir Henry Vane and others, persons of dan­gerous principles, and highly guilty of the late dissention of the Army, and of the horrid force put upon the Par­liament, were yet suffered to be in and about the City: That though they had voted the continuance of the setled maintenance of Ministers, yet they were now upon contriving of another en­gagement that would force many of the [Page 131]most conscientious of them, from the enjoyment of their Means: That there had been too many oaths already im­posed upon the Nation, and that they had more need to mourn for the breach of oaths, than to impose new ones. And that he observed, that those men were most forward to impose oaths, who made least conscience of keeping them: He minded them also of a Pe­tition of dangerous consequence, that they had lately received and counte­nanced from the Fanatick party. These and some other grievances he com­plains of, and then adds his humble desires, that they would by Friday following issue out Writs for filling up their House by new Elections, with due and reasonable qualifications; And that they would put a certain and spee­dy period to their present sitting, whereby the People may enjoy the benefit of successive Parliaments which is (saith he) the undoubted right of the English Nation. And in [Page 132]the pursuance of these things, he will not fail to stand by them and assist them to the utmost of his power with all fi­delity. to this effect (as I remem­ber) was his Letter signed by himself and the chief Officers of his Army, as from White-hall, Febr. 11.

This highly pleased and rejoyced the Londoners, and made full satisfacti­on for the former rigidity done them: Monk herein granting the full of what they formerly desired or expected from him. It was as great cause of joy to the whole Kingdom, as to the City. All that Saturday afternoon, there was Ringing, and Bonefires, and trium­phing, till twelve of the clock at night, and feasting Monks Officers and Souldiers with wine and good chear; nothing was too dear for them. At Norwich and in all places of the King­dom, at the first report of the News, there was the like rejoicing and tri­umphing, in hope of a free Parliament. So much was the Rump in the affecti­ons [Page 133]of the people, as they desired no­thing more than to be rid of them.

Soon after Monk had thus decla­red himself, and joyned with the Ci­ty and whole Kingdom in their just de­sires, The secluded Members (who a great many of them had been all this time in and about London) addressed themselves to him: he desires a confe­rence to be had between them and some of the Rump: they meet ten in number of either side, to argue and debate the business: One challenging admission as Members of the House, and unjustly before excluded: the other refusing to admit the, unless they will confirm all that was done since their exclusion as just and lawful, or at leastwise engage (as themselves had done) against a single Person or House of Lords. Two several meet­ings they had about this debate, but could not agree.

A day or two after, Monk cals the secluded Members alone, and demands [Page 134]of them, if they were still firm and constant in their resolution of not en­gaging against a single Person; they answer him, yea; and that they are im­movable in that resolution. Where­upon he cals them altogether, a matter of fourscore of them (almost twice the number of those that sate) goes along with them, and puts them into the Parliament-House, to sit with the rest of the Members, Febr. 21. being Tuesday: having first delivered to some of the Rump, a paper written to prevent mistakes, wherein he declares, That after several debates had be­tween them, he had now received ful­ler satisfaction from those worthy Gentlemen that were secluded former­ly: But he yet expressed his own pri­vate opinion and judgement, to be for a Common-wealth or free State, and gave some reasons for it.

The secluded Members being thus restored, who had for eleven years and more been kept out from discharging [Page 135]their trust, there is great rejoycing and triumphing again both in London and all parts of the Kingdom, with Ring­ing and Bonefires making, &c. but some of the Rump upon their re­storing, (it is said) withdrew and would sit no more.

Presently after their restoring, they vote Monk to be General of all the for­ces of England, Scotland and Ireland, Sir William Waller (one of the secluded Members, to be Leiutenant-General, and Rossiter a Lincolnshire Gentleman, (and one that had formerly served the Parliament) to be General of the Horse. They constitute Montagu to be Admiral at Sea, instead of Lawson; and they appoint a new Council of State. Soon after they make an Act for setling the Militia of the King­dom, together with some Acts con­cerning Ministers. And taking order for calling of a new Parliament to con­vene at Westminster, April 25. they dissolve themselves on Friday the 16th of March.

And thus by Gods great blessing, we have lived to see an end of that unhappy long Parliament, that hath been the cause of misery and calamity to these three late flourishing King­doms, for these nineteen years and more last past. And all this brought to pass without one drop of blood­shed, by the prudent and politick con­duct of General Monk, who with a small Army (an handful of men in comparison) not past four thousand foot and eighteen hundred horse, and those not very well accommodated, marched from Berwick through the heart of England, to the City of Lon­don without the least opposition, and at length gained the power and com­mand of that opulent and potent Ci­ty: Lamberts Army being at least twelve or thirteen thousand men, well hors'd and well appointed, breaking in pieces and mouldring away in a moment; the Troops and Compa­nies marching from place to place, [Page 137]where they might find quarter, till af­terwards most of them (their Officers cashierd) were received and listed un­der the command of General Monk.

Afterwards by degrees he purges his Army, putting out all Anabaptists, Quakers, and other Fanaticks, both Officers and common Souldiers, as they are or can be discoverd, both in the Army and Garisons, and placeth others in their steads. Overton a fifth Monarchy-man, who pretended to hold Hull for the Lord Jesus Christ, was yet notwithstanding commanded to surrender it to Mr. Charls Fairfax, a Yorkshire Gentleman, which accord­ingly he did: and the like was done in all other Garisons, the Army-men dis­placed, and Gentlemen of the Coun­try, of other confiding persons put in their steads.

Soon after the putting in of the se­cluded Members, Lambert is com­mitted to the Tower: Haselrig, Scot, and others are under examination, but [Page 138]dismissed, upon their promise or en­gagement to demean themselves peaceably.

Lambert not long after finds means to escape out of the Tower, and about the middle of April, or soon after, appears in Arms about Northampton, in the head of a party, many of the cashierd Officers and Souldiers of the Fanatick and discontented party, being got together. And it is generally conceived, that all the Anabaptists, Quakers, and other factious people in all parts of the Kingdom, had a design to have risen and joyned with him, had he not been timely suppressed. But Colonel Ingoldsby being sent against him with a party, he surrounds them all, (being not above five or six hun­dred), whereupon most of the com­mon Souldiers come in, and yield themselves; and Lambert with some Commanders are taken upon the place, without a stroke striking, only a scour [Page 139]of Lamberts (they say) was slain. Co­lonel Okey and some others escaped by flight.

lambert being thus taken, is brought to London together with Colonel Cobbet, Major Creed; and young Haselrig, Sir Arthurs Son. These were all brought up in a Coach through Hide Park, on Tuesday, April. 29. what time there was the greatest general Muster of Citizens that ever was seen in or near London: Of trai­ned men and Auxiliaries there were at least twenty thousand (some say thirty thousand) men in Armes; Some of the Nobility, and many Gentlemen of quality trayling pikes voluntarily amongst them. The Prisoners brought through the Ar­my, and sufficiently hooted at, they afterwards drove the Coach under Tyburn, and there made a [Page 141]stand. This was done (I sup­pose) to minde them of their destiny, or at least of their desert, and to disgrace them, who had so long time insulted and do­mineered over the Nobility, Gen­try and Commonalty of the King­dom. A just reward to use them uncivilly, who had so barba­rously abused both King and Peo­ple.

The Parliament according to Appointment, began at Westmin­ster, April the twenty fifth, the House of Commons being elected and called by Writs, issuing out in the name of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, by au­thority of Parliament, (a Title invented presently upon the change of the Government from as Mo­narchy to a Common-wealth in the year one thousand six hundred forty [Page 140]eight) the Lords and Peers of the upper House taking their places by vertue of their birth-rights and ancient dignities.

Soon after the sitting of the Parliament, there arrived at Lon­don, the Lord Mordant and Sir John Greenvile with a Declaration from his Majesty, as also several Letters. One to the House of of P [...]e [...]s; another to the House of Commons; a third to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London; and a fourth to General Monk, to be by him communicated to the Council of State, and to the Of­ficers of the several Armies under his Command: which Declarati­on and several Letters from his Majesty, were presented according to their several directions, May the first.

In his Declaration, he offers, 1. A general Pardon to all of all sorts, excepting only such as the Parliament should think fit to ex­cept: provided, that they sue out their Pardons under the great Seal of England, within fourty dayes after the publication thereof.

2. He offers a Liberty to ten­der Consciences for matters of Re­ligion so far forth as the Parlia­ment should think fit; and to con­sent to such an Act as the Parlia­ment for that purpose shall tender to his Majesty.

3. For the sales and purchases of Lands made since these late troubles, he is willing to leave it to the determination of Parlia­ment, whom he presumes best able to provide for the satisfaction of all such as are concerned there­in.

And Lastly, he promiseth full sa­tisfaction of Arrears to all Officers and Souldiers of General Monck's Army, and to receive them into his service upon as good pay and conditions, as they now enjoy. This was the sum of his Declarati­on, published at Breda, April 14. 1660. in the twelfth year of his Majesties Reign.

This Declaration together with his several Letters afore-mentioned, were highly accepted. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council, after the reading of them, cried out unanimously, God save King Charls; and presently took down the Common-wealths Arms that hung in the Guild-hall, and (as they say) brake them in pieces, or­dering the King Arms to be hung up in their place, and gave solemn thanks by their Recorder to his Ma­jesties Messengers.

The Lords received their Letter, by the Lord Mordant, with the like joy and loyal affection. The House of Commons having read their Let­ter and the Declaration, voted it satisfactory; and presently voted the Government of the Nation to be in his Majesty, as the rightful and undoubted heir of the three Nati­ons of England, Scotland and Ire­land; They ordered also a Committee to meet for drawing up a Letter of thanks to his Majesty for his most gracions Declaration: And to Sir John Greenvile who de­livered the Letter, they gave five hun­dred pound as a gratuity to buy him a Jewel.

Both they and the Lords further ordered, that six of the upper House, and fifteen of the House of Com­mons should be forthwith sent to his Majesty, to invite and attend him in­to [Page 145]to England. Montague the Admiral at Sea is commanded to wait upon him, with a Squadron of Ships, and fifry thousand pound is ordered for his Majestjes expences, as also ten thousand pound to the Duke of York, and five thousand pound to the Duke of Glocester.

The Letter also and Declaration to the Army, gave no lesser satis­faction both to the General, Offi­cers and Souldiers; they all unani­mously owning his Majesty in an high degree.

On Tuesday the eighth of May, the King was solemnly proclaimed in London, with the greatest ex­pressions and acclamations of Joy that possibly could be; and the like was soon after done in all Counties, Cities, Corporations, and inlet Towns all over England. No King [Page 146]ever coming to his Throne, with so great satisfaction and rejoycing of the People; thereby giving an evident Demonstration to the world, that it was not the People of England, nor the Parliament or Representatives of the People, but only a factious and seditious party, encouraged and supported by a perfidious and traiterous Army, that murdered the late King, disinherited his chil­dren, and overthrew the ancient Fundamental and well constituted government of the Nation, turning it from a Monarchy to a Common­wealth; and thereby occasioned these horrid confusions, and frequent changes and reelings of Govern­ment, that afterwards ensued, to the high reproach and dishonour of the English Nation. For no sooner were the People and Par­liament of England, by the mercy of God, delivered from the vas­sallage [Page 147]of an imperious and do­mineering Army, and put in a condition of freedom, but they presently return to their Allegi­ance, and call in the undoubt­ed Heir of the Crown, submit­ting to his Government, with the greatest cheerfulness and re­joycing that could be imagi­ned.

And thus God who only doth wonders, hath wrought won­derfully for this sinful Nation, turning our Captivity, as the Rivers in the South, smooth­ly, gently, calmly, without any tumult or torrent, after so many horrid confusions, as we have lain under for so many years to­gether, even to the wonder and astonishment, not only of our selves, but of all the Neighbour Nations round about us; who must [Page 149]needs acknowledge in our behalf, (as was sometimes done in the case of Israel,) that the Lord hath done great things for them; and we must needs with the Is­raelites answer, by way of eccho, Yea the Lord hath done great thing for us already whereof we rejoyce, Psalm 126. The People of England were never conceived or reported to be so much against their King, as now they mani­festly appear to be for him; even all of all sorts, but such only whose guilt makes them desperate, like Cain, thinking their wickedness greater then can be forgiven. And here for a conclusion, we may fitly and truly (in a sence) take take up that saying of the Psalmist, and apply it to the present occasi­on: The same stone which the builders refused, is become the head­stone of the Corner: This is the [Page 148]Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.

To the same God be Glory for his great and Glorious Work. May 21. 1660.