I Shall not be curious to satisfie the Reason of any preposest opinion, yet since the Times hath given an open Presse to clear every imagination which is not stifled in this Dampe; I have endeavoured to contract my own Meditations in a narrow roome; and rather expose them to the censure of the most judi­cious, then rest satisfied alone, and admit this cloudy sur­face to overwhelme so Vast a Body.

I confesse it was no mean part of my happinesse in our dangerous extreams, to hope for a happy Union by that Soveraign medicine of a fading State, a Parliament, and knowing the admirable affection of our gracious Sove­raigne to the peace and quiet of the Kingdome, though it was His unspeakable misfortune, never to know the mi­sery of the People, till their discontents were grown to that head, they became almost (if not altogether) uncura­ble, by those unreasonable and illegall Monopolies, ex­acted by some ill affected agents, conducing little to his advantage, but to the furthering of their ambition, who notwithstanding, could as easily desert him in hi [...] misery, as before be the reddy Instruments to importune him to this mischiefe, upon presence of a Legall Anthority, which who knowes not a Prince, may be soon mistaken [Page 2]in, since none can be so silly, as to beleeve him a studied Lawyer: Yet that this should expose us to so great an ad­venture, as not onely to divest him of this suspected ar­bitrary power, but to confer an absolute Government to any whatsoever, renders me no other action then the Poets,

But if you please to take the true State of the busi­nesse, let your Impartial Judgement confer with your Rea­son, upon these few notorious truths. What has the King denied which concern our Liberty, and are the undoub­ted securities of our happinesse, under the regiment of a Just and unquestionable Monarchy?

Are not our Rights and Properties already establisht this Parliament, by such acts of Grace, as could never finde Presidents from His Ancestors: besides the utter extirpation of Shipmony, Monopolies, upon what pre­tence soever, those arbitrary Courts of Justice, High Commission, Star-Chamber, Marshalseas, &c. Has He not importuned the setling of Religion in his purity, and that there might be a Law, to secure the tender Con­sciences of those who will not agree the Ceremonies. Are not the taking away these, sufficient ground to de­solve our Jealousies if ever we meant to be satisfied. As for their fears, I wish we had as little reason to suspect the som [...]nt [...]rs, as we have the King, who is so clearly di­vested of any Power, to make good the least Injustice, that it's too great a hazard on His part to adventvre what our Consciences enforce us to make good for Him on our part: and the conservation of these are so attested by Him (in the Word of a King) with such unusuall ex­pressions, that if they came from a Stranger, (I suspected not an Infidell) I was bound to beleeve in Charity? Wit­nesse those serious asseverations, God so deale with Me [Page 3]and my Children, as I intend to conserve my Parliament in it's Priviledges, the Rights of the Subject, and the true profest Protestant Religion, God so prosper me in what I take in Hand.

Is there yet a further way to establish them, whereby they may be so secure, that a violation may seem impos­sible, without the subversion of the very Letter of the Law: Why is it not propos'd if it be no Invasion of that Just Prerogative, was never denied His Ancestors? and what he hath deserved of us, that he may not be as far trusted, is as hard to Object as easily answered. If then we must needs agree that there being nothing so clear, why should any subtle pretences, hinder our desired ac­commodation, unlesse there be that intend the alteration of our Government; and how inconsistant that may prove to a People already managed, under the united Order of a vertuous King, dayly experience offers it too easie of conjecture. Yet for our better satisfaction, lets weigh the amends we are like to make our selves, from these few Inconveniences, amongst the thousands which dayly ex­pose themselves to our view.

1. The unlimited power of the two Houses have al­ready assumed into their own hands a formall Ordinance countermanding, suspending, nay, creating Acts of Parli­ament, though not in the name of Acts, yet in the power of Acts, wherby both King and People are obliged to obey; how to distinguish this Ordinance from an Act of State, I am not well satisfied: yet I have heard it call'd Treason in one of their Members, for this comparison, though with that caucious provisoe, That it should be no leading case to future ages for Judges to imitate. Is this the security of our undoubted Rights we have so long en­deavoured: who carries not now his life in his hand, man­nag'd [Page]by an exact power of a bare Vote, which if any con­tradicts, must suffer under the name of a malignant par­ty, though of their own Members, and not proceeded a­gainst by the Justice of any precedent Acts, but condem­ned by the Votes of the present Session; and if this be not an absolute subversion of the Rights of Parliament, and destructive to the fundamentall Lawes of our King­dom (wherein our Liberty consist) I would fain be sa­tisfied what is: for 'tis most apparant to whosoever exa­mines their ordinary proceedings; we have no Law left, but what serves their turn; and if that be defective to punish those they please to call Delinquents, their Legislative Ordinance can as well supply that defect, as it could make that obnoxious, which till this Parliament no Man could ever call a fault.

2. This continuing Power of the two Houses, which if they had had a mind should ever be remitted, they would have either expressed it in their first demand, and limitted it to a certain time, wherein they might have compleatly qualified the disquiet countenance of a trou­bled Estate; or since have endeavoured some Remon­strance for our satisfaction in that particular: For I would fain be answered, First, If they fit while they list, and passe what they list, whether they have nor (during their pleasure) subverted our Monarchy by their demo­crasie, and Invested themselves of a power more Arbitra­ry, then the Monarchicall Government could pretend to, that having his limitations and Rules of Law, which the Judges are to answer (if they mistake) or those that ad­vise the King; their democracy having no bounds, be but a thing of Yesterday, and which as yet we cannot under­stand, assuming to themselves the sole power to Judge of our dangers, and propose such remedy, as may answer their pretences.

2. How every consciencious Man can dispence with that sacred Oath of Allegiauce, wherein He cals God to Witnesse for the Vindication of His Princes Just Pre­rogative; and their Protestation to maintain an absolute and unlimired power in the two Houses, wrested to those Ordinances expressely inhibited by His Majestis speciall commands: in my understanding it is to no other pur­pose, then to leade us into a Maze, where, when we are lost by our m [...]sunderstanding (which must necessarily be the principall of our subversion, They will offer us a Clue, shall eirher leade us to their premeditated designes, whereby of necessity they will become our Masters, or to an inevitable Ruine, before we know the reason of our Fears and Jealousies, being the old Rule they so often en­veighed against, First to trouble a State, then to subvert the Government. Let it not be objected now, That I am against Parliaments, for (God knowes) I am for them, and as zealous for my Country as any Man that lives: But in my opinion, the best way to secure our Liberty had been, That our Members of both Houses might continue subject still, lyable to the Regiment of those Laws which shall be enacted by them, wherein they will have a care of securing their own Estates for future, as well as ours, which was certainly the intentions of our well advised Ancestors, in exposing so great a trust into their hands, when the Prince called for their advice in matters of greatest concernment; but by this continued Session, they not onely are Invested of an absolute power, but are able to make themselves amends at leisure for those monies exhausted out of their Estates, while we groan under the insupportable burthen of theirs (as they call them) Le­gall Taxes; and thus they may well be carelesse what [Page 6]Laws are past, never intending to be observers, but Lords of what they make.

3. Who are these pretended reformers of the Com­monwealth, but the very instruments who were the fa­vourites during our oppression; I need not name them to any, who has once attended the Epidemicke trouble of our age, and what unheard of Conversion we can make of their lives, whereby such a Confidence should be re­posed in them, as to devest so Religious and Just a Prince of his unquestionable Rights and Prerogatives, and con­fer such an unlimitted power so readily upon them, if we return our former senses, renders me amized; 'tis not amisse to ruminate some words his Majesty used in his own vindication at Newmarket, My Lords lay your hands on your hearts who were the Contrivers of these Illegall taxes, wherewith you have so incensed my peo­ple, to whose advantage were these impositions levied, are my Exchequers at all larger, or did you not rather conduce to your peculiar benefit, who were the onely perswaders of them, that you have now repayd mee with condigne thanks. Those favourites being content to be the Causers, though not Companions of their Princes mis-fortunes being like Crows upon a Carkas that have no sooner bared the bones, but they are flown, are we not yet sensible the rules of policy, not of ho­nesty, to secure their lives and fortunes, not their Con­sciences, exposed you to this politike, not publike service, and had you not in so exact a course served your turns of these Loyall pretenders, they had been as lyable to the extremity of Justice as the greatest Delinquents that underwent the most heavy sensures; and undoubtedly had had their deserved shares, which would have given a [Page 7]better Colour to their upright proceedings as they would have you so believed. If they had impartially di­stributed Justice amongst the then Malignant party: but now that we should be so stupid as to be circum­vented with any pretences whatsoever, which out-strip the Essentiall rules of Government or Reason, and con­fide in the positive Vote of an ambitious party for ought we know, would admit my perswader to be a mad-man that could allow that in his opinion, but make them what you will, suppose them to be the most reall and upright men in their lives and consciences in the whole world: They are but the Counsell of the King and Kingdome, not their Commanders, for the health of our State is admirably ballanced if that have but his due proportion; The Parliament consisting of three bodies, the King, the Lords, and Commons, so that if two should be distructive and the third remaine sound during those Lawes already in force, there can be no danger to our Kingdome, but if either of the [...]o can passe at their pleasure what they will, the third [...] then of necessi­ty stand for a Cypher, for consenting or disagreeing is then of equall value, and in my opinion yt's a profi­dent of too great an adventure, for suppose the King and the Major pure of the Lords should agree an Ordinance or Law, we should thinke extremly prejudiciall to the Liberty of the Subject, our Commons should be conclu­ded peremptorily against their Consents: I heard an act not long since vouched in president that had been ta­tified against the Consent of the Lords Spirituall, where they declared nec possumus nee volumus consentir [...], and this so rare we could not find a second. At the Parliament at Oxford in 17. [...]. 3. when the Lords were not there [Page 8]present, they were faine to disolve the House without passing one Act, confirming my first proposition, That the consent of two bodies are not of force to make Us Laws without the third, much lesse conclude; the King who is not onely the supream head, but the very soule, whose power gives life to their actions, when their body is once dissolved, besides how incoherent is it, with that authority committed to them, sor if the Parliament (which are onely His great Councell) offer him a Bill, which He is bound to agree, it was more then ever His Ancestors were; and of their Counsellors, it must ne­cessarily follow, they are His Commanders.

We have a Maxime with the Subject, Modus & con­ventio vincunt legem. In former ages and ever since Par­liaments vvere in use, Le Roy s'avisera vvere sufficient authority to make a Bill of both Houses unwarrantable; and how the King has lost that Right, or vvhat new Laws are found out distructive to that Prerogative, I ne­ver yet read, nor ever shall, unlesse some such new Ordi­nance or bare Votes can pretend to such an unwarranted power (whereof there was never yet sound a President) which can have no other operation upon my understan­ding, then, That the Votes of the present Members which can at their pleasures dispose the undoubted Priviledges of the Crown (by a Law recorded onely in their owne breasts) and given out to us under the guilded Title of the Peoples Liberty, when indeed they are but Golden Chaynes in stead of Bulrushes, and (reserv'd till occasion shall make it too appitant) may finde out a Law of equall force to dispose the Crown, when they shall so far debilitate the Prince as he shall be no way able to make resistance; for when the supporters are not onely [Page 9]undermined, but clearly taken away; by what reason can we imagine the Structure may continue firme, that you may be sure we will not unjustly charge them, be pleased to observe with me their Orders in these few instances.

• 1. Their countenancing these unwarranted Acts, either by a seditious huddle of indigent people, and so procuring Petitions to necessitate these premeditated proceedings, or leavying an absolute War against the King; securing us upon no other reasons then that they are the represent ative body of the Kingdom, and there­fore our Obedience, rather to be expected, then our Rea­son satisfied, which indeed is true enough, if they procee­ded upon that warranted rule to which no man could refuse observance, or being intrusted by us with the power of preceding Parliaments; that they would pursue points of so high concernment, with the same mature reasons and deliberations, as they have done, and and then they might well expect our readinesse to secure their actions: But suppose we elect one that should speak or endeavour to enact Treason, does our election bid us to secure him, or will future Parliaments blame us here­after for giving up so great a Delinquent to the Justice of the Lawes: dare we countenance their Intentions, who hath fetcht Presidents from the weakest Princes, (nay, and go beyond them to) to the disadvantage of as able a Prince as ever yet held the Scepter, nay, and offer their suppositions to the Vulgar, If the Prince be a foole, a childe, &c. ought he not to be governed by his Counsell, though it be against his consent, if it stand with the publique benefit: what Implication to make of this I understand not, but I am sure that it was none [Page 10]of our meaning when we gave our voice in the Elections Can an Ordinance of Parliament without the consent of the King renew a repealed Act, and with so bold a countenance trample upon the heeles of that Parliament in Richard the seconds time, and this very repealed Act renewed this Parliament, be within one step of it, wherein the Parliament took the Crown and gave it to the then Earl of Bullingbrook, which was the reason of so much Blood in our Civill Wars, and was not well settled till of late Years? And can we blame the King if He desires shelter from such a storme: If it be their intentions, sure one Bullingbrook will not serve their turnes, since there hath been equall shares in this so great an adventure. And to vouch the Oath of this Usurper H. 4. which came in at their benevolence to a Prince of an unquestionable Title, and never offered before or since to any English King that ever we read or heard of (out with it's limitations) is so far from their Loyall preten­ces, that they are rather to be believed studied mischiefes and endeavours, to embroyle the Kingdome in a Civill War.
• 2. To disingage all that would out of affection or love, interest themselves to secure the Kings Person, and Dignity (it being too apparant to any ordinary under­standing) that such proceedings were never warranted by any precidents of preceding Parliaments, or those Laws they call fundamentall in our Kingdom, they scandalize such with the name of malignant Persons, whereby His Meniall Servants either absolutely refus'd, or durst not adventure His attendance, and countenance this medley in such a sense, that the King himselfe is perpetually traduc'd under this obstruse Dialact; which though they [Page 11]dare not put down in plain English, for feare the most violent amongst them should be ashamed to own it; yet by such an implication, as the plainest capacity cannot but blush, and with admiration wonder, whereto this may tend, I would faine be satisfied, what these might not do, when they had once mastered these their malig­nants; For if you will give us as much reason as the Ants, you must believe a Winter may come, as well as think a Summer is come: durst any Man then oppose their proceedings, when they have reduced all to their own Termes, doe you not speake your selves the very Law, and we as we ought to yeeld no appeale from Par­liament, being the highest Court in the Kingdome; yet in this sense as the King is a part of it (for otherwise I understand not by what right) it has the preheminence of those they call the Kings Courts, being both conveen'd by the same Royall Authority.
• 3. The discountenancing any Petitions whatsoever (wherein we desire to interpose our advice for acommo­dation or otherwise) though never so agreeing with our Laws, unlesse they stand with the sence of their party, as if all our Wisedom were shut up in so narrow li­mits, and these the onely Men in England infallible; yet give me leave to aver, That to the number of almost two hundred approved able Men, whose warranted Judge­ment and sufficiencies were the onely inducement of their Countries Election, have been fain to sit still, and see things carried in this disorderly confusion (peremp­torily against their earnest endeavours) and have not bin so much as askt their opinions in matters of greatest concernment; but being unwilling to expose their Con­sciences to so high a Guilt, have withdrawn themselves as unvsefull Members of such a Body.
• [Page 12]4. To insinuate a beliefe of their care to the Vulgar, They have perpetually, surmised terrible Jealousies, which have produced no other effect, then a desired suspi­tion of the King, yet these offered upon most improba­ble conjectures, as every private Letter is sufficient grounds to piece up their designes, or by such Persons whose private discontents, leade them to offer these high indignities to that sacred Person, they were never wor­thy to serve in the meanest Office; and though their Lives were so notorious for their former extravagancies, they have by these superfluous invectives found counte­nance, till presuming upon their merits, which were none, except to abuse the King, can be called desert; That they have been given up to capine or some such damna­ble sin, that nature would never have pardoned, if vve had had no Law; Yet these Mens informations, suffici­ent grounds to traduce the King, these Letters most ne­cessary Animadversions to leavie Forces, to maintaine the Kings Forts, Towns, and Magazines against Him, I, and in His own name to, as if they could derive that authority from Him, that has no power (according to your Ordinance) to leavie them in His owne Defence, though His Person is in never so apparant imminent danger; yet they for His good, and the good of the King­dome, can pretend to this Power, and beyond, yet that all is not of that infallability, let Mr. Pims Letter from Sir John Hotham witnesse with me.

I have committed these few Observations, to the view of the Publique, finding so many bold Pamphlets (with so high impudence) fly at the Face of Majesty unrepro­ved, and every corner stinks of this unclean Doctrine; yet since tis come to this height, that we must declare our [Page 13]selves, or lose our King,: wherein my purpose failes, my Life shall make good to my last Breath; but if Religi­on, Reason, and Law had not warranted so Just a cause, I should never have adventured to cleare a Glasse to so foule a countenance: yet before I conclude, let me pro­pose one Question in Religion: Whether the Church was not in its purity in the Primi [...]ive times; the World agrees they had in those Dayes a King that was no Chri­stian? Whether Christ had not more power (then ever any can or dare pretend to since) to eclipse that Regall Dignity, if it had been distructive to the Church? yet He refused the lowest office of a Magistrate, But gave to Caesar the things that were His, for when the young Man came to Him and said, Lord command my Brother that he devide the Inheritance with me, He replies, Who made me a Ruler or a Judge amongst you? But now, That we having a Christian King, professing by his unblemisht Life, the same way to salvation with us, protesting to conserve our Liberties with his Life, to make such an apparant difference, which may bethe occasion of the effusion of so much Christian Blood, upon meere Jea­lousies, will be the most unheard of disloyalty that can be committed to future Ages.