Englands Worthies, Select Lives of the most Eminent PERSONS of the Three Nations, from Constantine the Great, to the Death of the late Lord Protector, Oliver Cromwell.
COnstantine (for his many Victories sirnamed the Great) was Son to Constantius Emperour of Rome; his Mother was named Hellena, being Daughter unto Caelus a Brittish Prince, though some Jews and Gentiles out of hatred to her Religion, have reported her to be an Inholder or Hoastess: he was born in England, as all Writers affirm, two petty Greek Authors only dissenting, who deserve to be arraigned of felony for robbing our Country of its honor; Colchester was the place where he first beheld the light, as the Ancient Poet Necham sung.
At such time as he was Caesar under Constantius his Father, he was left at Rome as Hostage with Galerius the Emperour; but perceiving his death to be by him attempted, he posted to Brittain in all haste to his father, who was newly returned to the City of York from an expedition he had made against the Picts and Caledonians.
Constantius at the time of his sons arrival was sick of the Plague, whereof he died immediately afterwards; the sight of his son at the present so revived his spirits, that raising himself upon his bed, he set the Crown Imperial upon his head, and in the presence of his Privy Councellours spake to this effect.
Now is my death to me more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant, seeing I shall leave my unaccomplished actions to be performed by thee my Son; in whose person I question not but that my memorial shall be retained as in a monument of eternal fame. What I had intended, (but by death prevented) see thou accomplish; let thine Empire be governed uprightly by Justice, protecting the innocents from the tyranny of oppressours, wiping away all tears from the eyes of Christians; for therein above all things have I esteemed my self happy: to thee therefore I commend my Diadem, and their defence, taking my Faults along with me to my grave, but leaving my Vertues to revive and live in thee. With the conclusion of which words he concluded his life, leaving his Subjects sorrowful for his departure; but the grief they received by the death of the Father, was mittigated in the hopes they conceived of his Son, who so resembled his Father in all vertuous conditions, that though the Emperour was changed, yet his good government remained: For as one writes.
Another writes thus of him.
Constantine thus chosen Emperour in Brittain, was confirmed Emperour by the Senate of Rome, who (like the Persians) adored the rising Sun, giving approbation to what they could not remedy; his first expedition was against the Picts and Caledonians, which War his Father had begun, but death prevented him to finish it, leaving the prosecution thereof to his son Constantine, that the Fabrick of so many victories by him atchieved, might have the foundation thereof laid in Brittain: nor was his success contrary to his expectation, subduing the inhabitants that were most remote witnesses (saith one) of the suns set, or going down.
Whilest Constantine was thus busied in Brittain, Maxentius by the tumultuous souldiers was proclaimed Emperour at Rome, whose sister Fausta, Constantine had married; but his tyrannical usurpation grew so odious to the Senate, that they sent to Constantine for his aid, who willingly hearkening to what they so earnestly desired, prepared his forces against the new elected Emperour; Maximianus the Father of the Tyrant, faining to abhor the outragiousness of his son, but seeking indeed to uphold him in his tyranny, repaired to his Son in law Constantine with an intent to murther him; but revealing his intentions to his Daughter Fausta, was by her detected; and being taken, was served with the same sauce he intended to serve another, verifying therein the ancient Proverb,
Having escaped this eminent danger, he makes Licinius Governour of Sclavonia, Co-partner with him in the Empire; and to assure him to his side, gives him his sister Constantia to wife, and then with an Army of 90000. Foot, and 8000 Horse, hasteth towards Rome against Maxentius his enemy,
Constantine at the time of his setting forth of Brittain, was (as appeareth by Authours) unsettled in his Religion; for though he observed the adoration of the Gods of the Gentiles to be altogether frivolous and deceitful, yet was he not confirmed in the Christian Faith, but was then rather of no Religion, then truly of any; the cause of his conversion, Eusebius and other Authours write, was, that being in his march against Maxentius aforesaid, being then piously affected to worship and to invocate the true God, he cast his eyes towards the East part of the Heavens, and had presented unto him the sign of a Cross, wherein were stars as letters so placed, that visibly might be read this sentence, IN HOC VINCE; this sign being seconded by the voice of Angels, confirmed him in that whereof before he was doubtful, so that changing the Imperial Standard to the form of this vision, as one armed from Heaven, he marched against his hellish Adversary.
Who thinking to over-reach Constantine by a stratagem, framed a false bridge over the River of Tybur, but the trap he set for another he fell into himself; for joyning battel with Constantine, and being by him overcome, either for haste or forgetfulness, took over the same himself, which falling under him as he passed, he with many more were drowned, escaping thereby a more cruel and ignominious death.
Maximinus, who then governed the East part of the Empire, hearing of the prosperous proceedings of Constantine, purposed the destruction of him and all his partakers: but man proposeth, and God disposeth; for he who dreamt of nothing less then a glorious victory, was himself overcome by Licinius at Tarsus, where he shortly after died, being eaten up with lice.
Licinius hereupon growing insolent, his prosperous proceedings making him ambitiously mad, was in conceit no less then Emperour of the whole world; so that now he began to unvizard himself, and to show he was not what he pretended; [Page 5]for though before he had outwardly suffered the Christian profession, yet now he raised a bloody persecution against them in the East. Constantine according to his Fathers commandment (which was to wipe away all tears from the Christians eyes) prepared his forces against this bloody persecutor, with whom he encountred in the Countrey of Hungary, his success being answerable to the justness of his cause, Licinius and his Army being overthrown; but he afterwards recruting, in a battel at Byzantium was again overthrown and taken prisoner; yet by the mediation of his wife Constantia, had his life spared and confined within the City of Nicomedia: but he afterwards endeavouring to recover his former dignity, was for his treasons afterwards put to death, so that then (as Mr. Speed writes) the peace of Gods Saints manifestly appeared, and the progress of the Gospel passed uncontrolled.
Maxentius, Maximinus, and Licinius being vanquished, Constantine remained sole Emperour, under whom the Christians enjoyed Halcyon dayes, returning from the deserts where before they were hidden; Churches were reedified, Temples founded, and Festival Dayes celebrated in every place. And that this foundation might have as glorious a building, he congregated 318 Christian Bishops in the City of Nice, where divers things were decreed for the godly government of the Church in that primitive Age.
His next care was to demolish and pull down idolatrous Temples and Images, as the Grove and Temple of Venus in Phenicia, which was a School of wickedness to those which were addicted to lust; where men and women frequently committed adulteries and fornications. Constantine thinking it unfit that the sun should behold such villany, sent a band of Souldiers to suppress it: as also the Temple of Aesculapius, with the Image of Venus at Heliopolis, and many such like in other places. Nor was his zeal more shown in suppressing Pagan Temples, then in erecting structures for the [Page 6]advancing of Christianity, building a most magnificent Temple in the very place where our Saviours Sepulchre was, though some report it to have been built by his Mother Hellena; but we will not herein set the Mother and Son at odds, it may be she built it at his cost, or that it was built by him, and dedicated by her; as also those other two, the one on the Mountain where our Saviour Ascended, the other over the Cave where he was Born. The Kingdome of Christ beginning to appear thus visibly resplendent, the Devil envying the prosperity thereof, raised a new sedition in Antioch; the whole City being divided into two factions about the choice of a Bishop: Constantine well knowing that the War of the Church was the Infidels Peace, wrote perswasive letters to them to maintain peace and concord among themselves; which like lenitive Physick allay'd and cool'd the hot distempers of their rage, who else had certainly killed and masacred one another.
Hitherto is Constantine's reign commended of most, but the latter part of his life applauded of few. In the first beginning of his reign (saith Stow) he was worthy to have been compared with the chiefest Princes of the Romans; but for the end thereof, to be resembled to such as were of the meaner sort. Eutropius and Victor tax him of cruelty, for putting to death his wife Fausta and Crispus his son, though he be thereof excused by Paulus Orosius and Zosimus, who affirme the causes of there deaths were just. However, he is taxed by other writers to have more prejudiced the Roman Empire then any of his predecessours; first in removing the Imperiall seat from Rome to Bizantium, adorning the same with magnificent buildings, and commanding all the Princes of the Empire to raise therein some memorable edifices. Likewise for transporting from Rome more curious statues, and other costly monuments, then any twenty of his predecessours had brought thither: as the Image of the Goddess Pallas, supposed to be the same that Aeneas brought from Troy; the Image of [Page 7] Apollo, of an unmeasurable higness, with the statues of Juno, Venus, and Minerva; where he also built a famous Library, wherein were an hundred and twenty thousand Books: changing the name to Constantinople, which it still retaineth unto this day. Another errour of this famous Prince, was his dividing the Empire between his Children; for though (saith our learned Dr. Heylin) it was quickly again reunited, yet by his example others learned the same lesson, renting the Empire into many pieces, which finally occasioned the loss of the whole. Another defect was his translating the Legions from Brittain, France, and Germany unto the Eastern Countrey, for a Bulwark against the Persians, thereby opening a gap for the barbarous Nations to enter, which they afterwards soon did to the great prejudice of the Empire; so that Zosimus (though in other of his writings concerning this Emperour discovers his malice) yet he truly calleth him the first subverter of that flourishing Monarchy.
Concerning the time when he was baptized Authors onely agree in disagreeing; Eusebius writes, that he was baptized in the City of Nicomedia; Sozomenus and Theodoritus, that it was a little before his death; others think he was baptized with Crispus his Son, to which opinion accords Platina and Sabellicus, who affirm the Font wherein they were baptized, to have remained unto their times. In this diversity of Writers the Reader must not expect I should satisfie him, seeing I cannot herein satisfie my self.
But of more certainty is the place of his death, wherein they all accord, that it was in Nicomedia a City of Bythinia, where he died of a natural disease, a thing to be taken notice of, since of 40. Emperours that reigned before him, above 30. of them came to untimely ends, most of them being blood-thirsty Tyrants, and Persecutours of Gods holy Saints, whose ends were answerable to their lives, their bloody actions having bloody deaths: So true is that of the Poet Juvenal.
At his death he divided his Empire betwixt his three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Constance: To Constantine the eldest, he allotted the Countreys of Brittain, France, Spain, and part of Germany; Constantius his second son had Italy, Africa, Sclavonia, Dalmatia, and Greece; and Constance the youngest possessed the Countreys of Thracia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt.
The Life of King ARTHUR.
BOth Poets and Historians out of the most famous Warriours that have lived in the world, have extracted nine of the chiefest, whom they termed Worthies; of these this famous Prince (whose life we now intend to relate) was accounted one.
Questionless he was a Prince of a matchless prowess, and pitty it is the naked truth of his actions hath not been delivered to posterity without the intermixture of ridiculous falshoods; for Geffery of Monmouth is said to have feigned many things for the encrease of his fame, though he hath thereby much impaired his own; and although for the same he was bitterly inveighed at by William of Newberry, and divers others, yet was his follies followed by several Authours, still adding to what he first had feign'd, according to that of the old Poet.
Thus their over-lavish pens in seeking to make him more then he was, have made many suspect he was not at all.
But besides the testimonies of William of Malmesbury, Joseph of Excester, Ninius, Leiland, and divers others, for the truth of this Prince, a Charter exemplified under the seal of King Edward the Third, doth sufficiently testifie; wherein mention is made of King Arthur to have been a great Benefactour to the Abbey of Glastenbury, and to this day his Arms (being an Escochen, whereon a Cross with the Virgin Mary having Christ in her arms) cut in stone, standeth over the first gate of entrance into the Abbey, and is said to be the Arms belonging to the same. Of his person we shall not need to doubt, though we may justly suspect the verity of many things said to be atchieved by him. This by way of introduction I thought fit to insert, I shall now pursue his History with truth and brevity.
He was base Son to Ʋter sirnamed Pendragon, begotten of Igren Dutchess of Cornwall, her husband yet living: this Lady had often withstood his unlawful desires, at last by the help of Merline (a renowned Welch Enchanter) as some Authours write, he was brought to her bed in the likenesse of Gorlois her husband, of whom that night he begat this Worthy, whom at his death he appointed to be King of Brittain, notwithstanding he had two Daughters lawfully begotten, and as honourably married; the one to Lotho King of Picts, the other to Gouran King of Scotland.
But scarcely was the Crown settled on his head, when the Saxons sought to strike it off, who being called in by Vortigerne for an aid against the Scots and Picts, like unmannerly guests sought to turn their hoast out of doors. To the aid of these Saxons joyned Lotho King of Picts, out of envy to the Brittains, for that they had denied him to be their King; and although Arthur was his Kinsman, and professed Christianity, the other strangers and enemies to true Religion, yet neither Christianity nor Consanguinity could keep him from joyning with them in amity, not caring who won, so [Page 10] Arthur did but lose. The first battel they fought was in the Countrey of Northumberland, where Arthur dyed his Sword in the Saxons blood, chasing them from thence to the City of York, which notwithstanding he did straitly besiege, yet their Captain named Colgerne escaped from thence, and got into Germany where he obtained aid of one Cherdike a King of that Countrey, who came himself in person, with 70 sail of ships, and having a prosperous Winde arrived in Scotland; which when Arthur understood, he raised his siege, and marched towards London. And that the multitude of his enemies might not daunt the courage of his Souldiers, he sent for aid to his Nephew Howel, King of little Brittain in France, who came himself likewise in person to the aid of his uncle, doing, as old Authors write, acts worthy to be eternized with a golden pen.
Their forces thus augmented, with undaunted resolutions they march to the City of Lincoln, which Cherdike did then besiege, whom they forced from thence to flee into a wood, but there being likewise compassed about with Arthurs victorious Army, they yielded themselves with condition to depart the Land, leaving the Brittains their horse, armour, and other furniture: but see what faith is to be expected from faithless people, for having their markets spoiled at Lincoln, they thought to make them good in the West, ariving at Totnes, and destroying all the Countrey till they came to Bathe; but the price of their lives paid for their perjury, being encountred by Arthur, their Army was overthrown, their three Captains Colgrine, Cherdike, and Bladulf being slain.
Howel King Arthurs Nephew was not at this last battel, being besieged at that present in the Marches of Scotland, to whose rescue hasted Arthur, with the flower of his Souldiers; and notwithstanding the Scots were aided by one Guillomer King of Ireland, yet obtained he of them a glorious victory, chasing Guillomer into Ireland, and bringing [Page 11] Scotland into subjection: like another Caesar it might be writ of him, veni, vidi, vici, as one of our poets sings of him.
Returning to Yorke he instituted the celebration of the Nativity of our Lord, with such feasts and sports as are commonly now used; an institution which the Scottish writers do altogether condemn, comparing them to the feast of Bacchus and Priapus of old, it being a time more fit for our devotion then mirth.
His wife was named Guinever, Daughter to the King of Biscay, and near Kinswoman to Cador Duke or Earl of Cornwall; a Lady who for her beauty was the miracle of her times, had it not been accompained with a vicious minde; not onely abusing her self by unlawfully accompanying with Mordred, son to Lotho Kng of Picts, but also in her husbands absence consented to be his wife; so rarely is beauty and chastity found to dwell in one body, that it hath caused many writers for the faults of some few to condemn the whole sex; amongst the rest take these of an Epigramatist.
And again in another place.
Together with the old Adage.
Thus some in their critick fancies think all women to be bad, and others again as much contrary think them all to be good, certainly every man speaks as he findes, and by the knowledge of one passes judgement of all the rest. That they are all bad, I cannot think it: and that they are all [Page 12]good, I could never finde it: sure he that thought them all good; was too much feminine, and he that concluded them all to be bad, had forgotten that ere he had a mother.
But to return to our History. King Arthur to increase the courage of his Souldiers, instituted the Order of Knights of the Round Table, that he might reward the well deserving with titles of Honour: none were admitted into this order but such of the Nobility as were most renouned for vertue and Chevalry; they were in all the number of 150 the chiefest of them being Sir Lancelot, Sir Tristram, Sir Lamrock, Sir Gawine and others. These were all recorded for Knights of great renown; and had not King Arthurs valour been most transcendent, each of them might have passed for no less then a Worthy, though they must fall short of the deeds of King Arthur, of whom it is written, that in one battel against the Saxons, with his Sword named Callibourn, he slew above 800 of them, so much his valour exceeded all others, if my Authors words exceed not the truth.
In twelve set Battels (besides several Skirmishes) is he said to have returned victor from the slaughter of the Saxons; the names of the places where these battels were fought, take here out of Ninius.
The first was at the mouth of the River Gleyn.
The second, third, fourth, and fifth, nigh unto the River Douglass in Lineux.
The sixth upon the River Bassus.
The seventh in the wood Calidon.
The eighth besides the Castle called Guynien.
The ninth at Carlien in Wales.
The tenth by the Sea side, in a place called Trachenrith, or Rithowode.
The eleventh upon a hill named Agned Cathergonien.
The twelfth at Bathe or Bathen-hill.
King Arthur in these battels having broken the force of [Page 13]the Saxons, and not onely forced them to pay him tribute, but to receive Majestrates of his appointment; yet thought the glory of his actions to suffer an eclipse, if his victories were atcheived onely in Great Brittain; therefore with a well selected Army he passes over into Norway, subduing the same with all the Regions thereabouts; causing the people of those Countries to receive the Chistian Religion, and obtained of the Pope to have Norway confirmed to the Crown of this Realm, causing it to be called the Chamber of Brittain. Then sailing into France he put Frolo (Governour there for the Romans) to flight, and afterwards in combate manfully slew him.
But notwithstanding his wonderfull atchievements, yet Lucius Hiberus the Roman Legate demanded of him a Tribute for Brittain; which he not onely denyed, but also threatned to have a tribute from Rome, as appeareth in his letters sent unto the Senate, where I finde it thus written in an old Manuscript. Ʋnderstand among you of Rome, that I am King Arthur of Brittain, and freely it hold and shall hold; and at Rome hastily will I be, not to give you truage, but to have truage of you: for Constantine that was Hellens Son, and other of mine Ancestors conquered Rome, and thereof were Emperours, and that they had and held, I shall have yours Goddis grace; and accordingly he set forward against Lucius Hiberus, who with great power and vain confidence came marching against him; where after a long and bloody fight the Romans were discomfited, their General killed, and his slain body sent to the Senate for the tribute of Brittain.
Whilst Arthur was thus busied in conquering Kingdoms abroad, he had well near lost his kingdome at home; for in his absence his Couzen Mordred (confederating himself with Cerdicus King of the West Saxons) usurped the kingdome: which when Arthur understood, he returned into Brittain, and at Cambula in Cornwall this brittish Hector [Page 14]encountring with Mordred slew him; but himself being deadly wounded, was conveyed to Glastenbury, where he dyed on the 21 day of May, in the year of our salvation 542. when he had victoriously governed the Brittains the space of six and twenty years.
Here might we end his life, were he not further remembred by our Modern Authours, viz. how in the last year of the reign of King Henry the Second, more then 600. years after the time of his death, his body was found in the Church-yard of Glastenbury, betwixt two Pyramides therein standing: he was laid no lesse then sixteen foot deep in the ground, for fear (as Hollinshead writes) the Saxons should have found him; and surely the searchers for his body would have never digged so deep, had they not at seven foot depth found a mighty broad stone, to which a leaden Crosse was fastened, and in that side that lay downwards, in barbarous Letters (according to the rudenesse of that Age) this Inscription was written upon that side of the lead that was towards the stone.
Here lieth King Arthur buried in the Isle of Avalonia.
Nine foot deeper, in the trunk of a tree, was his body found buried: his bones being of a marvellous bignesse, the space of his forehead betwixt his two eyes (if I could believe this Historians strange narration) was a span broad, and his shin-bone being set in the ground, reached up to the middle thigh of a very tall man; ten wounds appeared in his scull, one whereof was very great and plain to be seen; his wife Queen Guinever lay buried likewise with him, the tresses of whose hair, the last of our excrements that perish, finely platted, and of colour like the burnisht gold, seemed whole and perfect until it was touched, but then (to shew what all beauties are) it immediately fell to dust. Henry de Bloys (then Abbot of that house) translated [Page 15]their bones into the great new Church, (for the old one was burned not long before) and there interred them in a sumptuous Tomb of Marble, laying the body of the King at the head of the Tomb, and the body of the Queen at his feet towards the West part; which noble monument (saith Mr. Speed) among the fatall overthrows of infinite more, was altogether razed at the dispose of some then in Commission, whose over-hasty actions in these behalfs, hath left us a want of many truths which otherwise we might have had.
Vain therefore is that which the Scottish Historians report, that Queen Guinever was buried at Angus in Scotland; and that what woman soever chanceth to tread upon her grave, shall remain for ever barren, without bringing forth any issue, insomuch (as Hector Boetius a lying Author reports) no woman dares not come near it her self, nor will suffer any of her daughters to come near thereunto.
To conclude the Life of this famous Prince, we will shut up all with his Epitaph made by John Leland, and tranflated into English by Mr. Nicholas Roscarock.
The Life of DUNSTAN, Archbishop of Canterbury.
IN respect of this unusual Tract, as also of the strange variety of relations I have found in Authors of this History; I thought fit from the Sword to come to the Crosier, to select the Life of Dunstan, Archbishop of Canterbury, that posterity may be acquainted with the successes as well of the Mitre as Crown. He was born in West-Saxon, his Father was named Heorstan, and his Mother Cinifride; they in his youth set him to school, where he so profitted, that he excelled most then living of his age: in process of time he fell sick of an Ague, which was so violent that he fell into a frenzy, (Physicians belike being scarce in that age) he was, as my Author writes, under cure of a certain Woman; but through her unskilfulness his disease increased upon him, and one day being in a trance, he suddenly arose, and catching hold of a staff, laid about him, as (indeed he was) mad; next night he got up on the roof of the Church, running up and down on the same as if it had been on the ground, and coming safely down without any hurt; [Page 17]these effects of frenzy were reputed by the superstitious men of those times for miracles: hereupon his Father made him a Priest, and placed him in the Abby of Glastenbury, from whence he was soon advanced into the service of King Ethelstone, and as soon banished the Court, being accused of Necromancy; for entring one day into a Gentlewomans house, he hung his harp on the wall whilst he shaped a Priests stoal, when to make him merry at his work his harp began to play, which the common people concluded to be done by the devil, though the subject of its song was said to be that Hymne, Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, &c. Yea, the Virgin Mary her self is said to solace him with her songs, Cantemus Domino sociae, &c.
Being thus expulsed the Court his Couzen Elfheagus Bishop of Winchester perswaded him to become a Monk, that what preferment the Court denied, by means of the Church he might obtain: but he loathing a single life, and having a minde to marry some beautiful Damsel, refused so to do, but a sickness of his body healed this disease of his minde; for being stricken with a swelling in his belly, his body was brought into such state, as if he had been infected with a Leprosie; whereupon no sooner was he recovered but he went to the Bishop, who shore him a Monk: in which state of life he remined with such opinion of holiness, that whereas before he was reported to be a Necromancer, he was now reputed to be no less then a Saint: so variable are the opinions of the people, being all in extreams, observing no medium, as the Poet hath it:
Now whether his devotion were real or feigned, I do not know; but certain it is, that for the opinion of his holiness, he was made Abbot of Glastenbury: nor must we imagine him to be less then a Saint, (if we will believe the Monkish relations of those times) since the devil and he was such [Page 16] [...] [Page 17] [...] [Page 18]great Antagonists; for being on a time at his prayers before the Altar of Saint George, his body fell asleep, though his devotion were waking, when the Devil coming to devour him in the likeness of a rough Bear, he encountred him so fiercely with the staff he used to walk with, that the Church rang with the sound thereof, to the wonder of many. At another time the devil would have tempted him to uncleanness in the likeness of a beautiful Damsel, but he having a pair of hot burning pincers in his hand, caught hold of her with them by the nose, and so spoil'd the devils countenance; from whence is still the Proverb. But to leave these fictions fit onely for Monks to invent, and children to believe; certain it is, he was in great favour with Edred King of the West Saxons, who not onely suffered his body in penance to be chastised by him; but also committed to his keeping the greatest part of his treasure, who locked up the same in his Monastery at Glastenbury, where it remained till the King fell sick of his last sickness; at which time it was demanded, but never restored: for Dunstan being on his journey with the same to the King, a voice from heaven spake unto him, and said, Behold King Edred is now departed in peace; at the hearing of which words, his horse immediately fell down and died, whereupon he returned again to his Monastery; and though he lost his horse, yet was he recompensed thereby with the gain of the Kings Treasure and Jewels.
Edred being dead, his Nephew Edwy succeeded him in his Kingdome; altogether unlike his uncle in conditions, young in years, but viceous in life; for the very same day on which he was Crowned, he abused his Body with a Lady his near Kinswoman; and after, adding murther to incest, slew her Husband, that he might enjoy her as his Wife: for these and other notorious offences being boldly reprehended by Dunstan, he banished him the Realm; at whose departure the devil is said to rejoyce, and to laugh aloud [Page 19]at the West end of the Church; to whom Dunstan (as it were by way of Prophecy) said, Well thou adversary, do not so greatly rejoyce at the matter, for thou doest not now so much rejoyce at my departure, but by Gods grace thou shalt be as sorrowful for my return.
All the time of King Edwy's reign, which was but short, (for Tyrants seldome are long lived) he remained at the Monastery of Gaunt in Flanders, where he received much friendship from the Governour of that Countrey; but Edwy dying, his brother Edgar succeeded in the Kingdome, who unraveling the web his brother had weaved, recalled Dunstan out of banishment; making him first Bishop of Worcester, after of London; and last of all bestowed the Archbishoprick of Canterbury upon him. This Edgar had Dunstan in high estimation, by whose advice (the English being given to excessive quaffing, he put down many Alehouses, and would suffer but one to be in a Town: and the more to deterr them from this swinish vice, he ordained certain cups with pins or nails; and made a law, that whosoever drunk past that mark at one draught, should undergo a certain penalty. No doubt this was an act acceptable unto God, and great need hath these times of another Edgar or Dunstan, to deterr people from this beastly sin; and to put down the multiplicity of Alehouses, which now abound in every corner; of which one of our modern Poets as followeth:
Edgar dying, great troubles ensued about the election of one of his sons to succeed him; most of the Nobles combining for young Ethelred; Dunstan and the Monks standing [Page 20]as stiffly for Prince Edward: at last a Council being assembled to argue the matter, the Archbishop came in with his Banner and Cross, and not staying for further debating, presented Prince Edward for their lawful King; and the assembly consisting most of Clergy-men, drew the approbation of the rest; and so he was Crowned King at Kingstone, by Archbishop Dunstan, the year of our Lord 975.
These troubles thus quieted about the Crown, far greater arose concerning the Church, for Alferus Duke of Mercia, favouring married Priests, would suffer no Monks to live in his Province: on the other side Edelwyn Duke of East-Anglia, and Brightnoth Earl of Essex, favouring the Monks, expulsed the married Priests out of their jurisdictions. These sparks at last increast to such a flame, that it was deemed nought but the blood of one side would quench the same; but upon better advice they laid arms aside, and referred the matter to be debated in a Council at Winchester, where the Monks cause (as being worsted) had undoubtedly had the foyl, had they not referred the matter to be decided by the Rood where the Council sate: to this Oracle Saint Dunstan desired them to pray, and to give diligent ear to what it should speak, for the juggling Monks had placed a Man behinde a Wall, who through a trunck delivered these words to the beguiled Priests, God forbid it should be so, God forbid it should be so; you judged well once, but ye may not change well again.
But this deceit of the Monks being discerned by the Priests, another assembly was held at Cleve in Wiltshire; where whilst they were arguing with bitter invectives against each other, the joysts of the loft wherein they sat suddenly brake, and down fell the floar with the people thereon; many were mained and some slain, onely Archbishop Dunstan remained unhurt, for the posts whereon his chair was set (as it were by miracle) remained untouched. By this fall of the Floar, fell the cause of the Priests and [Page 21] Dunstan deemed a demy God. To this wooden miracle of his, popish writers add another of the same nature: namely, how a huge beam of a house being sunk out of the frame, and like to ruinate the whole building, with onely making the sign of the Cross thereon with his fingers, he made it return to his former place. All the time of King Edwards reign was Dunstan had in high esteem; but he being too good a Prince to live in so bad an age, was bereft of his life by the cruelty of his step-mother, that her own son might succeed in the kingdome. Dunstan disallowing this act of the Queens, refused to Crown her son King; at length against his will he was compelled to solemnize his rights at Kingston on Thames, the 14. of Aprill, 979.
This Ethelred favoured not greatly the Monks, and therefore he was as little respected of them in their writings; who report him to be sloathful person, neither forward in action, nor fortunate in proceedings: at the time of his Baptism he is said to defile the Fount with his ordure: whereupon Dunstan being troubled in his minde, By the Lord (saith he) and his blessed Mother, this childe shall prove to be a slothful person. But the greatest matter laid to his charge was his making War upon the Bishop of Rochester, whose peace being it would not be procured without the payment of a hundred pound in Gold; Dunstan sent him word that since he made more account of Gold then of God, more of money then of Saint Andrew Patron of the Church of Rochester, and more of covetousness then of him being the Archbishop, the mischiefs which the Lord had threatned should shortly come to pass, but the same should not chance whilst he was alive; he is likewise said to have foreseen the invasions of the Danes, and to have foretold the miseries that soon after fell upon the English Nation; as that they should not be free from Blood and the Sword till there came a people of an unknown tongue, that should bring them to thraldome; which predictions [Page 22]of his, soon after his death came to passe, as appears in the following Life of King Edmund; this Clergy-man now waxing old, the thread of his life being spun out to the last, he was forced to yield to that from which none are exempted, to the tyranny of death; having tasted liberally in his time of the favours of Fortune; which notwithstanding could not keep him from dying: so true is that of the ancient Poet.
He dyed on a Saturday the 25. of May, the Year of our Lord 989. Happy in this, that he lived not to see the miseries of his Countrey, which happened presently after his death.
The Life of EDMUND IRONSIDE.
THe learned Philosopher Plutarch reports, that Marcus Tullius that eloquent Orator obtained the name of Cicero, by reason he had a thing upon the tip of his nose, as it had beeen a riche pease; whereupon they sirnamed him Cicero, because Cicer in English signifieth a riche pease. So likewise we read of Ovid, that darling of the Muses, that he got the name of Nasonis, from the greatness of his Nose; and in the perusual of our English Histories we shall meet with many of the like examples, as of William the Second sirnamed Rufus, from his red face: Richard the First got [Page 23]the name of Cordelion, from his inexpugnable and Lion like heart: even so this famous Prince whose life we now relate, was sirnamed Ironside, from his notable courage and strength of body, to endure all such pains as is requisite for a Souldier: not so called, as some would have it, for that he used to go alwayes in armour. He was third son to Ethelred, commonly called the unready, the eldest living at his Fathers death; his two Brothers dying in defence of their Countrey, made way for him to succeed in the Kingdome: which notwithstanding was with much opposition, as well of Forreigners, as his natural Subjects; so that he inherited his Fathers troubles as well as his Crown, and might be said to be a King without a Kingdome. The most part of the Clergy, and many of the Nobility out of hatred to the Father, rejected the Son; and at Southampton chose Canutus for their King: this Canutus was King of the Danes, who for six and thirty years together had miserably oppressed the English Nation, turning all into ruine wheresoever he came; Churches and Monasteries were made subject to his desolations, and Church-men and Monks felt his cruel and merciless doings; Wife, Daughter, and Maid, these cruel Danes abused at their pleasures; yea, they forced the chaste Nuns to their filthy pollutions: insomuch that some of them to save their chastities destroyed their beauties, deforming their bodies to keep their souls pure. To redresse these enormities, Edmund (like another Maccabeus) stood up for his Countrey; and being Crowned at Kingstone by Levingus Archbishop of Canterbury, he hasted to London being then besieged by Canutus; where he soon forced the Danes to raise their siege, and winter themselves in the Isle of Sheepie. But the Spring come, they suddainly assailed the West of England, and were as suddainly themselves encountred by Edmund, who with great courage, though with a small Army, gave them Battel at Penham in Dorcetshire, where many of these destroyers [Page 24]were themselves destroyed; the rest for fafety flying towards Salisbury. Edmund having recruited and refreshed his Army, hasted after them, and at Sheorstan in Worcestershire a second Battel was fought, where Edmund behaved himself most gallantly, executing the office both of a hardy Souldier, and valiant Commander; and undoubtedly the Danes had received a great overthrow, had not Duke Edrick (who for his many treasons was sirnamed the Traytor) cut off the head of a Souldier resembling Edmond, and holding it aloft, thus cryed to the English: Fly ye wretches, fly, and get away, for your King is slain; behold here is his Head: but Edmond hearing of this treacherous stratagem, hasted to show himself to his Souldiers, whose sight so revived their drooping spirits; that had not the approaching night prevented them, they had obtained that day a most glorious victory. Duke Edricks life had paid for his treason, had he not presently fled to the enemy, who afterwards excusing the fact (as being mistaken in the countenance of the man, as he was willing to save the lives of the English) he was afterwards received into favour again. There were slain on both sides by the report of writers no fewer then 20000 Souldiers, which may very well be true considering the Battel lasted two whole dayes; and that of Canutus side were many English who fought with a most furious and desperate hatred to the Danes: so true is that expression of the Poets:
The Danes by stealth breaking up their camp, in the night time hasted towards London, which City they earnestly desired to conquer, and where their ships lay in manner of a siege; but Edmonds coming forced them to discamne, who entred the City in a triumphant manner; and two dayes after gave them Battel at Brentford, where notwithstanding in passing the Thamesis he lost many of his men, [Page 25]yet obtained he the victory, and forced them to their ships. But as if the fable of Hydra had been turned to a verity, though they were suppressed in one place, yet with double strength they encreased in another; and though Edmond in person obtained many a Victory, yet by his Subjects disloyalty, and Duke Edricks treachery, what he got in one place he lost in another; so that sometimes he, and sometimes Canutus were reputed as alternate Kings, as the fate of War was either with or against them; as a Poet writes of the successes of those times.
The Danes altogether minding mischief, and to make havock of all wheresoever they came, whilst Edmond was retired into the West, with great booties and spoils returned to their ships; and sailing up the river of Medway, pitched their tent near Oteford in Kent. Edmond as willing to save as they to destroy, hasted after, and pitched not far from his enemies Camp; where he exhorted his Souldiers to remember their former victories, and not to droop at the fight of them whom so often they had vanquished; that the onely way to victory was to fight valiantly, whilst cowards were causers of their own overthrow; that those whom they dealt with were their ancient enemies, accustomed to robberies, enriched with rapines fatned with man-slaughters, and tainted with perjuries: their cause being thus just, he desired them to fight valiantly, and God would crown their endeavours with good success: the edge of their valours whetted sharp by this oration, with a general shout, presaging victory, they fell upon the Danes, whom they discomfitted, and slew of them to the number of four thousand five hundred, and lost of their own onely six hundred. This Victory might have put a Period to the Wars, had not Duke Edrick disswaded Edmond from pursuing after them, alledging the danger of ambush, and [Page 26]the overwearied bodies of his Souldiers, so that Canute thereby had leasure in safety to pass over into Essex.
Where beginning again to rob and spoil the Countrey, many of the English for fear submitted themselves unto him, but the restles Ironside hasted after them; and at Ashdone, three miles from Saffron Walden, another Battel was fought; where the Danes being at the point to have lost the day, the traiterous Edrick revolted to their side; by which treachery the English were overthrown. In this bloody Battel the flower of the English Nobility lost their lives, as Duke Alfred, Duke Goodwyn, Duke Athelward, Duke Athelwyn, Earl Ʋrchill, Cadnoth, Bishop of Lincoln, Wolsey Abbot of Ramsey, with many other of the Clergy, who coming thither to pray for the preservation of the King and his Army, were by the Danes inhumanely butchered: the remembrace of which battel is retained to this day by certain small hills there remaining; whence have been digged the Bones of men, Armour, and the Water-chains of Horse-bridles. Holinshead reports that in his time there were of these hills to the number of seven or eight, now onely three remaineth at a place called Bartlow, which from them is called Bartlow Hills.
Edmund thus discomfited, went almost alone on foot to Gloucester, where he raised new forces to oppose his enemies. Canutus pursuing him, both Armies met at Derehurst near unto the River Severne, where being ready to imbrue their hands in one anothers bloods, a certain Captain stepped forth, and standing up in such a place as he might be heard of both the Generals, boldly uttered his minde in these or the like words:
We have already (worthy Chieftains) fought long enough one against another, and too much blood hath been spilt for the Soveraignty of this Land; the valours of both Generals and Souldiers sufficiently tryed; Fortune her self not knowing whom to yield the palm of Victory unto: for if one Battel [Page 27]were wonne it was not long kept; nor the loser so weakned but that he had both courage and power to win the next. Thus to gain you airy Titles the common Soldiers lose their lives. Worthy Chieftains, 'tis now high time to set a period to these differences; let him that would wear the Diadem bear the hazard himself, and either try the fortune of a single combat, who shall command, and who obey; or divide betwixt them the Kingdom, which may suffice two, that hath formerly maintained seven.
These words were no sooner ended; but both Generals agreed to try it out by single combat in sight of both Armies, they entred into a small Island called Alney, adjoyning unto the City of Gloucester, where first on horse-back, and after on foot, they encountred each other with invincible courage: but Canutus having received a dangerous wound, and finding that Ironside overmatched him in strength, desired a comprimise; and to that end thus spake to Edmond with an audible voice: ‘What necessity thus should move us, most renowned Prince, that for the obtaining of an airy title we should still put our lives into danger; better it were to lay armour and malice aside, and condescend to some reasonable agreement: let us therefore now become sworn brothers, and divide the Kingdom between us, and that in such a league of amity, that each may use the others part as his own.’ Edmond condescending to Canutus motion, they unbuckled their Armours, and embraced each other; and on a firme agreement afterwards divided the Kingdome betwixt them: Edmond enjoying that part that lay coasted upon France, and Canutus entred upon the rest.
But long enjoyed not the Ironside his part, for Duke Edrick a very compound of treasons, contrived the end of renowned Edmond; who being retired to a place for natures necessity, he thrust from under the draught a sharp spear into his body: and having thus murthered him, he cut off his head, presenting it to Canutus, with this fawning [Page 28]salutation. All hail thou now sole Monarch of England, for here behold the head of thy Co-partner, which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off.
Canutus, though ambitious enough of Soveraignty, yet abhorring in his heart so detestable a murther, and knowing that he who was faithless to his natural Sovereign, would never be faithful to him a Stranger; commanded his head to be divided from his shoulders, and placed upon the highest Gate in London. Thus we see how Duke Edrick was mistaken in his hopes, who for his treason expecting a reward, received the merit due to treason: a worthy example in Canutus for succeeding Monarchs to imitate, and in the Traytor Edrick for all false Subjects to beware.
Thus this famous worthy, made his exit off of the stage of this world, having raigned in all but the space of seven moneths; so that if we consider the shortness of his time, we may wonder at the greatness of his actions, who had not onely to deal with forreign forces, but with false friends; who whilst he lived was the onely prop to uphold the tottering estate of his Countrey, and whose death was the cause his Countrey-men were forced to bow their necks to a stranger.
He left behinde him two Sons, named Edward and Edmond; and two Daughters, named Christian and Margret; which Margret was married to Malcolme Canmore King of Scotland; from which Princely bed, James the first, late Monarch of Great Brittain was lineally descended.
The Life of EDWARD the Confessor.
AS my learned Authors writes, to whom I am so much beholding for this Narrative: to give you his own words, discoursing of Peace, None, saith he, but such as are of turbulent spirits, or ignorant what War is, love to play the beasts, and inhumanely gore each other. Men were not made to act Tragedies, and to make the world a shambles for humane slaughters Nulla salus bello, pacem te possimus omnes. This perhaps it was made the Poet Tibullus exclaim against the inventers of mankindes destruction.
As contraries set off one another, white shows the more amiable compared with its opposite black; so peace is most pleasant to them that have tasted the miseries of War: we shall therefore now having shown the sad effects of the one in the life of Edmond, relate the blessings that accompany the other in the life of Edward.
He was son to King Ethelred by his wife Queen Emma, and born at Islip in the County of Oxford; his mother (when the variable success of War doubtfully depended betwixt Edmund and Canutus) sent him over into Normandy to Duke Richard her Brother, there to be secured from all domestical stirs; where he remained all the time of Canutus [Page 30]raign; who although he married his Mother, yet thought it more safe to be there then in England.
Canutus dying, his son Harold sirnamed Hare-foot, whom he had by a Concubine a shoemakers daughter, usurped the Crown; but knowing others had better right to the same then himself, he resolved to remove those rubs out of his way; yet not daring to act his intentions openly, he thought to compass that by treachery, which he could not by force: to this end he counterfeits a letter in Queen Emma's name, unto her sons Edward and Alfred, to instigate them to attempt the recovering of the Crown, the tenure of which letter we have inserted as followeth.
The bait thus laid to catch these two Princes was greedily swallowed by Alfred the youngest, who though the [Page 31]last born, had not the least hopes to wear the English Diadem; and making Baldwine Earl of Flanders his, and some few Bullogners, increasing his Fleet, he took the Seas for England; where for his welcome he was betrayed by Earl Goodwin under the notion of friendship; and by the command of King Harold inhumanely murthered: but Edward whether mistrusting the plot, or rather liking a private life with safety, then a publick with danger, tarried behinde, and so escaped those miseries that Alfred encountred. But as it is commonly seen, that a sinful life is rewarded with a sudden death, so King Harolds sweet beginning had a sowre end; dying miserably after he had raigned four years, and some few moneths; his speedy death cutting off the infamy of a longer life: in whose room succeeded his brother in law, Hardi-Canute, the son of Queen Emma by Canutus her last husband; who though little differing from the other in conditions, yet is better reported of by Writers of that age, because he lovingly entertained his half brother Edward, and made Earl Goodwin purge himself for the death of Prince Alfred; so that we may in part wonder at former writers, that they should conclude Earl Goodwin to be guilty of that murther, and yet report he cleared himself of the same to Hardi-Canute: but his oath, say some, was the lighter urged, and the easier believed, by reason he had not long before presented to the king most bountiful gifts, namely a ship, whose sterne was of Gold, with fourscore Soldiers therein placed, all uniformly and richly suited; on each of their arms were two bracelets of Gold, with gilt Burgonets on their heads, and on their bodies a triple gilt Habergion, a Sword with gilt Hilts guirded to their wastes, a Battel Ax on their left shoulders, a Target with gilt Bosses borne in their left hands, and a Dart in the right.
The King now wholly following his pleasures, or rather, to say more truly, his vices delighting in nothing but [Page 32]swilling and Epicurisme; he soon received the reward of his intemperance, for being at Lambeth at the celebration of a Marriage, revelling and carousing, in the midst of his Cups he suddenly fell down dead with the Pot in his hand, after he had reigned two years, and was buried at Winchester. His death was so welcome unto his Subjects, that they annually celebrated the day of his death with open pastimes in the streets, which custom continued even to these our times; being called Hoctide, or Huckstide, signifying a time of scorning or contempt. The Danish Line now clean extinguished, (for Hardi-Canute left no issue behinde him) the glory of the Saxons, which had long lay buried in their own ashes, began again to revive and flourish; for the English Lords weary of the insulting Tyranny of the Danes, and willing one of their own Natives should rule, with a general consent chose Prince Edward for their King; who being at that present with Duke William in Normandy, they sent Ambassadors unto him to signifie his Election: and that he might be ascertained their intentions were real, they delivered him Pledges for his more assurance. Edward accepting (as indeed who would deny) so honourable an offer, with some few Normans repaired into Englad, where he was entertained of the people with such acclamations of joy, as might well gain credence of their hearty affections towards him.
The first thing he did after his Coronation, was his remitting the yearly Tribute of forty thousand pounds, gathered by the name of Danegilt, imposed by his Father; and for forty years together paid out of all mens Lands, except onely the Clergies, who were exempted from the same; Because the Kings reposed more confidence in the Prayers of the Holy Church, then in the power of Armies. It is reported the Kings clemency was moved to this compassion on this following occasion; When the Collectors of [Page 33]this money had gotten a great quantity of the same together, they brought it into his chamber, and laid it all on one heap; the King being called to see this great heap of Treasure, was at the first sight thereof much afraid, protesting he saw the Devil dancing upon the same with exceeding great joy: whereupon he commanded it should be restored again to the former owners, and released his Subjects of that Tribute for ever. Many such like stories are of this King related, and perhaps more then with safety of truth may be either believed or delivered; which we shall the rather overpass, because that in stories of this nature they are less to be blamed for omitting two verities, then relating one falshood.
Divers Laws being then used in several parts of the Kingdom, (viz. the Mercians, West Saxons, Danes, and Northumbrians) their multiplicity causing much confusion, he extracted from them all the chiefest and best, and made of them one universal and common Law throughout the Land; being in a manner the fountain of those which at this day we tearm the Common Laws, though the forms of pleading, and process therein, were afterwards brought in by King William the Conquerour.
His Wife was named Editha, the vertuous Daughter of an infamous Father, Earl Godwin, a Lady incomparable for Beauty and Vertue, in whose Breast was a School of all Liberal Sciences (saith William of Malmesbury.) Her honourable qualifications might have expiated to her Husband King Edward; her Fathers former treachery to his Brother.
Ʋnto to this Edward (as that ancient Writer hath it in these following words) was given to Wife the Daughter of Earl Godwin, a most beautiful Damosel, named Editha, of excellent learning; and for behaviour, a Virgin most chaste; and for humility, most holy; no way savouring of her Father or Brethrens barbarousness, but milde and modest, faithfull and honest, [Page 34]enemy or hurtful to none; insomuch, that this verse was rightly applied unto her.
This Lady though accomplished with these endowments of minde and body, the King notwithstanding refrained her bed, committing thereby the offence forbidden by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 7.5. Or if at any time he admitted her his bed, it was no otherwise then David with Abishag; for so much he himself on his death-bed did declare, saying, That openly she was his Wife, but in secret embracings as his own Sister: But whether it were for his debellity of body, or love to Virginity, I determine not; certain it is he was content to hear her accused of incontinency; whereof if she were guilty, he could not be innocent: nor can this his chastity, though applauded by many, be accounted otherwise then an injury, and too tyrannical a trial of his Wives Vertues.
The King having no issue of his own, and desirous to establish the Crown in the English blood, sent into Hungary for his Nephew Edward, the Son of Edmund Ironside, who by reason of his long absence out of England, was commonly called by the name of the Out-law; who coming over, brought with him his Wife Agatha, and Edgar, Margret, and Christian his Children, in hope of the Kingdom; but his hopes with himself soon dissolved into dust, for he lived but a while after: so that Edward thereby was disappointed of his intentions, which was to have made him his Successour in the Crown; whereupon without delay he pronounced Edgar the Out-laws Son, and his great Nephew, Heir to the Crown, and gave him to sirname Adeling, a name appropriated to Princes of the blood, which were born in hope and possibility of the Kingdom.
Whilest Edward was thus busied about settling a Successour, Eustace Earl of Bulloigne who had married his Sister Goda, came over into England to visit him; and returning homeward, at Canterbury his Harbinger dealing roughly with a Burgess for Lodgings caused his own death; whereupon he in revenge killed the said Burgess with eighteen other Citizens: the Canterburians herewith incensed, in a great rage armed themselves, killed twenty of his retinue, and forc'd the Earl himself to flight; who returning back again to the King, exhibited grievous complaints against the Townsmen; whereupon Earl Godwin was commanded to see execution done upon the offenders: but he not greatly affecting the Earl, was not overhasty to execute his commission, but advised the King to examine the matter further, before he proceeded against his true Subjects at the instigation of Strangers; this Counsel though it gained him the love of the Commons, procured the hatred of most of the Nobility; who so incensed the King with his refusal, that a day of meeting was appointed at Gloucester, wherein Earl Godwin should answer his contempt.
The day come and the estates assembled, Earl Godwin was sent for, but refused to appear, alledging his present service against the Welsh then ready to enter into Rebellion; but they by Ambassadours clearing themselves, the suspicions encreased, and great preparation for War was made on both sides. To the aid of the King came Leofrick Earl of Chester, Siward Earl of Northumberland, and Rodulf Earl of Hereford with competent forces; to Godwin repaired his people of Kent and Surrey, his two sons Harold and Swain, bringing with them the men of Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Huntington, Somerset, Oxford, Hereford, Gloucester, and Barkshires; so that his Army exceeding the Kings, made him so much exceed in pride, as to demand Eustace Earl of Bulloign, with all his French and Normans, to be delivered unto him; which being (as [Page 36]good reason was) denyed, each side prepared themselves to battel; but through the advice of some then present, the matter was ended without blood-shed and referred to a Parliament to be holden at London; so that now both sides seemed to be indifferently well pacified; but under these ashes of dissimulation lay hidden burning coals of fire, and revenge burst out into a flame; for Edward with a strong guard entred London, and Earl Goodwin with his sons in warlike manner came into Southwark to his own house, where his great army soon dissolyed into nothing; his Souldiers for the most part returning home again: which when Edward understood, he presently pronounced sentence of banishment upon him and his five sons, without further proceeding by way of Parliament. And that his wife, who was daughter to Earl Godwin, should have her sad share in the afflictions of her Parents & brethren who were banished the realm; he committed her Prisoner to the Monastery of Wilton, attended onely with one maid: an unjust act, unbefitting a King, to punish the Child for the Fathers offences, contrary to the prescript Rule of God, Ezek. 18.20. The soul that sinneth, it shall dye: the Son shall not bear the iniquity of the Father, neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the son. Yea, it was the observation of a Heathen man, It is meer injustice, if the father be a Rebell, that the son should therefore be accounted a Traytour. Yet as the Poet hath it,
But as things violent are not long permanent, so this storm of dissention betwixt King Edward and Earl Goodwin was soon blown over; for the Nobles interceding for him unto the King, a reconciliation was made, and Earl Goodwin restored to his former Dignities; but though the King forgave him his Treasons, the King of kings forgot not his Perjury: for he falsely swearing himself to be [Page 37]clear of Prince Alfreds death; and wishing if he were guilty, he might never swallow down one morsel of bread, God himself manifested the truth, and according to his wish (though not his desire) it happened unto him. A fearful example to all foresworn wretches of Gods heavy judgements on their perjury.
Another Act of this Kings was touching his Mother, which proclaimed him, if not undutiful, yet very unnatural; he was troubled with an infirmity, his ears were alwayes opened to the complaints of strangers, and their mouths alwayes full with complaints against the English: Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, a Norman by birth, accused Queen Emma, that under colour of private devotions, she had over familiarly accompanied with Alwine Bishop of Winchester. The King crediting the Archbishops words, forced her (to wipe off this imputation) to pass the triall of fire Ordeal, which was by passing bare-footed, and blinde-folded over nine Plow-shares, glowing red hot, and laid at unequal distance; which she did without any hurt, to the great astonishment of all the beholders: in memory whereof she gave nine Mannors to the Minster of Winchester, according to the number of the Plow-shares she had passed in her trial: And Edward repenting the wrong he had done her, bestowed on the same place the Island of Portland in Dorsetshire, being about seven miles in compass: for so the chance in those dayes was set, that whosoever lost, the Monks ever won.
Several superstitious Writers render this King in his life to be of that holiness, that he received power from heaven to cure many diseases; amongst others the swelling of the throat, commonly called the Kings-Evil; a prerogative that continued hereditary to his Successours Kings of England; which, as they affirm, was first derived from him.
Alluridus Rivallensis writing the life and death of this King, reporteth him to be a man void of pride, a lover of [Page 38]peace, a contemner of covetousness, abhorring wars and blood-shed; insomuch, as when he lived as a banished man in Normandy, he would oftentimes say, That he had rather live a private life for ever, then to attain the Kingdom by the death of any man. Indeed he was more fitting to be ruled then to rule, being too much subject to his Subjects, his familiarity causing their contempt; accounting his humility to be meer simplicity, though otherwise adjudged by the Poet.
His innocent and harmless Government continued his Reign in length twenty three years, six moneths, and odd dayes; he died, and was buried in the Church at Westminster, which he formerly had builded, being after his death canonized for a Saint.
The Life of VVILLIAM the Conquerour.
WIlliam the First, sirnamed the Conquerour, was base son to Robert the first of that name, the sixth Duke of Normandy, begotten on Arlet a Skinners Daughter: (from whence our English word Harlot is thought to be derived) when he was about seven years old, his Father intending a Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, assembled all his Nobles together, and caused them to swear fealty to this his son William, committing him to the governance of two of his Brothers, and the defence of that Government to Henry the French King; a strange confidence in the Duke, to [Page 39]commit the tuition of his son that was base born, to pretenders that were legitimate, and a potent Monarch, who desired to reannex that Dukedom to his Crown; but the proximity of blood in his brothers, and his former services to the French King made him so confident, that in the eighth year of his Dukedom he sets forward on his voyage; where entring Jewry, and not able to travel, he was born in a Litter on Saracens shoulders; and near unto the City meeting a returning Pilgrim, desired him to report in his Countrey, that he was carried to heaven upon the devils back; but so far he went, that he never returned, leaving his son a ball to be tost about in Fortunes Tennis-Court. First, one Roger de Tresny sought to toss him out of his Dukedom, pretending the illegitimation of William; which fair pretence got him many complices, but the Divine Providence raised him up friends, particularly Roger de Beamont, by whose valour this Roger de Tresny was defeated and slain. These troubles were scarce ended, but far greater arose; for William de Arques his base Uncle, assisted by the King of France, layes claim to the Dutchy; but William so begirt his Castle with a strait siege, that the Earl was almost famished, was forced to yield, and the French with disgrace returned home; yet could not their ill success deter others from attempting the like, but Guy Earl of Burgoyn Grand childe to Richard the Second, would needs likewise try his chance in Fortunes Lottery, which proved quite contrary to his expectation; for he seeking to be made head of the Dukedom, was for his treason made shorter by the head.
Duke William having thus vanquished his enemies, and now grown more potent then he was before; (for every rebellion when it is suppressed makes the Prince stronger, and the Subjects weaker) comes over into England to visit his Cousen King Edward the Confessor, to whom (it is said) Edward (with the consents of Stigandus Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earls Goodwin and Syward, and of [Page 40] Harold son to Earl Goodwin) promised (if he dyed without issue) to leave the Crown; which promise was afterward ratified by the corporall oath of Harold; who being at his mannor of Boseham in Suffolk, one day for his recreation in a fishers boat launched forth to the Sea; but by a contrary winde was driven upon the Coasts of Ponthieu in France, where being taken by Earl Guido, was presented to Duke William, to whom he solemnly swore to assist him for obtaining the Kingdom: but Edward dying, the splendour of his Crown so dazeled the eyes of Harold, that forgetting his former promise and oath, he set the same upon his own head. Duke William whose hopes were that England should be his, now seeing his hopes frustrated by Harold, prepares his forces against the perjured King, with whom joyned many of the French Nobility; and to make their endeavours the more successfull, Pope Alexander the second sent him a consecrated Banner, an Agnus Dei, and one of the hairs of Saint Peter the Apostle. Thus furnished on all sides, with a Navy of 896. Ships, he cuts the briney face of Neptune, and arrives at Pemsey near Hasteings in Sussex; from whence he sent a Monk on Ambassage to Harold, (who was newly returned from the slaughter of the Norwegians) offering him three conditions; the first was, that he should resigne up the Crown, or hold it as a Tributary Prince under him; or else in sight of both armies to defend his Title in Person against the Duke; if not, to stand to the arbitrement of the Pope: but Harold instead of granting his requests, threatens his ruine, except he forthwith returns into Normandy. Both sides thus enraged, (the one seeking to get, the other to keep, that which by right belonged to another) seven miles from Hasteings a bloody battel was fought, wherein was slain of the English, if I may credit my Author 66654. King Harold himself manfully fighting was likewise slain; a Prince, (had he attained the Crown by right) worthy to have injoyed it a longer time, [Page 41]but his pride and ambition caused his destruction; so true is that which one observes.
William having thus obtained the victory, of an old Duke was made a yong King, being Crowned at Westminster by Aldred Archbishop of York, the Year of our Salvation 1066. And now the better to secure himself in his new state, he endeavours to get into his possession the strongest forts in the Kingdom; and to this end takes his journey towards Dover, (the Lock and Key of the Kingdome as Matthew Paris calls it) that by the command of so strong a place, he might the more easily keep under the Natives, and keep out strangers, if any excited by his example should dare to attempt what he had done. But the Kentish-men having notice of his intentions, assembled together; and at Swanscombe two miles from Gravesend, met him in the forme of a moving Wood; for seeing no way lay open save onely a front, they agreed to carry in their hands great Branches of Trees, which not onely kept them from being discovered, but induced him to think all the Woods thereabout of the like nature; so that he willingly consented to what they desired, which was the continuance of their former Laws, and Pledges being given on both parts for performance, Kent yieldeth up her Earldome and Castle of Dover to King William.
Now what the Kentish-men attained by arms, the Citizens of London obtained by art; for having to their Bishop one William a Norman, they so wrought with him, and he with the King, that he granted them their first Charter, written in the Saxon Tongue, and sealed with green wax; the coppy whereof followeth:
The Lord Major and Aldermen to honour his memory upon the Solemn Dayes of their resort to Pauls, do still use to walk to his Grave-stone, being in the midst of the great West Isle; and on the same have affixed this Epitaph following.
Gulielmo viro sapientia & vita sanctitate claro, qui primùm divo Edwardo regi & Confessori familiaris, ruper in Episcopum Londinensem erectus, nec multo post apud invictissimum principem Gulielmum Angliae Regem ejus nominis primum, ob prudentiam fidemque singularem in consilium adhibitus, amplissima huic urbi celeberrima privilegia ab eodem impetravit. Senatus populusque Londinensis bene merenti posuit. Sedic Episcopus Annos 20. Decessit anno à Christo nato 1070.
Thus turned into English by one of our modern Historians.
To William, a man famous in wisdom and holiness of life, who first with St. Edward the King and Confessour being familiar, of late preferred to be Bishop of London, and not long after for his prudency and sincere fidelity, admitted to be of counsel with the most victorious Prince William King of England, of that name the first, who obtained of the same great and [Page 43]large Priviledges to this famous City. The Senate and Citizens of London to him having well deserved, have made this. He continued Bishop twenty years, and died in the year after Christ his Nativity, 1070.
The memories of this man, Sir William Walworth, Sir Thomas Gresham, and such others deserve to be honoured with statues advanced in the most conspicuous places of the City, lest otherwise she be reputed ingrateful to them, from whom she derives so honourable a splendour.
But to leave the City, and return unto the Court, new troubles in Normandy arising in King Williams absence, he was forced suddenly to raise an Army to suppress them, carrying along with him those whom he most suspected might take the advantage of his troubles abroad, so as to raise any new broils at home, pretending their aid against his Rebells in Normandy; but indeed fearing in his absence they should raise a new rebellion in England, dealing therein as the politique Captain Sextorius did with the Spaniards, whose children he kept under pretence of learning them the Latine Tongue, but indeed as Hostages for their Fathers loyalties. And because the common people are to be feared for their number, as well as the Nobility for their greatnesse, he disarmed them; that so being left naked, they might be uncapable of Insurrections: yet notwithstanding his policy, no sooner was he gone, but Edrick Sylvaticus [Page 44](a man of great spirit and power) aided by the Welsh-men made great spoils in Herefordshire, wasting all to the mouth of Wye. These troubles made the Englishmen so distasteful to King William, that returning out of Normandy, he laid such heavy Taxes and Impositions upon them, that many of them preferring penurious liberty before fetters of gold, left their habitations, and lived as Outlaws in the woods and deserts. The chiefest of these Male-contents were Edwyn and Morcar, (the two stout Earls of Yorkshire and Chester) Hereward, Gospatria, and Syward, with many other Lords, to whom joyned Stigand and Aldred, Archbishops, with many of the Clergy; who having Edgar Atheling amongst them, endeavoured to recover that which for want of taking time by the foretop they had improvidently lost. But their Forces being dissipated by Williams conquering sword, every one sought how to save himself by flight; some fled into Denmtrk, others into Hungary, most into Scotland, whilest William with triumph returned to London; from whence he sent Ambassadours to Malcolme Canmore, then King of Scotland, for the delivery of Edgar with the rest of his enemies; which if he refused, he would denounce open War against Scotland. But King Malcolme not onely denied his request, but also took to Wife the Lady Margret, sister unto Edgar, which occasioned bloody Wars on both sides; and four several Armies were sent against the Scots. The first under the conduct of one Roger a Norman, who entering hastily into Northumberland, was by the Scots discomfited, and himself by his own Souldiers treacherously slain: to second whose beginnings another Army was sent under the Command of Richard Earl of Glocester, whose fortunes being not answerable to Williams expectations. A third Army was sent, led by Odo Bishop of Bayeux, and Earl of Kent; but he being more used to the Church then the Camp, and fitter to handle a pen then a sword, encountering with the Scots, [Page 45]upon the first onset was quite defeated: but King William nothing discouraged with these overthrows, sent his son Robert with a far greater power then he sent before; which notwithstanding did no far greater service then the fortifying of Newcastle: at length a Peace was concluded betwixt them, which though prejudicial to King Williams side, yet as affairs then stood, he could not well have acted otherwise: which was, that King Malcolme should enjoy that part of Northumberland which lieth betwixt Tweed, Cumberland, and Stanemore, doing homage to the Kings of England for the same.
By this Peace was Edgar Atheling, and those other male-contented Lords restored to the Kings favour; for William, although a Martial Prince, sought to establish his Crown rather by Peace then by the Sword, which made him the more apt to forget former injuries. And no doubt but this his too much lenity was one principle cause of his continual troubles; for Edwin and Morcar (the two stout Earls mentioned before) combining with Fretherick Abbot of St. Albanes, fell into a new conspiracy, setting up Edgar Atheling once again their Generall. William storming at these disloyal attempts, with a mighty power hastneth against them, who desperately bent to maintain what they had begun, resolved to make the Sword their Judge: but King William loath to lose that with shame which he had gotten by the effusion of so much blood, prevailed so far with them, that an Assembly was appointed to meet at Berkhamsted, where he solemnly sware upon the Holy Evangelists, and the Reliques of St. Albane the Martyr, inviolably to observe the Ancient Laws of this Land, especially those compiled by King Edward the Confessor, which so wrought him into their good opinions, that they all forthwith laid down their weapons.
But the storme being past, the danger was soon forgotten; and these mountains promises proved but molehill [Page 46]performances; for notwithstanding his oath, he dealt more roughly with the English now then before, thrusting some into Exile, and depriving others of their Lands, which he bestowed upon his Normans, whose Charters were of a far other tenour, forme, and brevity, then those tedious and perplexed Conveyances, since in use, as may appear by this one, taken out of on old Chronicle in the Library at Richmont.
Nor need we wonder the King was so liberal to the Hunter, since he himself loved hunting so well, that to maintain his game he depopulated above 30. miles in Hampshire, where had been (saith Carton) twenty six Towns, and eighty Religious Houses: so that where before God was Worshipped, now wilde Beasts grazed; a sin which God punished in his posterity, his two sons William and Richard, and his grandchilde Richard son to Duke Robert, coming there to untimely ends; which place was then and is to this day called by the name of the New Forrest.
The more to inrich his Coffers he laid great Subsidies upon the Land, causing a strict Survey to be taken of the whole Kingdom, exacting six shillings for every hide of Land; to the so great impoverishing of the English Nation, [Page 47]that they grievously groaned under their miserable estate: nor would he permit any English man to bear any office of credit or countenance. The English to ingratiate themselves with the Conquerour, being forced to leave off their former customs and habits, conforming themselves to the fashions of the Normans; so that England was now wholly become French, excepting Kent; which retained their former Customs a long time after.
Towards the conclusion of his reign, dissentions betwixt Philip King of France and him, drew him once more over into Normandy; where falling sick, and keeping his bed more then he used to do, the French King hearing that his disease was in his belly, scoffingly said, Our Cousin William is laid now in Childe-bed: Oh! what a number of Candles must I offer at his going to Church? surely I think a hundred thousand will not suffice. This French frump being told to King William; he made this answer, Well, our Cousin of France I trust shall be at no such cost: but after this my Child-birth, at my going to Church, I will finde him one thousand Candles, and light them my self. And accordingly towards August following, he enters France with a mighty Army, spoiling all the West parts thereof before him. And lastly set the City Meux on fire, wherein, he consumed the fair Church of our Lady; in the Walls whereof were enclosed two Anchorites, who might but would not escape, holding it a breach of their Religious Vow to forsake their Cell, though in never such extremity, and so became their own murtherers. The King busied in these attempts, cheered his men to feed the fire, and came himself so near the flames, that with the heat of his harness he got a sickness, which was encreased by the leap of his horse, that burst the inward rim of his belly; that returning to Roan he shortly after ended his life.
He was buried at Caen in Normandy, in the Abby Church of Saint Stephen the first Christian Martyr; to the Monks [Page 48]whereof he bequeathed two Mannors in Dorcetshire, one Mannor in Devonshire, another in Essex, much Lands in Barkshire, some in Norfolk, a Mansion house in Woodstreet of London, with many Advowsions of Churches, as also his Crown, and Regal Ornaments thereto belonging; which his son Henry afterwards redeemed with the Mannor of Brideton in Dorcetshire; his Tomb was afterwards opened by the Bishop of Bayeux. in Anno. 1542. wherein was found a gilt Plate of Brass, and this Epitaph engraven thereon.
In English.
The Life of THOMAS BECKET, Archbishop of Canterbury.
THomas Becket was the Son of one Gilbert Becket, a Person of good Alliance and Riches; who in his youth travelling to Jerusalem, as he returned, was taken prisoner by a Saracen Admiral, with whom he remained a year and a half; during which time the onely Daughter of the Admiral was so taken with his carriage and qualities, that (he having by flight obtained his liberty) she wounded with his love, abandoned her Fathers House and Countrey, and followed him secretly into England; where being instructed in the Christian Religion, and baptized in the Church of St. Paul by the Bishop of London, with great Solemnity in the presence of six Prelates, she was married to the aforesaid Gilbert; of whom he had Issue this Thomas, whose Life we now relate; who (as his Legend recites) was first brought up in a Religious House of Merton, afterwards was instructed in the Liberal Sciences, and then sent to study in the University of Paris; from whence returning home, he was by Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury made his Archdeacon, a place in those dayes of high degree in the English Cleargy, next unto Lord Abbots and Bishops.
Much about that time Henry Duke of Aquitain and Normandy succeeded King Stephen in the Crown of England, who in the very first year of his Reign advanced Becket to be Lord Chancellour of England; in which high honour he carried himself like another King. His retinue was great; his Followers men of good account; his House keeping such as might compare with, if not surpass, the greatest Earls of the Kingdom; his Clothes very costly full of bravery; his Furniture mighty rich; his very Bridles of beaten [Page 52]silver. Yea, Fortune did seem to have made him her Darling; and all things so flowed according to his desire, that one would have judged him to have laid clean aside the very thought of a Clergy-man.
King Henry having Wars in France, he served him with a Band of 700. Souldiers of his own Family, besides many others, with which, and some additional Forces after the Kings departure he obtained a great victory. At another time he himself in person unhorssed a Frenchman called Enguerranus de Creya, a most hardy Souldier, renowned for deeds of Arms and Chevalry; for these valiant acts, in reward, and in further hope of his faithful service, upon the death of Theobald, the King made him Archbishop of Canterbury, though the Monks objected against him, that neither a Courtier, nor a Soundier (as he was both) were fit to succeed in so high and sacred a Function: But Thomas having obtained this dignity, forgot the King who had raised him to the same. For as the Poet hath it;
For not long after began that great controversie between Regnum & Sacerdotium, the Crown and the Mytre; the occasion whereof was, the King being credibly informed, that some Clergy-men had committed above an hundred murthers under his Reign, would have them tried and adjudged in his Temporal Courts, as Lay-men were, but this (as being contrary to the priviledges of the Church) the Archbishop withstood: This affront of a subject the King could not endure, finding himself hereby to be but a demy-King. Wherefore having drawn to his side most of the Bishops, in an Assembly at VVestminster, he propoundeth these Articles, peremptorily urging Becket to assent to them. 1. That none should appeal to the See of Rome for [Page 51]any cause whatsoever without the Kings licence. 2. That it should not be lawful for any Archbishop or Bishop to depart the Realm, and repair to the Pope, upon his summons, without licence from the King. 3. That it should not be lawfull for any Bishop to excommunite any person that holdeth in Capite of the King, without licence of the King, nor grant any interdict against his Lands, nor the Lands of any his officers. 4. That it should not be lawfull for any Bishop to punish perjured nor false witnesses. 5. That Clarks crimonous should be tried before secular Judges. 6. That the King and his secular Justices, should be Judges in matters of Tythes, and other like causes Ecclesiastical. There points so nearly touched the Papal Sovereignty, that Becket resolutely denied to signe them: but by the importunity of many Lords and Prelates, at last he yields, subscribes the Ordinance, and sets his hand unto it. The King hereupon supposing all contradiction ended, and that Thomas would not waver in his faith, called an assembly of the States at Clarendon in VViltshire, to collect and enact these Laws; where John of Oxenford sitting President, Becket relapsed, saying, He had grievously sinned in that he had done, and that he would not sin therein any more. The King herewith vehemently incensed, threatens banishment and destruction to him and his; whereupon Becket once again perswaded, swears in verbo Sacerdotali, in the word of a Priest, sincerely, that he would observe the Laws, which the King entituled, Avitae; and all the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and whole Clergy, with all the Earls, Barons, and Nobility, did promise and swear the same faithfully and truly to observe and performe, to the King, and to his Heirs for ever. But the King desiring him to affix his seal to an Instrument, wherein those Laws (being sixteen) were contained; he refused, saying, He did promise it onely to do the King some honour, verbo tenus, in word onely. Nor could the example of his fellow Bishops, [Page 52]nor the perswasions of Rotrod the Popes messenger, move him at all to compose these differences.
It may be thought a fable, yet is related by divers superstitious Authors, that one time during this contention, certain fellows cut off the Archbishops horses tail; after which fact, all their children were born with Tails like Horses; and that this continued long in their Posterity. For may own part, though I confess God is able to do this, and much more; yet I reckon this amongst other ridiculous miracles mentioned of him by those writers, as that of Ailwardus, who for stealing a great whetstone (which the Author that writes it best deserved) being deprived of his eyes and virilities, by sentence of Law; upon prayer to Saint Thomas he had all restored again. Yea, even a Bird having been taught to speak, flying out of her cage, and ready to be seized on by a Sparrow Hawk, said onely, St. Thomas help me, and her enemy fell presently dead, and she escaped.
But slighting these follies, to return to our History, the King summoning a Parliament at Northhampton, Becket was cited to appear before his Majesty: which he refusing, upon his contempt, the Peers and Prelates judged his goods confiscated to the Kings mercy. He making his appearance, the Parliament demanded of him an account of 30000 pounds which he received when he was Lord Chancellour to which he answered, that when he was chosen to be Archbishop, he was by the Kings authority freed and acquitted of all Debts and Obligations of Court and Exchequer, and so delivered over to the Church of England; and that therefore at that time he would not answer as a Lay-man, having before had a sufficient discharge. This answer of the Archbishop was like Oyl cast on fire, which instead of quenching increast the Kings anger; and the Prelates perceiving the Kings displeasure to tend yet to some further severity, premonished him to submit himself, for [Page 53]that otherwise the Kings Court intended to adjudge him a perjured person, and also a traytor, for not yielding temporal Allegiance to his temporal Sovereign, as himself had sworn to do: and accordingly the Prelates themselves by joynt consent adjudged him of perjury; and by the mouth of the Bishop of Chichester, disclaimed thence forward all obedience unto him as their Archbishop. But Becket herewith nothing daunted, caused to be sung before him the next day at the Altar that Psalm, Principes fedent. The Princes sit and speak against me, and the ungodly persecute me, &c. and forthwith taking his Silver Crosier in his own hands, enters armed therewith into the Kings Prefence; who more and more enraged at Beckets insolency, commandeth his Peers to sit in judgement on him as on a traytor: and the Courtiers like Ecchoes answering the King; the whole Court sounded nothing but Treason: so that Becket afraid of being slain, hasteth home; and changing his costly Robes into course Rags, passeth over into Flanders, calling himself by the name of Dereman.
The Archbishop gone, the King banishes all his Kindred out of his Dominions; and he on the other side excommunicates all such as had to do against him: at length the King of France with intreaty, and the Pope with the terrour of the Churches censures, made a full atonement and reconciliation between them; the Archbishop in great triumph returned to England, having been absent from his native Countrey for the space of seven years.
All controversies seemed now fully to be ended, though the sequel thereof proved far otherwise; for some excommunicated Bishops and other men of great account, desiring to be absolved, he refused to do it, unless with this caution, that they should stand to the judgement of the Church in those things for which they were excommunicated: but they disdaining the pride of the Archbishop, poste over into Normandy, where the King was then, informing him, that [Page 54] Thomas was now grown more haughty then before, that he went up and down with great Troops of men, both Horse and Foot, that attended on him as upon the Kings own Royal Person; that to be a King indeed he wanted but the name, and setting the Crown upon his head. The King herewith highly incensed, in a great rage said, And is it possible that I cannot peaceably enjoy neither Kingdom. Dignity, nor Life; and all this for one onely priest? Cursed be all such as eat my bread, since none will revenge me of this fellow. These words being over-heard by four Knights. Sir Morvil. Sir William Tracy, Sir Hugh Brito, Sir Richard Fitz-urse, they thinking to do the King a pleasure, (though as the sequel of his reign proved, they could not have done him a greater injury) hasted into England, and in his own Church of Canterbury most barbarously murthered him, being then about 48. years of age; not long after he was Canonized by Pope Alexander, and the day of his death, being the 29. of December, kept annually holy. Many miracles are reported to have been done by him, and his Shrine so inriched by Pilgrims, which from all places came thither in devotion; that at the defacing thereof in the time of King Henry the Eighth, the spoil thereof in Gold, and Precious Stones filled two great Chests, such as six or eight strong men could do no more then convey one of them at once out of the Church. Thus the Images of many men were richly clothed, when many poor Christians (Gods Image) went almost naked; so full of charity were those empty times of knowledge; a shame to us, who know more but practice less.
Draiton in his Polyolbion hath these verses on him.
Stapleton a Jesuite put forth a book entituled, Tres Thomas; [Page 55]Saint Thomas the Apostle, Thomas of Becket, and of Sir Thomas Moor; he Canonizes the two last, of either of which he writes six times as much as of St. Thomas the Apostle.
The Life of RICHARD the First.
THis reign, as it in part epitomizes the History of the holy War, without being guilty of an omission of the most admired part of Chronical History, I could not but insert Richard the first; who for his inexpugnable and Lion-like heart, obtained the sirname of Coeur de Lion: he was a most valiant and magnanimous Prince, accustomed to Wars; he died in the fields of Mars, of whom as a Prince we shall say nothing, having so much to relate of him after he came to be King. This martial Prince, born in a martial age, was third son to King Henry the Second, and succeeded him in the Crown after his Decease, his elder Brothers dying before their Father. At his Coronation he commanded no Jews should be present: but they desirous to see the solemnities, hasted thither in great numbers; but the price of their lives paid for the pleasure of their eyes; the common people falling upon them and slaying a great number: so ominous to the enemies of Christ was the first day of this Kings reign, presaging, saith one, his following successes in the Jewish Countreys.
For intending a journey to Jerusalem (not as a Pilgrim to see the City, but as a Souldier to conquer the Countrey) he raises an Army of thirty thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse; his next care was for money (the sinews [Page 56]of War) and notwithstanding his Father had left him eleven hundred thousand pound, (a vast sum for that age) yet was it no thought sufficient for so great a journey. Therefore to the end he might be able to go thorow with his work, he sells the Castles of Berwick and Roxborough to the Scottish King for ten thousand pounds, the Priory of Coventry to Hugh Bishop of Chester for 300. marks, and the County of Northumberland to Hugh Bishop of Duresme for his Life, jeasting he had made a new Earl of an old Bishop; then feigning he had lost his old Seal, he made a new one; proclaiming that whosoever would safely enjoy those things which before time they had enrolled, should come to the new Seal; by which princely skill (not to say cheat) he squeezed much money out of his Subjects purses.
Having proceeded thus far towards his journey, his next care was for securing the Kingdom of England in his absence. On his Brother John (whom he knew to be of an ambitious spirit, and apt to take fire on the least occasion) on him he heaped both riches and honour, that by his liberality he might win him to loyalty: but the chief Government of the Land he committed to William Longchamp Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellour of England, chusing him for his Viceroy rather then any lay-Earl; because a Coronet perchance may swell into a Crown, but never a Mitre: with him was joyned in Commission, Hugh Bishop of Durham, for the parts of England beyond Humber. Yet, as Suetonius reports of the Consulship of Caesar and Bibulus; that nothing was reported of Bibulus, but all of Caesar; so Longchamps Sun ecclipsed Durhams Candle, his great Bell making such a sound, that the other Tantony could not be heard.
Having thus settled his affairs in England, he crosseth the Sea to Philip King of France, who according to appointment was to go along with him in this journey; which after some stay (occasioned by the death of the French Queen) [Page 57]they agreed on these Christian and friendly terms. 1. That each of them preserve the others honour, and bear faith to him for life, and member; and earthly dignity, 2. That neither of them shall fail the other in their Affairs; but that the King of France shall help the King of England to defend his Land, even as he would defend the City of Paris if it were besieged; and Richard King of England, shall help the King of France to defend his Land, even as he would defend his City Roan if it were besieged. These Articles agreed on, and sworn to on both sides these two great Monarchs of the West, Richard the first, King of England, and Philip the second, King of France, set forwards on their journey; in the description of which, give me leave to light my Candle at Mr. Fullers fire, and to borrow some of his expressions to inrich my stile; who in his History of the holy War hath so eloquently described it: nor let me be accused for a fellon, or a counterfeit, in mixing his Gold amongst my Alchymy, since it may well pass for pay, which is stamped with so currant language.
There attended King Richard in this journey Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury, Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, Robert Earl of Leicester, Ralph de Glanvile late Chief Justice of England, Richard de Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. At Tours he took his Pilgrims Scrip and Staff from the Archbishop; his Staff at the same time casually brake in pieces; which some construed a token of ill success. Likewise when he and the French King with their trains passed over the Bridge at Lyons, (which brake by reason of the throng of people) on the fall of the Bride this conceit was built, that there would be a falling out betwixt these two Kings, which accordingly happened: their intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discontent betwixt them.
At Lyons these two Kings parted company, Philip passing over the Alps in Italy, and Richard to the Sea-side to Marseillis, to meet with his Navy; which being by tempest [Page 58]driven to other parts, after six weeks stay, he hireth shipping for himself and his company; and passing forwards, upon occasion, anchored in the Mouth of the River Tyber, within fifteen miles of the City of Rome: yet notwithstanding he was so hot on his journey, his devotion was so cold towards his Holiness, that he would not vouchsafe to give him a visit, but plainly told Octavian Bishop of Ostia the Popes Confessor; that having better objects to bestow his eyes upon, he would not stir a step to see the Pope; laying to his charge many shamefull matters, touching the Romish Simony and Covetousness, with many other reproaches, alledging that they took 700. marks for consecration of the Bishop of Mains 1500. marks for the Legative power of William Bishop of Ely; and of the Archbishop of Burdeaux an infinite sum of money; whereupon he refused to see Rome.
Yet notwithstanding this his disobedience to his spiritual Father, he arived safe as Messana, where he met with the French King his most Christian brother; and although he lost the Popes, yet found he the Almighties Blessing; his Navy within few dayes after ariving safe in Cicily.
Tankred at this time was King of the Island, a Bastard born; and no wonder, if climing up to the throne the wrong way, he shaked when he sat down: besides, he was a tyrant, both detaining the Dowry and imprisoning the Person of Joan Wife to William late King of Cicily, and Sister to King Richard. And therefore though he shewed him a fair countenance, his heart was full of poysonous rancour: but King Richard perceived his hypocrisie, notwithstanding his vizard, as dissembling goeth not long invisible before a judicious eye; and being offered some abuses by the Citizens of Messana, he assaults and takes the City, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs done to him and his Sister. Tankred seeing how the case stood, thought it his best thrift to be prodigal, and bestows on King Richard many [Page 59]thousand ounces of Gold, purchasing that with his purse, which by using justice he might have had for nothing,
King Phillip seemed nothing pleased at these dissentions, yet wisely covered the fire of his anger with the ashes of discretion, till such time he might show it with more advantage; and thinking to forestall the market of Honour, and take up all for himself, he hasted presently to Ptolemais: which the Christians had long besieged, and with them he joyns, while King Richard taking his Sister Joan, and Berengaria daughter to Sanctius King of Navarr, in 190. Ships, and 50. Gallies, puts to Sea for the holy Land, but is by tempest cast upon the Coast of Cyprus; where the Islanders under Cursac, or Isakius their King, seek to impeach his landing. But King Richard speedily over-ran the Island, and having taken Cursac, honours him with the magnificent Captivity of silver Fetters, having given him his word not to put him in bonds of Iron. This Island from all antiquity was celebrated for the seat of Venus according to the Poet:
And that it so might prove to King Richard, in the joyous moneth of May he solemnly takes to Wife his beloved lady Berengaria, and pawning the Island to the Templers for ready money, he passeth on to Ptolemais.
Long time had this City been besieged by the Christians, and many were the miseries that were underwent by both sides; the Famine raging within, and the Pestilence reigning without: so that now upon King Richard arival, the Turks despairing of succour, and their victualls wholly spent; they yielded up the City on condition to be guarded out of it safely. To take possession for the French, there was sent in Drogou de Merlou, and an 100. men at arms, and for the English Hugo de Gurnay with the like number; who equally parted the City, Goods, and People between them.
Here the English cast down the Ensigns of Leopoldus [Page 60]Duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principal place of the Wall, and threw them into the Jakes; for which injury King Richard paid dearly afterwards; so dangerous it is to exasperate any though far inferiour: for as the fable acquaints us, the Beetle may anoy the Eagle, and the Mouse befriend the Lion:
Eighteen dayes after the taking of Ptolemais the French King returned home, leaving Odo Duke of Burgundy to manage the Army in his absence, pretending the air of the Countrey did not agree with his body; but more likely that the air of King Richards too great honour could not down with his too great minde. Hoveden reports he was bribed by Saladine; which if true, let him for ever forfeit the sirname of Augustus, and the stile of the most Christian Prince.
King Richard goes on notwithstanding the French Kings departure, and fortifies the Town of Joppa; where going one day a hawking to recreate himself, being weary laid himself down upon the ground to fleep, when suddenly certain Turks came upon him to take him; but he awakened with their noise, riseth up, gets a horseback, and drawing out his sword, assaults the Turks; who feigning to fly, drew the King into an ambush where many Turks lay; who had certainly taken him if they had known his person: but one of the Kings Servants called William de Patrellis, crying out in the Saracen Tongue, that he was the King, they presently lay hold upon him, and let the King escape.
At this time Guy of Lusignan was possest of the City of Tyre, and with it of the right of the Kingdom of Jerusalem; King Richard more greedy of honour then profit, exchangeth his Island of Cyprus with this hungry Prince, for his Kingdome of Jerusalem; and upon this title the Kings of England were stiled Kings of Jerusalem a long time after. And now did King Richard long to be possest of his merchandise, whereupon it was determined then should presently march towards the holy City. Richard led the vantguard [Page 61]of his English, Duke Odo commanded in the main battel over his French, James of Avergne brought on the Flemings and Brabanters in the rear; Saladine, Serpent-like, biting the heal, assaulted the rear, not far from Bethlehem; when the French and English wheeling about, charged the Turks most furiously: emulation, formerly poyson, was here a cordial; each Christian nation striving not onely to conqer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in the honour of the Conquest. King Richard seeking to put his courage out of doubt, brought his judgement into question, being more prodigal of his person then beseemed a General. A great Victory they obtained of the Turks, with little loss to themselves, save onely of James of Avergne, who here died in the Bed of Honour.
And now they marched up within sight of Jerusalem, where King Richard intercepted the Caravan of the Saladine, laden with many rich Eastern wares, containing much in a little, and guarded with ten thousand men; whom King Richard valiantly encountring, with 5000. selected Souldiers, put most of them to the Sword, and took three thousand Camels and four thousand Horses and Mules, besides all their rich treasure; and yet of all this, and all that he gained in Cicily and Cyprus, he brought home nothing but one Gold Ring, all the rest of his wealth melting away in this hot service.
And now King Richard being advertised of the King of France his invading Normandy, contrary to his oath at his departure, inforced him, though much to his grief, to conclude a peace with Saladine, and that upon conditions not very honourable for the Christians; which was to demolish all places they had walled since the taking of Ptolemais; which was in effect to undo what with much charge they had done: but such was the tyranny of King Richards occasions, forcing him to return, that he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his heart; and so sending his [Page 62]Wife Berengaria, and his Sister Joan, with a great part of his Army into Cicily; and from thence into England, he passeth himself with some few of his company by the way of Thrace, and on the Coasts of Istria suffered shipwrack: wherefore he intended to pierce thorow Germany by land, the next way home.
The better to pass undiscovered, he disguises himself to be one Hugo a Merchant, whose onely merchandise was himself; but in his journey near to Vienna was unhappily discovered by the profuseness of his expences: so that the very policy of an Hoastess finding his Purse so far above his Cloaths did detect him. Leopoldus Duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being Lord of the Soyl, seized on this royal Hero, meaning now to ge his pennyworths out of him, for the affront done unto him in Palestine. But this booty being too great for a Duke, the Emperour got him into his Custody, meaning to coyn much Gold and Silver out of his most unjust affliction, by sharp imprisonment. Yet all the weight of their cruelty did not bow him beneath a Princely carriage.
Fifteen moneths imprisonment did he endure, at last he was ransomed for an hundred and forty thousand marks, Collen weight, and delivered to his Mother Queen Elianor, by the Archbishops of Mentz, and Collen; which last named Archbishop for joy of his deliverance, did celebrate divine service after this manner; Deus missit angelum. Now I know that God hath sent his Angel, and hath delivered thee out of the hand of Herod, and from the expectation of the people, &c.
We must not here forget how Gods judgements overtook this Duke, punishing his Dominions with Fire, Water, Barrenness, Worms, and Pestilence. The Fire causually burning his Towns; the River of Danubius drowning then thousand of his Subjects in an overflow: the Earth waxing dry and sear, the Worms destroying such Fruit and Grain as [Page 63]grew, and the stroak of Pestilence killing the principal Nobles and Gentlemen of his Dominions. The Duke himself in a tilting for solemnity of his Birth-day, fell off his horse, and broke his leg; which turning to a Gangreen, he cut off with his own hands, and died thereof.
King Richard after his return into England, at the Abby of Saint Edmunds, offered up the rich Imperial Standard of Cursac Emperour of Cyprus, which he took among the spoils of the Griffons Camp, and then marched to reduce such Castles as the servants of his Brother John held against him; who ambitiously and ungratefully during his Brothers absence, sought to wrest the helme of Government into his own hands, fortifying the Castles of Marleborough, Lancaster, St. Michaels Mount, Nottingham and Tichil, Henry de Pumeray Captain of St. Michaels Mount, hearing for certain that King Richard was come, died for very fear, and the rest of the Castles were reduced with some small resistance. And now to show that he was an absolute King again, he caused himself to be again Crowned at Winchester; the King of Scotland honouring the solemnity with his presence, who bare a Sword before King Richard: between which two Princes there followed great amity and tenderness of love all their dayes.
Not long after this the King being at dinner at Westminster, received advertisement that the French had laid Siege to Vernoul, a strong Town of his in Normandy; with which he was so moved that he swore a great oath, he would never turn his head till he had confronted the French. For the performance of which oath, he caused the wall-right before him to be presently beaten down, that so he might pass forward without turning his face, never resting till with an hundred great Ships he had crost the Seas from Portsmouth into Normandy. But King Richard made not so much haste to succour, but the French King made as much haste to be gone; here Earl John submits himself to his Brother, who [Page 64]upon his submission restores his possessions unto him, saying onely, I wish you may as well remember your fault, as I shall forget it.
King Richard following the French King, overtakes him at Vendome, who affrighted at his approach, the second time flies without striking a stroak, leaving behinde him all his bag and baggage, Munition, Tents, and Treasure, to a marvellous value; together with the Indentures of such as had left King Richard, to serve King Philip. Much about that time one Philip Bishop of Bevois, a Martial man, and who much annoyed the English borders, was fortunately taken in a Skirmish by King Richards side, who put him in prison; the Bishop hereupon complained to the Pope, who wrote in the behalf of his son, as an ecclesiastical person, and a Shepherd of the Lords. The King sent unto the Pope the Armour he was taken in, and engraved thereon the words which Jacobs sons used when they sold their Brother Joseph, and presented their Father with his Coat. Vide utrum filii tui tunica sit, vel non. See whether it be thy Sons Coat or no. Whereupon the Pope replyed, That he was neither his Son, nor the Son of the Church, and therefore should be ransomed at the Kings will, because he was rather judged to be a Servitor of Mars then a Souldier of Christ.
I am now come to the last act of this Kings Life, which drew the black cloud of death over this triumphal and bright shining star of Chevalry; one Widomare Vicount of Limoges, having found a great hord of Gold and Silver, sent part thereof to King Richard as chief Lord: but he over covetous would not be contented without all, pretending that treasure was wholly his by vertue of his Prerogative Royal. Thereupon marches with a great power to a Castle of the Vicounts called Chaluz, where he supposed the riches were; the Garrison of which place offered to yield the same, and all therein, if onely their lives and limbs might be saved: but he would not accept of any conditions, [Page 65]bidding them defend themselves as they could, for he would enter by the Sword, and hang them all; but in the assault he was slain by a shot from an Arbalist; the use of which warlike engine he first shewed unto the French. Whereupon a French Poet made these verses in the person of Atropos.
The man which shot him was named Bertram de Gurdon, who being brought before the King (who neglecting his wound, gave not over the assault till he had mastered the place) boldly justified his action, as done in defence of his Countrey; and to revenge the death of his Father and Brother, whom this King had slain with his own hand. Which said, the King caused him to be set at liberty, and gave him an hundred shillings sterling; but after the King was dead, one Markadey, a Captain of Rutters, took him, flead him quick, and hanged him up.
Concerning his issue, some report him to have none at all, others two, but illegitimate; a Priest in Normandy is reported to have told him he had three daughters, which he wished to bestow in marriage, or else Gods wrath would attend him: the King denying he had any daughter; Yes (said the Priest) you have three, Pride, Covetousness, and Leachery. The King apprehensive of the Priests meaning, called his Lords there attending; and said, My Lords, this Hypocrite hath found that I have three daughters. viz. Pride, Covetousness, and Leachery, which he would have me bestow in marriage: and therefore (if any such I have) I have found [Page 66]out most fit husbands for them all: My Pride I bequeath to to thee haughty Templers, and Hospitallers, who are as proud as Lucifer himself: My Covetousness I give to the white Monks of the Cisteaux Order; for they covet the Devil and all: But for my Leachery, I can bestow it no where better then on the Priests and Prelates of our times, for therein have they their most felicity. Doubtless (saith Speed) these marriages proved so fruitful, that their issue hath now overflowed all Kingdoms of the earth.
In this Kings dayes, lived that famous Out-law Robin Hood, accompanied with one called little John, and a hundred stout fellows more; who (as Sir Richard Baker saith) molested all Passengers upon the High way; of whom it is reported, that he was of Noble Blood, at least made Noble, no less then an Earl for some deserving services: but having wasted his Estate in Riotous courses, very penury forced him to take this course; in which yet it may be said he was honestly dishonest, for he seldome hurt any man, never any woman, spared the poor, and onely made prey of the rich; till the King setting forth a Proclamation to have him apprehened: it happened he fell sick at a certain Nunnery called Brickleys in York shire; and desiring there to be let blood, was betrayed, and made bleed to death. Of all Thieves (saith Major) this same was the Prince, and the most gentle Thief.
The Life of King EDWARD the Third.
HAving already as it were in a Land-scape discovered some part of the holy War, I shall now with a careful brevity pass through the transactions of our Wars with [Page 67] France, as they were managed with victorious success in the Reigns of Edward the Third, and Henry the Fifth; to which to compleat the History, I have added the Life of John Earl of Bedford, with whose Life the Honour of our English Gallantry in France expired.
Edward the Third sirnamed of Windsor (his Birth-place) was eldest son to King Edward the Second; who for some misgovernments during the time of his Reign was by the factious Nobility deposed from the Crown, and not long after deprived of his life by the procurement (as it is said) of his Wife Queen Isabel, Lord Mortimer, and some others, and young Edward Crowned King, Anno. 1327. Who though he thus rise by Fathers ruine, yet may in some sort be excused of the same. First, in regard of his adolescency, for though he were then married, yet had he not attained to 15. years of age, nor could he be induced to accept of the Crown until he was certified by some of his Lords that his Father had voluntary resigned it unto him; besides the exemplary punishment he took on the Lord Mortimer, a chief actor in his Fathers Tragedy, may in part assure as of his Innocency therein. In the mean time to divert the rumours of the people concerning his Fathers death, a War is proclaimed against Scotland, to revenge those overthrows the English had received from their valiant Chieftain King Robert le Bruce; but by the treason of the Lord Mortimer (who is said to have received bribes from the Scots) the journey proved unsuccessful, the young King hardly escaping with life: for one Sir James Dowglass (a valiant Scot) with 200 light horses assailed the Kings own Pavilion, where the King was so near death, that a Chaplain of his, who stoutly behaved himself, was slain in his masters defence, and Sir James retired from thence with safety.
These treasons of the Lord Mortimer, together with his excessive pride, and over much familiarity with the Queen-Mother, made him so distasteful unto the Lords, that notwithstanding [Page 68]his strong guard, consisting of no less then ninescore Knights; he was by the young King and the confederate Lords surprized on a sudden at Nottingham Castle; from thence removed to the City of London, condemned of treason, and executed at the common Gallows.
And here may the King be said to begin his Reign, living before at the Queen and the Lord Mortimers allowance; which was onely the third part of the Revenews of the Crown, which now he assumeth all to himself, putting the Queen to a pension of a thousand pounds a year, and confining her to a Castle all the dayes of her life: such was the miserable condition of this wretched Woman, the Daughter, Sister, Wife, and Mother of a King, as one of our Moderns hath it.
King Edward having thus raised himself, would next out of Charity help his Neighbour. Edward Baliol, Son to John Baliol, sometimes King of Scotland, having remained in France two and thirty years; comes over into England, whom King Edward aids against his Brother in Law King David; who at that time was with the King of France at Hallidown-Hill, where he utterly defeats the whole power of Scotland, slew of them 7. Earls, 90. Knights and Banerets, 400. Esquires, and 32000. common Souldiers, causing Baliol to be Crowned King, doing homage to King Edward as his superior Lord; for which though he had the Knees, he had not the Hearts of his people, who would be subject to none that were subject to another.
But these were but petty actions, scarce worth the rehearsal, considering what he performed afterwards; his endeavours for the French Crown, which that I may in order describe, I will begin with the original cause of this invasion. King Phillip of France dying without issue, the right of succession unto that Crown belonged to King Edward, [Page 69]as nearest in blood, being his Sisters Son; but Philip of Valois the Heir to Charles a former King, usurps the Crown, pretending a Law which they call Salique, wherein Females are debarred from inheritance; or as they term it the distaff from meddling with the Crown, according to that in the 6. of Matthew, Consider the Lillies (the arms of France) how they grow, they toil not, neither do they spin. Philip hereupon summons Edward to do homage for the Lands he held in France, which though prejudicial to his after claim; yet in regard his Kingdome of England was scarce well settled, and himself but young, he was contented to do; but this his Homage was exacted with such pride on the French Kings part, that it left a rancour in his heart for ever after; so that returning into England he studies revenge; nor long wants he an instrument to spur him on; for one Robert of Arthois being banished out of France, comes over into England, and becomes an incendiary betwixt the two Kings: this fugitive King Edward entertains, makes him Earl of Richmond, and one of his Council; then passing over into Flanders, by perswasion of the Flemings he takes upon him the Stile, Title, and Arms of the King of France; who hereupon establish a League with him, accounting themselves disobliged of the Bond of tweny hundred thousand Crowns, which they had entred into, never to bear Arms against the King of France: confederating himself with them and many other Princes, with a well selected army he enters France. King Philip on the other side was not idle, but draws to his part the King of Bohemia, the Bishop of Leige, Earl of Luxembourge, Henry Count Palatine, Aubut Bishop of Metz, Otho Duke of Austria, Ame Earl of Geneva, with many other; and with a mighty Army confronting King Edward near to Vermandeis, who notwithstanding part without doing any thing worth the relating, unless we should relate what to some way seem ridiculous: A Hare starting out before the [Page 70]head of the French Army, caused a great shout to be made; whereupon they who saw not the Hare, but onely heard the shout, supposing it to be the onset to the Battel, disposed themselves to fight; and fourteen Gentlemen for encouragements sake, as the custom is, were Knighted; called afterward in merriment, Knights of the Hare.
King Edward returning into England, left the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk in Flanders to oppose the French; who having performed many great exploits, in an encounter near Lisle were both taken prisoners: King Edward to repair this loss prepares again for France, to impeach whose landing King Philip had provided a Navy of 200. sail; whereof when Edward was advertised, he prepares the like number of ships to encounter with them, and sets out to Sea upon Midsummer-eve; the next day Sir Robert Morley brings an addition to his Fleet, which joyned together, set upon the French in the Haven of Sluce, defeated their whole Navy, took and sunk all their Ships, and slew thirty thousand of their men, as a Poet versifies on those times:
Many of the French to escape killing drowned themselves, trusting to the mercy of the Waves, rather then to the pitty of the English; which made the French Kings Jeaster set on to give him notice of this overthrow, to repeat often in the Kings hearing, Cowardly English men, Dastardly English men, Faint-hearted English men! and being by the King asked the reason why, Because (said he) they durst not leap out of their Ships into the Sea, as our brave French men did; by which speech the King came to have knowledge of their overthrow. The French lay the blame of this defeat on one Buchet, who having a chief command in the Navy, armed his ships with men of base condition (content with small pay) and refused Gentlemen and sufficient Souldiers in regard they required greater wages according to the old Law.
Edwards Wings thus plumed with Victory, he flies amain to the Siege of Tournay with an Army of five and fifty thousand, where he is encountred by the Duke of Burgandy and Earl of Armigniack, who slew four thousand of his men upon the place: Edward notwithstanding continues his Siege; to the relief whereof King Philip sends all the Forces he could make: But by the mediation of the Lady Jane of Valois, who was Sister to King Philip, and Mother of King Edwards Wife, a truce was concluded from Michaelmas till Midsummer, and both their Armies again dissolved.
Edward hereupon puts out of pay his forreign aids, and returning into England had notice that the Scots besieged the Castle of Striveling; for relief whereof he makes all the haste he can: but being disappointed of his provision that was to come by Sea, he makes a Truce with the Scots for four moneths, and returns home; during this truce the Scots send to King David, who upon their message leaves France, and returns into Scotland: and as soon as the truce was ended, with a strong Army enters Northumberland, besiegeth New Castle upon Tyne; but is valiantly resisted by John Nevile the Governour, who took the Earl of Murray prisoner, and slew divers of his men: from thence he passeth into the Bishoprick of Durham, where he useth all kinde of cruelty, killing men, women, and children, burning and destroying Houses and Churches, untill he came to the Castle of Salisbury; but hearing of King Edwards approach (who certified of these things made all the haste he could) he returns homewards. King Edward pursues for three dayes together; at length a truce was concluded for two years; and William Earl of Salisbury prisoner with the King of France, was set at liberty in exchange for the Earl of Murray.
Whilst Edward was thus busied about the Scots, a new difference arose in France; John Earl of Monfort claims the Dutchy of Brittain, and in pursuance of his title is taken prisoner by the French King; his Wife solicites King Edward for succour, who sends her aid under the conduct of Robert of Arthois, and not long after follows himself. Philip sends aid to Monforts Competitor, and both Armies encamp near to the City of Vannes, where was like to have been a cruel Battel, had not Pope Clement the sixth interposed; two Cardinals from him conclude a peace; Vannes is delivered up to the French King, and the Earl of Montfort is set at liberty.
The murmuring Drum now silenced, and stern Mars for a while confined to prison, least rusty idleness should entomb their worth, and want of exercise make them forget their Arms, King Edward erects a round Table at Windsor, in imitation of the Renowned Arthur, and to invite great men from forreign parts; rich Salaries are the reward of high designs. King Philip fearing this association would be to him of ill consequence, writes after Edwards coppy, and erects a round Table in his own Countrey, to allure the men of War of Germany and Italy, and so to keep them from coming into England.
King Edward thus prevented in his design by the French King, institutes the most honourable order of the Garter; the Original case whereof is dubious: some conjecture that it arose for that in a Battel wherein he was victorious, he gave the word Garter for the word or sign. Cambden saith, King Edward the Third founded this order, to adorn Martial vertue with honours, rewards, and splendour. The Original Book of the Institution deduces the invention from King Richard the First, and that King Edward adorned it, and brought it into splendour; but the common received opinion is, that a Garter of his own Queen, or (as some say) of Joan Countess of Salisbury, slipping off in a Dance, [Page 73]King Edward stooped and took it up; where at some of the Nobles that were present smiling, as an amorous action, he seriously said, It should not be long ere Sovereign Honour were done to that Garter; whereupon he afterwards added the French Motto, Honi soit qui maly pense; therein checking his Lords sinister suspicion: Nor need we with Polydor Virgil trouble our selves to make an Apology for the courseness of this Original, since according to the Poet:
The number of Knights in this order is six and twenty, whereof the King is alwayes president, so much accounted of in other Countries, that there have been nigh twenty and six forreign Emperours and Kings of the same; the glory whereof by a learned Poet is celebrated for to be such.
King Edward whose Eye was fixt, upon France, as the mark of his Conquest, having notice that King Philip had put many of his friends to death in Normandy; namely, Clisson and Bacon, Knights of the best note, glad that the truce was broken on King Philips part, prepares again for the invasion of France; and taking along with him the young Prince of Wales, with an Army of 2500. Horse, and 30000. Foot, arives in Normandy, where he took and and sackd many Towns of Importance; Clissons hands being nailed on the Gates of Carenton, he turns it into Cinders, making a Funeral-pile thereof for his slain friend. He takes also the populous and rich City of Caen, marching with his Army to the very Walls of Paris; Philip awakened with Edwards Victories, raises one of the greatest Armies that ever were seen in France; Edward laden with spoil is not unwilling to retire, which Philip interpreteth a kinde [Page 74]of flight, the River of Some he passeth with much danger, and defeats Gundentor du Foy, who was placed there to hinder his passage. King Philip set on fire with his disaster, resolveth to give King Edward Battel, who was incamped nigh to a Vilage called Crescy; his Army consisting of 30000. he divided into three Battalions: the first whereof was led by Edward the Black Prince of Wales, having in his company Beuchamp Earl of Warwick, Godfrey of Harecourt, the Lords, Stafford, Laware, Bourchier, Clifford, Cobham, Holland, &c. together with the number of 800. men at Arms, 2000. Archers, and 1000. Welch. In the second Battel were the Earls of Northampton and Arundel; the Lords Ross, Willoughby; Basset, Saint Albane, Malton, &c. with 800. men at Arms, and 1200. Archers. The third and last Battel was commanded by the King: himself, having in it 700. men at Arms, and 3000. Archers. The French Army was far greater, consisting of sixscore thousand men, having in it the two Kings of Bohemia, and Majorica, and of Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barrons, and Gentlemen bearing Arms about 3000. The vantguard was led by the King of Bohemia, and the Earl of Allanson. The main Battel King Philip commanded himself, and the Earl of Savoy the Reer. But since in this Battel the Prince of Wales was the chief General, I shall refer the further prosecution thereof to the description of his following life, and proceed in our History of King Edward, who after the good success of this Battel, marched directly to Calice, resolving not to stir untill he had won it; for which cause he fortifies his Camp on all sides, stopping all relief that might come to them by Sea with his Navy.
The French King not able to raise the Siege, seeks to divert him by an invasion in England. David the second King of Scots (a sure friend to the French, though allied to the English) with an Army of threescore and two thousand enters England, supposing (considering what great [Page 75]numbers were abroad) there were none left at home but Priests and Shepherds; but he was utterly deceived of his expectation, for at Nevils Cross in the Bishoprick of Durham, he was encountred by the Archbishop of York, with some Lords of the North, who animated by the Queen (who was there in person) defeated this great Army, slew the Earls of Murray and Strathern; the Constable, Marshall, Chamberlain, and Chancellour of Scotland, with many other Nobles, and fifteen thousand common Souldiers, took King David himself prisoner, together with the Earls of Douglass, Fife, Southerland, Wigton, and Menteith. Thus France was not alone, the stage of King Edwards Victories, nor the French alone the Nation over whom he triumphed.
This loss of the Scots lost the French King the Town of Callis, which after eleven moneths Siege was delivered up to King Edward, who made Governour of the same, one Aymery of Pavia, and then with his Queen returned into England.
But good fortune attended not Edwards person alone, it was likewise available in his Lievetenants, Sir Thomas Dagworth in Little Brittain, overthrew and took prisoner Charles de Bloys (Monforts Competitor) and besides many Knights and Esquires, slew 700. common Souldiers. Henry of Lancaster drave John Duke of Normandy, King Philips eldest son, from the Siege of Aquillon, takes and sacks the Towns of Xaintoigne, Poictou, and Poityers, and returns to Burdeaux with more pillage then his Army could well tell what to do withall. Sir Walter Bentley puts the Marshall of France to flight, with the slaughter of 13. Lords, 140. Knights, 100. Esquires, and store of common Souldiers: thus the English prosper every where, and the French suffer. King Edward was at that time elected King of the Romans, but refused the tender, as out of his way, considering his French and other importunate affairs.
King Philip dying John his eldest son succeeds him, who creates his son Charles Duke of Aquitain; Edward herewith incenst, bestows the same on the Prince of Wales, commanding him to defend that right with his Sword against his adversaries: hereupon an Army is raised for the Prince, consisting of 1000. men at Arms, 2000. Archers, and a number of Welshmen, with which he arives in Aquaitain; and in emulation of his Fathers glory, worketh wonders, recovering multitudes of Towns and prisoners, and loaden with booties returns to Burdeaux.
Winter being spent, he again sets forth, sacks, spoils, and destroyes where ever he goes; whom to oppose, King John with an Army of threescore thousand, follows to Poicters, and enforces him to fight: the Princes army so small in comparison of his, that he might say as Tygranes did of the paucity of the Romans; if they come as Embassadours, they are too many; if to fight, too few; the French exceeding him six to one: but what was wanting in number was made up in valor, for after a long conflict, they discomfitted their whole Army, took King John and his Son Philip prisoners, with many other Lords, and about 2000. Knights and Gentlemen bearing armories, slew 1700. Gentlemen, whereof 52 were Bannerets, and about 6000. common Souldiers: of which victory a modern Poet sings.
The Prince with his prisoners marcheth in triumph to Burdeaux, where resting a while he sets sail for England. With what joy he was welcomed home, may be easier immagined then expressed; his acts exceeding all expection, his performances afterwards as I referr to the description of his life: and return again to his Father King Edward.
Who upon receit of the French King, releases King David of his long imprisonment, thinking it honour enough to have one King prisoner at once; he had been here in durance [Page 77]the space of eleven years, and was at the incessant suit of his Wife Queen Joan set at liberty, yet not without a ransom of a hundred thousand markes, with condition to demolish and raze down several of his Castles.
And now the third time on the behalf of the French, two Cardinals solicite Edward for peace; to which he yields, but on such conditions, that the Council of France will not condescend unto: whereupon in great displeasure, with a mighty Army, he again enters France, destroying all wheresoever he came; and notwithstanding great offers were made him by the French, yet would he not desist, but concontinued inexarable. God (saith mine Author) displeased thereat, sent such a terrible storm of Hail, with Thunder and Lightning upon his Hoast, that it killed many of his men and horses; whereupon wounded and struck with a remorse, he vowed to make peace on reasonable conditions; and not long after at a treaty at Bretagni, concluded the same. The chief Articles whereof were, 1. That King Edward should have to his possession the Countries of Gascoigne, Guyen, Poytiers, Limosin, Balevile, Exantes, Caleis, Guisness, with divers other Lordships, Castles, and Towns, without any dependancy but of God. 2. That the two Edwards Father and Son should renounce all their right to the Crown of France, the Dutchy of Normandy, the Countries of Tourain, Anjou, and Maine; as also to the homages of Brittain, Armoricke, and the Earldome of Flanders. 3. That the King of France should pay for his ransom there millions of Crowns of Gold, six hundred thousand in hand, four hundred thousand the year following, and the rest in two years after; for assurance whereof a certain number of Hostages should remain in England. 4. That the French should not aid nor assist the Scots against the English, nor the English the Flemings against the French, &c. These Articles confirmed on both sides by seals and oaths, King John is delivered from his imprisonment, and King Edward with his Hostages returneth into England.
But notwithstanding seals and oaths, it was not long ere these Articles were broken, yet good correspondence was held, during the life of King John; who coming over into England to visit King Edward, died of grief (as one writes) that the Duke of Anjou, one of his pledges came not into England according as he had sworn: after whom his son Charles, sirnamed the Wise, succeeded; who with loving letters and presents, works himself into the good opinion of King Edward, whilest covertly he defrauds him of his interests in France: it fortuned whilst his Ambassadours were in the Kngs presence, news was brought him of the forcible invasion of the French in Poictow; which when the King heard, he commanded the Ambassadours to get them home with their deceitful presents to their treacherous Lord, whose mocks he would not long leave unrevenged: but King Edwards fortunes having ascended their full height, began to decline; for notwithstanding he sent over great forces under the Duke of Lancaster and Earl of Hereford, no great matter thereof ensued. And now each day brings news of some Towns revolt, or Commanders death; the Earl of Warwick receives his death by a pestilential Dart, Sir John Chandoys an expert Commander is unfortunately slain, Sir William Molineux who had long served in the Wars of France, deceaseth in England; the Earl of Pembroke is taken prisoner by the Spaniards, and the Noble Prince Edward dieth at Canterbury, with whom (saith Walshingham died all the hopes of the English; during whose life, they feared no invasion of the enemy abroad, nor any division at home; for he assailed no nation which he overcome not, he besieged no City which he took not, whose death lay so heavy on his heart that King Edward himself lived not long after. A King (saith Speed) whose name among the surviving splendors of his actions is justly transmitted with honour to all posterity. He died at his Mannor of Sheene (near Richmond) the 21. of July, 1377. having [Page 79]lived 65. years, and reigned 56. years, 4. moneths, and odde dayes; his body was solemnly interred at Westminster Church, where he hath his monument, with this Epitaph engraven thereon, made by Geffery Chaucer the Poet.
In the eleventh year of this Kings reign my Author writes was so great plenty, that a quarter of Wheat was sold at London for two shillings, a fat Ox for a noble, a fat sheep for six pence, and six Pigeons for a penny, a fat Goose for two pence, and a Pigg for a penny, and other things after that the same cheap rate.
The Life of EDWARD the Black Prince.
IT may seem superfluous having writ the Reign of the Father in whose time he died, to publish the life of this Prince; but as an eminent Author writes, as heroick persons purchase their own honours, so they ought to inherit their own praises, to wear their own laurels. This may apologize for my enterprize, more especially, as I have endeavoured to avoid whatsoever hath been already written, and to set down onely his more particular Transactions.
Edward the Black Prince, so named of this dreaded acts, and not from his complexion, was the eldest son of King Edward the Third; a Prince of an undaunted spirit, so full of vertues, that he left no room for any nnworthy vice, who, had he lived in the heroick times, might well have been numbred amongst the nine Worthies. At 15. years of age his father takes him over with him into France, to initiate him as it were in the School of War, as one of our modern Poets hath it.
I will for the more brevity treat onely of three special passages in this Princes life; his Battel at Crescy, his Victory at Poityers, and his restoring Don Pedro to his Crown of Castile; in the Battel at Crescy the French exceeded the English nigh four for one; and by reason of their numbers, being confident of Victory, would needs hasten the Fates to their own destruciton, and enforcd the English to make their passage through, as they then determined, the red Sea of their own blood; nor could the terrible peals of Thunder from heaven, nor shoals of Ravens and ravenous birds, which came flying over their Hoast, foreshewing the harvest of carcasses at hand, hinder their proceedings; but as if ascertained of victory they did erect their banner called Oliflame, as a signe of taking none to mercy, no more then fire is extinguisht by Oyl: against which the English advance their Banner of the red Dragon, to signifie no mercy to them that would shew none.
Both Armies divided into three Battalions, the sign of Battel being given by King Philip, the horrour of War began to show its self; the grass was soon changed from green to red, and their glistering faucheons to a purple colour, Drums and Trumpets sounded, the knells of death, horrour, [Page 81]and destruction appeared every where. Amongst other Nations that assisted the French in this sad War; were twelve thousand Genowayes, being all of them Gross-bow men; these were to open a way for the French horse with their shot: but at the very instant fell such a showr of rain, which for the present wet the Archers strings, and made them less serviceable. The French King hereupon commanded Count Alanson who commanded the Van, to beat them from the point, and to charge the English: this was no sooner commanded then performed, and the poor Genowayes trodden down by the horse; who now turn their fury against the French, seeking to destroy whom they came to help. The English enemies unto either having reinforced their Archery, liberally bestow their arrows amongst them endeavouring the destruction of them both; who ever saw a Matachin dance imitate fighting, might here see a fight imitate the Matachin dance. The French way thus paved with Genoan bodies, half out of breath with headlong haste, never stay till they came up to the English Battel, with whom encounters the noble Prince of Wales, who commanded the English Voward that day; the fight grew fierce and cruel, each side striving to exceed the other in valour. Who had seen the Prince of Wales at that present, would have believed Pythagoras doctrine of Transmigration, that the soul of great Hector had been infused into him: what Poets have feigned of ancient Heroes, fell short of the truth of what he performed that day. The King of Bohemia (whom age might have taught to have expected death in his Chamber, and not to have sought him in the Fields of Mars) seals his love to the French side with his dearest blood; his troop of faithful followers with their slaughtered bodies covering him even in death; whose plume of Ostrige feathers won then by valiant Edward, hath every since been the Cognisance of the Princes of Wales. Another trophey of the English Chevalry was the King of Majorca, who in aid of the [Page 82]French was there likewise slain, as a renowned Poet in his description of that victory.
It was now high time for King Philip to bring up the main Battel, whose numbers threatned the destruction of the English; this onset threatning so much danger, King Edward is sent for to come up with his power to aid the Prince; whose answer was, Let them send no more to me for any adventure that may befall, whilest my son is alive; but let him either vanquish or bravely dye, because the honour of this brave day shall be his, if God suffer him to survive.
This answer would have wrought despair in cowards, but to these valiant Heroes brought increase of courage, who now bestir themselves more then before, sending such numbers to grisly Charon, that his leaking boat was ready to sink under the pressure of their numerous weight. Twice was King Philip beat off his horse, and twice by the Lord Beaumont mounted again; but being wounded in the Neck and Thigh, was forced to retire himself out of the fight; upon whose departure the French gave way, and staid not long but betook them to flight. The French King with a small company flies to Bray, and being questioned by the guard who he was, answered, The Fortune of France; whereupon being known, he was received into the Town, with the tears and lamentations of the people. The number of the slain are reported to be 30000. (the same number which King Edward brought to the Battel) the chief whereof were, the two Kings of Bohemia and Majorca, Charles Earl of Alanson, John Duke of Bourbon, Ralph Earl of Lorrain, Lewis Earl of Flanders, the Dolphin of Viennois, the Earls of Sancerr, Harecourt, Aumarl, Nevers, &c. Thus under the conduct of this valiant Prince, the English obtained a glorious victory, whom King Edward the Father thus congratulates, Son, God send you good perseverance to so [Page 83]prosperous beginnings; you have nobly acquit your self, and are well worthy to have the governance of a Kingdom entrusted unto you for your valour.
Wars greatest tempest now blown over, some little mists remained behinde, like to the gleanings after harvest, certain troops of French, under the command of the Archbishop of Roan, and the Prior of France (ignorant of what had happened) were coming from Abbevile, Roan, and some other Towns thereabouts, to the aid of King Philip, and to enrich themselves by the spoil of the English: but that they might be sensible of the ill fortune of a bad market, they found King Philip discomfitted before they came, and they themselves must become the English spoil.
From his victory at Crescy, I shall proceed to his conquest at Poytiers, as I have already intimated in the Life of Edward the Third Philip King of France dying, his son John succeeds him, who invests his Son Charles with the Dutchy of Aquitain. King Edward bestows the same on the Prince of Wales, commanding him to defend that right with his Sword; hence grows the quarrel, and a small matter, will cause a great difference where both parties wait for an occasion. The Prince with an Army lands is Aquitain, conquering all where ever he comes, unto whom Pope Clement the sixth sends a messenger with an overture to intercede for a Peace: the Prince returns answer, that the message must be sent to the King his Father, for he could not meddle without command from him. Mean while he takes Cities and Towns at his pleasure; and without impeachment returneth to Burdeaux, where for that year he takes leave of Martial Atchievements.
The prince could not continue long without action, for no sooner had the Son rid through his Winters stage, but with an uncontrouled march he advances through Bruges, Perigort, and Limosin, intending to return to Burdeaux through the Countries of Turain, Paictou. and Saintcin. But [Page 84] John King of France (hasting to go beyond his Father in misfortunes) seeks to intercept his passage; and with a mighty Army follows after, whom he overtakes about the City of Poytiers. Both Armies preparing themselves for fight, two Cardinals from Pope Clement labour to take up the quarrel; but King John whom the Destinies drave headlong to destruction, would accept of no conditions; but that the Prince should deliver him four Hostages, and as vanquished, render himself and his Army to his discretion: but this being with just indignation rejected, it came to a most bloody and fearful tryal. The French Army exceeded the English six to one, by reason the Prince had not long before sent a great part thereof to defend Aquitain; wherefore that he might be able to deal with the French numbers, he takes all the advantage he could of the ground, and providently got the benefit of Vines, Shrubs, and Bushes, with iron Spikes, with other incumbrances, on that part he was like to be assailed, to impester and intangle the French horse, which he saw were to come furiously upon him: then dividing his Army into three Battalions, he committeth the vaward to the Earls of Warwick and Oxford, the middle-ward was guided by himself, and the Reer-ward led by the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk. The Army thus marshalled, the noble Prince standing conveniently to be heard, encouraged his Souldiers with this following speech as I received it from an ancient Manuscript.
Your manhood (most noble companions in Arms) hath been so often experimented under my Father and me, that it proves you are not degenerate from true Sons of English men, but to be descended from those whose lively couragiousness hath heretofore tamed the French, the Cyprians, the Siracusians, the Calabrians, and the Palastines; brought under the stiff-necked Scots, unruly Irish, and stubborn Welch; unto whom no labour was painfull, no place invincible, no ground unpassable, no Hill (were it never so high) inaccessable, no Tower unscaleable, [Page 85]no Army impenetrable, no armed Souldier or whole Hoasts formidable. At this time, gallant Countreymen, the honour, love of our Countrey, and the rich spoil of the French call upon us to be valiant; let not their numerous Army affright you, since they are the same men who not long ago were vanquisht by a handfull of us at the Battel of Crescy. Remember withall that I am Edward your Leader, who will participate with you either in weale or in woe; either sharing with you in the honor of their overthrow, or dying with you if overthrown.
Scarcely could the Prince make an end of his Speech, when the French like an impetuous torrent, slighting the petty numbers of the English, came furiously on as to an assured victory; but upon their first assault were so wrapt in, molested, and encombred amongst the Vines, that the Archers galled and anoyed them at their pleasure: for the French King, to give the honour of the day to his Cavallery, imployed them onely without his Infantry; so as they being disordered and put to rout, his whole Army was soon utterly defeated: as Drayton describes this Victory.
Few such lists of prisoners do we meet withall in any story as here were taken at this Battel, viz. John King of France, Philip his Son, the Archbishop of Sens, James of Burbon, Earl of Ponthieu, John of Artoyer, Earl of Eu, Charles his Brother, Earl of Longuevile, Charles Earl of Vendosme, the Earls of Tankervile, Salbruch, Nassaw, Dampmarlin, La Roch, with many other Lords, besides two thousand Knights and Gentlemen; nor did the slain come far short of the prisoners, the Chiefest whereof were [Page 86] Peter of Burbon, Duke of Athens, high Constable of France, John Clermont Marshall, George of Charney Lord great Chamberlain, the Bishop of Chalons, the Lords of Landas, Pons, and Chambly, with others, to the number of 1700. Knights and Gentlemen. The Prince having commended his Souldiers, needed not at that time reward them; giving them the rich plunder of the Field, which did sufficiently recompence them for their victory. This indeed whetteth a Souldiers valour, when desert is recompensed with reward. The English whose valour was most conspicious, were the Earls of Warwick, Suffolk, Salisbury, Oxford, and Stafford, the Lords, Cobham, Spenser, Berkley, Basset, and Audley; which last named Lord for his valour, was rewarded by the Prince with the gift of five hundred marks Fee simple in England, which he presently gave to four of his Esquires: whereupon the Prince demanding whether he accepted not his gift? he answered, that these men had deserved the same as well as himself, and had more need of it: with which reply the Prince was so well pleased, that he gave him five hundred marks more in the same kinde, an example worthy of immortal memory, where desert in the Subject, and reward in the Prince, strive which should be greatest. Nor did the Prince use less humanity towards his prisoners, whom he entertained in most honourable manner; so that King Johns Captivity was onely restraint of his liberty, being attended on like a King in the hands of his enemy; for noble spirits scorn to insult over misery: 'tis Plebean rage that is merciless. Having refreshed his Army, he marcheth with his prisoners to Burdeaux, where he tarried a while longer to rest his Souldiers; from thence he sets sail for England ariving at Plymouth. King Edward as soon as he had knowledge of the Victory, caused a general Thanksgiving all over England eight dayes together, giving God the thanks and glory, knowing him the Author, and his Son but the instrument of this unparallel'd victory.
By reason of these his wonderful Atchievements, his name grew famous all the Christian world over, to whom for succour comes Peter King of Castile, driven out of his kingdom by the French, with the assistance of the King of Arragon, and his Bastard Brother Henry placed in his room. Prince Edward considering what a dangerous president this might be against all lawful Kings, that any one should be thus disthroned, having obtained leave of his Father, resolveth to aid him, and taking along with him an Army of thirty thousand men, makes his way through the streights of Rouncevallux in Navarr, accompanied with the Kings of Castile and Majorca, John Duke of Lancaster his Brother, with many other Knights and Gentlemen. On the other side King Henry for defence of his Diadem had assembled an Army of an hundred thousand, consisting of French, under Glequin their famous Captain; as also of Castilians both Christians and Saracens. On the borders of Castile, at a place called Nazers, it came to a Battel, where the Prince obtained a glorious Victory, slew many thousands of his enemies, and took above two thousand prisoners; nor left he off here, but proceeded so far untill he had set him in Burgus upon his Throne again.
The greater the benefit is of him that receives it, the more monstruous is his ingratitude that doth not acknowledge it: this ungrateful King, notwithstanding the benefits he had received of the Prince, dismissed his without money to pay his Army, which constrained him in his return to Burdeaux to coin his Plate; but that not supplying his present necessities, he layes upon his Dominions in Gascoigne a new taxation, which was the cause of a most dangerous revolt. But this was not all the mischief that he accrewed by this journey, for the Prince brought back with him such an indisposition of body, that he was never throughly well after. Some report him to have been poysoned by King Peter, and probable enough he might be guilty of such wickedness, [Page 88]whose whole course of life was so full of vice. Duke John of Lancester was not freed from the suspition of hastening his death, though the heat of the Countrey and the unfitness of the Season might be the principal cause. How ever it was, certain it is he survived not long after, dying at Canterbury upon Trinity Sunday, Anno 1376. aged about six and forty years; a Prince excelling all the princes which went before him, and surpassing in Martial deeds all the Heroes that have lived after him. His body was buried at Christ-Church in Canterbury, where his monument standeth, leaving behinde him onely one Son, who was afterwards King of England, by the name of Richard the Second, unless we should reckon his natural issue, Sir John Sounder, and Sir Roger Clarendon Knights, which latter is thought to be Ancestour to the house of the Smiths in Essex.
The Life of Sir JOHN HAWKWOOD.
AMongst those many Worthies which this Martial age produced, that valiant Knight Sir John Hawkwood deserveth remembrance; who though of low birth, by his Martial prowess purchased his own renown over the Christian world.
He was born at Sible Heningham in the County of Essex, and was in his youth bound apprentice at London with a Taylor, from whence he was prest in the musters for service of King Edward the Third, and sent into France as a common Souldier; where contrary to the Proverb, which saith, Taylors are no men: he behaved himself so valiantly that [Page 89]he was made a Captain over a Company of Foot Souldiers, and not long after upon some further good service by him performed, advanced unto the order of Knighthood: but a peace being concluded between the French and English, and his estate not able to maintain his Title, he was loath to return home again to follow his old occupation; it being something preposterous from a Knight to turn Taylor again: wherefore he joyned himself with the Companies called the Late-comers, who being about five or six thousand, made great spoil upon the East parts of France, passing through Champain, Burgondy, and Damphin, even to the very Gates of Avignion in Province. From thence he departed into Lumbardy, having the leading of that part of the Companies, which was called the White Band, with whom he served valiantly in the Wars of John Marquess of Montferrat; but Lionel Duke of Clarence, Son to Edward the Third, King of England, coming over into Italy, to marry with the Lady Violanta Daughter of Galeacio, Duke of Millain, he forsook that service and attended the Duke to the marriage.
To omit their sumptuous entertainment, which by Paulus Jovius upon the life of Galeacio is written at large, Barnaby the Brother of Galeacio, having at that time great Wars with the State of Mantua, obtained of the Duke of Clarence, that Sir John Hawkwood, being a Captain and principal man of his retinue, might come to aid him in his Wars; for he himself being a warlike Prince, had a desire to make some trial of the Discipline of the English. Sir John Hawkwood hereupon undertaketh the service, behaving himself so valiantly in several Assaults and Skirmishes, that the Lord Barnaby for his valour importuned him to be his Son in Law, and gave him in marriage the Lady Dowager his Daughter, with the value of ten thousand Florences of yearly revenue for her portion.
By reason of this alliance his pay was encreased, and his [Page 90]name became famous all over Italy, for it was judged his deserts were not small, that so great a Prince as Barnaby would ally himself with him; yet notwithstanding all this, upon some further hopes conceived, he revolteth from Barnaby, and joyneth himself with his enemy: so true is that of Lucan.
By reason of this revolt many of the Towns of Lombardy came to be wasted, by the outragious spoils of the English men; amongst other they took the Towns of Faera, and Banacanallo, whereof he sold one to the Marquess of East for twenty thousand Crowns, and the other he kept. Having both his Forces and pay encreased, he determines to seek new adventures, going first to the aid of Pope Gregory the twelfth, and having with great commendation recovered the Cities of Province that had revolted from him, for his service therein, was worthily rewarded with the dominion of five Towns. From him he went to the Florentine, and not long after to the Pisans; from thence to the Florentines again, under whom he served with such a number of our Nation, both horse-men and foot-men, that all Italy feared him, with that success and increase of his honour and glorious renown, that he was reputed to be the best Souldier of that age; for he had learned by his long experience in the Wars, having an exceeding ripe and quick conceit to force occasions to frame his resolutions, and to make speedy execution, being also as the opportunity required, both hot in his fight, and notable for his delayes; in so much as sundry great Captains, who were afterward highly renowned, proceeded out of his School, as from an exact master of Martial affairs. The exploits that he had atchieved with good success, were accounted for sure grounds and principles of Discipline, as well amongst his very enemies, as also amongst his own followers.
After many Victories obtained, and an incomparable Renown amongst all men, he deceased an aged man at Florence; the Senate in reward of his well deserving, honoured his ashes with a stately Tomb, and the Statue of a man at Arms, having chiefly by his conduct, courage, and valour, preserved that City. The Italian Writers both Poets and Historians highly celebrating his matchless Prowess, enstile him,
His Friends and Executours here in England raised a Monument or Tomb for him at Sible Heningham where he was born, arched over, and engraven to the likeness of Hawks flying in a Wood, and founded (such was the Religion of those times) a Chauntry there for the good of his soul.
The Life of GEOFFERY CHAUCER.
THis famous and learned Poet Groffery Chancer Esquire, was supposed by Leland, to have been born in Oxfordshire or Barkshire; but as it is evident by his own words he was born in the City of London, as we have it from him in his Testament of Love. Also in the City of London, that is to me so dear and swéet, in which I was forth grown; and more kindely love have I to that place then any other in yerth, as every kindely [Page 92]creature hath full appetite to that place of his kindely ingendure, and to wilne rest and peace in that stede to adide) thilke peace should thus there have béen broken, which of all wise men is commended and desired.
For his Parentage, although Bale, he termeth himself Galfridus Chaucer nobili loco natus, & summae spei juvenis, yet in the opinion of some Heralds (otherwise then his vertues and learning commended him) he descended not of any great House, which they gather by his Arms; and indeed both in respect of the name which is French, as also by other conjectures it may be gathered, that his Progenitours were Strangers; but whether they were Merchants, (for that in places where they have dwelled, the Arms of the Merchants of the Staple have been seen in the glass windows) or whether they were of other callings, it is not much necessary to search: but wealthy no doubt they were, and of good account in the Commonwealth, who brought up their son in such sort, that both he was thought fit for the Court at home, and to be employed for matters of State in Forreign Countreys.
His Education, as Leland writes, was in both the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, as appeareth by his own words in his Book entituled, The Court of Love; and in Oxford by all likelihood in Canterbury, or in Merton Colledge, with John Wickliffe, whose opinions in Religion he much affected: For who shall read his Works, will finde him not covertly, but with full mouth to cry out against the vices and enormities of the Priests in those times. Hear him in the Plough-mans tale.
Improving his time in the University, he became a witty Logician, a sweet Rhetorician, a grave Philosopher, a Holy Divine, a skilful Mathematician, and a pleasant Poet; of whom for the sweetness of his Poetry may be said, that which is reported of Stesichorus; and as Cethegus was tearmed Suadae Medulla, so may Chaucer be rightly called the pith and sinnews of Eloquence, and the very life it self of all mirth and pleasant writing: besides, one gift he had above other Authours; and that is, by the excellencies of his descriptions to possesse his Readers with a stronger imagination of seeing that done before their eyes which they read, then any other that ever writ in any tongue.
By his travel also in France and Flanders, where he spent much time in his young years, but more in the latter end of the Reign of King Richard the second, he attained to a great perfection in all kinde of learning, as Bale and Leland report of him. Circa postremos Richardi secundi annos in Galliis floruit, magnamque illic ex assidua in literis exercitatione gloriam sibi comparavit. Domum reversus forum Londinense, & Collegia Leguleiorum, qui ibidem patria jura interpretantur, frequentavit, &c. About the Latter end of King Richard the Seconds dayes, he flourished in France, and got himself into high esteem there by his diligent exercise in learning. After his return home, he frequented the Court at London, and the Colledges of the Lawyers, which there interpretted the Laws of the Land; and among them he had a familiar Friend called John Gower, a Yorkshire man born, a Knight, as Bale writeth of him. This Gower in a Book of his entituled Confessio Amantis, tearmeth Chaucer a worthy Poet, and maketh him as it were the judge of his works.
He married a Knights Daughter of Henault, called Paon de Ruel, King of Arms, by whom he had issue his Son Thomas, to whom King Edward the Third (in recompense of his Fathers services in France) gave him in marriage the Daughter and Heire of Sir John Burgershe Knight. This Thomas Chaucer had onely one Daughter named Alice, married thrice, first to Sir John Philip Knight, then to Thomas Montacute Earl of Salisbury, and the third time to William de la Pole Earl and after Duke of Suffolk; who for love of his Wife, and the convenient seat of her estate, he removed into Oxfordshire, and Barkshire where his Wives Lands lay.
This Alice had a Daughter by her second Husband Thomas Montacute Earl of Salisbury, named after her Mother Alice, married to Richard Nevill, Son to Ralph Earl of Westmerland; by whom she had Richard, John, and George: Richard espoused Anne, sister and sole heir to the Lord Beauchamp, and after Duke of Warwick, in whose right he was created Earl of Warwick.
But to return to our ancient Poet Geffery Chaucer, he had alwayes an earnest desire to inrich and beautifie our English Tongue, which in those dayes was very rude and barren; and this he did, following the example of Dantes and Petrarch, who had done the same for the Italian Tongue; Alanus for the French, and Johannes Mena for the Spanish: neither was Chaucer inferiour to any of them in the performance hereof; and England in this respect is much beholding to him, as Leland well noteth.
He departed out of this world the 25. day of October, [Page 95]1400. after he had lived about 72. years. Thus writeth Bale out of Leland: Chaucerus ad canos devenit, sensitque senectutem morbum esse; & dum causas suas, Londini curaret, &c. Chaucer lived till he was an old man, and found old age to be grievous; and whilest he followed his causes at London, he died, and was buried at Westminster.
The old Verses which were written on his Grave at the first, were these.
But since, Mr. Nicholas Brigham did at his own cost and charges erect a Monument for him, with these Verses.
Anno Domini 1400. die mensis Octob. 25.
It will not be amiss to these Epitaphs, to adde the judgements and reports of some learned men of this worthy and famous Poet. And first of all Thomas Occleve, who lived in his dayes, writeth thus of him in his Book, De regimine Principis.
John Lidgaete likewise in his Prologue of Bocchas, of the fall of Princes, by him translated, saith thus in his commendation.
Also in his Book which he writeth of the Birth of the Virgin Mary, he hath these verses.
And as for men of latter time, Mr. Ascham and Mr. Spenser have delivered most worthy testimonies of their approving of him. Mr. Ascham in one place calleth him English Homer, and makes no doubt to say, that he valueth his Authority of as high estimation, as ever he did either Sophocles or Euripides in Greek. And in another place, where he declareth his opinion of English versifying, he useth these words: Chaucer and Petrark, those two worthy wits, deserve just praise. And last of all, in his discourse of Germany, he putteth him nothing behinde either Thucidides or Homer, for his lively descriptions of site of places, [Page 97]and nature of persons, both in outward shape of body, and inward disposition of minde; adding this withall, that not the proudest that hath written in any Tongue whatsoever, for his time, have outstript him.
Mr. Spenser in his first Eglogue of his Shepards Kallender, calleth him Tityrus, the god of Shepards, comparing him to the worthiness of the Roman Tityrus Virgil: in his Faerie Queene, in his Discourse of Friendship, as thinking himself most worthy to be Chaucers friend, for his like natural disposition that Chaucer had; he writes, that none that lived with him, nor none that came after him durst presume to revive Chaucers lost Labours in that unperfect tale of the Squire, but onely himself: which he had not done, had he not felt (as he saith) the infusion of Chaucers own sweet spirit, surviving within him. And a little before he calls him the most renowned and Heroicall Poet, and his writings, the works of heavenly wit; concluding his commendation in this manner.
Mr. Cambden reaching one hand to Mr. Ascham, and the other to Mr. Spenser, and so drawing them together, uttereth of him these words. De Homero nostro Anglico illud verè asseram, quod de Homero eruditus ille Italus dixit.
The deservingly honoured Sir Philip Sidney in his defence of Poesy, thus writeth of him. Chaucer undoubtedly did excellently in his Troylus and Crescid, of whom truly I know not, whether to marvail more; either that he in that misty time could see so clearly, or that we in this clear age walk so stumblingly after him. And Doctor Heylin in his elabourate Description of the World, ranketh him in the [Page 98]first place of our chiefest Poets. Seeing therefore that both old and new Writers have carried this reverend conceit of him, and openly declared the same by writing, let us conclude with Horace in the eighth Ode of his fourth Book.
Gower and Chaucer were both of the Inner Temple. Mr. Buckley a learned Gentlemen of those times gives an account of a Record he read in the same Inner Temple, wherein Geofery Chaucer, no friend to the covetous and leacherous Cleargy-men of those times, was fined two shillings for beating of a Franciscan Frier in Fleet-street: a considerable sum, money was so scarce in those dayes.
I intended to have presented the world with the lives of three more of the most eminent of our modern Poets, viz. Mr. Edmond Spenser, Michael Drayton Esquire, and Mr. Benjamin Johnson, (not that I could thereby imagine to add unto their fames, they having built themselves everlasting Monuments in their never dying Works) but out of a desire to imitate forreign writers, who have ever done their Worthies that right. I have not been wanting of a most diligent inquiry, but as yet I cannot meet with any of their friends and honorers that are able to render me so full and happy an account of them, as that I might have registred them in this volumne to Posterity.
The Life of HENRY the Fifth.
HEnry the fifth was born at Monmouth in Wales 1388. Of whom several Authors write, that he was the most dissolute Prince; but all agree that he was afterwards the [Page 99]most Martial King that England ever bred. For during his Father Henry the Fourths Reign, his chief associates were men of evil fame, wicked life, dissolute carriage, Robbers and Thieves, by whose instigation he struck the Lord Chief Justice of England; for which offence he was imprisoned and dismissed of the Presidentship of the Kings Council. With these Fratres in malo he committed many insolent pranks; but having attained unto the Crown, he summoned these his companions before him; and instead of preferring them as they expected, he banisht them for ever from his presence: yet least they should pretend want of maintenance to be a cause of their taking ill courses he gave to every one of them competent means whereby to subsist. Having thus reformed himself; his next care was to reform his Kingdom; and to this end he assembleth a Parliament, as best able to informe him for his more discreet grievances of his Subjects, and best able to counsel him for their redress. In this Parliament was a Bill preferred by the Commons against the Cleargy, whose Temporalities they affirmed would maintain fifteen Earls, fifteen hundred Knights, six thousand two hundred Esquires, an hundred Alms-Houses more then before, and unto the Kings Coffers twenty thousand pounds by year. The Cleargy nettled with the Commons Bill, being loath to have their Estates looked into, as men who were fuller of goods then of goodness, exceeding in riches more then in righteousness, and preaching for Gold more then for God, to divert the Kings minde another way, by the mouth of Chicholy Archbishop of Canterbury, propound the recovering of his Rights in France. Henry as he affected nothing more then true glory, so in nothing more then in Warlike action, condescends to the motion, sends Ambassadours to the French King to surrender him his Land, threatning Fire and Sword upon his refusal: but a Crown though accompanied with a great many troubles is not so easily parted withall; yet the French King propounds [Page 100]him fair, if he would desist from his intended War, though the Dolphin in derision sent him a tun of Paris Balls, as fitter for him to exercise, then to attempt the recovery of the French Crown; which King Henry took in such scorn, that he swore it should not be long ere he would send such London Balls amongst them, that should beat down their houses upon their heads. And to make good his promise, he raises an Army of 6000. Spears, and 24000. Foot, besides Engineers and Labourers: but being about to put forth to Sea, a treason was discovered against his person, plotted by Richard Earl of Cambriage, Henry Scroop Lord Treasurer, and Thomas Gray Earl of Northamberland: These men for a million of Gold were procured by the French Agents to kill the King, but were discovered by Edmond Earl of March, whom they would have drawn into the same Conspiracy. Upon their examination they confessed the Treason, as likewise the receipt of the money, and were for the same immediately put to death. For as Mr. Charles Allen writes.
This execution done, and the winde blowing fair, he puts forth to Sea, accompanied with his two Brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and Glocester, his Uncles, the Duke of York, and Earl of Dorset, the Earls of Kent, Cornwall, and Huntington, with many other Lords, Barons, and men at Arms; and on our Lady-Eve landeth at Caen in Normandy, where falling devoutly upon his knees, desired Gods assistance to recover his right; making Proclamation, That no man upon pain of death should rob any Church, or offer violence to any that were found unarmed. From thence with his Army he marcheth to Harflew, which after a few dayes was surrendred unto him; where he leaveth Sir John Falstaffe with fifteen hundred men, and takes his way towards Callis through the Counties of Caux and Eu.
Charles the sixth was then King of France, a weak brain-sick King, his Nobles divided, and the whole Court swarming with Factions; yet the common enemy endangering all, they unite in Counsell, and agree the English should be fought with ere they got to Callis: wherefore to impede his process, they brake down the Bridges, plashed the Woods, intrenched the wayes, struck stakes in Fords, and conveyed all victual out of the Countreys thorow which he should go. Then having raised a mighty Army, they sent Montjoy the French King at Arms to defie him, and to let him know he should be fougt with: King Henry notwithstanding his Souldiers were faint and weary, having spent their provisions some twelve dayes before, being forced in the mean time to feed upon nuts, roots, and berries, and drink onely water, yet accepted the Challenge, and rewarded the Herald for his message: then passing the River of Soam, he came to a Village called Agen-Court, encamping from the French Hoast not above two hundred and fifty paces.
Their power (saith Paradin) consisted of an hundred and fifty thousand Horse, (besides them for carriages which were innumerable) the Vantguard was led by the Constable of France, the Dukes of Orleance and Bourbon, the Earls of Ewe, Richmond, and Vandosme, the Lord Dempier, the Lord Admiral of France, the Marshal Bouciquale, and others. The main Battle by the Dukes of Barre and Alanson, the Earls of Vawinont Salings, Blamont, Grantpee, and Russy. And the Reer-guard by the Earls of Marle, Dampmarlin, Fauconbridge, and Monsieur de Lorney Captain of Ardy. King Henry desirous to know the numbers of the French, sent forth one Captain Gam for discovery; who brought word that there were of them enow to kill, and enow to take, and enow to runaway. The French were so confident of victory, that they sent to King Henry to know what Ransome he would give: but they who reckon [Page 102]without their Hoast (we say) must reckon twice: they might better have sent to know what Ransome he would rake, who as full of courage, though not so full of bravery, was busied in the mean time about marshalling his Army, The Vantguard he committed to the conduct of the Duke of York, the main Battle he commanded himself, and the Reer-guard was led by the Duke of Exeter. Then to prevent the fury of the French Horse, he commanded two hundred Bowmen to lodge in a low Meddow, being provided with sharp stakes studded with Iron at both ends, to guard them from danger, and to endamage the French Horse. The Battels thus ranged, the most valiant King gallantly mounted with a chearful countenance, and words full of courage, thus animated his followers, somewhat as I have it from other Historians to this purpose.
My most faithful Companions, and worthy Souldiers, we now are marching into the Field of Honour, which your great valours so long have expected and prayed for; loe the day is now come, your enterprise is the noblest in the world; pour now therefore forth your undaunted valours, that ages to come may know what the Lance, the Axe, the Sword, and the Bow can do in the hands of Englishmen: Whosoever therefore desires riches, honour, and rewards, here he shall finde them. Nimirum haec medio posuit Deus omnia campo. Having this said, his Army fell prostrate on the ground and committing themselves to God, their devotions ended, the Drums and Trumpets summoned them to action: the French Vant-guard being exquisitely appointed, intended with their Horse to have burst thorow the Archers with a violent course, who counterfeiting flight, brought the over-hasty French into the jaws of destruction; for having left their sharp pointed stakes sticking in the ground, they miserably goared the foremost of their Enemies Horses, being pressed on forward by the following Troops; and then turning head, sent such tempests of Arrows on the French, that many thousands their knells were rung out that dreadful day.
The main Battles joyn together, the Dukes of Glocester and Alanzon like enraged Lions encounter each other; but Glocester is wounded and overthrown, whose body his Brother Henry bestriding, delivered from further danger, and with redoubled stroaks brought the French Gallant himself to the ground; with whose fall fell the courages of the French, who for all their former bravadoes, they turned their backs shamefully and fled, with whom the Reer-guard ran for company, not having struck one stroak all this while. In all this fight, which continued three hours, were none taken Prisoners, but the Sword now made weary, and drunk with blood, all danger past, and humanity retired, Prisoners were taken, and lives spared, which hitherto was neglected, lest mercy to others might have proved destruction to themselves.
Whilest these things were thus acting, certain of the French Troops led on by Robert Bondile, and the Captain of Agencourt, fell to rifeling the Kings carriages, being guarded onely by Lackies and Laundresses, whose terrible shreeks made King Henry to think some fresh Forces were come; certain Troops also of the King of Sicills appearing in the Field, made him give present order, that every man should kill his Prisoner, certain principal men onely excepted: then setting his men in order, he sends to the assembled Troops, either to come to Battle, or depart the Field; but they fearing to drink of the same cup their fellows had done, with shame and dishonor depart away. The field thus cleared, and the King by his Scouts satisfied that no more enemy was to be seen, be caused the whole Army in their array as they were, to give thanks unto God, the Clergy then present singing the Psalm of David, In exitu Israel de Egypto, the Footmen kneeling down, and the Horse men bowing their bodies at this verse, Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam: Then singing; Te Deum, with other Hymnes and Anthems, he divideth the rich spoil [Page 104]of the enemies Camp among his Souldiers.
There were slain of the French in this Battel above ten thousand, whereof a hundred twenty and six were of the Nobility, bearing Banners; of Knights and Gentlemen of Coat Armour, seven thousand eight hundred and seventy four; and of common Souldiers about sixteen hundred. On the English side the account falls far short, some reckon but sixteen slain in all, other six and twenty, the most not six hundred, whereof the Duke of York, and the Earl of Suffolk were chief, whose slain bodies King Henry brought over with him into England. The Duke was buried at Fodringhey in Northamptonshire, and the Earl at New-elme in Oxfordshire.
Great was the joy of the English for the Kings return, the City of London receiving him with Triumph as at a Coronation, whilst France lamenteth the loss of her Nobles. To unite the differences betwixt these two Kingdoms, Sigismond the Emperour, having been with the French King, cometh over into England, and with him the Archbishop of Rheimes, as Ambassadour from France, to treat of peace. Henry willingly hearkeneth unto them, and sends the Bishop of Norwich, and Sir Thomas Erpingham, with Commission to Beauvois, to treat further of the matter; but hearing the French in the mean time had besieged Harflew, he recalleth his Amabssadours, and would hear no further of peace, but sendeth his Brother the Duke of Bedford, with the Earls of March, Oxford, Warwick, Huntington, Salisbury, Arundel, Devonshire, and divers others, with two hundred sail of Ships, to the rescue of Harflew; who entring the mouth of the River of Seyne, encountred with the French Fleet, commanded by Viscount Narbon, where after a sharp fight the Victory fell to the English, who took and sunk most of their Navy, chasing the residue into Brittain, and relieved Harflew with men and victuals. The Emperour hereupon leaves mediating any further for peace [Page 105]with France, and concludeth a League offensive and defensive with King Henry, the pope onely excepted, who was the master Bee that then lead the swarm.
His affairs finished he returneth homeward, whom King Henry accompanieth as far as Callis, whither (upon hostages given for his safe return) repaireth the Duke of Burgundy, who doth homage to the Emperour, and taketh a truce with King Henry for his Counties of Flanders and Arthois. These business ended, Burgundy returneth to Graveling, Henry into England, and the Emperour to Germany.
But long did not Henry remain in England, for having raised a puissant Army, he makes his second expedition into France, accompanied with many Earls and Lords, and an Army of 25527. Souldiers, constituting his Brother John Duke of Bedford Protector of England in his absence; and on the first of August arives in Normandy, near to the Castle of Tonque, which he presently besieged; and after eight dayes had it yielded unto him; at which time the Earl of Salisbury took the Castle of Albervilliers which the King gave to him and his Heirs, being the first Land given by the King in France.
He afterwards marcht with his Army to Caen, who trusting unto the strength of the place refuse to render upon the Kings summons; whereupon having taken it by assault, he adjudgeth some of the most stubborn refusers to death, and distributeth the spoil of the Town amongst his Sou [...]diers, according to the old Law.
He next takes in the Castle of Corfye, the Town and Castle of Argenton, Allenson, Fallais, with many other Towns and places of importance; his uncle the Duke of Exeter bringing him a supply of fifteen thousand men out England, he takes the City of Eureux, and then encampeth [Page 106]with his Army before the great City of Roan.
Within the City were a thousand selected Souldiers sent by the Duke of Burgogne, besides fifteen thousand Citizens well trained and furnished, and stored with provision for a ten moneths siege; the City of Lovies being an impediment to his passage, he assaults and takes, as also a stone bridge strongly guarded; the City is summoned by Windsor the Herald; who scorning to yield, make a sally forth, but are beaten in with loss. The King, the Dukes of Clarence and Exeter, with many other Lords, encompass it on the East, West, and North; on the South were encamped the Earls of Warren and Huntington, the River of Seine running betwixt them, over which was built a bridge for enter course the one unto the other. The Kings Cousin-Germane the King of Portingale sent likewise a Navy of Ships to the mouth of the River Seine, which stopped all passage of succour up the River. The siege thus continuing from June unto December, the Citizens were brought unto that extremity that they eat Cats and Dogs, Rats and Mice, and had nothing to drink but Vinegar and Water; so that fifty thousand being miserably famished, they desired a parley: yet notwithstanding their wants, stand upon such high terms, that nothing was concluded but a truce for eight dayes, which being ended and nothing agreed upon, they crave one day longer, and that being ended four dayes more; at the end of which time by the importunity of the common people, the City was surrendred upon these Articles following. 1. That the Burgesses should give unto Henry towards his expence in the siege, three hundred fifty six thousand Crowns of Gold. 2. That Robert Liner Vicar-General to the Archbishop of Roan, Jehan Jourdan, who commanded the Canoniers, and Alen Blanchart Captain of the common people should be left to his mercy without condition, 3. That all the people should swear faith and loyalty to Henry and his successours. 4. That Henry should protect and defend [Page 107]them against all men, and confirme unto them their priviledges, franchises, and liberties, which they had enjoyed ever since the time of St. Lewis King of France. 5. That all such as had desire to leave the Town, might freely depart with his garments onely upon his back, and his goods to be confiscated unto King Henry. 6. That the Souldiers should bring all their Arms to a place assigned, and should depart out of the Town unarmed, with a Cudgel in their hands; first taking their Oath not to bear Arms against Henry for a twelve moneth next ensuing.
Roan the chief City of Normandy thus rendred, sundry other places of note yielded themselves, as Caudebec, Monstraillier, Diepe, Fesohamp, Arques, Neufchastel, Deincourt, Moncheaux, Eu, Vernon, Mante, Gorney, Harflewr, Ponteur-de-mer, Mollineaux, le Treict, Tancarvile Abrechier, Mauleurier, Valemont, Neufuille, Bellaucombre, Fontaines, Le boure, Logempree, Preaux, Nougonder-ville, Saint German, Sur Cuylly, Baudemont, Bray, Villiterre, Charles, Maisniel, Les boules Guillon-court Fanifontaines, Le Becy, Crepin, Backeville, and divers other places, wherein King Henry placed Garrisons.
Those great successes of King Henry caused the Duke of Burgundy, who bare all the sway with the French King, to mediate a peace; for which end he sent his Ambassadours to Henry, desiring a personall conference; to which he assented, and assigned the place, which was at Melun, whither at the time appointed he goes, accompanied with the Dukes of Clarence, Glocester, and Exeter, his uncle Beaufort the Bishop of Winchester, with the Earls of March and Salisbury, and a thousand men at Arms, where he found the French King, Queen Isabel, the Lady Katherine their Daughter, the Duke of Burgundy, the Count St. Paul, with a great train attending his coming; many things were propounded, but nothing concluded: whereupon King Henry not well pleased, said to Burgogne, Cousin, I cannot [Page 108]well digest this refusal; but be you assured, that either I will have your Kings daughter, and all my demands, or I will banish both you and them out of France. You speak your pleasure, said the Duke, but before you shall thrust the King, them, and me out of the Kingdom, you will be weary of the enterprise. The treaty thus broken up in discontent, King Charles repaired unto Paris, whilest King Henry quickneth his thoughts for revenge; his first enterprise was on the Town of Ponthois, a place of great riches, which was surprised by the Earl of Longuevyle, and the Duke of Clarence; and from thence marching on, took in the Castles of Vangon Villeirs, Gysors, Galyard, and Dumal, so that now all Normandy, except Mount St. Michael, was reduced to the possession of the King of England.
Charles the Dolphin in the mean time being bare of money, and by that means having no great store of Souldiers, seizeth upon his Mothers money, Plate, and Jewels: she in a womanish spleen studies revenge; but he to make good what he had done, inveagles the Kings head, that her designs were dangerous, and bent altogether for the alienation of the Crown. Whereupon she is sent prisoner to Eours; but soliciting Burgogne for her deliverance, she is by an ambush taken from her keepers, and by his means made regent of France, and her Picture stamped upon the Seal of that State.
These doings of Burgogne displeased the Daulphin, yet still he carried fair weather in his countenance, notwithstanding he had stormes of revenge in his heart; so warily, not to say wickedly, could he cover his passions, untill he had performed what he did intend. The Duke doubting no danger, being sent for by the Dolphin unto the Town of Mountstrew, repaired unto him; where kneeling upon his knee, he was by the Dolphin charged with several misdemeanours and by the company there present most barbarously murthered, before he could arise from his knee, or get out his Sword.
This more and more exasperateth Queeen Isabel, who now thinks of nothing but disheriting the Dolphin; and joyning in confederacy with Philip the new Duke of Burgogne, incites him to revenge his Fathers death: Philip as forward as she was willing, they send Ambassadors to King Henry to intreat a Peace, which was concluded from the Epiphany to mid March following, during which time both sides meeting at Troys in Champagne, a finall conclusion was agreed upon; whereof the chief Articles were as followeth.
1. That King Henry should take Lady Katherine to wife.
2. That Charles and Isabel should retain the name of King and Queen; and should hold all their Dignities, Rents, and Possessions belonging to the Crown of France, during their natural lives,
3. That the Lady Katherine should have her Dowry in England twenty thousand Nobles, and if she out lived Henry, twenty thousand Franks yearly out of the Lands, Places, and Lordships that Blanch, sometime wife to Philip Beavisal, held and enjoyed.
4. That after the death of Charles, the Crown and Realm of France should remain unto Henry and to his Heires for ever.
5. That during the Life of King Charles, the faculties and exercise of the Government, and disposition of the Publick utility of the Realm of France, shall remain to Henry, admitting to his Council and Assistance such of the English Nobility as he shall please.
6. That Henry of his own power shall cause the Court of France to be kept and observed in as full Authority, and in all manner of places, that now, or in time coming, is, or shall be subject to King Charles.
7. Also that Henry to his power shall defend and help all, and every of the Peers, Nobles, Cities, Towns, Commonalties, and singular persons, now, or in time to come Subjects to [Page 110]King Charles, in their Rights, Customs, Priviledges, Freedoms, Franchises, belonging, or due unto them, in all manner of places, now, or in time coming, subject to King Charles.
8. That Henry during the life of King Charles, shall not call, nor write himself King of France, but shall abstain from that name so long as King Charles liveth.
9. That King Charles during his life, shall name, write, and call King Henry in French in this manner; Nostre treschier Filz Henry Roy d'Engleterre heretere de France: and in Latine in this manner, Praeclarissimus filius noster, Henricus Rex Angliae, & Haeres Franciae.
10. That King Henry shall put no impositions or exactions to charge the Subjects of France, without cause reasonable and necessary, &c.
Many other Articles were concluded on, Sealed, and Sworn to on both sides, which for brevity I omit. King Henry not long after affianced the Lady Katherine, and thereupon was proclaimed Regent and Heire apparent to the Crown of France; from thence both Kings with their Peers rode to Paris, wherein a Parliament of the three Estates assembled, all such as were guilty of the Duke of Burgundy's death were justiced. The disherizing of the Dolphin confirmed, and Wars against those Towns which held for him prepared; and thereupon on the fourth day of June, the two Kings of France and England, James King of Scots, who was newly arived, the Duke of Burgoigne, the Prince of Orange, one and twenty Earls, five and forty Barons, with many Knights and Gentlemen, and an Army consisting of French, English, Scottish, Irish and Dutch, to the number of six hundred thousand, besiege Seins; which after twelve dayes was rendred, upon composition of life, those onely excepted that were guilty of the Duke of Burgundy's death. The Duke of Bedford bringing a fresh supply of men out of England, they march to Monstreau, which by force was entred; where the body of the Duke of Burgundy [Page 111]undecently buried, was taken up, and in great Pomp interred at Dijon; the Town being taken, the Castle held out still, during which Siege, King Henry instituted Garter principal King at Arms, whom he sent with offers of mercy to the Castle, but was by Guiley Captain thereof reproachfully answered; which so incensed Henry that he caused twelve of his principle friends to be executed: at length the Castle was enforced to yield upon composition of life. Those that were guilty of Burgundy's death were onely excepted.
From Monstreau the Army marched to Melun, the Captain whereof was Signieur Barbason, an absolute Souldier, who countermined some, and stopt other Mines made by the English, and fought hand to hand with King Henry in the Barriers; at length through famine he was forced to yield: but being suspected to have had a hand in the murther of the Duke of Burgandy, he was sent Prisoner to Paris, where upon King Henry's return he was sentenced to death, and had suffered, had he not appealed to the Officers at Arms; the Law Military forbidding; That any man, having his Brother in Arms within his danger, should afterwards put him to death for any cause or quarrell, and proved himself to be the Kings Brother in Arms; for that in the Countermine he had coaped with him in Combate, whereupon the sentence of death was revoked, yet was he still retained in prison; but at the winning of Castle Galliard nine years after, he was delivered, to the great joy of the French.
Yet notwithstanding by this quirk of Heraldry Barbason escaped so well, others as little guilty had not so good luck; namely, Bertrand de Charmont a Gascoigne, and two Monks, who were all three put to death. Charles the Dolphin was cited to appear at the Marble Table at Paris, but not appearing, he was judged guilty of Burgognes death, and by sentence of Parliament banished the Realm. King [Page 112] Henry caused a new Coin to be made called a Salute, whereon the Arms of France and England were quarterly stamped; then appointing his Brother Clarence the Lieutenant General of France, he with his Wife Queen Katherine returned into England, being received of his Subjects (saith Speed) as an Angel from Heaven, or another victorious Caesar on earth.
During King Henry's abode in England, a sad accident befell him in France, namely, the losse of his Brother Clarence, who making a road into Anjou, upon his return was slain, together with many Lords and Gentlemen, and the Earls of Suffolk and Somorset taken Prisoners: King Henry having notice of this overthrow, was much perplexed; yet considering, that nothing is more certain then that the chance of War is uncertain, he leaves off womanish tears, and prepares again for manly actions; a Subsidy being demanded and denied in Parliament, he pawns his Crown to his Uncle Beaufort Bishop of Winchester for twenty thousand pound, (a strange humour in the King, to pawn a Crown in possession to purchase one in hope) and being thus furnished with money, he soon was furnished with Souldiers, to the number (saith Engnerrant) of thirty thousand, with whom he returneth again into France.
No sooner was he arrived, but he sends the Earl of Dorset and the Lord Clifford with twelve hundred Horse and Foot unto Paris, to relieve the Duke of Excester, who was straightned of Victualls by the Dolphinois, whilest he with the rest of the Army hasteth to relieve Chartiers, besieged by the Dolphin with seven thousand Souldiers; but hearing of King Henry's coming, he packed up his pipes and retired to Tours, though before he had given out that he would meet him in the Field. Chartiers relieved, Henry marcheth to Dreux, which agreed to surrender, if not relieved by a certain day; the time expir'd, and no relief come, the Town was delivered, the Souldiers permitted to depart upon [Page 113]their Oaths, not to bear Arms against Henry for one whole year after; then takes he in the Towns of Baugency and Rougemont, where all that craved he took to mercy, and supplying his Army with fresh Forces, he layes siege to the Town of Meanx in Brie.
During the time of this Siege, news was brought him that his Wife Queen Katherine was delivered of a Son named Henry, at the Castle of Windsor; whereat he rejoyced, though he liked nor the place of her delivery, having before commanded the contrary; prophecying, That what Henry of Monmouth should get, Henry of Windsor would lose. Queen Katherine for her disobedience to her Husband herein, commanded at her death, that her Coffin should be left open to be seen and handled of any that would. Should the Coffins of all the women that have disobeyed their Husbands in our dayes be left open, I fear we should have but few closed, so much is the Apostle Pauls Precept forgotten, Ephes. 5.24.
The Town of Nans holding out long without relief, made their conditions the harder, upon the surrender; the Captain Vaurus having hanged many English and Burgundians upon a tree which he named Vaurus, was now on the same hanged himself, and his head fixed upon a pole on the top of the same tree. Meaux being taken, Crespi, the Castle of Pierrepont, Offemont, Merlau, and sundry other places submitted themselves, so that now Henry had in possession all the Fortresses in the Isle of France, Champagne, Piccardy, Brie, and Normandy.
Yet though Henries part in France was great, all was not reduced unto his obedience, many places holding out for the Dolphin; who with an Army of twenty thousand besieged Cosney, a Town of the Duke of Burgundies upon the River Loir; Henry hasting to raise the Siege, at Senlis fell sick of a burning Feaver and Flux, whereupon the command of the Army was committed to the Duke of [Page 114] Bedford, who with Queen Katherine was lately come out of England, whereof he was Regent, to visit King Henry. Upon the Dukes approach the Dolphin retired into Berry, whereof in mockage he was after called King of Berry: King Henries sickness encreasing more and more, he was removed to Boys de Vencennois, and finding himself not able long to continue, he appointed his Brother John Duke of Bedford Regent of France, and his Brother Humprey Duke of Glocester, Protectour of England, till his son came of age: Then exhorting them to unity amongst themselves, to be true and faithful to the Duke of Burgoigne, loyal to their young Prince, and serviceable to his Queen, in a right mind, hope, and found memory, he rendted his soul to his Creator, after he had reigned nine years, five moneths, and fourteen dayes.
His Body with Pomp and Solemnity conveyed into England, it was interred in the Abbey of Saint Peter at Westminster; upon whose Tomb Queen Katherine caused a royal Picture, to be laid, covered all over with silver Plate gilt, the head thereof altogether of massy silver; all which at that Abbeys suppression in the time of King Henry the Eighth, were sacrilegiously broken off, and by purloyning transferred to far prophaner uses; where at this day the headless Monument is to be seen with these Verses inscribed upon his Tomb.
We will end our Discourse of this renowned King, with the commendations given him by Walsingham a learned Historian. He was godly in heart, sober in speech, sparing of words, resolute in deeds, provident in counsel, prudent in judgement, modest in countenance, magnanimous in action, constant in undertaking, a great Alms-giver, devout to God-ward, a renowned [Page 115]Souldier, fortunate in Field, from whence he never returned without victory.
Martin writes of this Prince, that his Father King Henry the Fourth being seized on by a deadly Appolexy, being near his last end, he caused his Crown to be placed by him on his Pillow, least peradventure in the extremity of his sickness it might be delivered to some other who had better right to it then he had: but when his attendants verily supposed that he was dead, this Martial Prince seized on the Crown; whereat the King started up, raised himself upon his armes, and demanded who it was that had taken away his Crown; the Prince answered, that it was he. Henry the Fourth fetching a deep sigh, said, My Son, my Son, what right I had unto this Crown, and how I have enjoyed it, God knows and the World hath seen. Comfort your self in God, sayes the Prince, my good Father; the Crown you have, and if you dye I will have it, and keep it with the Sword as you have done; which his successfull Reign, and hath been declared to his greatest honours, afterwards made good.
The Life of JOHN Duke of Bedford.
JOhn Duke of Bedford was third Son to King Henry the Fourth; a valiant Captain, and a great help to his Son Henry in the Conquest of France. I shall not therefore (like the idle Levites of our times) rehearse any of the former Transactions, but begin with the pursuit of his life where we ended; having chose the rather to write the History of this honourable person, as with the [Page 116] exit of his life, our English Affairs ceased to have any further footing in France. He being Regent there, to proceed, his care was to preserve the same for his Nephew; and knowing that what was won by the Sword must be kept by the Sword, he strengthens the confines of his government with Garrisons, assembleth his powers, and labours to retain the hearts of his own party; his chief assistants were the two French Dukes of Burgoignt and Brittain, and those two terrours of France, Thomas Montacute Earl of Salisbury, and John Lord Talbot, to whom after the Death of King Henry the Fifth, he being then Regent, made averation, exhorting them to be true and faithfull to their young King Henry, friend to his friends, and enemy to his enemies; that seeing the hatreds and enmities began now to dye between the French and English names, it was too late for the French to be again renowned by their fraudulent practices. With many other words to the like effect, which wrought so in the auditors, that Henry is proclaimed King of England and France; such French Lords as were present taking their oaths to be true unto him.
And great need had the Regent to bestir himself, for Charles the French King surviving King Henry but 53. dayes, died at St. Denis, whose imbecillities were a great help to the English, as the Infancy of King Henry was now an advantage to the Dolphin; who upon his Fathers Death proclaims himself King by the name of Charles the Seventh: and making all the force he could, marcheth to relieve Crepan besieged by the English; but his enterprise proved very unfortunate, being routed with the loss of two thousand men: yet nothing daunted at this disaster, he resolveth to encounter adverse fortune with encrease of courage; and hearing that many of the English had pillaged the Countries of Nugion and Main, upon their return into Normandy he sets upon them, recovers their booty, and slayes fifteen hundred of them; then speedily takes he [Page 117] Meulan upon the River of Sein, putting all the English therein to the Sword, but the possession was short, and the revenge speedy, being recovered by Thomas Montacute Earl of Salisbury, who to quit scores with the Dolphin, killed all the French were found there.
About this time, the three great pillars of the English Monarchy in France, the Dukes of Bedford, Burgundy, and Brittain, met at the City of Amiens in Picardy, to consult of the whole course and sum of Affairs, adding to the old league this addition, that it should be offensive and defensive respectively; and to make the friendship the more firme, the Duke of Bedford married Anne Sister to Philip Duke of Burgundy; a Lady whose beauty surpassed the blush that glorified Luna when she kissed the Shepherd on the Hills of Latmos. But whilst the Regent was thus busied in promoting the English cause, the Parisians had a design to destroy it, which was by delivering their City up to the French King; but treason being seldome true to its self, it came to the Regents ear, which cost the chief conspirators their lives: and now fresh forces coming out of England, his Army augmented, be takes from Charles the Towns and Fortresses of Crotoy, Baside, Riol, Rula, Gyrond, Basile, Mermound, Milbam, Femil, Seintace, and many other.
The French finding themselves too weak to deal with the English by force, work by policy; and allure from their sides, the Duke of Richmond and his Brother Arthur, who deliver up to the Dolphin the Castles of Crotoye and Yerney; the Duke of Bedford hating their perfidiousness, assaults and takes Crotoye, and besieges Yerney, who agree to surrender if not relieved by a certain time: the Duke of Allanson with sixteen thousand French undertakes the rescue; but finding the English numbers to surmount his Arithmetick, he wheeleth about to Vernoyle in Perch, whom the Regent overtaking a cruel Battel ensued, which for two hours together was maintained with equall courage on [Page 118]both sides: the Regent himself with a Battel-ax fought most fiercely, winning immortal honour in that bloody journey. At length the Victory fell to the English, though with the loss of above two thousand of their men; on the French side were slain 5. Earls, 2. Viscounts, 20. Barrons, and above 7000. common Souldiers, besides 2700. Scots lately arrived; there were taken prisoners the Duke of Allanson himself, the Lord of Herneys, Sir John Towrnebull, 200. Gentlemen, and many common Souldiers. This Battel was fought the 7. of August, 1425. That which followeth till the siege of Orleance, I have set down out of Paulus Aemytius, as Speed hath done before me. The fierce Conquerour besiegeth Mantz in Main, and with Ordnance beats down part of the Walls: it yields, an English Garrison is left there; after the taking which, not being sufficient to keep the Town in due subjection, is compelled to fly to a Tower for their safety; the enemies which were admitted into it by the Burgers enjoying the rest. The Lord Talbot (that most noble Captain of the English) with whose name Talbot is coming, the French used to fright their children, presently arrives to the rescue, and puts the Malefactors to death. The English Empire then extented it self at which time, as bath been observed, to the River of Loire. Charles was called King of Berry.
Hitherto the English fortunes in France received no check, their serene Sky was without Clouds, so long as a good correspondence was held betwixt the Burgundian and the English; but this knot of friendship was like to have been broken by occasion of the Duke of Glocester, who married Jaqueline Countess of Haynoult, Holland, and Zealand, notwithstanding John Duke of Brabant her husband were yet living. The Duke of Burgundy his Cousin was greatly offended hereat; insomuch that the controversie grew to be so great, that the Duke of Glocester sent him a challenge: but the Regent well knowing that the [Page 119] discord of the English might prove the union of the French, so wrought betwixt them that the sore seemed indifferently well healed. Much about that time likewise be compounded a difference between the Protector and Cardinal Beaufort Bishop of Winchester, though to effect the same he was fain to come over into England, substituting the Earl of Warwick Lieutenant General in his absence. But France wanting his company he quickly returned, carrying a great number of fresh men over with him. During his abode in England, Arthur Earl of Richmond made Constable of France by King Charles, raiseth an Army of twenty thousand men, and with them suddainly besiegeth St. Jean, a Town in Normandy; the Garrison were at first dismayed with their sudden arrivall, but upon better advice they valliantly sallied out, crying aloud, a Salisbury, a Suffolk, whose names struck such a terrour into the besiegers, that with loss of their Artillery, and 800. of their Company, they betook themselves to flight.
To rehearse each particular would make our discourse prove too prolix; to come to the siege of Orleance, Undertaken by these matchless Worthies, the Earl of Salisbury and the Lord Talbot, with a puissant Army; the Citizens hearing of their intentions prepared to withstand them: their Suburbs equall in bigness to a good City, they level with the ground; chusing rather to destroy a part then hazard the whole: the English encompass it on every side, and the Citizens begin to feel the misery of want; God when mans help fails, interposeth his hand, the Earl of Salisbury looking out at a Window to take a view for a general assault, is unfortunately slain, a sad loss for the English; for upon the death of this man (saith Polydor Virgil) the fortune of the War changed. The Regent to repair this loss sendeth Sir John Falstaff with fresh supplies, who arrived there safe in despite of the Lord De la Brets, who with nine thousand men endeavoured to intercept him; [Page 120]hereupon the City would yield, but to the Burgundian, not to the English; a cunning plot to divide their affections: the Regent and his Council being sent unto, thought it not reasonable, that the English having been at all the cost should not reap the profit; the Burgundian on the other side resented this repulse ill, as thinking the English too nice in resentments of Honour. Whilst matters stood thus betwixt the French and English, there was presented unto King Charles at Chinon a young Maid about eighten years of age, named Joan of Arc, who pretended she was sent from God to deliver France from the English yoak: whereupon she was called La pucelle de Dieu, or the Maiden of God, though many judged her but a meer imposter; however, credit is given to her words; and she being armed like a man, she rides to Bloyes, where Forces and Victuals lay for the relief of Orleance; her first attempt was successfull, she with the Admirall and Marshall of France enters safe, bringing fresh courage to the dying hopes of the Townsmen, who upon her encouragements sally forth, slew 600. of the English, and adventured upon the Bastile where the Lord Talbot commanded, who repelled them with great slaughter of their men: but yet the next day the Earl of Suffolk gave over his Siege and dispersed his Army into their Garrisons. In memory of this admirable deliverance they of that City erected a Monument, where Charles the Seventh King of France, and Joan the Martiall Maid were represented, kneeling in Armour, elevating their eyes and hands to heaven, in sign of thanks and acknowledgement.
At this time the success of War began to be various on both sides, the Lord Talbot took the Town of Laval with the Castle, but this gains was small in respect of the loss they received at that time; the Duke of Allanson with Joan and other great Captains take by assault the Town of Jargeux, and in it the Earl of Suffolk, with one of his Brothers, slew another of his Brothers, and 200. Souldiers, and [Page 121]having his numbers augmented, encounters the Lord Talbot at a village called Patay, whom he discomfits, and slew of the English above a thousand. The Lords, Talbot, the glory of the English, Scales, Hungerford, and Sir Thomas Rampestone were taken prisoners; these losses shook the whole fabrick of the English greatness in France, and caused the revolt of many Towns to King Charles; who encouraged by these successes marcheth into Champaigne, where by composition he taketh the Cities of Troys and Auxerre, Chalous and Rheimes yield themselves; in which last, according to the Maids direction, he was solemnly Crowned King.
The Duke of Bedford upon the upleasant tydings of Orleance rescued, and Talbot taken, opposeth himself; and having an Army of ten thousand English, besides Normans, marcheth out of Paris, sending letter of defiance to the French King, affirming, that deceitfully and by unjust means he had stollen many Cities and places of importance belonging to the Crown of England, which he was come to justifie by Battel, if he would appoint a time and place, who returned answer by the Herald, that he would sooner seek the Duke, then the Duke should need to pursue him: yet notwithstanding his brags, upon the Dukes approach he marcheth away; the Regent follows and overtakes him at Senlys, there both the Armies encamped and embattelled, yet onely some light Skirmishes passed between them; for the French King either thorow sear, or policy, or both, in the night time fled to Bray: the English Souldiers deeming it fear, would have pursued him, but the Regent judging it to be his policy to draw him further from the City of Paris (of whose fidelity he had no great assurance) refused to follow him any further. The Bishop of Winchester Cardinal Beaufort, having at that present raised four thousand men in aid of the Pope, to suppress the Bohemians, who began to slight his Pontifical pomp, at the request [Page 122]of the Duke of Glocester went over with them to the Regent, for a present expedition against King Charles, who by the subtil working of the Pucelle was received into Campaigne, and had many Towns of importance rendred unto him. Yet notwithstanding his numbers exceeded twice the Regents, yet by no provocations could he be drawn to Battel, but secretly fled to Crispis; whereupon the Regent also returned to Paris, where he staid but a while, but passeth into Normandy, to provide for a safe retreat there, if the English (by the inevitable will of God) should be driven out of their other Dominions, exhorting them as their ancestours had alwayes been, to be true and faithful to the Crown of England.
In the mean while the French King was not idle, but gets by practice the Town of St. Denis, from whence he sends the Duke of Allanson, and Joan the Martial Maid, to try their Friends and Fortunes at Paris; but Joans good Fortune having ascended the Meridian, began now to decline; for the English gave them so rough an encounter, that Joan her self was wounded, and the rest with much slaughter forced to fly: the Regent hearing of these attempts returneth to Paris, commending the Souldiers for their vigilancy and valour in resisting the French; and having fresh supplies out of England, marcheth to reduce Champaign to his obedience. The French under the conduct of their Martial Virago attempt to raise the siege, and enter in despight of the English and Burgundians that besieged it; but afterwards sallying forth, their troops were beaten, and Joan her self taken prisoner by John of Luxemburgh, a Burgundian Knight; who for the value of ten thousand pounds Turnoyes, and three hundred crowns yearly rent, delivered her to the Regent, and he to the Bishop of Beauvois, in whose Diocess she was taken; who judicially proceeding against her as a Sorceress, and deceiver of the King and his Subjects, she was condemned, and afterwards burnt to death at Roan.
Many sundry opinions were conceived of this Woman, some judging her miraculously raised up by God for the good of France, others that she was but a meer Imposter: we will suspend our judgement herein, and refer you to the Epitaph which we finde thus written on her.
And now the Regent seeing the great success that had attended King Charles ever since his Coronation, would needs have King Henry Crowned in France, to see if the like effects would follow the English; whereupon he is sent for over, and by the Bishop of Winchester solemnly Crowned in the City of Paris, such of the French Nobility as were present doing their Homage: and now was France a Monster with two heads, the misery of which Nation by occasion of these Wars is thus described by Polydor Virgil. While the English and French (quoth he) contend for Dominion, Sovereignty, and life if self, mens goods in France were violently taken by the Licence of War, Churches spoiled, men every where murthered, put to death, or tortured; Matrons ravished, Maids forcibly drawn from out their Parents arms to be deflowred, Towns daily taken, defaced, spoiled; the riches of the Inhabitants [Page 124]carried whither the Conquerours thought good; Houses and Villages round about set on fire; no kinde of cruelty left unpractised upon the miserable French; omitting many other kindes of other calamities, which all at once oppressed them. I shall onely adde, that the Commonwealth being destitute of the help of Laws, (which for the most part are mute in times of War and Tumults) floated up and down without any anchorage of right or justice. Neither was England her self void of these mischiefs, who by reason of her Civil Wars, every day heard the news of her valiant Childrens Funerals, slain in perpetual Skirmishes and Bickerings, her general wealth continually decreasing, so that their evils seemed almost equall, and the whole Western World ecchoed the groans and sighs of either Nations quarrels, being the common argument of the discourse and compassion of all Christendom.
The Regent having lately buried his Wife, Sister to the Duke of Burgandy, did now without his privity marry the Earl of St. Pauls Daughter, no friend to the Burgundian, which drave him into a discontentent; and that discontent did King Charles so work upon, that at length he seduced him from the English side; though to effect the same, he was fain to stoop so low, as to send him a blank, and bid him set down his own conditions, which were both many and unreasonable, saith Serres; yet worth his cost: For as Aemylius saith, The end of that War did redeem the French from a Forreign Government, as the first assuming thereof had made the English Lords over France. The Regent out-lived this revolt not long, but died at Paris, with whom died all the English mens good fortune in France; his body was with all Funeral Solemnities buried in the Cathedral Church of our Lady at Roan, on the North side of the high Altar, under a sumptuous and costly Monument; which Tomb certain Courtiers would have perswaded King Lewis the Eleventh to have demolisht, to whom he answered, God [Page 125]forbid I should disturb him dead, who living would have disturbed us all; no, let his bones rest in peace, well worthy to have a more stately Monument.
How mighty a Prince he was, this his stile sheweth; Regent of France, Duke of Bedford, Alanzon, and Anjon, Earl of Main, Richmond, and Kendale, and Constable of England. But (which excelleth his greatness, as my Authour writes, was that) he was one of the best Patriots and Generals that ever blossomed out of the Royal Rosiar of England. He died the 14. of September 1435.
The Life of RICHARD NEVIL Earl of VVARWICK.
THis undaunted Heroe, whose Life we now relate, was he who in those times made and marr'd Kings, and handled their Fortunes at his pleasure; and was himself a great part of those famous Civil Wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster: he was the eldest Son of Richard Nevill Earl of Salisbury, and by Marriage with Anne the Sister and Heir of Henry Beauchampe, Earl, and after Duke of Warwick, was in her right created Earl of Warwick. His Grandfather was Ralph Nevill Earl of Westmerland, whose Daughter the Duke of York had married, which might be one cause of his adhering so much to that side, and the effusion of so much bloud as ensued thereon.
For the Wars being now ended in France, which we have declared unto you in the Lives of Edward the Third, Edward the Black Prince, Henry the Fifth, and John Duke of [Page 126] Bedford, those uncivil Civil Wars soon after brake forth betwixt the two Houses of York and Lancaster: For though during our Forreign Wars, these dissentions appeared not so much as in the Embrio, both sides spending their stock of valour against the common enemy; these Wars being ended, these Martial mindes difused to peace, would still be acting, though against themselves. The two chief Heads of these Factions was Richard Duke of York, and Henry the Sixth King of England, if we may call him a head who had so faint an heart, and not rather the Queen, who acted all though under his name. The Duke of York claiming the Crown, as Heir to the third Son of Edward the Third, the Line of whose eldest Son Edward the Black Prince extinguisht in the deposition and paracide of Richard the second, procured by Henry of Bullingbrooke the first King of the house of Lancaster, Edward the Thirds second Son dying without issue. Henry pleaded the advantage of a long Reign, an interrupted descent in Majesty for threescore years; a Sovereignty acknowledged abroad by by all Christian Princes, and obeyed at home by all Englishmen without dispute: a title according to the Law Salique undubitable; and which had been confirmed at the first entry of his Grandfather Henry the Fourth into the Kingdom, not onely by resignation of Richard the Second, but even by approbation; nay, particular negotiation of Edmond Duke of York, Edward Duke of Aumerle, and Richard Earl of Cambridge, Father, Uncle, and Grandfather to the said Duke of York.
This weighty business being not the work of one day, the Duke of York draws to his side the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick; and the better to prepare his way, he practises all means to draw the King into the hatred of the people, as one insufficient to supply the room which he held: but Henry's piety having placed him so high in the affections of the people, he seeks to undermine him in the downfall of [Page 127]his friends, pretending not against the King, but his evill Counsellours, (a pretence that hath been made use of in latter times.) The King at that present lying very sick, he neglects no advantage, but by the help of his friends wrought so effectually, that the Duke of Somerset was sent to the Tower: this man was exceedingly hated of the Commons, conceiving him the chief cause that all Normandy was surrendered into the hands of the French; of which their malice the Duke of York made good use, though his intentions for the removing him out of the way, was the hinderance he knew he would prove to his after claim of the Crown: but when the King had recovered his strength again, and resumed to him his Princely Government, he caused the Duke of Somerset to be set at liberty, and preferred him to be Captain of Calice; wherewith, not onely the Commons, but many of the Nobility which favoured the Duke of York, were greatly offended, saying, that he had lost Normandy already, and would also lose Calice.
Hereupon the Duke of York with his adherents, the Earls of Warwick, Norfolk, and Salisbury, the Lords, Cobham and Fawconbridge, with many other Knights and Esquires, raised an Army about the edge of Wales, and marched with the same towards London. King Henry being informed thereof, assembled likewise an host to resist them; and being accompanied with the Dukes of Buckingham and Somerset, the Earls of Northumberland, Stafford, Wiltshire, Dorset, Pembroke, and Devonshire, the Lords, Clifford, Sudley, Barnes, Rose, and many others, marched against him: at Saint Albons both Armies met, where betwixt them was fought a sore Battel; which continuing doubtfull for a time, the Earl of Warwick with great courage breaking in upon them, and crying, a Warwick, a Warwick, discomfitted the Kings side with a great slaughter, no less then five thousand losing their lives; among whom the chiefest was the Duke of Somerset, the Earls of Northumberland and [Page 128] Stafford, the old Lord Clifford, with many other Knights and Gentlemen; the King himself being wounded, was taken prisoner, and the next day carried to London.
Soon after began a Parliament at Westminster, wherein the Duke of York was made Protector of the Realm, the Earl of Salisbury Lord Chancellour, and the Earl of Warwick Captain of Calice, and the Territories of the same; and thus the rule of the Realm rested in the Duke and Chancellour, and all the Warlike Affairs in the Earl of Warwick: the Kings authority consisting onely in name, which they made use of for their own ends upon every occasion.
But the Queen stomacking these high indignities done to the King, studies revenge; and making sure to her side many of the Lords, under a pretence of hunting, conveyes the King to Coventry: whither in a friendly way she sends for the Duke of York, and the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury; to which place the said Lords resort: but having secret intelligence that mischief was intended against them, they privately departed from the Court, with mindes inrag'd against the Queen and her party; but thorow the mediation of some Lords, together with the Archbishop of Canterbury, all parties meeting together at London, a reconciliation was concluded on, with many outward ceremonious shews of friendship.
But this calm lasted not long, the Earl of Warwick upon some debate betwixt him and the Kings servants, was by them assaulted, and for safety of his life forced to fly unto Calice in a Barge: this affront done unto him was seconded by another, a Privy Seal being directed to him for the discharging of him of the Captainship of Calice, the young Duke of Buckingham (his enemy) being constituted Captain in his room. But for as much as he had his Commission from Parliament, he would not obey the Privy Seal; and to show his abilities fit for the mannagement of any design, [Page 129]he with fourteen sail of Ships, sets forth to scowre the Seas, bringing home in little space, prizes to the value of ten thousand pound; a considerable sum in that age, before the Indies wealth overflowed Europe.
In the mean time the Duke of York and Earl of Salisbury assemble an Army to revenge the injuries done to the Earl of Warwick; to oppose whom, the Queen sent James Twichet Lord Audley: at Blore-heath near Mucklestone both Armies met, where the Lord Audley was overthrown himself, and 2400. of his men slain.
And now the Conquerours resolve to unvizard themselves, and to raise what forces they could for the obtaining of their purposes. The Earl of Warwick bringing to them a very great power from Calice; the King on the other side raises a mighty great Army, and having marched as far as Worcester, to fave the effusion of blood, sent unto them Richard Beauchamp Bishop of Salisbury, with a general Pardon, if they would give over their enterprise: yet upon further advice, having sent an excusatory Letter to the King, they withdrew themselves into divers parts beyond the Seas.
Soon after was a Parliament holden at Coventry, wherein the Duke of York, Edward Earl of March, his Son and Heire, the Earls of Warwick, Rutland, and Salisbury, with many other Lord and Gentlemen, were attainted of Treason. One Sir Baldwine Fulford undertook on pain of losing his head that he would destroy the Earl of Warwick; but having spent the King a thousand marks, returned without effecting his purpose. On the other side the Earl of VVarwick sent some of his men, who by night coming to Sandwich, carried away the Lord Rivers and Sir Anthony VVoodvile his Son, with many great Ships.
And now the Earls of March, VVarwick and Salisbury, being invited by the Kentishmen, crossed the Sea, and landed at Sandwich; where they were met by Thomas Bourchier [Page 130]Archbiship of Canterbury, and many others, who conducted them to London, in most solemn manner; where having convocated the Cleargy in Saint Pauls Church, the Earl of VVarwick in name of the rest took his oath upon the Cross of Canterbury, that they had ever borne true faith and allegiance to King Henry. Having by this oath gained credence of the Citizens, they leave the Earl of Salisbury Governour thereof, and with their Forces march down to Northampton where the King then lay, with a strong power; and first they affay to get him into their hands by fair means, but that not prevailing, they resolve force: whereupon both Hosts encountred each other; but the Lord Edmond Grey of Ruthen who commanded the Kings Voward, forsaking his side and joyning with the Earl, by that means set a palm of Victory upon his head, and a Character of Treachery upon his own, for betraying the trust reposed in him. There were slain on the Kings part th Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lords Beaumont, and Egremont, with many Knights and Esquires; the King himself was taken prisoner, and with seeming liberty conveyed to London.
And now to authorise their actions the better, a Parliament is call'd, wherein it was agreed, that King Henry in (relation to a long succession) should enjoy the Crown during his natrual life, which afterwards should devolve to Richard and his Heires, in whom it was then apparently proved that the Title to the Kingdom did remain; in which agreement was likewise manifested, that Henry should make immediate forfeiture, whensoever either he or any of his Party should attempt to disanul this act.
But the Queen with many of the Lords, not being at the bargain making, thought themselves not tied to the Conditions; whereupon, she having in her company the Prince her Son, the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Earl of Devonshire, the Lord Clifford, and in effect all the Lords of [Page 131]the North, with an Army of 18000. men marched from York to Wakefield, with whom joyned the Lord Nevill Brother to the Earl of Westmorland; who having gotten a Commission from the Duke of York, under his name raised 8000. men, but brought them all to the adverse party.
But the Duke of York whom fortune had hitherto waited on as his hand-maid, nothing daunted at their number, leaving the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of VVarwick to attend the King, he with the Earl of Salisbury, and his Son the Earl of Rutland, with about some five thousand men marched against them: and although his numbers was nothing competent to his enemies, yet would he not be advised but gave them Battel; so that being encompassed on all sides, thorow his own rashness was himself slain, and his whole Army discomfitted; his Son the Earl of Rutland (being but twelve years old) stabbed by the Lord Clifford, his trusty friend the Earl of Salisbury beheaded by the common people, and his own head fixt on a pole, with a paper Crown, was set on the Walls of York, for the barbarous mirth of the uncivil multitude.
The unwelcome news of the Dukes overthrow coming to the Ears of VVarwick, to stop the torrent of the Queens proceedings, he musters all the men he could, and taking King Henry along with him, marches from London to oppose the Queen; at St. Albans both Armies met, where VVarwick lost the day, with the slaughter of two thousand of his men: King Henry also, (whom fortune neither favoured amongst friends nor foe;) was again taken. This Victory of the Queens had it been discreetly mannaged; might have turned the scales on the Lancastarian side, but she wanton with success, vainly imagined a security from future competition, and either wanted power to restrain her Souldiers, or licensed them to a free spoil; by which unruly violence she untied the affections of the Commons, who by their quiet and profit, measure the vertues of their [Page 132]Princes. So that the Citizens of London fearing to be plundered, hearing of their approach, shut up their Gates, and arm'd for resistance. The Queen hereupon with her plundering Army retires Northwards, where we will leave her for a time, and look back upon the Earl of March.
Who being at Glocester at such time as he heard news of his Fathers death, spent not his time in womanish lamentation; but considering how dangerous leasure in to increase the apprehension of misfortune, having encreased his Army with some additional forces, he marches against the Earls of Pembroke and Ormand, who had raised a great power with purpose to surprise him. Near Mortimers Cross on Candlemass-day they encountred each other, where the two Earls and their whole Army were put to flight with the slaughter of there thousand eight hundred on the place.
Edward having obtained this Victory, with his Triumphant forces directeth his march towards London; in the way at Chipping-Norton he met the Earl of Warwick, nothing daunted at his late misfortune, and coveting nothing more then by the tryal of a new day to perswade, or else to force back victory to his side: then enter they London in a triumphant manner, the Citizens receiving them with great acclamations of joy, the Earl of March wich a joynt consent of them all is chosen King, and accordingly proclaimed throughout the City, by the name of Edward the Fourth.
This was done at London; in the mean time the Queen and the Lords of her side were daring and vigilant in the North; and having raised threescore thousand fighting men, they resolved with expence of their blood, to buy back that Majesty, which the House of Lancaster by evill fate had lost. Edward choosing rather to provoke then expect an enemy, having mustered what Forces he could, with his trusty friend the Earl of VVarwick, marches against [Page 133]them; and notwithstanding his Army came far short of the others in number, yet by his Captains good conduct, and his Souldiers valour, joyning battel between Caxton and Towton, he gave his enemies a mighty great overthrow. In no one battel was ever poured froth so much English blood, six and thirty thousand, seven hundred seventy six persons, all of one Nation, many near in alliance, some in blood; fatally divided by faction, were now united in death. On the Lancastrian side were slain the Earls of Northumberland and VVestmorland, the Lords, Clifford, Beaumont, D'acres, Gray, and VVells, John Lord Nevill Son to the Earl of VVestmorland, with divers others. On King Edwards side, the Lord Fitz-VValter, and the Bastard of Salisbury, with many others of great reputation and courage. King Henry with the poor remains of his party fleeth into Scotland, whilest Edward in triumph returneth to London.
But notwithstanding this great overthrow, yet did not the indefatigable Queen lose any thing from her spirit or endeavours, but makes addresses to all Princes abroad, whom alliance, reason of state, or compassion of so great a disaster, might move to her assistance; and notwithstanding all her endeavours, she gathered together but five hundred French; yet adding hope to her small number, she crosses the Sea with them into Scotland. Here some thin Regiments of Scots resorted to her, in whose company, taking her Husband King Henry along with her, she enters England; but this small number (scarcely deserving the name of an Army) were soon overthrown by the Lord Mountague; most of the Lords of her side taken and beheaded. King Henry escaped from the Battel, but was soon after apprehended as he sat at dinner at VVaddington-Hall in Lancashire, and by the Earl of VVarwick brought prisoner to London, and committed to the Tower.
These great services done by VVarwick and his Brother [Page 134] Mountague for King Edward, made them set so high a price upon their merits, that the greatest benefits he could bestow upon them, were received in the degree of a debt, not a gift; and thereupon their expectations being not answered according to their imaginations, they begin to look upon Edward with a rancorous eye; and certainly this was the main cause of their falling off from Edwards side, though for a while they dissembled the same, untill they should meet with a more plausible occasion, which soon after was offered unto them: for the Earl of Warwick being sent over into France, to negotiate a marriage betwixt King Edward, and the Lady Bona Sister to the French Queen; whilest he was busie in courting this Lady, Edward following more his fancy then reasons of State, falls in love, and marries the Lady Elizabeth daughter to the Dutches of Bedford, and widdow of Sir John Gray, slain on King Henries part at the Battel of St. Albans. But when the Earl of Warwick understood how mighty an affront by this was given to his employment, he entertained none but disdainfull thoughts against his Prince. And exprest so bold a discontent, that Lewis of France, who was quick to perceive, and carefull to foment any displeasure, which might tend to the disturbance of another Kingdom, began to enter into private communication with him; for ever after this common injury, (so they called the errour of love in the King) the Earl held a dangerous intelligence in France, which after occasioned so many confusions to our Kingdom. Nevertheless upon his return he dissembled all discontent, and in every circumstance of respect applyed himself to applaud the Marriage: and in particular, the excellent personage of the Queen.
But long did not the fire of his revenge lie hid under the ashes of dissimulation; for King Edward grown secure by an over-bold presumption, the daughter of a long prosperity, [Page 135]gave himself over to all licentiousness, whilst Warwick had made his faction not onely mighty, but monstrous, being compacted of several natures: for into conspiracy of this great enterprize he had drawn off the Cleargy and the Laity, and most of them of affections most opposite. The Archbishop of York was the principal mover, because he mov'd upon the soul, and made treason an act of Religion: the easie multitude who build their faith upon the man, not the Doctrine, thinking it meritorious to rebell, in regard his function seem'd to give authority to the action. With him a greed the Marquess Mountague, and many eminent persons of King Edwards Court, whom either desire of War, having never lived but in the troubled Sea of discord, or want of expected recompence, rendered discontented.
All the partakers in the calamity of the house of Lancaster, most passionately at first overture embraced this motion; amongst whom was Henry Holland Duke of Exeter, who after his ruine with the fall of Henry the Sixth, was reduced to such extremity, that ragged and bare-footed he begg'd for his meat in the Low-Countries. But the wonder of the world then was at the powerful sorcery of those perswasions, which bewitcht the Duke of Clarence, the Kings Brother to this conspiracy, to whom the Earl of Warwick (to tye him the faster to his side) gave him in marriage the Lady Isabel his daughter, and coheire to the rich Earldom of Warwick; for consummation whereof they sailed over to Calice, of which Town the Earl of Warwick was Captain, and in which the young Lady then remained with her Mother. Soon was the Ceremony past, and soon did the Earl invite his Son-in-law from the softness of the Nuptial Dalliance, as who had contrived this marriage for business, not for pleasure; and design'd the first issue of their embraces to be a monster, and the most unnatural one; War between Brothers.
Warwick having thus politickly order'd things, that he left little or nothing to fortune, with his Son-in-law returns to England; where against his return, the Archbishop of York, with some other of his friends, had raised a potent Army; to oppose whom, on Edwards side assembles a mighty power, under the conduct of the Earls of Pembroke and Devonshire: but they falling out at Banbury upon a trivial occasion, made way for the enemy to conquer them both. This overthrow was seconded with a great loss at Grafton in Northamptonshire, wherein the Earl Rivers and the Lord Widdevil. Father and Brother to the Queen, were taken, and barbarously beheaded. Edward nettled with these losses, raises what power he could, and marches against Warwick; whose pretence being that of all Rebells, The good of the Kingdom; yet to avoid effusion of blood, seemingly is very desirous of peace; but when with several overtures he had lulled the King in security, in the dead of the night, he sets upon his Army, kills the watch, and surpriseth his person, buried in a careless sleep.
Warwick having thus gotten the prey into his hand he so long desired, sends him prisoner to Middleham Castle in Yorkshire, there to be kept by his Brother the Archbishop of that Sea; but King Edward being of another temper then his predecessour Henry, not enduring Captivity, soon found a way for his own liberty: for having gotten licence to hunt in the adjoyning Park, he so contrived with Sir William Stanley, and Sir Thomas Burgh, that with a selected number they came to his rescue, and took him away from his weak guard; the Lord Hastings joyning to them with some forces he had raised about Lancaster, they march directly to London, where they were entertained with great expressions of joy.
The Earl of Warwick (who upon the taking of the King had disbanded his Army) hearing of his escape, was almost distracted with a thousand several imaginations; but soon [Page 137]by letters to the Lords of his faction, he reassembles his forces, and marches against the King: but thorow the solicitation of some persons inclinable to peace, an enterveiw was agreed on in Westminster Hall; and oaths for safety being past on both sides, accordingly they met; but such intemperance of Language past at their meeting, as rather aggravated then allayed their anger; so that now they resolved the Sword alone should decide the controversie. The Earl of Warwick leaving his Army under the command of Sir Robert Wells whilst he himself went to raise more men; King Edward neglecting not the opportunity, whilest they were thus disjoyned, gives them battel, and overthrows them, with the loss of ten thousand of their men. Sir Robert Wells was taken prisoner, and soon after beheaded. This overthrow struck Warwick to the heart; so that having not sufficient force to withstand the King, he with the Duke of Clarence sail over into France, with which King, as also with Queen Margret, who then remained in the French Court, they entred into a combination for the deposing of King Edward, and setting up again King Henry. And that there might not be left any tract of former discontent, or path to future jealousie, a marriage was concluded and celebrated between Prince Edward the Queens Son, and the Lady Anne younger daughter to the Earl; and for want of issue of these two, the Crown to come to Clarence and his posterity.
Matters thus concluded, and the French King supplying them with money, they return into England to whom flocked almost all the Lords; the Commonalty also (desirous of innovation) adhered unto them: so that King Edward seeing himself in a manner wholly abandoned, was forced to quit the Land, and sail into Holland.
And now notwithstanding his former hostility with him, Warwick restores King Henry to all his former dignity and honour; a Parliament is called, wherein nothing is denyed [Page 138]which the prevailing party thought fit to be authorized: King Edward condemned for a Tyranous Usurper, and all his adherents attainted of high treason; the Crown is entailed upon King Henry and his Heires Males, for default of which, to George Duke of Clarence, and his Heires for ever. The Earls of Oxford and Pembroke, and many others, restored to their estates and titles; the Duke of Clarence put in possession of the Dutchy of York; and lastly the Government of the King and Kingdom committed to the Duke of Clarence, and Earl of Warwick; so that King Henry possest no more then the name of King, and seem'd not to be set at liberty, but to have changed his keeper.
King Edward in the mean time, having hired four great Holland Ships, and fourteen Easterling men of War, transports his Army over into England, which consisted of two thousand Dutch men, and such English as accompanied him in his flight, or had escaped over after him; at Ravenspur in Yorkshire he landed, from thence he marched to York, but finding in every place where he came the people generally devoted to the House of Lancaster, he fashioned his behaviour to a new art, and solemnly took his oath that his intentions was not for the recovering of the Crown, but regaining the Dutchy of York, wrongfully conferred on his Brother Clarence by the last Parliament. Hereupon many of note joyned themselves with him, so that whom they refused to serve as King, which had been an act of loyalty, they condescend to aid as Duke of York, which was absolute rebellion: it being high treason in a Subject, though never so apparently injured, to seek his remedy by Arms. Having thus increast his Army he marches towards London; and although the Marquess Mountague, Warwicks Brother, with a far superiour power lay then at Pomfret to impeach his journey, yet let he him quietly pass, not permitting any act of hostillity to be shewed, or advantage taken; by which gross oversight he ruined himself [Page 139]and Warwick too: for no sooner was Edward past this danger, but many of the Nobility with mighty Forces repaired to him. Whereupon forgetting his oath, he takes upon him the title of King, and marcht directly to Coventry, fierce in his desire to give Warwick battel, who lay there encampt; and now his Brother Clarence with all his Forces forsakes his Father-in-law the Earl of Warwick, and joynes with his Brother. Hereupon uniting their Forces they march up to London, which after some show of resistance, submitted its self. Warwick having now joyned with his Brother Mountague, follows after him; whom to oppose, King Edward having settled the Town to his obedience, led forth his Army; at St. Albans they both met, where betwixt them was fought a most bloody battel, in which the Earl of Warwick and his Brother Mountague valiantly fighting were both slain, and their whole Army totally routed.
To this violent end came the Earl of Warwick, and indeed how was it possible such a stormy life could expect a calmer death; he was questionless valiant, for a Coward durst not have thought those dangers into which he entred upon the slightest quarrels. His soul was never quiet, distasted still with the present; and his pride like a foolish builder, so delighted to pull down and set up, that at length part of the frame that himself had raised, fell upon him and crusht him to death. His varying so in approving contrary Titles, shewed either a strange levity in judgement, or else that ambition, not conscience, ruled his actions. In sum, that greatness he so violently laboured to confirme in his posterity, came all to nothing; Almighty God ruining their designs, who think by pollicy (though contrary to Religion) to perpetuate their posterity.
The Life of King RICHARD the Third.
FRom the pen of so credible an Author as Sir Tho. Moor was (to other Historians) chiefly derived the History of this King; they so admiring and trusting to what he delivered, that without any alteration of his words (an unusual respect) we have hitherto (except two or three other Modern differing Writers) received all from the Knights Tradition. He was a person indeed of unquestioned integrity, but how carefully and honestly his Works by others might be publisht after his death is not yet well determined. Sir Simon D'ewes Mr. Selden, and other eminent Antiquaries of our times, being in their learned discourses often too sensible of some abuses offered to the Chronicle of this Richard. The truth is, if as in respect of our own times, we have known the best of men so traduce, certainly where there hath been some more then ordinary failings, envious persons will think they cannot render him odious, or ugly enough.
Richard the Third vulgarly known by the name of Crook-Backt, and so delivered by some Historians and Poets, with what truth I know not, since his Picture drawn in his life, and as it is said to be to the life, still preserved and suffered by his great enemy Henry the Seventh in the Long Gallery in White-Hall, denotes the contrary, and shews him him to be of a sweet and gracious aspect. And John Stow, who alwayes took great pains in his inquiry of the relations of the persons of Princes, sayes, That he had spoken with some ancient men, who from their own sight and knowledge affirm that he was of body and shape comely. Neither did John Rouce who knew him, and wrote much in his description, observes any otherwise. But whether crooked or no, if his actions [Page 141]were straight, posterity hath the less to censure him.
He was the youngest Son of Richard Plantagenet, the fourth Duke of York of that Royal Family; born at the Castle of Fotheringham, or as some write, the Castle of Berkhamsteed, about the year of our Lord 1450. a dutiful Son to his Father, and a Loyal Subject to his Brother, who stood alwayes firm to his side in that great defection of the Duke of Clarence, and Earl of VVarwick, as we have declared in the preceding life. At the death of his Brother King Edward, he was chosen Lord Protector; and afterwards by the importunity of the people (knowing his Abilities) forced to take upon him the Regal Power, and confirmed by Act of Parliament. Therefore their cavils are vain, and discover an extream malice and envy unto him, that report him to have obtained the Sovereignty by indirect means. As for his abillities for government, hear Reverend Cambden, an Author without exception, Fuit dignissimus regno, &c, non inter malos sed bonos Principes, commemorandus. That he was most worthy to Reign, and to be numbered amongst the good, not bad Princes. And indeed those many and good Laws enacted in his time demonstrate him a good King, though some have reported him to be a bad Man.
He was Crowned at Westminster with great solemnity, most of the Peers of the Land being present; soon after his Coronation, he sent to the French King for his Tribute, formerly paid to his Brother Edward, in leiu of the Dutchy and Countries of Aquitain, Normandy, Poictou, and Maine, &c. and now detained by the French King; and doubtless King Richard had still compelled him to continue it, had not eruptions of State and tumultary practices fatally diverted his Sword.
Soon after was a Parliament called, wherein was attainted of High Treason, Henry Earl of Richmond, John Earl of Oxford, Thomas Marques of Dorset, Jasper Earl of Pembroke, Lionel Bishop of Salisbury, Pierce Bishop of Exeter, [Page 142]the Lady Margaret Countess of Richmond, Thomas Morton Bishop of Ely, with many others. King Edwards Children, for whom the world so much censures him, were adjudged uncapable of Government, and the Crown by a Parliament in those dayes confirmed to King Richard, in these words. It is declared, pronounced, decreed, confirmed; and established, by the authority of this present assembly of Parliament, that King Richard the Third is the true and undoubted King of this Realm, as well by right of Consanguinity and Heritage, as by lawful Election and Coronation, &c. So that here to tax so general an assent, were to say, there were not one honest nor just man in that High Court; and what greater scandall to the whole Kingdom, and to those that have since succeeded them.
But as Honour is alwayes attended on by Envy, so hath this worthy Princes fame been blasted by malicious traducers, who like Shakespear in his Play of him, render him dreadfully black in his actions, a monster of nature rather then a man of admirable parts, whose slanders having been examined by wise and moderate men, they have onely found malice and ignorance to have been his greatest accusers, persons who can onely lay suspition to his charge; and suspition in Law is no more guilt then imagination, as the divine Father Chrysostom faith, A good man hardly suspecteth another to be evill; but an evill man scarcely supposeth any to be good. King Richard had three great Favourites, as Princes are seldome without some, and those according to the constant custom of the World must be envied; Catesby, Ratcliffe, and Lovel: King Richards own Arms being the Bore, upon which one Collingborne of the West fancied this Libel, which in those times was received for excellent Wit.
But leaving such trifles, to return to King Richard. Henry [Page 143]Earl of Richmond ambitious of Sovereignty, envying his prosperity, practises with forreign Princes, and confederates with the English Nobles, for Assistance and Forces against King Richard. The chief abettor in England he had on his side was the Duke of Buckingham, one who had formerly constantly adhered to King Richards side; but being by him denyed the Earldome of Hereford, and Constableship of England, grew discontented, took up Arms, was defeated, and afterwards by Marshall Law put to death.
Yet did not this break the neck of Henries design, but having by his fair deportment gained Force; from the Duke of Brittain, and some other Princes envious of the prosperity of the House of York, Richmond puts forth to Sea, and lands at Milford-Haven in Wales; after some refreshing he marches to a Town called Haverford-West, where the people (who flocked to him in great number) welcomed him as a Prince, descended from their ancient Princes of Wales: the people generally being very noble, and loving to their Brittish Kindred. Hither came to him with great Forces, the Earl of Salop, Sir Rice ap Thomas, Sir Walter Herbert, Sir John Savage, Sir Gilbert Talbot, and many others. His Army thus strong and united, he passes the Severne, and marches to Leichfield. King Richard hearing of his arrivall prepareth against him, but though he thought the Nobility generally cemented to his side, yet found he a general defluxion from them to the other side; the Earl of Surrey, the Earl of Westmerland, Viscount Lovel, and John Duke of Norfolk being the principall that stuck to him; which last, was much importuned to have fallen off from him: the night before the Battel one writing this Rime upon his Gate.
But he regarding more his fidelity, then any danger that could befall him, doubles his care and diligence on the behalf [Page 144]of his Sovereign. The Earl of Northumberland, who had received great favours from the King, and who had in his Name raised vaste Forces, being sent for by him, refused to come; pretending for his disobedience, certain dreams, wherein he was forewarned by his Father for to fight on King Richards side. But the greatest defection was in the Lord Stanley, who notwithstanding he had left his Sonne George Stanley as a Pledge of his faith with the King, yet revolted to the other side. King Richard notwithstanding all these disadvantages, having encouraged his Army, gives Richmond a Battle; where valiantly fighting, after he had with his own hands slain Sir Charls Brandon the Earls Standard-bearer, and unhorsed Sir John Cheny, and shewed himself a most Heroick Person, being over-powered with multitude, he was slain on the place. With him died the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Surrey was taken Prisoner, and the whole Army quite defeated. This Battle was fought at a Village called Bosworth near to Leicester. The Victor was crowned in the Field by Sir VVilliam Stanley with King Richards Crown, which he as a valiant and confident Master of his right had worn that day. King Richards dead body after it was most barbarously mangled and wounded, was thrown behinde one upon a lean Jade, and so conveyed to Leicester; where at last it obtained a bed of earth, honourably appointed by the order of King Henry the Seventh, in the chief Church of Leicester, called Saint Maries, belonging to the Order and Society of Grey Friers, the King in short time after causing a fair Tomb of mingled colour'd Marble, adorned with his Statue, to be erected thereupon.
And notwithstanding the times were such when this great Prince lived, that he had scarcely time to sheath his sword, yet left he behinde him many Monuments of his Piety. He founded a Collegiate Church of Priests in Middleham in Yorkshire; another Colledge of Priests in London in Tower-street, [Page 145]near to the Church called our Lady Barking; he built a Church or Chappel in Towton in Glocestershire; he founded a Colledge in York convenient for the entertainment of an hundred Priests; he built the high stone Tower at Westminster, and when he had repaired and fortified the Castle of Carlile, he founded and built the Castle of Perrith in Cumberland.
He began many other good Works, which his sudden fatt prevented, as Polidor Virgil witnesseth: which Works and Monuments of Piety, shew not the Acts of a Tyrant. I shall end all with this Eulogy, which a learned Writer gives him. King Richard was a stout valiant person, ever indulgent to his People, careful to have their Laws duly observed, his making so many good ones, if they signified not some goodness in himself, were evident arguments of his more then ordinary love to Law and Justice.
The Life of THOMAS HOWARD Earl of SURREY.
THomas Howard Earl of Surrey; in his time the Ornament of Mars and the Muses, was Son to Sir. John Howard Knight, first made Barron by King Edward the Fourth, and afterwards Duke of Norfolk by King Richard the Third, in whose quarrel he was slain. This noble Earl his Son having been well educated, and afterwards trained up in Court, his Martial minde hating those silken pleasures admired of Courtiers, he with divers other young Gentlemen, went over to Charles Duke of Burgundy, who then [Page 146]had Wars with Lewis King of France, in whose quarrel he behaved himself so gallantly, that he won the honour and reputation of a most expert Commander.
At his return King Edward for his valour bestowed on him the Order of Knighthood, to whose side he constantly adhered in that great difference betwixt him and the House of Lancaster. That quarrel being ended by the overthrow of VVarwick, he afterwards did excellent service in the Wars betwixt him and Lewis the French King. King Edward being dead, and the Crown (by joynt consent both of Peers and People) placed on King Richards head, and after confirmed by Act of Parliament, he with his Father the Duke of Norfolk held firm to his side, notwithstanding the many sollicitations he had from Henry Earl of Richmond, and the Lords of his faction; who to draw them off from Richards side, that morning in which Bosworth Field was fought, was found a world of papers strowed before Norfolks door.
Yet notwithstanding all this, he regarding more his oath, his honour, and promise made to King Richard, like a faithful Subject absented not himself from his Master; but as he faithfully lived under him, so he manfully died with him.
But to return to his Son the Earl of Surrey: in this Battle he had the leading of the Archers, which King Richard had placed in the fore-front as a Bulwark to defend the rest; the undaunted courage of this Earl, and his resolute brave carriage being taken prisoner, are delineated to the life by the renowned Sir John Beaumont, in his ever-living Poem of Bosworth Field; which if to some it may seem a long Quotation, the goodness of the lines will recompense the tediousness of reading them.
Which he proved to be most true in the whole course of his life; for having continued prisoner in the Tower three years and a half, the Earl of Lincoln, confederating with one Lambert Simnel, raised an Army against the King: the Lieutenant of the Tower favouring their enterprise, freely offered the Earl licence to depart out at his pleasure; which he refused, saying, That he that commanded him thither, should command him out again. The King understanding of his fidelity, not onely released him of his imprisonment. but took him into a more specal regard, and soon had he an occasion to make tryall of him: a great insurrection happening in the North, wherein the Rebells were grown so potent, that they slew the Earl of Northumberland in the field, and took the City of York by assault; against these King Henry assembles a great power making the Earl of Surrey Chief Captain of his Voward; who so behaved himself, that the Rebells forces were dissipated, their chief Leaders taken, and soon after executed. The King noting his great prudence and magnanimity, made [Page 149]him Lieutenant Generall from Trent Northward, had Warden of the East and middle Marches, and Justice of the Forrests from Trent Northwards: in which offices he continued the space of ten years; during which time, the Scots having committed some outrages upon the Borders, he made a road into Tivydale, where he burnt and destroyed all before him: returning with great spoils and honour, Not long after he made another road into Scotland, returning with like success; James the fifth, then King of Scotland, raised a great power to withstand him, and sent to the Earl a challenge to fight with him hand to hand, which he accepted; but the King into his demands, would have the Countrey or Lands then in Controversie, to be made Brabium Victoris, which was without the Earls power to engage, being the inheritance of the King his Master; but he proffers better Lands of his own upon the Combat, which was not accepted, and so nothing was concluded.
A peace being concluded with the Scots, he was called home, and made Lord Treasurer of England, & of the Privy Council, living in great Honor and reputation all the dayes of King Henry; who dying, his Son Henry that succeded him, added to his other dignities, the high Marshallship of England; and going in person with an Army into France, left him Lieutenant Generall from Trent Northward, to defend the Realm against the Scots: for James the Fifth, King of Scotland, notwithstanding he were King Henries Brother-in-law, yet did so firmly adhere to the French, that to divert King Henries proceedings, in his own person, with a mighty Army he invades England. The Earl of Surrey to oppose him raises what Forces he could, and at a place called Flodden it came to a pitcht field, which was fought with great courage and valour; but God who owned the just cause of the English, crowned them with success, and set the Palm of Victory on the Earl of Surrey's head. The [Page 150]Scottish King being slain, and with him two Bishops, eleven Earls, seventeen Barrons, four hundred Knights, besides other Gentlemen, and seventeen thousand common Souldiers.
The Earl for these services was by the King at his return home, highly rewarded, and restored to the Dukedom of Norfolk, his Fathers Dignity. Soon after was he sent chief Commissioner with the Lady Mary, the Kings sister, to be married unto Lewis the French King; and after his return home, the King and Queen going to Guines to visit the French King, he was made Protectour of the Realm in his absence. Old age seizing on him, he obtained leave of the King to spend the remainder of his dayes at Framlingham Castle, an honourable Mansion of his own; where he continued, and kept a bounteful house to the time of his death, which happened in the fourscore and sixth year of his age. He was buried at Thetford Abbey in Norfolk, dying after a most generous life, worth a large estate; so clear from debt, that at his death he owed not one groat to any person whatsoever: an unusual happiness to attend so great a Souldier and Courtier as he was.
From this famous Duke is descended the Right Honorable James Earl of Suffolk, whose great Grandfather Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk married Margret sole Daughter and Heir to Sir Thomas Audley, Lord Chancellour of England; by whom he had issue, Thomas Lord Howard of Walden, and Earl of Suffolk, who built that magnificent Structure at Audley-end, who left the same to his Son and Heir Theophilus, a worthy Gentleman, the Father of James Earl of Suffolk now living, Anno 1659. To whom with his most vertuous Lady, I wish all encrease of true honour and felicity. To the greater honour of these Progenies, this Heroick Earl died so much a Laureat, that his Songs and Sonnets by all those that rightly understand Poetry, are looked upon as in those dayes to have been the [Page 151]Muses Parnassus: so that for his Epitaph there needed no more to be writ, but that here lies interred. The greatest Courtier, the most valiant Souldier, and the most accomplisht Poet of those times.
The Life of CARDINAL VVOLSEY.
CArdinal VVolsey the Tennis-ball, of Fortune was born at Ipswich in Suffolk, of so poor and despicable Parents, that were his story of an ancient date, and not delivered by Authentique Historians, it might pass for a fiction; his Father being no more but a poor Butcher: from so low a beginning did he rise to the highest pitch of honour.
His Education in youth was at Oxford, in Maudlin Colledge, from thence he was preferred to be School-master to the Marquess of Dorsets Children, where he first learned to be imperious over noble blood: the Marquess dying, Wolsey went into France to seek his Fortune, and coming to Callis, became servant to Sir John Naphant then Treasurer of the Town; where he behaved himself with so great discretion, that his Master shortly preferred him to King Henry the Seventh.
Having thus cast Anchor at Court, the Haven of hope, and Port of Promotion, he was more then double diligent in the Kings eye, and very serviceable to Doctour Fox Bishop of Wincheter, Secretary, and Lord Privy Seal, as [Page 152]also to Sir Thomas Lovel Master of the Wards, and Constable of the Tower, who perswaded King Henry having urgent business with Maximilian the Emperour, to send Wolsey in Embassage unto him, being at that present in the Countrey of Flanders; who returned again before he was thought to be gone, and withal concluded some Points forgot in his directions, to the hight contentment of King Henry; for the which he bestowed upon him the Deanry of Lincolne, and not long after made him his Almoner. But King Henries day now drawing towards night, he adores the rising Sun Prince Henry; and having found the length of his foot, fitteth him with an easie shoe, well knowing there could be no loss to humour him, who was so able to give: nor was he deceived in his expectation, for Henry afterwards coming to be King, and having conquered the City of Tourney in France, bestowed the Bishoprick of the same upon VVolsey; and not long after made him Bishop of Lincolne, and Archbishop of York.
And now being Primas Anglia, carried himself accordingly, by erecting his Cross in the Kings Court, although within the Jurisdiction of Canterbury; which high presumption VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury greatly checked. But VVolsey not abiding any Superious, obtained to be made Priest, Cardinal, and Legatus de Latere, unto whom the Pope sent a Cardinals Hat, with certain Bulls for his Authority in that behalf. And now remembring the taunts he had received from Canterbury, found means with the King, that he was made Lord Chancellour of England, and Canterbury which was Chancellour dismissed who had continued in that place long since before the death of King Henry the Seventh.
VVolsey now sitting at the Helm of Church and State, had two Crosses and two Pillars born ever before him (the one of his Archbishoprick, the other of his Legacy) by two of the tallest Priests that were to be found in the Realm. To [Page 153]the better maintenance of which chargeable estate, the King bestowed on him the Bishoprick of VVinchester; and in Commendam, the Abbey of St. Albans; and with them he held in Farm the Bishopricks of Bathe, VVorcester, and Hereford, enjoyed by strangers incumbents, not residing in the Realm; so that now being Bishop of Tourney, Lincolne, York, VVinchester, Bathe, VVorcester, and Hereford, he seemed a Monster with seven heads, and each of them crowned with the Mitre of a Bishop; far different from the state of his Lord and Master Christ, who had not a hole wherein to hide his head.
Yet his ambition resteth not here, next he aspires to the Triple Crown, he onely wants Holiness, and must be Pope; to the attaining of which Dignity he makes means to the Romish Cardinals, as also to the Emperour Charles the Fifth: Gold he gave to the Cardinals, and they gave him golden promises, although they proved but empty performances; nor did the Emperour serve him any better, promising much, but performing nothing. VVolsey hereat enraged, studies revenge, and by his instruments seeks to make a divorce betwixt Queen Katherine Dowager, the Emperours Aunt, and King Henry the Eighth his Master, thereby to advance a Marriage betwixt him and the King of France's sister. But though he effected the one, he failed in the other; for contrary to his expectation, King Henry fell in love with Anna Bullen, a Gentlewoman nothing favourable to his Pontificial Pomp nor no great follower of the Rites of those times; which moved the Cardinal (the Pope having assumed the sentence of Queen Katherines cause unto himself) to write unto his Holiness to defer the judgement of Divorce till he had wrought the Kings minde in another mould. But though this was done secretly, it came to the Kings ear, and wrought his minde quite off from the Cardinal, which finally was the cause of his confusion: for upon the Kings dislike, the Counsel articled [Page 154]against him, and the Law found him in a Premunire, for procuring to be Legatus de latere, and advancing the Popes Power against the Laws of the Realm; for which resentment the Kings displeasure was so incenst, that the Broad Seal was taken from him, and most of his other Spiritual Preferments, his house and furniture seized on to the Kings use, and himself removed to Cawood Castle in Yorkshire. Yet was he still left Bishop of Winchester, and Archbishop of York, to which last, providing for his installing state equivalent to a Kings Coronation, he was arrested of high treason by the Earl of Northumberland; (for words importing a desire of revenge saith Sleidan) from thence he was conveyed towards London by the Lieutenant of the Tower; in which journey, at Leicester Abbey he ended his life, breathing out his soul with speeches to his effect. Had I been as carefull to serve the God of Heaven as I have been to comply to the will of my earthly King, God would not have left me in my old age as the other hath done.
Some have imagined he poysoned himself, as not willing to survive his great glory; and some have thought he was poysoned by others, that with his feathers they might build themselves nests. Surely the fall of this stately oak caused the growth of much underwood; many rising by his ruine, raising themselves great estates out of the fragments of his fall. He left behinde him these glorious monuments of fame, the buildings of Christ-Church White-Hall, Hampton-Court, Windsor. His Master King Henry lived in the two first, his Tomb being erected in the last. Some Historians write that his body swelled after his death, as his minde when he was living, with his Ego et Rex meus, On which ambition of the Cardinal, one wrote these verses.
The Life of Sir THOMAS MOOR.
SIr Thomas Moor, one of the greatest Ornaments of his time, was a man of those high employments, and of so great parts to go thorow them, that he is deservedly placed amongst our English Worthies. He was the Son of Sir John Moor Knight, and one of the Justices of the Kings Bench, a man singular for his many rare perfections. His Birth place was at Milk-street in London, the year of our Lord 1480. Having attained some skill in the Latine Tongue, Cardinal Moorton Archbishop of Canterbury, and Lord High Chancellour of England, took him into his house, where his wit and admirable deportment appeared to be such, that the Cardinall would often say of him to the Nobles that severall times dined with him, This Childe here waiting at the Table, whosoever shall live to see it, will prove the miracle of men.
For his better proficiency in learning, the Cardinal placed him in Canterbury Colledge in Oxford (now called Christ-Church,) where when he was both in the Greek and Latine Tongue sufficiently instructed, he was then for the study of the Law put into one of the Innes of Chancery, called New Inne; where for his time he highly improved: from thence he removed to Lincolns-Inne, where he was made an Utter-Barrister, where for some time he read a Publick Lecture of St. Austine, de Civitate Dei, in the Church of St. Laurence in the Old Jury. Afterwards he was made Reader of Furnivalls-Inne, where he continued for the [Page 156]space of above three years; after which time he gave himself up to his devotions in the Charter-House of London, living religiously there for the space of four years.
Soon after he married the Daughter of Mr. John Colt of New Hall in Essex, by whom he had one Son and three Daughters; whom from their youth he brought up in vertue and learning. About this time his rare endowments began to be looked upon with a publick eye, which caused him to be called to the Bench, and soon after chosen a Burgess of Parliament, which happenned in the latter end of King Henry the Sevenths Reign; who demanding one Subsidy and three fifteens for the Marriage of his eldest Daughter the Lady Margret, unto the King of the Scots; Sir Thomas making a grave Speech, argued so strongly why these exactions were not to be granted, that thereby the Kings demands were frustrated, and his request denyed: by which occasion he fell so deeply into the Kings displeasure, that for his own safeguard he was determined to have gone over Sea, had not the King soon after dyed, which somewhat mittigated his fear, and altered his resolution.
After this he was made one of the under Sheriffs of London, by which office and his practice in Law, he gained an estate of four hundred pounds per annum. Now his learning wisdom, knowledge, and experience was grown into such note, behaving himself so admirably, that he gained a general applause from all men; and fell into such an estimation with King Henry the Eighth, that he made him master of the Requests, soon after Knight, and one of his Privy Councel; and so from time to time advanced him; continuing still in his singular favour and trusty service twenty years and above: his pleasant disposition and readiness of wit so gaining him into King Henry's favour, that upon the death of Mr. Weston, Treasurer of the Exchequer, the King bestowed on him the office of Treasurer; and not long after made him Chancellour of the Dutchy of Lancaster.
To render his History the more pleasant, take these few tastes of the sharpness of his Wit Cambden reports of him that he used to compare the great number of women to be chosen for Wives, unto a bag full of Snakes having amongst them but one Eel; now if a man puts his hand into this bag, he may chance to light on the Eel, but 'tis a hundred to one if he be not stung with a Snake.
Being in company where the master of the house commended his Beer for the well relish of the Hop, Sir Thomas replyed, but had it hopped a little further, it had hopped into the Thames.
A supposed bribe being put upon Sir Thomas, a great gilt Cup presented to him; he being called before the Kings Council to answer this accusation, Sir Thomas acknowledged that he did receive the Cup for a New-years-gift; after some importunities he received it, but immediately he caused his Butler to fill it with Wine, and therein drank to the Gentlewoman that presented it, and when that she had pledged him, he as freely gave it her again for a New-years gift for her Husband. This great Mountain of his accusation being brought scarcely to a little Mosehill.
When he was Justice of Peace he used to go to the Sessions at New Gate, where one of the Ancientest Justice of Peace of the Bench was used to chide persons when their Purses had been cut, for not being more carefull; telling them, that their negligence was the cause that so many Cut-purses were brought thirther. Sir Thomas obs rving him to repeat this caution so often, sent for one of the chiefest Cutpurses that was in prison, and promised him to save him harmless if he would but cut the said Justices Purse the next day as he sat on the Bench, and when he had done to make a sign of it to him. The day after when they sat again, the Thief was called one of the first; who being accused of the fact, said, he did not doubt but that he could sufficiently excuse [Page 158]himself, if he were permitted to speak to some of the Bench in private: Being bid to chuse whom he would, he chuse the grave old Justice, who then had his pouch at his girdle, as they wore them in those dayes; and whilest that he whispers him in the ear, he slily cuts his purse. Sir Thomas knowing by the sign that the business was dispatcht, presently took occasion to move the Bench to distribute some alms upon a poor needy fellow that was there, and for example sake began first himself; the old Justice when he lookt for his purse found it cut away; and much wondering, said, He was confident he brought it with him. Sir Thomas Moor replyed pleasantly, What will you charge any of us with Felony? The Justice's colour rising (as he was ashamed) he calls the Cut-purse, and bids him give him his purse again; and withal advised the good old Justice hereafter not to be so bitter a censurer of other innocent mens negligences, when as himself could not secure his purse in that open Assembly.
It chanced another time, that a Beggars little Dog which she had lost was sent to the Lady Moor for a present, she kept it a week being much pleased and delighted with it; but at last the Beggar having notice where her Dog was, came and complained to Sir Thomas, as he was sitting in his Hall at Chelsey, that his Lady kept her Dog from her: presently my Lady was sent for, and the Dog brought with her; which Sir Thomas taking in his arms, he caused his Wife to stand at the upper end of the Hall, and the Beggar at the lower end. Then saying that he sate there to do every one justice, he bad each of them call the Dog; which when they did, the Dog ran presently to the Beggar, forsaking his Wife; which when he saw, he desired her to be contented, for it was none of hers: yet she repining at the sentence, he agreed with the Beggar, and gave her a piece of Gold. All parties being satisfied, every one smiling at this strange discovery of truth.
Sir Thomas Moor demanding his money of one that was in his debt, spake this sentence in Latine to Sir Thomas Moor, Memento morieris; to which Sir Thomas presently replied, What say you, Sir, Memento Mori aeris, Remember Mores money.
It is also storied of him, that whereas upon Holy Dayes during his High Chancellourship, one of his Gentlemen when Service was done at Church used to come to his Ladies Pew, and say, Madam, my Lord is gone. The next Holy Day after his surrender of his office of Chancellourship, and putting off his former retinue of Gentlemen, he came to his Wives Pew himself, and making a low congee, said, Madam, my Lord is gone.
It is further reported of him, that when he was sent by his Master Henry the Eighth into Germany, that a little before he delivered his Embassage to the Emperour, he bid one of his servants to fill him a Beer-glasse of wine, which he drunk off twice, commanding his servant to bring him a third; he knowing Sir Thomas Moors temperance, that he was not used to drink, at the first refused to fill him another, as he told Sir Thomas of the weight of his employment: But his servant not daring to deny his Master the third glass, Sir Thomas made his immediate address to the Emperour, and spake his Oration in Latine, to the admiration of all the Auditours. Afterwards Sir Thomas merrily asking his man what he thought of his speech, he said, that he deserved to govern three parts of the World, and he believed if he had drunk the other glass, the Elegancy of his Language might have purchased the other part of the World.
Another time a certain Friend of his presented him with a Book which he intended to publish, (being well conceited of his own Wit, which no body else thought worth the reading) because he would Sir Thomas should oversee it ere it were printed, he brought it to him; who perusing [Page 160]it, and finding nothing therein worthy the Press, said with a grave countenance, If it were in Verse, it would deserve better. Upon which words he went and turned it into verse, & then brought it again to Sir Thomas, who looking thereon said soberly, Yea marry, now it is somewhat; for it is Rime now, before it was neither Rime nor Reason. Infinite are the conceited expressions that continually fell from him.
But to return from whence we have digrest, during the time he was Chancellour of the Dutchy, he was twice made Ambassadour, joyned in Commission with Cardinal Wolsey, once to the Emperour Charles into Flanders, the other time to the French King into France. Being once at Bruges in Flanders, where an arrogant fellow had set up a Thesis, that he would answer any question could be propounded unto him in what Art soever: Of whom when Sir Tho. Moor heard, he laughed, and made this Question to be put up for him to answer, Whether Averia capta in Withernamia sunt irreplegebilia: adding, that there was one of the English Ambassadours Retinue that would thereof dispute with him. This bragging Thraso, not so much as understanding those Terms of our Common Law, knew not what to answer to it; and so he became ridiculous to the whole City for his presumptuous bragging.
The Sea of Rome being now void, Cardinal Wolsey ambitiously seeketh for the place, but by means of the Emperour Charles the First was disappointed; whereupn the Cardinal (as we have recorded in his Life) to be revenged on the Emperour, and to ingratiate himself with the French King, endeavours a Divorce betwixt King Henry and Queen Katherine, Aunt to the Emperour, thereby to procure him to match with the French Kings sister. And for the better accomplishing therof, he requested Longland Bishop of London, and Ghostly Father to the King, to put a scruple into the Kings head, that it was not lawful for him to marry his Brothers Wife: which the King not sorry to hear [Page 161]of, opened it first to Sir Thomas Moor, whose counsel he required therein, of purpose quoting certain places of Scripture that seemed to serve his turn.
Sir Thomas Moor unwilling to displease the King by discovering his opinion, began to excuse himself (as one that had never profest the study of Divinity) to be every way unfit to meddle with such matters; the King not satisfied with this answer, still pressed upon him so sore for it, that in conclusion he condescended to his request. And further, because the business was of such weight and importance, as required advisement, and good deliberation, he besought his Grace that he would give him sufficient time seriously to consider it; wherewith the King very well contented, told him that Tunstal and Clark, Bishops of Durham and Bathe, with others the most learned of his privy Councel, should also confer with him therein.
Sir Thomas Moor departing, compared those places of Scripture with the Expositions of divers of the old Doctors; and at his next coming to the Court, discoursing to his Majesty his opinion of the foresaid matter, he said, To be plain with your Grace, neither my Lord of Durham, nor my Lord of Bathe, (though I know them both to be wise, vertuous, learned and honourable Prelates) nor my self with the rest of your Councel, (being all of us your Majesties own Servants, so much bound unto your Highness for your great favours daily bestowed upon us) be, in my judgement, meet Counsellours for your Grace herein; but if your Highness please to understand the very truth, you may have such Counsellours elected, as neither for respect of their own worldly profit, nor for fear of your Princely displeasure, will be inclined to partiality. He then quoted Saint Hierome, Saint Austine, and divers other Fathers and Holy Doctours, both Greek and Latine, shewing what authority he had gathered out of them for what he said; which although it was against the grain, not so pleasant to the King, as not agreeing to his [Page 162]desires; yet Sir Thomas Moor (had in all his communication with the King in this business) so discreetly demeaned himself, that at that present the King did not distaste what he said, and often afterwards had conference with him about the same case of Conscience.
For the further tryal and examination of this Matrimony scruple, a Commission was sent from Rome, in which Cardinal Campeius and Cardinall Wolsey were joyned Commissioners; who for the determination thereof sate at Black Fryers in London: the King and Queen being cited to appear before them. In the prosecution of which busisiness, the King took such distaste at Wolsey, that he displaced him of his office of Lord Chancellour, and bestowed the same on Sir Thomas Moor, the better to draw him to his side; but he valuing more the quiet of his Conscience then any Princes honour in the world, fell down on his knees, desiring his Majesties favour to employ him in any Affair, in which with integrity of his Conscience he might truly serve God and him: to which the King curteously answered, that if he could not therein with his Conscients serve, he was content to accept of his service otherwise, and take the advice of other his learned Council, whose consciences would well enough dispense with it; yet that he would nevertheless continue his wonted favour towards him, and no more molest or trouble his minde with that business.
Upon Sir Thomas Moors entrance into this last honourable preferment, every one might perceive a very strange alteration: for whereas the precedent Chancellour Wolsey would scarce look or speak to any, into whose onely presence none could be admitted unless his fingers were tipp'd with Gold; on the contrary, this Chancellour, the poorer and meaner the Suppliant was, the more affable he was to him, and the more attentively he would hearken to his cause, and with speedy tryal dispatch him; for which purpose [Page 163]he used commonly every afternoon to fit in his Hall, that if any person whatsoever had any suit unto him, they might the more boldly come to his presence, and open their complaints before him, and find sudden redress. It is reported of him that whereas our pick pocket Lawyers with longwinded Chancery Demurrs, to the undoing of thousands; keep off business, his practice was, if it were to be done with conveniency, to dispatch a Cause at the first hearing; for which reason a Writer wittily calls him Sir Thomas Plus; because before he rose off from the Bench, he alwayes used to ask if there were any more Causes. Thus the greatness of honour, the change of his place altered him not; Sir Themas remained still the same good man that he was, his humility was the same. It being observed of him, that every day as he passed through the Hall to his place in the Chancery, by the Court of the Kings Bench, where his Father was one of the Judges, that he would go into the Court, and there reverently kneeling down, in the fight of them all, duly ask his Father Blessing.
I shall onely add one story more concerning his humility in the height of his honour; the Duke of Norfolk coming on a time to Chelsey to dine with him, happened to find him in the Church singing in the Quire, with a surplice on his back; to whom after Service as they went homeward hand in hand together, the Duke said, Gods Body, my Lord Chancellor, what a Parish Clerk a Parish Clerk; you dishonour the King and his Office: nay, said Sir Thomas, smiling upon the Duke, Your Grace may not think your master and mine will be offended with me for serving of God his Master, of thereby count his office dishonoured.
To proceed, King Henry determining to marry the Lady Anne Cleve, for his better proceeding in this affair called a Parliament, where he with the Bishops and Nobles of the upper House, were commanded by the King to go down to the Commons, to shew unto them both what the Universities [Page 164]as well of other parts beyond the Seas, as at Oxford and Cambridge, had done therein; their Seals also testifying the same; all which at the Kings request (not shewing of what judgement himself was therein) he declared unto the lower House: yet doubting least further attempts should after follow, which contrary to his Conscience (by reason of his office) he was likely to be put unto, he made suit unto the Duke of Norfolk, his singular dear friend, to be a means to the King, that he might with his Majesties favour be discharged of that chargeable office of Chancellourship; wherein for certain infirmities of his body, he pretended himself unable any longer to serve. To which purpose the Duke solliciting the King, obtained of him a clear discharge from the same, with thanks and praise for his worthy service herein. And not underservedly, his integrity, nobleness, and charity being so great that notwithstanding he had gone thorow so many offices for almost twenty years, he was not able to purchase more then one hundred pounds a year.
Touching his troubles, they began first by occasion of a certain Nun dwelling in Canterbury, who affirmed that she had revelations from God to give the King warning of his wicked life, and of the abuse of the Sword and Authority committed to him. This Nun conferring with Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas Moor about the same, they advised her to go to the King her self, and to let him understand the whole circumstance thereof: whereupon at the Parliament following, there was a Bill put into the lower House, to attache the Nun with divers other Religious persons of High Treason, and the Bishop of Rochester, Sir Thowas Moor, and some others of misprision of Treason. Divers other accusations came thick and threefold upon him; and doubtless had he not been one of a singular integrity, and free from all corruption of wrong doing, or bribes taking, these accusations had overwhelmed him: but they all falling [Page 165]short of the mischievous design that was on foot against him, a trick was found not to take him off, which those that contrived it were certain could not but take, as they knew that he was of so tender a conscience as that they could not fail of their project; he was cited to appear at Lambeth before the Bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellour, and Secretary Cromwell, to take the oath of Supremacy, and Succession; which he refusing, he was committed to the custody of the Abbot of Westminster for four dayes, and afterwards, by the importunity of Queen Anne, to the Tower.
Whereat his landing, Mr. Lieutenant was ready to receive him, the Porter of the Tower demanded of him his upper Garment, Mr. Porter, said he, here it is; and took off his Cap and gave it him, saying, I am sorry it is no better for thee: no Sir, said the Porter, I must have your Gown, which he gave him. This his pleasantness certainly argued a confidence he had in the justness of his cause.
After many endeavours during his abode in the Tower, to get his consent to the taking of the Oath, all which proving fruitless, after a years imprisonment, he was called to his arraignment at the Kings Bench Bar, where his Indictment being read, he pleaded not guilty; and to the admiration of the hearers, so quitted himself, that he put the Bench to a stand; untill at the last one Mr. Rich the Kings Solliciter deposited against him, that he should say, The Parliament could make the King no more Supreme Head of Church, then they could make a Law that God should not be God. To which Sir Thomas answered, If I were a man my Lords, that did not regard an oath, I need not at this time in this place (as it is well known to you all) stand as an accused person. And if this oath (Mr. Rich) which you have taken be true, then I pray that I may never see God in the Face, which I would not say were it otherwise to gain the whole world.
Yet notwithstanding his oath, and the exceptions he [Page 166]took against the witness, the Lord Chancellour proceeded to sentence, That he should be brought back to the Tower of London, by the help of William Bringston Sheriff, and from thence drawn on a Hurdle through the City of London to Tyburne, there to be hanged till he be half dead, after that cut down yet alive, his Privy Parts cut off, his Belly ripped, his Bowels burnt, and his four quarters set up over four Gates of the City, and his head upon London Bridge.
This Sentence was by the Kings pardon changed afterwards into onely beheading, because he had borne the highest Office in the Kingdom. Of which mercy of the Kings, word being brought to Sir Thomas, he answered merrily, God forbid the King should use any more such mercies to any of my posterity or friends.
During the time he remained in the Tower after Sentence passed on him, one of the Court came to visit him, whose whole discourse was nothing else, but urging Sir Thomas to change his minde; who at last being wearied with his importunity, answered him, That he had changed it. Whreupon presently he went and told the King; and being by him commanded to know wherein his minde was changed, Sir Thomas rebuked him for his inconsiderate rashness, that he should tell the King those words that he spoke in jeast, onely to be rid of his impertinency; meaning a while after this merry expression came from him, that whereas he intended to be shaved, (for which he was said so much to resembled Erasmus) that he might appear to the people as before, he now resolved that his beard should undergo the same tribulation he did; which made the Courtier blank and the King very angry. The day appointed for his execution being come, about nine of the Clock he was brought out of the Tower, ascending the Scaffold, it seemed so weak that it was ready to fall; whereupon he said merrily to the Lieutenant, I pray you Mr. Lieutenant see me safe up, and for my coming down let me shift for my [Page 167]self. Then desired he all the people to pray for him, and to bear witness with him, that he should then suffer death, in, and for the Faith of the Holy Catholique Church, a faithfull servant both of God and the King. Which done, he kneeled down, and after his prayers ended, he turned to the Executioner, and with a chearful countenance, said, Pluck up thy spirits man, and be not afraid to do thine Office, my neck is very short, take heed therefore thou strike not awry for saving thine honesty: then laying his head upon the Block, he bad the Executioner stay untill he had removed aside his Beard, saying, That that had never committed any Treason. So with much chearfulness he received the Fatall blow of the Ax, which at once severed his head from his body. This jeast at his death the Catholiques so much distasted, that at so serious a time he should be so airy and light, that he had almost been scratched out of their Canonization for a Saint. He was executed the sixth day of July, following the decollation of Bishop Fisher, who was for the same Cause beheaded on Tower-Hill. The Life of this Bishop is extant, incomparable well done by Doctor Bailie.
Thus died Sir Thomas Moor, a man admirable in all kinde of learning , Latine, Greek, Prophane, Divine: his Ʋtopia is admired over the world; his Richard the Third, till of late years, of so much credit with Historians, that they have placed it in their Works without the alteration of a word. He was of such excellency of Wit and Wisdom, that he was able to make his fortune good in what place soever he lived; who wanted no skill either for the mannaging of private or publick businesses, being experienced both in Countrey and City Affairs; in giving solid and sound counsel in doubtful cases, none more prudent; to tell the truth without fear, none more free; as from all flatteries he was open and pleasant, full of grace in delivering his judgement. And to conclude, one, whose integrity made him a miracle of nature, whist he [Page 168]was living, and whose Books have made him an everlasting Monument now he is dead. He was behead in the year 1535. his Monument is in Chelsey Church, where it is reported Bishop Fisher lies buried with him in the same Grave; that as they suffered for one Opinion, it was thought fit they should not be parted.
Epitaphium Thomae Mori quod paulo post abdicatum munus Cancellarii ipse sibi composuit, & Sepulchro suo affixit.
Thomas Morus, Ʋrbe Londinensi, familia non celebri, sed honesta natus, in literis utcunque versatus, quum ut causas aliquot juvenis egisset in foro, & in urbe, suo pro Shyrevo jus dixisset, ab invictissimo Rege Henrico Octavo (cui uni regum omnium gloria prius inaudita contigit, & fidei defensor, qualem & gladio se, & calamo verè praestitit, merito vocaretur) aà scitus in aulam est, delectusque in concilium, & creatus eques, proquaestor primum, post Cancellarius Lancastriae, tandem Angliae miro principis favore factus est. Sed interim in publico regni senatulectus est orator populi praeterea legatus regis nonnunquam fuit, alias alibi; postremo vero Cameraci, Comes & collega junctus Principi Legationis Cuthberto Tonstallo, tum Londinensi, mox Dunelmensi Episcopo; quo viro vix habet orbis hodie quicquam eruditius, prudentius, melius. Ibiinter summos Christiani orbis Monarchas rursus refecta faedera, redditamque mundo diu desideratam pacem, & laetisimus videt, & Legatus interfuit.
In hoc officiorum vel honorum cursu quum ita versaretur, ut neque Princeps optimus operam ejus improbaret, neque nobilibus esset invisus, neque injucundus populo; furibus autem, homicidis, haereticisque molestus: Pater ejus tandem Joannes Morus Eques, & in eum Judicum ordinem à Principe cooptatus, qui regius consessus vocatur; homo civilis, innocens, mitis, misericors, equus & integer, annis quidem gravis, sed corpore plus quam pro aetate vivido, postquam eo productam sibi vidit vitam, ut filium videret Angliae Cancellarium, satis in terra [Page 169]jam se moratum ratus, lubens migravit in coelum. At filius defancto patre, cui, quamdiu supererat comparatus, & juvenis vocari consueverat, & ipse quoque sibi videbatur, amissum jam patrem requirens, & editos ex se libros IV. at Nepotes XI. respiciens caepit apud animum persenescere. Auxit hunc affectum animi subsequuta statim velut ad petentis senii signum, pectoris valetudo deterior. Itaque mortalium harum rerum satur, quam rem à puero semper, optaverat, ut ultimos aliquot vitae suae annos obtineret liberos, quibus hujus vitae negotiis paulatim se subducens, futuram posset immortalitatem meditari, eam rem tandem (si coeptis annuat Deus) indulgentissimi principis incomparàbili beneficio resignatis honoribus impetravit, atque hoc sepulchrum sibi, quod mortis eum nunquam cessantis adrepere quotidiè commonefaceret, translatis huc prioris uxoris ossibus, extruendum curavit. Quod ne superstes frustra sibi fecerit, neve ingruentem trepidus horreat, sed desiderio Christi lubens oppetat, mortemque ut sibi non omnino mortem, sed januam vitae felicioris inveniat, precibus eum, Lector optimè, spirantem, precor, defunctumque prosequere;
Pro Ʋxoribus suis, Chara Thomae jacet, &c.
The Life of THOMAS CROMWELL Earl of Essex.
THomas Cromwell, from so low a beginning, as from the Forge, attained to so high a pitch of honour, as to be raised to a Pillar of State.
His Father, as our Chronicles report, was a Blacksmith, to whom may be applied what Juvenal said of Demosthenes.
He was born at Putney in Surrey, four miles from London, being endued with a singular excellency of Wit. His first advancement was under Cardinal Wolsey, who made him his Solliciter, employing him for the suppression of forty Monasteries, to the erection of his Colledges at Oxford and Ipswich. At the fall of the Cardinal he got him to Court, where he was by King Henry first advanced to be Master of his Jewel-house, then Barron of Oakham in Rutlandshire, then Knight of the Garter; ere long he was created Earl of Essex, then made Lord great Chamberlain, and lastly ordained the Kings Vicar General over the Spirituality; by vertue of which Office he sat in the Convocation-house, as Head over the Bishops: an Honour so great, that never any subject enjoyed the like in England. Drayton thus epitomizes his Honours,
And now finding by Wolsey's predicting fall, that the foundations of Monasteries were not unmoveable; he puts it into the King head to have them all suppressed, who being not long before declared supream Head of the Church, thought his state in danger, so long as the Pope had such Pillars to uphold his Power. Another main thing was their excessive Riches, which was valued at the yearly sum of 1865 12. pounds, 8. shillings, 1. d. o. q. besides the two Universities, and divers Monasteries, which were unvalued. And no wonder that Bell sounded so sweetly in the Kings ear, when so much profit pull'd the rope: what ever was the true cause, the pretended cause was the gain that was got by ignorant devotion, and gadding on Pilgrimage; as likewise that they were the receptacles of all traiterous attempts against the peace of the Land, and Supremacy of the Crown. Besides the Whoredoms, Adulteries, Incests, and filthy Sodomies of the Monks, Friers, and Priests, which put together weighed so heavy, that by Act of Parliament they were granted all to the Kings use, and Injunctions sent forth for the Bible in English to be read in all Churches, and Register-books of Weddings, Christenings, and Burials in every of them to be kept.
These Actions of the King exasperated many, especially the Pope, who feared his Dagon would down, if the King should be acknowledged supream Head of the Church; whereupon he pronounceth him an Heretick, and seduceth (amongst others) James the Fifth King of Scotland against him. Cromwel that his Master might be able to bandy with the Pope, counselleth him to allie himself with some Protestant [Page 172]Princess; the King then a widdower entertained the motion, and a marriage is concluded betwixt him and the Lady Anne, Sister to William Duke of Cleve, whose other Sister Fredrick Duke of Saxony had espoused, a great favourer of the Gospel, and maintainer of Martin Luther, the promulgator and professour thereof. But the Lady sent into England, and married to King Henry, found but little affection from him, which Stephen Gardiner then Bishop of Winchester perceiving, thought it a fit subject for him to work upon against the Lord Cromwell, the first contriver of the match; for being in his heart a great stickler for the Pope, he resolved to make use of the times. He acknowledged the Kings supremacy, he perswaded the King that his reformation of Religion would set all the Princes of Christendome against him; and at last prevailed so far with him, that he consented to have six Articles enacted by Parliament, which according as we finde them, we have here transcribed to posterity.
1. That after the words of confirmation spoken by the Priest, the real and natural body and blood of Christ, as he was Conceived and Crucified, was in the Sacrament, and no other substance consisting in the form of Bread and Wine, besides the substance of Christ, God, and man.
2. That the communion in both kindes was not necessary unto salvation, the flesh onely in the form of Bread sufficient for the Laity.
3. That Priests after they had received Orders might not marry by the Law of God.
4. That the vows of Chastity either in man or Woman, ought by Gods Law to be observed, and by which they are exempted from other Liberties of Christian people.
5. That private Masses was necessary for the people, and agreeable to the Law of God.
6. That Auricular Confession was expedient to be retained and continued in the Church of God.
By this we see the King left the sting of Popery still remaining, though the teeth were knockt out by abolishing the Popes supremacy; the effect of which bloody Articles the Lord Cromwell soon felt, for the King having by him attained his ends, and filled his Coffers with the Abbeys wealth, left him to the malice of his inveterate enemies. Whereupon a Parliament being summoned, Cromwell being in the Council Chamber was suddenly apprehended, & committed prisoner to the Tower: the Crimes objected against him were these. First, he was accused of Heresie, and a supporter of Hereticks Secondly, that he had dispersed amongst the Kings Subjects many Books containing much Heresie in them. Thirdly, that he had caused many Books to be Translated into English, comprizing matter against the Sacrament of the Altar, and that he had commended it a good and Christian Doctrine. Fourthly, that he had spoken words against the King. Whilest he remained in the Tower, some Commissioners coming to examine him, he answered them with such discretion, as shewed him to be of a sound judgement, and as able to defend, as they to accuse. Amongst the Commissioners there was one whom the Lord Cromwell desired to carry from him a Letter to the King, which he refused, saying, That he would carry no Letter to the King from a Traytor: then he desired him at the least to carry a message from him to the King, which request he assemted to, so it were not against his Allegiance; then the Lord Cromwell taking witness of the other Lords what he had promised, You shall (said he) commend me to the King, and tell him, by that time he hath tried and proved you as I have done, he shall finde you as false a man as ever came about him. But his enemies knowing his innocency, and abilities, durst not bring him to his answer, nor try him by his Peers, but procured an Act of Attaindure, whereby he was condemned before he was heard. For the better illustration of his History, before I shall acquaint you with his exit, [Page 174]I thought it not improper to insert an example of his Generosity and Gratitude, as I have it from Doctour Hackwell in his Apology, in these words.
In those glorious dayes, when the English young Gentry endeavoured to out-vie their elder Brothers, by undertaking far and dangerous journies into Forreign Parts, to acquire glory by feats of Arms, and experiencing themselves in the Military Discipline, Thomas Cromwel a younger Brother, to better his knowledge in Warlike Affairs, passed into France, and there trailed a Pike, accompanying the French Forces into Italy, where they were defeated at Gattellion; whereupon our English Volantier betook himself to Florence, designing to pass thence home again into England: but having lost all his equipage, and being in a necessitated condition, he was enforced to address himself to one Signior Francisco Frescobald an Italian Merchant, who corresponded at London; and making his case known unto him, Frescobald observing something remarkable, and a certain promising greatness in the Features, Actions, and Deportment of Thomas Cromwel, who gave an account of himself with so candid an ingenuity, and in such terms as beseemed his Birth, and the Profession he then was of: whereby he gained so much upon Frescobald, as inviting him home to his house, he caused him to be accommodated with new Linnen and Clothes, and other sutable necessaries; kindly entertaining him, till such time as he testified a desire to return for England; when as to compleat his Generosity and Kindeness, he gave Mr. Tho. Cromwell a Horse, and 16. duccats in gold, to prosecute his journey homewards.
In process of time, several Disasters and Bankrupts befalling Signior Frescobald, his Trading and Credit was not a little thereby impaired; and reflecting on the Moneys which were due unto him by his Correspondents in England, to the value of 15000. Duccats he resolved to pass thither, and try whether he could happily procure payment.
During which interval of time, Mr. Thomas Cromwell being a person endowed with a great deal of Courage, of a transcendent Wit, hardy in his undertakings, and a great Politician, had by these his good qualities gotten himself entrance and credit at Court, and highly ingratiated himself with King Henry the Eighth; having advanced himself to almost as high a pitch of Honour, in as short a time, in a manner, as his late Highness did.
The Lord Thomas Cromwell therefore riding one day with a great Train of Noble Men towards the Kings Palace, chanced to espy on foot in the streets Signior Frescocobald, the Italian Merchant, in an ill plight: however, he immediately alighting from his Horse, embraced him before all the world, to the great astonishment of the beholders, and chid him, that at his very arrival he came not to visit him. Frescobald being astonished at so unexpected an encounter, and receiving so signal a favor from a Personage he could not call to mind he had ever known, was quite surprized; & my Lord Cromwells pressing Affairs at Court not permitting him the while to acquaint him further who he was, only engaged him to come and dine with him that day. Frescobald full of amazement, enquired of the Attendants who that great Personage might be? And hearing his name, he began to call the Feature of his Face, and the Idea of his Person to minde; and so by degrees conceiving with himself it might happily be the same Mr. Thomas Cromwell whom he had harboured at Florence; he enquired out his Lordships habitation, and attended his coming at Noontide, walking in his Court-yard. No sooner was the Lord Thomas Cromwell entred the same (attended by several persons of Quality, and Officers of the Crown) but speedily alighting from his Horse, he embraced his Friend Frescobald in the same manner he had done in the morning; and perceiving that the Lords which accompanied him were amazed at such a disproportioned familiarity, he told them [Page 176]that he was more obliged to Frescobald, then to all the men in the world, owing unto him the making of his Fortune; and so proceeded to relate unto them the whole story which had befallen him at Florence. So great a delight do generous mindes take to recount their foregoing Misfortunes, when their Grandor hath elevated them to such a pitch, as that they triumph over shame, and are incapable of Ingratitude.
Frescobald was treated at Dinner with all the tenderness he could expect from so great a Personage, and so great a Friend, after which being carried up by the Lord Thomas Cromwell into his Closet, he was there presented with four Bags of Gold, each containing four hundred Duccats, in return of his former Civilities: which Frescobald (being of a gallant spirit) at first refused, but after severall contestations was constrained to accept, as an acknowledgement from the Lord Cromwell; who, moreover enquiring of him concerning his coming over, and Affairs in England; and understanding his Losses, and that there were Moneys due to him, caused him to write down his Debters names; and by his Secretary summoned the severall Merchants which were indebted to Frescobald (upon pain of his displeasure) to clear their Accounts with him, and to pay him within the space of fifteen dayes; which was accordingly performed: onely Frescobald freely forgave them the use.
Over and above all which, the Lord Thomas Cromwell endeavoured to perswade his Friend Frescobald to have remained in England the rest of his dayes, proferring to lend him a Stock of 60000. Duccats, to trade withall: But Frescobald being over-charged with all those grand Obligations which the Lord Cromwell had conferred on him; having by his Lordships Generosity acquired enough to keep him from being necessitated all his life time; and deeming that the trading in good Works was incomparably more sure and gainful then in the richest Wares and Merchandizes, [Page 177]being resolved to quit Trading, and to end the rest of his dayes peaceably and quietly, he obtained leave of the Lord Thomas Cromwell to depart to his own Countrey, freighted with so great obligations as caused in him a generous shame. He afterwards arrived safe in his own Country, where with great reputation he dyed in a good old age.
Having done him this honour to eternize the noble deportments of his life, I shall now end with a short account of what he said at his death.
When he came upon the Scaffold on Tower-Hill he delivered his minde to the people; I am come hither to die, and not to purge my self, as some perhaps may expect that I should, and will; for if I should so do, I were a very wretch: I am by the Law condemned to die, and I thank my Lord God that hath appointed me this death for mine offence; for I have alwayes lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for which I ask him hearty forgiveness. Its not unknown to many of you, that I was a great Traveller, and being but of mean Parentage, was called to high honours, and now I have offended my Prince, for which I heartily ask him forgiveness, beseeching you to pray with me to almighty God, that he will forgive me, &c. Then kneeling down on his knees, he made a long and pithy prayer, which being ended, after a godly exhortation to those on the Scaffold, he commended his Spirit into the hands of his Maker: his head being dissevered from his body, July 28 1540. The King not long after his death, clapping his hands on his breast, repented this haste, wishing that he had his Cromwell alive again. With him was beheaded the Lord Hungerford of Heitesbury, who suffered death, a just death for buggery. Without question Cromwell was a person of singular qualifications, unfortunate in nothing more then that he lived in the dayes of Henry the Eighth; of whom, if it could be possible, one writes, that for the time he Reigned, he was guilty of more Tyranny then any of the Roman Emperours. This great Statesman was condemned [Page 178]to death, and yet never came to his answer, by an act (as it is said) which he himself caused to be made; of which Mr. Michael Drayton thus writes.
Questionless he was a man of an active and forward ripeness of nature, ready and pregnant of wit, discreet and well advised in judgement, eloquent of tongue, faithfull and diligent in service, of an incomparable memory, of a reaching pollitick head, and of a most undaunted spirit.
The Life of Sir PHILIP SIDNEY
AMongst the rest of our Worthies, there is none of more precious memory then that famous and Heroick Knight Sir Philip Sidney, in whom the Graces and Muses had their domesticall habitations; whose Life as it was admirable, so his Lines have not been excelled, though the French of late in imitation have endeavoured to address them. He was born of honourable parentage, his Father Sir Henry Sidney was thrice Lord Deputy of Ireland, a place of great honour and trust, having power of themselves to call Parliaments and enact Laws; nor cometh there any Vice-gerent in Europe, more near the Majesty and prerogative of a King. His Mother was Daughter to Sir John Dudley Duke of Northumberland, and Sister to the Earls of Warwick and Leicester; so that his descent was apparently noble of both sides. Verstigan sayes the Sidney's are of a French extraction, that they came over into England in Henry the Thirds dayes. In his very childe-hood there appeared in him such excellent parts and endowments of nature, as shewed him born for high enterprises; having been educated in the principles of learning at home, he was sent to the University of Oxford, Cambridge being nevertheless so happy to have a Colledge of his name, where he so profited in the Arts and Sciences, that after an incredible proficiency in all the species of Learning, he left the Accademical life, for that of the Court; whither he came by the invitation of his Uncle, the Earl of Leicester, of whose faction [Page 180]he was; a great favourite of Queen Elizabeth: he was of a comely presence, framed by a naturall propension to arms, and Warlike atchievements; so that he soon attracted the good opinion of all men, especially of the Queen, fame having already blazed abroad his admirable parts; she thought him fit for the greatest employments, sent him upon an Embassy to the Emperour of Germany at Vienna, which he discharged to his own honour, and her approbation. Yea, his fame was so renowned throughout all Christendom, that he was in election for the Kingdom of Poland, and elective Kingdom: but the Queen refused to further his advancement, not out of emulation, but for the loss of his company at Court. He married Sir Francis Walsingams Daughter, who impoverished himself to enrich the State; from whom he expected no more then what was above all portions, a Beautifull Wife, and a Vertuous Daughter.
During his abode at the Court, at his spare hours he composed that incomparable Romance, entituled, The Arcadia, which he ded icated to his Sister the Countess of Pembroke. A Book, which considering his so Youthfull Years, and Martial Employments, it was a wonder that he had leasure for to write such a Volumn: which as Dr. Heylin the Learned Ornament of our Nation in his exquisite Cosmography writes thus of. Sir Philip Sidney, of whom sayes he, I cannot make too honourable a mention, and of his Arcadia, a Book which besides its excellent Language, rare Contrivance, and delectable Stories, hath in it all the strains of Poesie, comprehendeth the whole Art of Speaking, and to them who can descern and will observe, affordeth notable Rules of Demeanour, both private and publick. One writes that Sir Philip Sidney in the extream agony of his wounds, so terrible the sense of Death is, that he requested the dearest Friend he had living to burn his Arcadia. On which one Epigrammatist writes thus.
To make amends to such precise persons that think all that is not Divinity to be vain and lascivious, he translated part of that excellent Treatise of Philip Morney de Plessis, of the truth of Religion. To pass by the follies of such supercillious Enthusiasts, he wrote also severall other Works; namely, a defence of Poesie, a Book entituled, Astrophel and Stella, with divers Songs and Sonnets in praise of his Lady, whom he celebrated under that bright name; so excellently and elegantly penned, that as it is in a Poem:
So great were the Lamentations of his Funerals, that a face might be sooner found without eyes then without tears; no Persons of Honour at that time but thought it a dishonour not to mourn for him.
To recite the Commendations given him by several Authours, would of its self require a Volumn; to rehearse some few not unpleasing to the Reader, Heylin in his Cosmography, calleth him that gallant Gentleman, of whom he cannot but make honourable mention. Another in his Annals, a most valiant and towardly Gentleman. [Page 182] Speed in his Chronicle, that worthy Gentleman, in whom were compleat all vertues and valours that could be expected to reside in man. Sir Richard Baker gives him this Character, A man of so many excellent Parts of Art and Nature, of Valour and Learning, of Wit and Magnanimity, that as he had equalled all those of former Ages, so the future will hardly be able to equal him.
Nor was this Poet forgotten by the Poets, who offered whole Hecatombs of Verses in his praise. First hear the Brittish Epigrammatist.
Divine Du Bartas speaking of the most Learned of the English Nation, reckoneth him as one of the Chief in these words.
The Renowned Poet Spenser in his Ruines of Time, thus writes of him.
Sir John Harrington in his Epigrams thus,
Joyning with the rest, that Kingly Poet King James the First, late Monarch of Great Brittain amongst others, writeth thus.
These Commendations given him by so Learned a Prince, made Mr. Alexander Nevil thus to write.
To conclude, the Lord Burleigh, the Nestor of those Times, though otherwise an enemy to the Leicestrian Party, both loved and admired him.
Yet was he not altogether addicted to Arts, but given as much to the Exercise of Arms, being a follower of Mars as well as a Friend to the Muses; and although he himself used to say, That Ease was the Nurse of Poesie, yet his Life made it manifest, that the Muses inhabited the Fields of Mars, as well as the flowery Lawns of Arcadia; that Sonnets were sung in the Tents of War, as well as in [Page 184]the Courts of Peace; the Muses Layes being warbled forth by a Warlike Sidney in as high a tune, as ever they were sung by a peaceable Spenser.
And although the lamp of his life was extinguisht too soon, yet left he a sufficient testimony to the world what he would have been, had the Fates allowed him a longer life. Witness such time when the French Ambassadours came over into Englad, to negotiate a Marriage between the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth; when for their entertainment a solemn Justs was proclaimed, where the Earl of Arundel, Frederick Lord Windsor, Sir Foulk Grivel, and he, were chief Challengers against all commers; in which challenge he behaved himself so gallantly, that he wan the reputation of a most valiant Knight.
Not long after, the Netherlanders oppressed with the tyanny of the Duke D' Alva, under the King of Spain, implored the assistance of Queen Elizabeth; which matter being debated in Councel, she condescended to become their Defendress; and thereupon Articles being drawn, five thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse-men were sent under the command of Sir John Norris, a renowned Souldier, all retained at her Majesties pay, which monethly amounted to twelve thousand five hundred twenty six pound Sterling, accounting fifty six dayes to the moneth. For which Moneys so disbursed, the Towns of Flushing and Brill, with two Sconces, and the Castle of Ramekins in Holland were delivered as Pledges till the Money was repaid. Over Flushing and the Castle of Ramekins was Sir Philip Sidney appointed Governour: His Motto was, Vix ea nostra voco, who during those Wars behaved himself, being entred into the Cock-pit of War, most gallantly. At the taking of a certain great Town named Axell, where within an English mile of the Town calling so many of his Souldiers together as could conveniently hear him, he expressed himself to this effect, That all such of his Countreymen [Page 185]that exposed their lives to the hazard of Battle, ought to be advised of three things. First, the justness of the cause. Secondly, for whom they fight. Thirdly, against whom they fight. For the first, the justness of the cause, were it onely for the defence of the Gospel it were sufficient; but the malice of the Spaniards did most evidently appear in their late attempts for Ireland; and should they seat themselves in these Nertherland Provinces, they might expect the same tyranny for England. Then next, the people for whom they drew their Swords, were their Neighbours, alwayes Friends, and Well-will [...] to the English; as contrarily those against whom they were to fight, men of another Religion, enemies to God and his Church, a people whose unkindeness both in nature and life doth so excell, that God would not leave them unpunished. Furthermore he perswaded them that they were Englishmen, whose valour the world both feared and admired; and therefore now they should acquit themselves like English-men, for their own credit, and honour of their Countrey. Which oration wrought in them such resolutions, that they all vowed to live and die in that Service. How the Dutch have since deserved their then assistance of the Queen, or the blood of a Sidney, as they have since demeaned themselves, the world may judge. Amongst other of his successes he also took in the strong Town of Dorpe: But in the full career of his Victories encountering with the Spaniards near to a place called Zutphen, when the triumphant Laurells were ready to crown his Brows, he was unfortunately shot in the thigh, which is the rendezvouz of nerves and sinnews, which caused a Feaver, that proved so mortal, that twenty five dayes after he died of the same; the night of whose death was the noon of his age, and the loss of Christendom.
His Body was conveyed into England, and most honourably interred in the Church of St. Paul in London; over which was fixed this Epitaph.
Certain it is (saith one) that he was a noble and matchless Gentleman, of whom may be justly written without Hyperbole, or fiction, as it was of Cato Ʋticensis; that he seemed to be born to do that onely which he went about. To speak more of him were to speak less.
The Life of ROBERT EARL of LEICESTER.
THe Earl of Leicester the Grand Politician and Proteus of those times, was one of Queen Elizabeths early favourites; the first whom she made Master of the Horse: he was the youngest Son then living of the Duke of Northumberland, beheaded primo Mariae, and his Father was that Dudley, which our Histories couple with Empson: and so much infamed for the Catterpillers of the Commonwealth, during the Reign of Henry the Seventh; who being a noble extract, was executed the first year of Henry the Eighth: but not thereby so extinct, but that he left [Page 187]a plentifull estate, and such a Son, who as the Vulgar speaks it, could live without the teat; for out of the ashes of his Fathers infamy he rose to be a Duke, and as high, as subjection could permit, or Sovereignty endure; and though he could not finde out any appellation to assure the Crown in his own person, yet he projected and very nearly affected it for his Son Gilbert, by intermarriage with the Lady Jane Grey, and so by that way to bring it about into his Loins. Observations which though they lie behinde us, and seem impertinent to the Text, yet are they not extravigant; for they must lead, and shew us how the after passages were brought about with the dependances, and on the hinges of a collatterall workmanship: and truly it may amaze a well settled Judgement to look into those times, and to consider how this Duke could attain to such a pitch of greatness. His Father dying in ignomy and at the Gallows, his estate confiscate, and that for pilling and polling, by the clamour and crusifige of the people; but when we better think upon it, we finde that he was given up but as a Sacrifice to please the people, not for any offence committed against the person of the King; so that upon the matter he was a Martyr of the Prerogative, and the King in Honour could do do less, then give back to his Son the priviledges of his blood, with the acquirings of his Fathers Profession, for he was a Lawyer and of the Kings Council at Law, before he came to be ex interioribus consiliis, where besides the licking of his own fingers, he got the King a mass of Riches, and that not with the hazard, but the loss, of his fame and life for the Kings fathers sake. Certain it is, that his son was left rich in purse & brain, which are good foundations, and fall to ambition; and it may be supposed, he was on all occasions well heard of the King, as a person of mark and compassion in his eye, but I find not that he did put up for advancement, during Henry the Eights time, although a yast aspirer and provident storer. It seems he thought [Page 188]the Kings Reign was given to the falling sicknesas; but espying his time fitting, and his Sovereignty in the hands of a Pupill Prince, he thought he might as well then put up for it as the best: for having then possession of blood, and a purse, with a head piece of a vast extent, he soon got honour; and no sooner there, but he began to side it with the best, even with the Protector; and in conclusion got his, and his Brothers heads; still aspiring, till he expired in the loss of his own: so that Posterity may by reading the Father and Grandfather, make Judgement of the Son; for we shall finde that this Robert (whose original we have now traced, the better to present him) was inheritour of the genius and craft of his Father, and Ambrose of the estate, of whom hereafter we shall make some short mention.
We take him now as he was admitted into the Court and Queen Elizabeths favour; where he was not to seek to play his part well, and dexterously, but his play was chiefly at the fore-game, not that he was a learner at the latter, but he loved not the after wit: for they report (and not untruly) that he was seldome behinde hand with his gamesters, and that they alwayes went away with the loss.
To accomplish his direfull designs, it is reported that Doctor Dee and Allen were his magical instruments; his Physicians that waited upon him were admirable poisoners, that could dispatch at the time appointed, and not before. At Cumner four or five miles from Oxford, his first Wife fell down a pair of stairs and brake her neck, he was also suspected for the death of Cardinal Castillian his great enemy; after him he sent the Lord Sheffield, as it was thought, by an artificial Catarrhe. Mounsieur Simers Ambassador to the French King, he forced to fly this Kingdom for his too early prattling to the Queen of this his Marriage with the Lady Lettice. He poysoned Sir Nicholas Throgmorton with a Saller. The Earl of Sussex that called him the Son of a Traytor, he sent out of the world with an Italian trick. He [Page 189]employed his servant Killegray to slay the Earl of Ormond, but he fell short of that design, as the Poet hath it.
His servant Doughty that knew too much of his secrets he shipt away, so as never to hear of him again. Mr. Gates the Pandor of his leachery, for contrived gilt of fellony was hanged; whom he pretended to reprieve on the Gallows, but never sent any to cut the rope, for he knew he was then past telling of tales. Thus he served one Salvatore an Italian, who being more conversant of his privacies then he thought fit, caused him to watch with him till midnight, but the next morning he was found dead in his bed in his house.
He was otherwise for his out-side of a very goodly person, and singular well featured, and all his youth well favoured, and of a sweet aspect, but high foreheaded, which as I should take it, was of no discommendation; but towards his latter end (which with old men was but a middleage) he grew high colloured and red faced: so that the Queen in this had much of her Father, for (excepting some of her kindred, and some few that had handsome wits in crooked bodies) she alwayes took personage in the way of her election: for the people hath it this day in Proverb, King Henry loved a man. He had all advantages of the Queens grace, she called to minde the sufferings of his Ancestours, both in her Fathers and Sisters Reigns, and restored his and his Brothers blood, creating Ambrose the elder Earl of Warwick and himself Earl of Leicester, &c, and he was ex prioribus, or of her first choice; for he rested not there, but long enjoyed her favour, and there with much what he listed, till time and emulation (the companions of great ones) had resolved on his period. And to cover him at his setting in a cloud at Cornbury, not by so violent a death, as that of his Fathers and Grandfathers [Page 190]was, but as it is suggested, by that poyson, which he had prepared for others. I am not bound to give credit to all vulgar relations, or to the libels of the times, which are commonly forced, and falsified suitable to the moods and humors of men in passion and discontent. His actions were so foul that I cannot think him to be an honest man, as amongst others of known truth, some already mentioned; that of the Earl of Essex death in Ireland, and the marriage of his Lady doth strongly asperse him, questionless his deeds were good and bad as the times required. He being such a Statesman as knew how to temporize. He was wonderful popular. To gain himself a good opinion of Religion, he was free of his promises to the Cleargy. Being Chancellour to the University of Oxford, to raise himself a reputation of the Learned, he was the more liberall. And when he had a purpose to do a courtefie, he had such power with the Queen as to do what he pleased, either to bestow his favours or injuries as he could do, good or wrong to others, but not be wronged himself. Those he placed about the Queen he had the wisdom to keep firme to himself. The best of the Nobility being either linkt to him by alliance of else his friends. In Wales he had the Earl of Pembroke. Sir Henry Sidney, a potent person, was his friend in Ireland. In Barwick, the Lord Archbishop Hunsden. He had a princely train, another Mortimer for gallantry, insomuch that he was called the heart of the Court. He was a not able dissembler, without which as Machiavel will have it, he could not be rendred so grand a Politician. Lascivious he was at any rate rather then fail, he would Jupiter-like descend in a golden showre; to which purpose he had as gracefull a carriage as if he meant civilly, and onely carried the Reigns of honour in his hand. There is a Book written of him called his Commonwealth, in which there is more said of him then is true. One of our modern Poets in two lines more truly determines of him.
To take him in the observations of his Letters and Writings (which should best set him off) for such as fell into my hands, I never yet saw a stile or phrase more seeming religious, and fuller of the streams of Devotion, then some that I have seen are; and he was too well seen in the Aphorismes, and Principles of Nicholas the Florentine, and in the reaches of Caesar Borgia. I shall onely discover his Pen to two of the greatest Head-pieces of his time.
To my very Loving Friend Sir Francis Walsingham, Ambassadour, Resident for the Queens Majesty in France.
My Lord, since my last Letter unto you, I have litttle new matter worth the writing, saving now we are much troubled with the Scottish Cause; the Commissioners of both Parties are now here, and to write unto you that the end will be certainly, as yet I cannot. We finde both Parties very stiffe, and hitherto the Kings Party very resolute for the maintenance of his Authority; her Majesties scrupulosity touching his Title and Government; we partly know the unworthinesse of their Queen to rule; she granteth but the Instances of their Cause, to depose her from her Dignity she can hardly be perswaded in: so yet she remaineth much perplexed. On the one side she is loth to set her up, or to restore her to her estate again. On the other side she is loth to defend that which she is not well perswaded to have justice with it; between these her Councel chiefly seek for these two things, that her self may be preserved in safety, and the true Religion maintained. Assuredly, for as the state of the world standeth, and upon through examination of this Cause, it appears that both the wayes be dangerous touching the Queen of Scots; for there is danger in delivering her to Government, so is there [Page 192]danger in retaining her in prison; her friends begin to speak proudly for her. We were wont alwayes to have a friend on our side, if need were; but as far as I can see there is none of that side of the Sea to be found that be Princes absolute. Well, our case is the harder, and we must say, Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos.
Touching this matter, as soon as it shall grow to any likelihood either of the one side, or of the other, I will advertise you, and withal send you the reasons of the Advice. In the mean time whatsoever you may hear, believe me there is no man in England can tell you which way it will go: Yet in respect of the King there, and his continual dealing for the said Queen, her Majesty rather giveth in words more favourable that way then the other. Mr. Norris is arrived here yesterday, being Shrove-Sunday; after Mr. Secretary was created Baronet Burleigh, and I think ere it be long he shall have the Office of the Privy Seal, but as yet remaineth Secretary still; and within a day or two Sir Thomas Smith is like to be called to assist him. The Parliament is to begin the second of April next. The Queens Majesty thanks be to God is in good health, and all your Friends as you lest them, save Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, our good Friend. Your Wise was here lately to take her leave of her Majesty, who used her very well and graciously. I pray you let us hear as often as you can conveniently. I would gladly understand of some good for the poor Cardinal Castillian. I desire and also long to hear of the Queens Majesties Present how it is liked. Thus with my hearty Commendations I bid you heartily farewell.
To my very Friend Sir Francis Walsingham Ambassador for the Queens Majesty in France.
I have upon the Receipt of your Letter, written by Sir E. Gilbert, dealt with her Majesty touching your chargeable dwelling there; I trust her Majesty will have due consideration thereof.
Your shall perceive by her Majesties Letters her further pleasure touching Monsieur, whose cause hath been broken to her by my Lord of Buck. from the Queens Mother. We perceive they deal very daintily, and doubt much her Majesties Intention to Marriage; at least, that she had rather hear of it then perform it. But assuredly I do verily believe her Majesties minde herein is otherwise then it hath been, and more resolutely determined then ever yet at any time before; yet do they mean to deal so secretly on that side, as though they will not yet believe it; and accordingly her Majesty mindeth not to deal but as privately as may be devised, that if that should not take effect, the less reproach to either party. Her Majesty hath broken this matter with my Lord of Burleigh and me, and I think will not use any more till some appearance fall out what is like to become of the matter. The person of Monsieur is very well liked of, his conversation is harder to know. I see her Majesty misliketh not of his estate; for she is o minde to marry with the Gretest, and he is left almost above the greatest to be had; the conditions will be all wherein I am right glad and we are bound to thank God to see her Majesty so well to stand to the maintenance of the cause of Religion; for their will be no great difficulty in respect of his person and estate to cause a Marriage between them: So yet I perceive with the impeachment any way of the true Religion here now established, she will for no cause deal with him, as you may perceive by her Majesties own Letters to you, [Page 194]albeit she doth not mean in respect of his policy to drive him in open shew in the mean time to renounce his own profession, but conditionally if they should match, then wholly to maintain this as well privately as publiquely. God send her Majesty alwayes during her life so to stand to the defence of so just a cause, and withal his blessings upon her for us all, that we may live and see her bring forth of her own body, as may hereafter succeed her as well in that happinesse, as in the enjoying of her Kingdom. So not doubting but we shall shortyly hear from you, I commit you to God
These two Letters sufficiently evidence that he dived to the bottom of the State Affairs of those times.
Hitherto I have touched him in his Courtship, I conclude him in his Lance. He was sent Governour by the Queen to the united States of Holland, where we read not of his wonders; for they say, that he had more of Mercury then of Mars; and that his device might have been without prejudice to the great Caesar, Veni, vidi redii. Having remained there two yeats, and made a peace with the Provinces, he died in his way to Kenelworth Castle; his body lieth enterred in the Temple of the Blessed Virgin in Warwick shire, with this Inscription.
Spe certa resurgendi in Christo, Hic situs est Illustrissimus Robertus Dudleius (Joannis Ducis Northumbriae, Comitis Warwici, Vicecomitis Insulae, &c. filius quintus) Comes Lecestriae, Baro Denbighiae, Ordinis tam sancti Georgii quam sancti Michaelis Eques auratus: Reginae Elizabethae (apud quam singulari gratia florebat) Hippocomus, Regiae aulae subinde Seneschallus, ab intimis Consiliis Forestarum, Chacearum, Parcorum, &c. citra Trentum, Summus Justiciarius: Exercitus Angliae, à dicta Regina Elizabetha missus in Belgio ab [Page 195]anno 1585. ad annum 1587. Locum-tenens, & Capitaneus Generalis Provinciarum Confoederatarum, ibidem Gubernator Generalis & Praefectus: Regnique Angliae Locum-tenens, contra Philippum secundum Hispanum numerosa classe & exercitu Angliam 1588. invadentem: Animam Deo Servatori reddidit, anno salutis 1588. die 4. Septembris.
Optimo & charissimo marito moestissima uxor Letitia Francisci Knollis, Ordinis Sancti Georgii Equitis Aurati, & Reginae Thesaurii Filia, amoris & conjugalis fidei ergo posuit.
The Life of the Lord BURLEIGH.
THe exit of one Statesman occasions the entrance of another. Secretary William Cecill on the death of the old Marquesse of Winchester rise up in his room; a person of a most subtle and active spirit, though he stood not altogether by the way of constellation and the making up of a part and faction; for he was wholly intentive to the service of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth; and his dexterity, experience, and merit, challenged a room in her favour, which ecclipsed the others over-seeming greatnesse, and made it appear that there were others that steered and stood at the helm besides himself, and more stars in the firmament of her Grace then Ʋrsa major, or the Bear with the ragged staff.
He was born, as some say, at Bourn in Lincolnshire; but as others upon knowledge averre, of a younger Brother of the Setsils or Cecils of Hereford-shire, a Family of no mean Antiquity, derived as some think from the Roman Cicilii. Who being exposed and sent to the City, as poor Gentlemen use to do their younger sons, he came to be a rich man on London-Bridge; and purchased Land in Lincolnshire, where this man was born. He was sent to Cambridge to St. Johns Colledge, then to the Innes of Court, to Grayes-Inne, where he attained to a great knowledge of the Law, though in all his life time he never sued, nor was sued by any. And so he came by degrees to serve the Duke of Somerset, in the time of his Protectourship, as Secretary; and having a pregnancy to great Inclinations, he came to rise to a higher conversation with the chiefest Affairs at State and Councels, to be Master of the Requests, the first that ever bore that Office: But on the fall of the Duke he stood some years in umbrage, and without employment, till the State wanted his abilities; and though we finde not that he was taken into any place, during Queen Maries Reigh, unlesse (as some have said) towards the last; yet the Councel on several occasions have made use of him, and at Queen Elizabeths entrance he was admitted Secretary of State; the Queen, as her Titles were sparing, rendring them the more substantial: afterwards he was made Master of the Court of Wards, then Lord Treasurer. A Person of most exquisite abilities, and indeed the Queen began then to need, and to seek out for men of both garbs.
Though our Burleigh lived in an age wherein it was present drowning, not to swim with the stream, yet whatsoever others write of him, he opposed that act and unnatural will of King Edward the Sixth; wherein the King passing by his Sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, entailed the Crown on Queen Jane.
This great Instrument of State was rankt amongst the [Page 197] Togati of state, as by these following Letters may be perceived.
To the Right Honourable my very good Friend, Sir Francis Walsingham, Resident for the Queens Majesty in France.
Sir, My hard case is such as either by business in health, or by dolour in sickness, I cannot account my self a free man, but a slave to serve, or an offendor to suffer torment: the will of God be fulfilled in me to his honour, for otherwise I finde no comfort in this world: of this enough. I am forced to write this in my bed with my hand, whilest I groan for pain in my knee and foot; and therefore I must be short. I could no sooner get answer to your Letters brought by Rogers.
Your Lordships brought yesterday by Harcourt, were I think welcome, and well interpreted by her Majesty; for I sent them with my own sentence aforehand, of my good allowance of your discretion in your choice of taking and leaving.
The Queen of Scots you see is deferred, whereof that portion which is written, was for my ease indited by Sir Thomas Smith; you must make the best of it, and seek out reasons to satisfie them there that will mislike the delay. Indeed it hath been onely devised to win delay. I thank you for your private Letter.
Even now we have very good newes from the Borders that Dun-Brittain Castle was taken on Munday last in the night by cunning, where was taken the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Lord Flemming; the manner how it was taken is not signified, but it is of a greater importance then Edenborough Castle, considering it was the Receptaculum to all the Scottish Queens Forraign Aid.
To my very loving Friend Mr. Francis Walsingham Esq; the Queens Majesties Ambassador in France.
Sir, I have received your Letters both by Mr. Wigmore and Beal as by Harcourt I did late advertise you; and having made her Majesty partaker both by hearing them read and by her own reading, I am in this sort directed to answer you to the First of the Second, that is, to that of the 13. of February, brought by Beal. Her Majesty maketh good account of the person of him; I mean the 36 ts 4 tio 30-0 uf I u'c 62 by the Intelligence which he gave you, but it breedeth some doubt in her, that the certainty can be no otherwise understood, in that it is informed you, that the practice continueth by late dispatching of an Englishman of high stature and lean of visage; wherein is such incertainty, as no man can thereby attain either to discover the practice, or withstand it by apprehending the party. And surely Sir, her majesty wisheth you to endeavour your self with such as you shall think good to come to the knowledge of some persons, by stay of whom such a matter might be deciphered; for my own part, I think it likely that these practices are devised, but without more appearance, I see no evident reason to move me; that in time when the Queen of Scots her self and her factors are in hope to be delivered by treaty, and with the favour of our Queen, there should be any attempt otherwise for her escape.
Wherein how cunning soever men be in device, yet the execution standeth upon many adventures, and any mischance happening might breed ruine to the whole enterprise. I have been acquainted with many of these like advertisement, but surely I never found any substance in them in the event; but yet with them and without them I ever finde it good to be circumspect. I write not to have you forbear from hearing and reporting of any the like, but my [Page 199]experience serveth to move you to procure the givers of such things to discover the matters more certainly, and so they are of more value.
The message sent you from Rochell of some dangerous intent upon Ireland from Spain, hath more appearance, for that we also hear it from Spain confirmed, and it is the same that before I advertsed you concerning Stukelie.
I also smell some purpose of the Count Lodowicks coming with Ships towards the Low Countries, to accompany the design for his brother the Prince of Orange; whereof I would look for some better success, if I had not understanding thereof so many wayes; for the force of that enterprise should consist in suddenness and secresie which are not like to take place. Thus much for your first Letter.
Now to the second, brought by Wigmore.
The Queens Majesty liketh well of your proceedings with the Spanish Ambassador there, and marvelleth that he should be so coy with you, considering the reports of his former courtesies; but by likelihood some other accident moved it, which by your next speech will be better discovered. The cause why that Ambassadour could not be answered sooner of the matter whereof he advertised her Majesty from the Duke of Alva, was, for that her Majesty could not sooner hear thereof from the Duke If you shall finde it convenient to impart matters to the said Ambassador, you may let him know of these things following, one Monsieur Senegew a Low Countreyman, is coming to end the treaty for restitution on both sides of the Merchants goods. There are lately come into the Ports of the West certain Hulks laden from Spain and Portugal, driven by tempest; and because they should be well used, the Ambassador here for the King, though in other things he be not used, hath been dealt withall to name certain strangers. Merchants to resort to the Ports, and they have special Authority from us to put the same in all good [Page 200]safety and that no dealing shall be by any to the impairing of the said goods; and this special favour is shewed because the time of restitution is at hand.
And therefore we mean not to give any cause of quarreling. There were also certain other Ships of War that came from Spain, being of the company which conducted the Queen of Spain into Spain, which being furnished with Souldiers, were favourably entertained, and permitted to depart at their pleasure; of these things you may give him knowledge, to make him have a better taste in his mouth: he may perchance contrariwise complain of spoil of his Masters Subjects by pyrats haunting the Narrow Seas, and especially about the Isle of Weight; and I cannot deny the spoils, but surely they are committed by one Lubrest and others, belonging to the Prince of Orange, which we cannot remedy: and yet Mr. Horsey is presently dispatched with Authority to set forth certain Ships, either to take them or drive them from our Coast. I confess to you privately they are too much favoured (Lucri Causa) but you may know truly that the Queens Majesty doth in no wise favour them. Thus much to the second Letter.
Now to some credit given by Mr. Beal, concerning) (a few words shall suffice it. I cannot judge any thing in a 2 3 4 6 8. the matter is much liked, and all furtherers thereof allowed, and all disswaders not liked; I am commanded thus to write, that if any mention should be made to you thereof, you should show your self willing to advertise, and so you shall do well.
The retardation used herein by H. is not liked by A. and the good will of L. in the furtherance is allowed; by this you may perceive how to order your self; and surely this principle I hold, that no one thing shall warrant more surety and quietness to the Queens Majesty the 3 5 7 in; but the manner and circumstance are of the substance of my principals and not accidents: herein I deal boldly with [Page 201]you, I finde nothing in your writing or doing, but allowable; if otherwise I did, I would advertise you for friendship to your self, and for good will to the Office you bear.
Although I cannot advertise you certainly as I would of the Grant of your Leases, yet I am in the forwardness as I trust by next writing to send you knowledge thereof. You must hereby be acquainted with the delayes of the Court. From Greenwich the third of May 1570 Sir Thomas Smith I trust shall be admitted to the Councel to morrow, and shortly after to be Secretary. I pray you Sir commend me to Mr. Cavalcant.
I have the rather word for word inserted the familiar passages of these two Letters, that the vigilancy of this great Statesman might be the more clearly and plainly discovered.
To proceed; he had not to do with the Sword more then as the great Pay-master and Contriver of War, which shortly followed; wherein he acomplished much thorow his theoricall knowledge at home, and intelligence abroad, by unlocking the Counsels of the Queens enemies; he being withall so careful a Steward of her Treasure, that her Exchequer had money or credit when the King of Spain wanted both. In that great Faction betwixt Leicester and Sussex, he meddled not openly with, though it is easie to tell whom he wished best too: the Earl of Leicester gave him several rubs, and he some neat State trips; but still in the dark they would not take notice of what one acted against another. We must now take (and that of truth) into observation, that until the tenth year of her Reigh, her times were calm and serene, though sometimes a little overcast, as the most glorious sun-risings are subject [Page 202]to shaddowings and droppings; for the clouds of Spain, and vapors of the Holy League began then to disperse and threaten her Serenity: moreover she was then to provide against some intestine storms, which began to gather in the very heart of her Kingdom; all which had a relation and correspondency each with other to dethrone her, and disturb the publique tranquility, and therewithal (as a principal work) the established Religion; for the name of Recusant began then, and first to be known to the world; and till then the Catholiques were no more then Church Papists, but were commanded by the Popes expresse Letters to appear, and forbear Church-going, as they tender their Holy Father, and the Holy Catholique Church their Mother. So that it seems the Pope had then his aim to take a true muster of his Children; but the Queen had the greater advantage, for she likewise took tale of her Apostate Subjects, their strength, and how many they were that had given up their names. He then by the hands of some of his Proselytes fixed his Bulls on the gates of Pauls, which discharged her Subjects of all fidelity, and laid siege to the received Faith, and so under the vail of the next Successour, to replant the Catholique Religion; so that then the Queen had a new task and work in hand, that might well awake her best providence; and required a Muster of Men and Arms, as well as Courtships and Councels: for the times began to be very quick and active, and fitter for stronger motions then those of the Carpet. And it will be a true note of her magnanimity, that she loved a Souldier, and had a propension in her nature to regard and alwayes to grace them: which the Courtiers taking into observation, took it as an invitation to win Honour, together with her Majesties favour, by exposing themselves to the Wars; especially when the Queens and the Affairs of the Kingdom stood in some necessity of a Souldier. For we have many instances of the Sallies of the Nobility and Gentry; [Page 203]yea, and out of the Court, and her privy Favorites, (that had any touch or tincture of Mars in their Inclinations) and to steal away without licence, and the Queens privity, which had like to have cost some of them dear. So predominant were their thoughts and hopes of honour growing in them, as we may truly observe in the dispositions of Sir Philip Sidney, Essex, Mountjoy, and divers others, whose absence, and the manner of their eruptions, was very distasteful to her. Whereof I can adde a true and no impertinent story, and that of the last, Mountjoy; who having twice or thrice stoln away into Brittain, (where under Sir John Norris he had then a Company) without the Queens leave and privity; she sent a messenger unto him, with a strict charge to the General to see him sent home. When he came into the Queens presence, she fell into a kinde of reviling, demanding how he durst go over without her leave; Serve me so (quoth she) once more, and I will lay you fast enough for running: you will never leave it, until you are knockt on the head, as that inconsiderate fellow Sidney was: you shall go when I send you, in the mean time see that you lodge in the Court, (which was then at White-hall) where you may follow your Book, read, and discourse of the Wars.
But to our purpose it fell out happily to these, and (as I may say) to those times, that the Queen during the calm of her Reign was not idle, nor rockt asleep with security: for she had been very provident in the reparation and augmentation of her Shipping and Ammunition: and I know not whether by a fore-sight of Policy, or an instinct it came about, or whether it was an act of her Compassion; but it is most certain, that she sent Levies, and no small troops to the assistance of the revolted States of Holland, before she had received any affront from the King of Spain, that might deserve or tend to a Breach in Hostility: which the Papists this day maintain, was the provocation and [Page 204]cause of the after Wars. Which act of hers, though some applaud as done in defence of those poor afflicted Protestants, yet she did not onely therein countenance Rebellion, (by consequence since disable her successours) but also drew on her self a chargeable and dangerous War with the Spaniard. But omitting what might be said to this point, these Netherland Wars were the Queens Seminaries, and the Nurseries of many brave Souldiers; and so were likewise the Civil Wars of France (whither she sent five several Armies) the Fence Schools that inured the youth and gallantry of the Kingdom; and it was a Militia wherein they were daily in acquaintance with the discipline of the Spaniards, who were then turned the Queens inveterate enemies. In the management of which politicial Affairs our Burleigh was a great assistant. The Sword-men of those times complain that he was too much addicted to peace; indeed he would never ingage the State in a War, except necessity, or her Majesties Honour required it. To conclude, he was the Column or rather Atlas of the State, who after he had served his Royal Mistress forty years, dyed at London in the seventy seventh yaar of his age 1598. His body was butied with his Ancestours in Stanford-Church. A monument for his perpetual honour being erected for him in Westminster Abbey, which bears this following inscription.
Si quaeratur quis sit hic vir senex genua flectens, canitie venerabilis, toga Parliamentaria amictus; est
Honoratissimus & clarissimus Dominus Guilielmus Cecilius, Baro de Burghley, summus Angliae Thesaurarius, Serenissimae Reginae Elisabethae à consillijs sanctioribus, Ordinis Georgiani Eques Auratus &c. qui hoc monumentum uxori & filiae posuit; placidè ex his terris in coelestem patriam anno salutis 1598. 4. die Augusti demigravit. Cujus Exequiae magno apparatu & tanto viro dignissimae, hîc sunt celebratae die 29. ejusdem mensis. Corpusque quod in hac Ecclesia sex [Page 205]dies requievit; Stanfordiam in Ecclesiam Sancti Martini translatum fuit, ubi secundum Christi adventum expectat.
Cor unum: via una.
The Life of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE.
THis famous Sea Captain Sir Francis Drake one of the first that put a Sea Girdle about the world, was born nigh South Davestock in the County of Devonshire, and received his name Francis from Sir Francis Russel (afterwards Earl of Bedford) being his Godfather; he was brought up in Kent, his Father was a Minister, who for fear of six Articles in the time of King Henry the Eighth fled into Kent, where he lived privately till the death of the King. He got a place to read Prayers amongst the Marriners of the Queens Navy, and bound his Son Francis Apprentice [Page 206]to a Shipmaster, who traded with Commodities into France and Zealand; with whom he underwent a hard service, by which means he was trained up to pains and skill at Sea; his Master dying, bequeathed him his Bark, with which he a while followed his Masters profession. But the Narrow Seas being too narrow for his spacious spirit, he sold his Bark, venturing himself and most of his estate with Captain John Hawkins into the West-indies; but his journey proved unfortunate, for at St. John de Ʋlva, his goods were taken by the Spaniards, himself hardly escaping with life. This loss so exasperated the spirit of Drake, that he vowed the Spaniards should repay him with advantage; and to make his word good, after two or three several voyages into the West-Indies, to gain intelligence, at last he effectually set forward from Plimouth with two ships, and seventy three men and boyes, sailing with all speed and secresie to Nombre de Dios, the Granary of the West-Indies, where the Spanish Treasure lay, intending to surprize it, being an unwalled Town; but in the assault being dangerously wounded, he was forced to retire again to his Ships, when he had well near conquered the Town: thus victory sometimes slips thorow their fingers who have caught it in their hands.
Yet notwithstanding this disaster, enough to have daunted a coward from prosecuting his design any further, he resolveth not to give over the project; but whilest he was determining what to do, a golden opportunity courted him with success; certain Negroes called Symerons, advertised him of many Mules laden with Gold and Silver which was to be brought from Panama over the Mountains. Drake who had plowed long Furrows in the Ocean, expecting to have a Golden Harvest, leaves competent numbers to man his Ships, and with the rest of his men goes on Land, intercepts the prize, being weakly guarded, and carries away an infinite mass of Gold, hiding the Silver under ground, [Page 207]as not portable over so high hills. Then burnt he a great place of Traffique called the Cross, and in it two hundred thousand pounds worth of Spanish Merchandize; which done, he returned with great Honour and Riches into England.
This his so lucky beginning gave him more hopes of prosperous proceeding; wherefore in Anno 1577. he again sets forth from Plimouth, with a Fleet of five Ships, and sixteen hundred and four men in them, and within twenty five dayes came to Canline a Cape in Barbery; in his passage he took Nuno-da-Silva a Spanish Pilate, whose directions he afterwards much used. Hence he took their course to the Island of Brava, being much troubled with tempestuous winds, which in one hour vary all the points of the Compass; nor was their rain less strange poured (not as in other places, as it were out of sieves, but) as out of spots, so that a Butt of water falls down in a place: which notwithstanding was but a frendly in jury, helping them to fresh water, which otherwise in that hot Climate far from Land is not so easily come by. Then cutting the Line, he let every one in his ships bloud; there saw they that face of Heaven which the Earth hideth from our sight, but therein onely three stars of the first magnitude, the rest few and small compared to our Hemisphere; as if God (saith Mr. Fuller) had on purpurpose set up the best and biggest Candles in that room wherein his civillest Guests are entertained.
The 16. of April he entred the River Plate, in which place John Doughty, the next to Drake in Authority, was questioned for raising sedition in the Navy; who being found guilty, was beheaded. Some report Leicester had given Drake in charge to make him away, for words be had said against him touching the Earl of Essex. The twentieth of August he passed the Magellan Straits with three ships, having cast off the other two as Impediments; and then entring the Pacifique Sea, his ships by tempests were dispersed [Page 208]from each one, the one whereof was never more seen, the other returned home through the Straits. Drake himself held on his course to Chily, Coquimbo, Cinnano, Palma, Lima, upon the West of America, passing the Line the first of March, till he came to the Latitude 47. intending to have come by those North Seas, but unseasonable weather made him alter his determination, and bend his Course South-West from thence, coming to Anchor 38. degrees from the Line, where the King of that Countrey presented unto him his Net-work Crown of many coloured feathers, and resigned therewith his Scepter of Government unto his Devotion; his people so admiring our men, that they sacrificed unto them, as to their gods. This place for the glory of England, he named Nova Albion, and at his departure erected a Structure, as a Monument, to witness what there had been done. From thence the fourteenth of November he fell with Ternate one of the Isles of Molucco, the King whereof entertained him curteously, telling them, they and he were all of one Religion in this respect, that they believed not in Gods of stocks and stones, as did the Portugals. Here he took in certain tun of Cloves, with some necessaries which they wanted.
But in relating the honour, we must not omit the riches he got in this journey, his Prizes being many, and of great value, which by Sir Richard Baker are thus summarily delivered. Loosing from the Isle Moucha, he lighted upon a fellow fishing in a little Boat, who shewed him where a Spanish ship laden with Treasure lay; Drake making towards it, the Spaniards thought him to be their own Countreyman, and thereupon invited him to come on; but he getting aboard, presently shut the Spaniards (being not above eight) under hatches and took the ship, in which was four hundred pound weight of Gold. At Taurapasa, going again on shore, he found a Spaniard sleeping by the sea side, who had lying by him twenty bars of massy silver, to [Page 209]the value of four thousand Duccats, which he bid his followers take amongst them, the Spaniard still sleeping. After this going into the Port of Africa, he found there three Vessels without any Marriners in them: wherein, besides other wares, were seven and fifty silver Bricks, each of which weighed twenty pound. Tiding it to Lime, he found twelve ships in one road, and in them great store of silks, and a chest full of money coined, but not so much as a ship-boy abroad, (such security there was in that Coast.) Then putting to sea with those ships, he followed the rich ship called Cacofaga; and by the way met with a small ship, without Ordnance or other Arms, out of which he took fourscore pound weight of Gold, a golden Crucifix, and some Emralds of a fingers length. And overtaking the Cacofaga, set upon her, and took her; and in her, besides Jewels, fourscore pound weight of Gold, thirteen Chests of Silver, and (as one writes) as much silver as would ballast a ship.
And now having fraughted his ship with so much wealth that a Miser would not desire any more, he resolveth to return home; and having a large winde, and a smooth sea, ran aground on a dangerous shole, where his ship stuck twenty hours, having ground too much, and yet too little to land on; and water too much, and yet too little to sail in. Expecting now no other then death, they betook themselves to prayer, the best lever at such a dead lift; afterwards they received the Communion, dining on Christs in the Sacrament, expecting no other then to sup with him in Heaven. Driven to this strait, they were forced to cast out of their ship six great Peeces of Ordnance, threw overboard as much wealth as would break the heart of a Miser to think on, with much sugar and packs of spices, making a caudle of the sea round about. At last it pleased God that the winde, formerly their mortal enemy, became their friend, which changing from the Starboard to the Larboard [Page 210]of the ship, and rising by degrees, cleared them off to the sea again; for which they returned unfeigned thanks unto Almighty God.
Having escaped this eminent danger, they bent their Course South-West, to the Cape of Bone Speranco, and by the West of Africa returned safe into England, and landed at Plimouth November 3. 1580. The next year he feasted the Queen in his ship at Dartford, who knighted him for his service; his Arms were given him, The World in a Ship. Which ship by the Queens command was drawn on shore near Dartford, for a Monumant to all posterity. Concerning this his famous Voyage, a Poet then living directed to him this Epigram.
Anno 1585. he again set sail from Plimouth, with two and twenty ships and pinnesses, and two thousand three hundred souldiers and sailers, and passing by the Isles of Bayon and the Canaries, arrived at St. Jago, (the chief City of Cuba in America) which they took and burned: after they sailed to St. Domingo in Hispaniola, which they spoiled and ransackt: from thence to Carthagena, which they also surprized, and took in it (besides inestimable sums of money) 240. Peeces of Ordnance. And returning homewards razed and burnt the Fort and City of Saint Augustine in Terra Florida, arriving safe at Plimouth the 27. of July 1586.
In this Voyage some Writers not taking notice of Sir Walter Raleigh, will needs have Tobacco first brought over [Page 211]into England; which though (saith one) in some respect, being moderately taken, may be Physicall, yet besides the consumption of the purse, & imparing of our inward parts, the immoderate, vain, and phantastical abuse of the hellish Weed, corrupteth the natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain; and indeed is so prejudicial to the generall esteem of our Countreymen, that as one saith of them, Anglorum corpora qui huic plantae tontopere indulgent, in Barbarorum naturam degenerasse videntur. The two chief vertues ascribed to it, are, that it is good against Lues Venerea, that loathsome disease, the Pox; and that it voideth Rheum. For the first, like enough it is that similes habent labra lactueas; so unclean a disease may be fitted with so unwholesome a medicine. For the second good quality attributed unto it, I think it rather to consist in opinion then truth: the Rheum which it voideth, being onely that which it engendreth. But Tobacco it self is by few taken now as medicinal, it is grown a good-fellow, and fallen from a Physician to a Complement. For as one of our Modern Poets hath it.
A folly which certainly had never spread so far, if here had been the same means of prevention used with us, as was in Turky by Morat Bassa, who commanded a pipe to be thrust through the nose of a Turk which was found taking Tobacco, and so in derision to be led about Constantinople. Take his farewel to it, who once much doted on this Heathenish Weed.
But to leave this unworthy subject, and to return to our History, in Anno 1588. when all England stood in fear of a Spanish invasion (though it proved but a Morris Dance upon our Waves) he was made Vice-Admiral of the English Navy; where what he performed towards the waining of that half Moon, the Chronicles report to his eternal honour: his very name being so terrible to the Spaniards, that Don Pedro de Valdes, Vasques de Silva, Alonzo de Sayas, and other Noblemen, hearing it was the fiery Drake that had them in chase, yielded themselves and came aboard his ship; protesting they were resolved to dye in defence, had they not fallen under his power; whose valour and felicity was so great, that Mars and Neptune seemed to wait on his Attempts. Afterwards in the year 1589. Don Antonio pretending a right to the Crown of Portugal, sued to Queen Elizabeth for succour against the King of Spain, who detained it from him; she in pursuance of his Title sent him aid under the command of those renowned Generalls, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Norris; who with eleven [Page 213]thousand Souldiers, and tweney five hundred Marriners set fail from Plimouth, and arrived at the Groyne, a Haven in Galacia, took the lower Town by assault, and in it great store of ordinance, victualls, cables, ropes, and other furniture for shipping. From thence sailing towards Portugal, in their passage they met with Robert Earl of Essex, who without the Queens leave had put forth to Sea, accompanied with his Brother Walter Devereux, Sir Philip Butler, Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Wingfield, and others. After two dayes they arrived at Penycha a Town in Portingal, which they took, leaving the Castle to Don Antonio. Here left they their sick and wounded, with seven Companies of Foot for their guard. The main Army under the command of Sir John Norris marched to Lisbon, whom Drake promised to follow with the Fleet; but by reason of the Flats which he must pass, and the Castle of Saint Julian fortified with fifty peeces of great Ordinance, his purpose was disappointed; yet surprised he the Town of Cascais, to which place not long after came the whole Army, being nessitated for want of victualls, and no aid coming in as was expected. Whereupon having taking threescore Hulks laden with Corn, and pillaged many Towns and Villages, they returned back again into England.
This journey producing not that wished effect which was desired, another more likely was thought upon; Queen Elizabeth well knowing that the Spaniards chiefest strength consisted in the Treasure which he yearly received out of the West Indies, furnished Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins, with ships and souldiers to bring this golden Harvest into the English Barn. These on the last of August set sail from Plimouth, and seven and twenty dayes after, came upon the Coast of the great Canarie; in assaulting of which they wasted much time, to the great grief of Sir John Hawkins, who would have presently sailed to America; and this grief say some occasioned his death, though others impute [Page 214]it to the loss of his Bark, called the Francis, which five Spanish ships intercepted at the Isle of Saint Dominick; but when the same heart hath two deadly wounds given it together, it is hard to say which of them killeth.
Drake notwithstanding continued his course to Port-Rico in St. Johns Island, and casting anchor within the road, a shot from the Castle entred the steerege of his ship, took away the stool from under him, wounded Sir Nicholas Clifford, and Brute Brown to death, as they sat at supper: whereupon the English enraged, fired five Spanish ships of two hundred Tuns a piece in revenge of the Castle.
The intention of the English was to have marcht with their Land Forces from Port-Rico to Panama, (being an Istmus which joyneth together Mexicana and Peruana) where the Spanish Treasure lay. Sir Thomas Baskervile with seven hundred and fifty men undertook the charge; but the Spaniard having notice of their intentions, had built their Fortresses to impeach their passage: in assaulting of which first, the English had such welcome that they had no minde to try the second; so that fearing their Gold would be dear bought, as well as far fetcht, they returned again unto their ships.
Drake afterwards forced Nombre de Dios, and many other petty Towns; but though herein he did the Spaniard much hurt, he did the English little good: and now thinking with himself that according to his preparations, the expectation of his performances would be greater then before; the consideration thereof accompanied, if not occasioned the flux, which wrought his sudden death. January 28. 1595. who as he lived by the Sea, died on it, and was buried in it. A man no doubt of admirable parts, and one who had done many worthy services for his Countrey; and yet it is questionable whether those rich prizes he brought into England did us more good, then Tobacco supposed first brought hither by his followers, hath since [Page 215]done us hurt. One bestowed this Latine Epitaph upon him.
The Life of Sir FRANCIS VVALSINGHAM.
SIR Francis Walsingham the great manager of the Queens pretended match with the Mounsieur of France, had the honour to be Sir Philip Sidney's Father-in-law. He was a Gentleman (at first) of a good House, but a better Education; and from the University travelled for the rest of his Learning. He was doubtless the best Linguist of those times, but knew best how to use his own Tongue; whereby he came to be employed in the chiefest Affairs of State. He was sent Ambassadour into France, and stayed there a Leiger long in the heat of the Civil Wars, and at the same time that Mounsieur was here a Suiter to the Queen; and if I be not mistaken, he played the very same part there, as since Gundamore did here. At his return, he was taken principal Secretary, and was one of the great Engines [Page 216]of State and of the Times, high in Queen Elizabeths favour, and a matchful servant over the safety of his Mistress.
He is noted to have had certain curious, and secret wayes of Intelligence above the rest: but I must confess I am to seek wherefore he suffered Parry to be so long on the hook before he hoysed him up; and I have been a little curious in the search thereof, though I have not to do with the Arcana Imperii. For to know is sometimes a burthen: and I remember that it was Ovids, crimen aut error, that he saw too much. But I hope these are Collaterals of no danger. But that Parry intending to kill the Queen, made the way of his access by betraying of others, and impeaching the Priests of his own Correspondency, and thereby had access and conference with the Queen, and also oftentimes familiar and private conference with Walsingham, will not be the Quaere of the Mystery; for the Secretary might have had ends of discovery on a further maturity of Treason: but that after the Queen knew Parry's intent, why she should then admit him to private discourse, and Walsingham to suffer it, considering the conditions of all assailings, and permit him to go where and whither he listed, and onely on the security of a dark sentinel set over him, was a piece of reach and hazard beyond my apprehension.
I must again profess, that having read many of his Letters, (for they were commonly sent to Leicester and Burleigh out of France) containing many fine passages and secrets; yet if I might have been beholding to his Cyphers, whereof they are full, they would have told pretty tales of the times.
He was ranked amongst the Togati, chief of those that laid the foundation of the Dutch and French Wars, which was another piece of his fineness, and of the times. I shall conclude with one observation more, that he was one of the great Allyes of the Austrian embracements; for both [Page 217]himself and Stafford that preceded him, might well have been compared to the Feind in the Gospel, that sowed his tares in the night; so did they their seeds of division in the dark: and it is a likely report that the father on him at his return, that he said unto the Queen with some sensibility of the Spanish designs in France, Madam, I beseech you be content not to fear; the Spaniard hath a great appetite, and an excellent digestion; but I have fitted him with a bone for this twenty years, that your Majesty shall have no cause to doubt him; provided that if the fire chance to slack which I have kindled, you will be ruled by me, and now and then cast in some English Fewel, which will revive the flame.
That the discerning Reader may the better scent this Fox, I have presented to his perusual one of his Letters.
A Coppy of the Letter sent to Mr. Secretary touching the negotiation had with the King the 28. of August, 1570.
May it please your Honour to advertise her Majesty, that the King accepted in very good part her congratulation, as from his good Sister and Neighbour, who hath alwayes wished his well-doing (for these were his words.) After congratulation done to the King, the Queen Mother having enquired of me of the well-doing of her Majesty, asked me how the Queen of Scots did; I answered her that at my departure, for any thing I knew to the contrary, she did very well. Then she proceeded to enquire of me, touching her present estate: I answered according to the tenor of my instructions, in what state she stood at my departure; wherewith she seemed to rest very well satisfied. And then she fell to protestations, that for her own part she was so well perswaded of the Queens Majesties merciful disposition, as she knew right well, that if she did deal any thing hardly with the Queen of Scots, it rather proceeded from some of her Ministers, then from her Majesties self. I replyed that I was glad to understand that she conceived so well of the Queen my Mistris's good disposition, so was I sorry that she [Page 218]should think she would be by any of her Ministers or Councellors drawn to any thing, either towards her, or any other, that might not stand, with her honour; for that her skill and years was now to direct, and not to be directed. I desired her therefore in her Majesties name that she would evermore reserve an ear for her: (A thing that would not in equity be denied to the meanest person in France) who in all her actions hitherto towards the Queen of Scots, had dealt with that regard to her honour as she was right able to justifie her self, both towards the King, her good brother, as also towards all other Princes. Then she made great protestations of her indifferency, and that she is no lesse affected in good will towards her Majesty, whom it pleaseth, saith she, to do me the honour as to call me by the name of a Mother, then to the Queen of Scots her daughter-in-law; and therefore in wishing her liberty, I do it, saith she, as much as for the Queen your Mistriss quietness sake, as for any other respect; which without her liberty can hardly grow unto her. This Sir in effect was the whole course of the Speech that passed from her in that behalf which she had then with me apart. The King being then in talk with my Lord Ambassadour, then she caused the King to deal with me in that behalf, to whom I shewed the state of her cause, according to the contents of my instructions, wherewith he seemed to be satisfied, He told me that he wished that the Queen his good Sister according to the inclination, would have some compassion of her cause, and grow to some speedy conclusion in that behalf. I told him that I doubted not but that her Majesty would for his sake do that which should be to his contentation, so far forth as might stand with her honour and safety. Then he professed that otherwise he would not desire it. Thus having imparted to your honour the effect of my negotiation, to the end you may advertise her Majesty, I most humbly take my leave.
To conclude, he was sent twice Ambassadour into France, once into Scotland, once into the Low Countreys, so that he was most intimately acquainted with the deepest counsels and secrets of Princes; that he rightly understood how to preserve his Countrey, and how to mannage affairs either for Peace or War. He died the sixth day of April, in the year of our Lord 1590. He lies entombed in St. Pauls, being in respect of the debts he had contracted for his faithful service to the Crown, forced to be buried privately in that Cathedral. One bestowed this Latine Epitaph on his Memory.
The Life of Sir NICHOLAS BACON.
SIR Nicholas Bacon, a person inferiour to none of his predecessours, as arch a piece of wit and wisdom as any of them all. He was a Gentleman, and a man of Law, of great knowledge therein; whereby together with his other parts of Learning and dexterity, he was promoted to be Keeper of the great Seal; and being of kin to the Treasurer Burleigh, had also the help of his hand to bring him [Page 220]into the Queens favour; for he was abundantly factious, which took much with Queen Elizabeth when it was suited with the season, as he was well able to judge of his times. He had a very quaint saying, and he used it often to good purpose; that he loved the jeast well, but not the loss of his friend. He would say, that though he knew unusquisque suae fortunae faber, was a true and good principle, yet the most in number were those that marred themselves. But I will never forgive that man that loseth himself to be rid of his jeast.
He was Father to that refined Wit, which afterwards acted a disasterous part on the publique Stage, and afterwards sate in his Fathers room as Lord Chancellour. Those that lived in his age, and from whence I have taken this little Modle of him, give him a lively Character; and they decypher him for another Solon, and the Synon of those times, such a one as Oedipus was in dissolving of Riddles. Doubtless he was as able an instrument, and it was his commendation, that his head was the mawl (for it was a great one) and therein he kept the wedge that entred the knotty pieces that came to his table.
He was of the prudent Family of the Bacons of Norfolk and Suffolk; he died in the year of our Lord 1578. the threescore and seventh year of his age, and lieth entombed in the Cathedral Church of St. Pauls, with this Latine Epitaph inscribed on him.
His Motto was, Mediocria firma.
He left behinde him as a Monument of his incomparable worth in continuance of his Name, Sir Francis Bacon, our English Plato, the inimitable Writer of this Age.
The Life of ROBERT DEVEREUX Earl of ESSEX.
RObert Devereux Earl of Essex was born Anno 1566. He had scarcely attained to ten years of age, when his Father Walter Devereux Earl of Essex and Earl Marshal of Ireland, deceased at Dublin, premonishing his Son to have alwayes before his eyes the six and thirtieth year of his age, as the utmost term of his life, which neither himself, nor his Father before him out-lived; and the son did not attain to it. At his Fathers death he was by the Lord Burleigh his Guardian sent to the University of Cambridge, under the tuition of Doctour Whitguift, then Master of Trinity-Hall; a man of the primitive temper, when the Church by lowliness of spirit did flourish in highest examples of Piety and Learning. At sixteen years of age he took the formality of Master of Arts, and kept his publick Acts, yet notwithstanding his good erudition, it is reported [Page 222]of him, that like certain Vegetables he did bud and open slowly, Nature sometime delighting to play an after-game as well as Fortune, which had both their tides and turns in his course.
His first advancement to Court was by means of the Earl of Leicester, yet not so much out of love to him, as it was thought, as out of envy to Sir Walter Raleigh, whose splendour at Court he meant to allay with this young Earl. His first appearance in the Fields of Mars was at Tilbury Camp, Anno 1588. where he was by the Queen made in the Field Commander of the Cavalry, (as he was before in Court) being much graced by her openly in the view of the Souldiery and people, even above my Lord of Leicester himself. But scarcely was he thus warmed in the Queens favour, when without her consent or knowledge he thrust himself into the Portugal Voyage, hazarding thereby his future fortunes, besides the danger of incurring the Queens displeasure, and laying himself open to the practice of the Court; notwithstanding a noble report coming home before him, (as indeed his actions deserved no less) at his return all those clouds were dispersed, and this his excursion afterwards accounted but a sally of Youth. Nay, he grew every day taller in her Majesties grace and favour, insomuch that the King of France imploring her assistance against the Prince of Parma, who in hostile manner had invaded his Dominions; the charge of that enterprize was committed unto him; who full of valour, though young in years, being furnished with four thousand Foot and two hundred Horse, besides many Pyoners and other Volanteers, whose Heroick Aspects determined the courage of their hearts, landed in Normandy, and laid siege to the strong City of Roan; in assaulting whereof his Brother Walter Devereux (a Diamond of the time, both of an hardy and delicate mixture) was slain with a small shot, to the excessive grief of the Earl; who after a tedious Winters Siege challenged [Page 223] Mounsieur Villerse the Governour to a single combate; who not desirous to purchase his honour with the effusion of his blood, refufed it: with contempt of his refusal, the Earl returned into England.
The Queen having now experience of his valour, soon found an occasion for him to show it; the King of Spain threatning to invade her borders, she thought it the best policy to invade his first: to perfect so great a design, a mighty Navy is made ready, consisting of an hundred and fifty ships, wherein were above 14000. souldiers and sailers. Our intended brevity will not permit us to recount the several Officers in this expedition. The Earl of Essex and Charles Howard, Lord Admiral of England, were commanders in chief. The first of June they set forth from Plimouth, and on the 18. of the same moneth came to Cabo St. Vincent, where they lighted upon an Irish Bark, who certified them, that at Cales from whence they came, were store of Gallies, Ships of War, and Merchant Ships, laden with Munition, Coyn, Oyl, Wine, Wax, Silk, Cloth of Gold, and Quicksilver; news most acceeptable unto the Generalls. The twentieth of June they cast Anchor on the West side of the Island, where a fair Dove, a fortunate presager of their success, lighted upon the main yard of the Lord Admiralls ship, and sat there quietly the space of three hours, every man gazing, but no man suffered to remove her. The next day a Council being called, it was determined the fight should be begun with the lesser ships, because the road was too shallow for the greater; the Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Rawleigh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Carew, and Sir Robert Southwell, with some Londoners, and a squadron of Low Countrey ships undertook the same, which they valiantly attempted, manfully maintained, and bravely continued: nor were the Spaniards backward in performance of their duties, but resolutely fought in defence of their lives; each side striving to acquit themselves [Page 224]bravely, which made the fight continue fierce and doubtful.
The valiant Essex (though by a Council of War appointed to keep the main Battel) upon the sudden, from Port Saint Maries side, thrust himself foremost in this Sea fight: which the other General perceiving, desirous to participate of the danger, as well as of the honour of victory, forsook his great ship, too unweldy for those narrow waters, took into his Pinnace, that he might not be overacted in point of Honour. The scales of War which before were even, now turned to the English side: the Spanish Admiral a ship of fifteen hundred tun, was by their own souldiers set on fire, whose ruine was accompanied with two other ships that lay next her; the rest of their fleet ran themselves on ground in the Bay of Port Real.
The Earl of Essex in pursuit of his design landed his men at Puntal, a League from Cales: to oppose his Forces half a mile from the Town appeared many horse and foot; but they finding the English numbers exceed their expectation, they presently gave back: the English perceiving their stratagem to out-wit them, counterfeiting a fear, made a retreat; by which means having enticed forth their enemies, they returned with such violence that they forced them back into the Town: but there they having an advantage from the higher ascent, played so fore upon the English, that their foremost ranks began to give back; which valiant Essex perceiving, to engage his souldiers resolutions, caught his own Colours, and cast them over the Wall into the Town: the undaunted English ashamed to lose their Ensign, forgot all danger, ascending the wall with shot and sword, make way through the thickest press of the enemy; in the interim Sir Francis Vere broak the the Gate and rushed in, and the rest with him; divers were wounded with stones from the tops of houses, and Sir John Wingfield slain in the Market-place with a shot from the Castle.
The Town thus surprized, the Castle was summoned, which the next day yielded; the Citizens compounding with the Lords Generalls to pay an hundred and twenty thousand Duccats for their ransom, were suffered to depart; for the assurance of which payment, forty of the chiefest Citizens were brought pledges into England.
Far worse sped the ships that had run themselves on ground, who being assaulted by Sir Walter Rawleigh, profferred two millions and a half of Duccats for their redemption; but he telling them he was sent to destroy ships, not to dismiss them upon composition, they were by the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonian, Admirall of Spain, set altogether on fire: it was judged by the wiser sort of people that the Spaniard was damnified by this expedition no less then twenty millions of Duccats. The fortunacy of this enterprize gave occasion to one of the Wits then living to frame this excellent Annagram on the Earl of Essex name.
Which he afterwards englisht in this Distich.
The whole Navy returning home safe, crowned with victory and laden with spoils, yet seemed the revenge far less then the injury offered by the Spaniard: wherefore the next year a third voyage was undertaken, whereof the Earl of Essex was made commander in chief. Their design was to intercept the Indian Fleet in their return into Spain; many of the Nobility and principal Gentlemen accompanied the Earl in this expedition. The ninth of July, 1597. [Page 226]they set sail from Plimouth, directing their course to Feral and the Groyne: but God, as a worthy Author interprets, was so displeased at these nations enmities, that they had not sailed forty leagues, but they were encountred with such a terrible tempest, that the Marriners themselves were at their wits end, and the Fleet had much adoe to recover Plimouth. And attempting to set out the second time, the winde fell so cross, that for a whole moneths time they could not get out of the Haven. The 17 of August they again hoise sail, but before they came in view of Spain they were disperst by another horrible tempest; in which they lost two of their ships. The 15 of September they fell into the Isles of Flores, Evernes, Fyal, and Pike, all which submitted themselves to the Earls devotion; afterwards they sailed to Gratiosa, whose inhabitants submit, and finde mercy: here would the Earl have tarried in expectation of the Indian Fleet, had he not been most unluckily disswaded by Graves his Pilot; for no sooner was he gone, but the American Fleet came by, (wherein were forty ships, and seven of them laden with Treasure:) these fearful sheep, hearing the English wolves were abroad, loath to lose their golden fleece, sailed with all speed they could to Tezcera, where they gained the Haven, all but three ships which the English took; the rest securing themselves in the Port, which being impregnable. The English sail from thence to Sain Michaels, where they took Villa Franca, a fair Town well stored with Merchandize, wine, wood, and corn; here they tarried six dayes, during which space, a Caraque coming out of the East-Indies, and perceiving the English were there, ran her self ashore, unloaded her Merchandize, and then fired her self. October the ninth they hoist sail for England; but in their passage were assailed by such a tempest that quite lost them the sight of the Spanish Fleet, who likewise suffered much by the same tempest; for one of their ships was cast upon Dartmouth, [Page 227]the Souldiers and Marriners half starved in her; who upon examination confessed, that the Spanish Fleets intention was to seize upon some Haven in Cornwall: which being nigh the mouth of the Chancel, might be convenient to receive Forces from Spain; but man proposeth and God disposeth, for the divine providence frustrated the designs both of the Spaniard and the English. The Earl of Essex upon his return was created Earl Marshal of England.
Hitherto have we beheld our Earl ascending the zenith of Honour, but favourites of great Princes are seldom without parasites; who wanting true worth in themselves, make a ladder of mischief to climbe up to promotion: these buz into the Earls head strange fancies and chymaera's, that his deserts were far greater then his rewards; that during his absence Sir Robert Cicill was made Chancellour of the Dutchy of Lancaster, and Charles Lord Howard created Earl of Nottingham, with relation in his pattent to the Victory in eighty eight and his good service at Cales; that he was descended of the blood royal of Scotland and England, and had better right to the Crown then any other of the compettitors. This puts the Earl upon indirect courses, and though he cannot attain to be King of England, he seeks to be made a petty King of Ireland: the state of which Countrey (ordained to be the Sepulchre of his Father, and the gulf of his own fortunes) was at that present in a dangerous condition, by reason Tir Oen, a notorious rebell, had lately atchieved such a victory with so great loss to the English, as they had never felt the like since they first set footing in Ireland. Whereupon a serious consultation was held on whom to send to quell the rebels; Essex though he seemed not to desire the employment, yet still was ready with his exceptions if any other were nominated: at length it was concluded that he should be the man, and an Army of twenty thousand foot, and thirteen hundred horse, alotted unto him; with these and a great retinue besides [Page 228]of the Nobility, he passeth into Ireland.
His first action after his arrival was against the Petty Rebels in the Province of Mounster, contrary to his Commission which was to go immediately against Tir Oen himself; but men who prefer their private fancies before publique Instructions, seldom attain to their wished desires: For notwithstanding he took the Castle of Cahir, and drove the Rebels into the Woods and Groves adjoyning, his Forces by this means were so impaired; that the gain did not countervail the loss; wherefore sending for fresh supplies out of England, in the mean time he sendeth directions to Sir Coniers Clifford, President of Connaught, to set upon the Rebels in one place, (thereby to sever their Forces) while he assaulted them in another. This counsel though good, yet found ill success; Clifford with fifteen hundred Souldiers marching towards Belike, set upon the Rebels; but the Fight continuing long, and the English wanting Powder, were put to flight, Clifford himself, and many of the old Soldiers being slain.
In the mean time Essex receiveth fresh Forces out of England; and withall a check for neglecting the Queens Command; wherefore at length he setteth forth towards the borders of Ʋlster, with thirteen hundred Foot and five hundred Horse. Tir Oen not able to match him in power, yet seeketh to over-match him in policy, and by his Messenger desireth a parley; Essex mistrusting not the poyson in the bate, condescended, appointing the shallow of Balla Clinch for their meeting place: thither came Essex alone, with whom Tir Oen had private conference a full hour; and not long after by their Delegates concluded a Truce from six weeks to six weeks till May Day.
This Transaction more incensed the Queen, who dispatcheth very sharp Letters unto him, blaming his delay, and letting slip every fair opportunity; with which Letters he likewise receiveth advertisement, that Sir Robert Cecil [Page 229]was made Master of the Wards, a place which he expected himself. This Sir Robert Cecil was a man of lame feet, but of a sound head; one who bare great sway in the Court, and a special stickler against the Earl; which exasperated him the more, not that he lost the place himself, but that his Adversary had attained unto it. This State proceeding entred so deep into his thoughts, that he studies revenge, and held private consultations of returning into England with part of his Forces, to surprize his Adversaries. But from this dangerous course the Earl of Southamptom and Sir Christopher Blunt diswaded him; yet within a moneth over he went, and came with speed to the Court at Nonesuch; where falling upon his knees before the Queen, after a little talk she bid him retire to his Chamber, and soon after committed him to custody in the Lord Privy Seals house; where having remained the space of six moneths, he began to repent him of his former courses, and shewed so great patience, and so much submission, that the Queen gave him leave to return to his own House again. Neverthelesse the popular voice, the croud of common people so extolled his innocency, that she could not, for the removal of suspicion of Injustice, free her self and her Councellours, but was forced to bring him to a trial; which accordingly she did in the house of the Lord Privy Seal. The chief Articles objected against him were, That contrary to his Commission he had made the Earl of Southhampton General of the Horse; had drawn his Forces into Munster, neglecting the Arch Rebel Tir Oen; entertained a parly with him against the Dignity of the Queens Majesty, and the person of a Vice-Roy, which he represented; and that the Parley was suspicious, in regard it was private. The Earl (remembring the words of Solomon, Proverbs 16.14. The wrath of a Prince is as messengers of death, but a wise man will pacifie it,) fell down upon his knees at the end of the board, professing he would not [Page 230]contest with the Queen, nor excuse the faults of his yong years, either in whole, or in part; protesting that he alwayes meant well, howsoever it fell out otherwise; and that now he would bid his rash enterprizes adieu: with many other words to the like purpose, which made the Assembly there present to weep. For indeed he was a man dearly beloved both of the Queen, Peers, and People; nor do we read of any English Subject, whose fall was more lamented then his.
At length this sentence was pronounced against him, That he should be deposed from the office of a Privy Councellour, suspended from the functions of Earl Marshall, and Master of the Ordnance, and be imprisoned during the Queens pleasure. And indeed her pleasure was he should not endure Imprisonment long; for upon his shew of humiliation and mortification, she removed Berkley his Keeper, and gave him leave to go at large; onely admonishing him to make his own discretion his Keeper, and not to come at the Court, or in her presence.
Now the Earl thinking all danger was past, and that a serene sky would succeed this storm, in a presumptuous confidence of the Queens wonted favour, he became an earnest suiter to her for the Farm of sweet Wines: she to try the truth of his temper made him this answer, That she must first know what it was worth, and not give away things hand over head. His high spirit not brooking a deniall, falls into discontented expressions which came to the Queens ear. That it was now plain, the Queen intended to make him as poor as Job; that he should live of the basket, and gather crums under the table; that the Queen was now old and decreped, and withered as well in minde as in body. And now again he runneth upon desperate counsels, for the removeal of his Adversaries from the Court. The Earl of Southampton is sent for out of the Low-Countreys, his doors set open for all Commers, decayed Souldiers, and discontented persons [Page 231]admitted by Merrick his Steward to his own table; Citizens flock thither each day in great numbers, and all signs popularity appeared. The chief of his Councel were the Earl of Southampton, Sir Charles Danvers, Sir Ferdinando Gorge, Captain of the Garrison of Plimouth, Sir Christopher Blunt, his two servants, Merrick and Cuffe, with some others: These meeting in consultation at Drury House, resolve the Queens Palace shall be seized upon, and his Adversaries secured, who were nominated to be Raleigh, Cobham, Carew, Cecill, And the Admiral. But before they could effect their designs, the Queen by severall circumstances having suspicion of their actions, sent Secretary Herbert to call him before the Councel; the Earl doubting the matter, excuseth himself that he was not very well. But this slight excuse encreasing the suspicion, four of the Lords were by the Queen sent unto him: namely the Lord Keeper, the Earl of Worcester, Sir William Knolles, and the Lord Chief Justice of England: these comming to Essex House, found there a confused number of people, and the Earls of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton in the middest of them; after some little talk the four Lords were secured; Essex with a Troop of two hundred men at his heels making haste into City, being falsely informed that the Citizens would take his part. The Earl of Bedford, the Lord Cromwell, and other Lords meeting him by the way, joyn themselves, Essex crying out as he went, For the Queen, for the Queen, they lay wait for my life. Whilest thus he seeketh in vain for help of the Citizens, certain of the Nobility entred the City with a Herald, declaring him and all his adherents Traytours: this so abated the edge of their courages, that some of his followers began to shift for themselves; amongst which was Sir Ferdinando Gorge, who the better to obtain the Queens mercy, freeth the four Lords that were kept prisoners in Essex House, going along with them to the Court by water.
The Earl himself thinking to return, was opposed by men in Arms at the West end of Pauls; where after a short bickering he retired to Queen-hive, and went to Essex-House by water. By and by the Admiral besiegeth the House, commanding them to yield, which at first they refuse; but afterwards finding their cause to be desperate, they fall upon their knees, and deliver up their weapons to the Admiral. The chief of them, as Essex, Southampton, Rutland, Sands, Cromwell, Mounteagle, Danvers, and Bromley, were committed to the Tower, the rest were put in common Prisons.
The Earl being thus immured, sent this Letter to Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellour. The Copy hereof the better to express the temper of his spirit, I have word for word inserted.
The Earl of Essex Letter to the Sir. Thomas Egerton, Lord Chancellour.
My very good Lord, though there is not a man this day living that I should sooner make judge of any question that might concern me then your self, yet you must give me leave to tell you, that in some cases I must appeal from all earthly Judges; and if in any then surely in this, when the highest Judge on earth hath interposed upon me the heaviest punishment without tryal or hearing: since then I must either answer your Lordships arguments, or else forsake mine own just defence, I will force mine aking head to do me service for an hour. I must first deny my discontentment which was forced to be an humerous discontent; and so that it was unseasonable, or is so long continuing, your Lordship should rather condole with me then expostulate: natural seasons are expected here below, but violent and unseasonable storms come from above. There is no tempest to the passionate indignation of a Prince, nor yet at [Page 233]any time so unseasonable, as when it lighteth on those that might expect an harvest of their painful and careful labours. He that is once wounded must needs feel smart till his hurt be cured, or the part hurt before senseless: but cure I expect none, her Majesties heart being obdurate: and be without sense I cannot, being of flesh and blood. But you may say I may aim at the end; I do more then aim, for I see an end of all my fortunes: I have set an end to all my desires, in this course do I any thing for my enemies: when I was present I found them absolute; and therefore I had rather they should triumph alone, then have me attendant upon their Chariots. Or do I leave my friends, when I was a Courtier I could tell them no fruit of my love, and now that I am a Hermit they shall bear no envy for their love to me: or do I forsake my self because I do not enjoy my self; or do I overthrow my fortune, because I build not a fortune of paper walls; or do I ruinate my honour, because I leave following the pursuit or wearing the false ones or shadow of honour; do I give courage or comfort to the enemies, because I neglect my self to encounter them; or because I keep my heart from business, though I cannot keep my fortune from declining: No no, I give every one of those considerations his due right; and the more I weigh them, the more I finde my self justified from offending in any one of them. As for the two last objections that I forsook my Country when it hath most need of me, & fail in that dissolvable duty which I owe my Sovereign; I answer, that if at this time my Countrey had any need of my publick service, her Majesty that governeth it would not have driven me to a private life. I am tyed to my Countrey by two Bonds, one publick; to discharge carefully and industriously that trust which is committed to me; the other private, to sacrifice for it my life and carkass, which hath been nourished in it. Of the first I am free, being dismissed by her Majesty; of the other, nothing can free me but death; and therefore no occasion [Page 234]of performance shall sooner offer it self, but I will meet it half way. The indissolvable duty I owe to her Majesty, the service of an Earl, and of a Marshal of England, and I have been content to do her the service of a Clerk; but I can never serve her as a villain or a slave. But you say I must give way to time; so I do, for now I have seen the storm come, I have put my self into harbour. Seneca saith, we must give way to Fortune. I know that Fortune is both blinde and strong and therefore I go as far as I can out of the way, You say, the remedy is not to strive; I neither strive nor seek for remedy. But you say, I must yield and submit, I can neither yield my self to be guilty, nor this my Imprisonment to be just: I owe so much to the Authour of Truth, as I can never yield truth to be falshood, nor falshood to be truth. Have I given you cause you ask, and yet take a scandal? No, I gave no cause so much as to take up Fimbria his complaint; I did tutum telum corpore accipere, I patiently bear, and sensibly feel all that I then received when this scandal was given me: nay, when the vilest of all Indignities are done unto me, doth God require it? Is it impiety not to do it? Why, cannot Princes erre? cannot Subjects receive wrong? Is an earthly power infinite? Pardon me, pardon me my Lord, I can never subscribe to these Principles: Let Solomons fool laugh when he is stricken; let those that mean to make their profit of Princes, shew to have no sense of Princes injuries. Let them acknowledge an infinite absolutnesse on earth, that do not believe an absolute infinitenesse in heaven. As for me I have received wrong, I feel it; my cause is good, I know it: and whatsoever comes, all the powers on earth can never shew more strength or constancy in oppressing, then I can shew in suffering whatsoever can or shall be imposed on me. I must crave your Lordships patience to give him that hath a crabbed Fortune leave to use a crooked stile. But whatsoever it is, [Page 235]there is no heart more sensible or more affected towards your Lordship, then that of
The ninteenth of February following, Essex and Southhamdton were arraigned in Westminster-hall; their Indictment was, for plotting to deprive the Queen of her life and Kingdom, to surprize her in her very Palace; and that they brake forth into open rebellion, by imprisoning the Councellors of the kingdom, by exciting the Londoners to rebellion with vain fictions, by assaulting the Queens loyal Subjects in the City, and by defending Essex-house against the Queens Forces. Hereunto they pleaded not guilty, but being found guilty by there Peers, they had sentence of death pronounced against them by Buckhurst Lord Treasurer, high steward of England for that time.
Six dayes after was the fatal day appointed to put a period to Essex his life; the Queen notwithstanding her Motto, Semper eadem, yet in the case of life and death was oft times wavering; willing she was to have remitted what was past, if she might have been ascertained of his loyalty for the time to come: nevertheless she gave command he should not be executed; but being informed he should say, He could not live but she must perish, she countermanded her former word and gave order he should be executed.
In pursuance of which order he was brought forth to the place of execution, where a Scaffold was erected; sundry of the Nobility being present, where having craved mercy of God, and pardon of the Queen, he had his head severed from his body.
The thirteenth of March following, Merrick and Cuffe were drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged, and two dayes after, Sir Charles Danvers, and Sir Christopher Blunt were [Page 236]beheaded on Tower-hill: for great men seldome fall alone, but as the Poet hath it.
One of our modern writers observes that happened to the Countess of Essex; she being fearful in her husbands behalf, gave a Letter which she had received from him to the custody of one Rihove, a Dutch woman that waited on her; this Dutchwomans husband, named Daniel, lighted by chance upon the Letter, and perceiving some passages in it, which might bring the Earl of Essex into danger, got a cunning fellow to draw a counterfeit coppy of the said letter; with this he cometh to the fearful Lady who was newly brought to bed, threatning to give the same to her husbands adversaries, unless she would presently give him three thousand pounds. She to shun the danger, paid him eleven hundred and seventy pounds at the very instant; yet did he deliver her the counterfeit coppy onely, meaning to make use of the true one, to get another some of the Earls adversaries. This imposter being found out, he was censured to perpetual imprisonment, condemned in three thousand pounds (two of which were to go to the Countess) and his ears nailed to the pillory, with this writing over his head. A notorious Cheater.
I shall conclude all with some few observations on this unfortunate Earl: as to his first rise, my Lord of Leicester introduced him who had married his mother, a tye of affinity. Sure it is that he no sooner appeared in the Court, but he took with the Queen and Courtiers; and I believe they all could not choose through the sacrifice of the Father, but look on the living Son; whose image by the remembrance of former passages was afresh, like the bleeding of men murthered, represented to the Court. The Cicero of our modern times parallels him and Buckingham; where the difference was is too transparent: certain it is, to use Sir [Page 237] Robert Nauntons own words, that there was in this young Lord, together with a most goodly person, a kinde of urbanity or innate courtesie, which both won the Queen, and took too much on the people; which amongst other disparities, Buckingham never did attain to the latter. What hath been imputed to his fall, is, that he drew too fast from the Queens indulgence, like a childe sucking of an over uberous Nurse; which caused him to express himself in such peremptory language, when he heard that my Lord Mountjoy received a favour from the Queen for his running so well a tilt; when as though he would have limited her respects, he said, Now I believe every fool must have a favour: which made the Queen swear by Gods death, it was fit that one or other should take him down, and teach him better maners. All Authours agree that he was a man of a rash spirit, thirsty after the uncertain fame of popularity, which helpt him on to his Catastrophe. One writeth this Latine Epitaph on him.
The Life of Sir ROBERT CECILL.
THis Earwig of the Court Sir Robert Cecil, afterwards Earl of Salisbury, was the Son of the Lord Burleigh, and the Inheritour of his Wisdom, and by degrees Successour of his places and favours, though not of his Lands; for he had Sir Thomas Cecil his elder Brother, afterwards created Earl of Exeter. He was first Secretary of State, then Master of the Wards, and in the last of Queen Elizabeths Reign came to be Lord Treasurer: all which were the steps of his Fathers greatnesse, and of the Honour he left to his House. For his Person he was not much beholding to Nature, though somewhat for his Face, which was the best part of his outside; but for his inside, it may be said, and without Solecisme, that he was his Fathers own Son, and a pregnant Proficent in all Discipline of State. He was a Courtier from his Cradle, (which might have made him betimes,) yet at the age of twenty and upwards, he was much short of his after-proof; but exposed; and by change of climate he soon made shew what he was, and would be. He lived in those times wherein the Queen had most need and use of men of weight; and among able ones, this was a chief, as having his sufficiency from his instructions that begat him, the Tutourship of the times and Court, which were then the Accademies of Art and Cunning.
This great Master of State, and the staff of the Queens declining age; who though his little crooked person could [Page 239]not promise any great supportation, yet it carried thereon a head, and a head-piece of a vaste content; and therein it seems Nature was so diligent to compleat one, and the best part about him, as that to the perfection of his memory and intellectuals, she took care also of his senses, and to put him in Linceos oculos, or to pleasure him the more, borrowed of Argus, so to give unto him a prospective sight; and for the rest of his sensitive Vertues, his predecessour Walsingham had left him a receipt, to smell out what was done in the Conclave: and his good old father was so well seen in the Mathematicks, as that he could tell you thorow all Spain every part, every ship, with the burthens, whither bound with preparation, what impediments for diversion, of enterprizes, counsels, and resolutions. And that we may see (as in a little Map, how docible this little man was, I will present a taste of his abilities. The Earl of Devonshire (upon the certainty the Spaniard would invade Ireland with a strong Army) had written very earnestly to the Queen and the Councel for such supplies to be sent over, that might enable him to march up to the Spaniard, if he did land, and follow on his prosecution against the Rebels. Sir Robert Cecill (besides the general dispatch of the Councell, as he often did) wrote this in private; for these two began then to love dearly.
Out of the abundance of my affection, and the care I have of your well doing, I must in private put you out of doubt, (for of fear I know, you cannot be otherwise sensible, then in the way of honour) that the Spaniard will not come unto you this year; for I have it from my own, what preparations are in all his Parts, and what he can do: For be confident, he beareth up a reputation by seeming to embrace more then he can gripe. But the next year be assured he will cast over unto you some Forelorn-hopes, which how they may be reinforced beyond his present [Page 240]ability, and his first intention, I cannot as yet make any certain judgement; but I believe out of my intelligence, that you may expect there landing in Munster; and the more to distract you, in several places; as at Kinsale, Bur-haven, Baltimore, where you may be sure (coming from Sea) they will first fortifie and learn the strength of the Rebells, before they dare take the field; howsoever (as I know you will not) lesson not your care, neither your defences; and whatsoever lies within my power to do you and the publick service, rest thereof assured.
And to this I would adde much more, but it may (as it is) suffice to present much as to his abilities in the pen, that he was his Crafts-master in forreign intelligence: and for domestique affairs, as he was one of those that sat at the sterne to the last of the Queen, so was he none of the least in skill, and in the true use of the Compass.
And so I shall onely vindicate the scandal of his death, and conclude him, for he departed in the moneth of May, 1612. at Saint Margrets near Marlborough, in his retun home from the Bathe; as my Lord Viscount Cranborne, my Lord Clifford his Son, and Son-in-law, and many more can witness. But that the day before he swounded in the way, was taken out of the Litter, and laid into his Coach, was a truth; out of which that falshood concerning the manner of his death had its derivation, though nothing to the purpose, or to the prejudice of his worth. He was from his greatest enemies acknowledged to be a compleat Statesman, a support of the Protestant Faction, a discloser of Treasons, the Mercury of his time. His body lies buried at Macfield. He was famous for his buildings, more especially that called Brittains Burse; with this and other rare edifices to his extraordinary cost, with which he adorned his Countrey.
The Life of Sir THOMAS OVERBURY.
THis Witty (but unfortunate) Knight Sir Thomas Overbury was the son of Sir Nicholas Overbury of Burton in Glocestershire, who to his natural propension of Ingenuity had the addition of good Education. He having been a while Student of the Law in the Middle Temple, soon after he cast Anchor at Court, the then Haven of hope for all aspiring spirits. Yet upon some discontent he descended from those lofty Pinacles, and travelled into France, where having been some time, he returned again, and was entertained into the respects of Sir Robert Carre, one who was newly initiated a Favorite to King James, who put him in trust with his most secret employments; in which he behaved himself honestly and discreetly, purchasing by his wise carriage in that place good affection and respect, not onely from Sir Robert Carre, but of other eminent Persons. In process of time this favour procured profit, profit indulged honour, honour large employments, and in him expert execution; for where diligence and humility are associate in great affairs, there favour is accompanied with both. So that many Courtiers perceiving great hopes grew into familiarity with him; the Knights expectations are performed, and his businesses accomplished beyond his expectation to his wishes; so that his diligence and parts gained him extraordinary [Page 242]resentments from the Viscount to his uniting him into friendship with himself; insomuch; that to the shew of all the world this bond was indissolvable; neither could there be more friendship used, since there was nothing so secret, or private, but the Knight imparted it to Master Overbury.
After some continuance of time, Sir Robert Carre is made Viscount, and Master Overbury had the honour of Knighthood conferred on him; who grew still more and more into the affections of the people; so that now his worth and his wealth were so much taken notice of, that he was likely to taper at Court. These Eminencies as they are not unvaluable, so in their spectatours they raise scruples and cause doubts, especially in the Viscount; for Sovereignty and Love can abide no Rivals.
And indeed what State on earth is so firm that is not changeable, or what friendship so constant that is not dissolvable? Who would imagine this Viscount should become instrumental to his death, who had done him so faithful service, and to whom he had embosomed his most secret thoughts? We shall therefore in the next place lay down the grounds of this revolt of friendship on the Viscounts part; for we finde no breach in Sir Thomas, but that rather his constant affection, and free delivery of his opinion (scorning to temporize) occasioned his death.
There had lately past a Divorce betwixt the Earl of Essex and the Lady Frances Howard, so that she being now free, a motion of Marriage was propounded betwixt Viscount Carre and this Lady: Sir Thomas Overbury, who had written a witty Poem, entituled, The Wife, thinking her not agreeable to his intentions of Matrimony, disswaded the Viscount from it, with words reflecting much on the Countesses reputation. This counsel, though it proceeded from an unfeigned love in Sir Thomas, yet where beauty commands, all discretion being sequestred, created in the Viscount [Page 243]a hatred towards him; and in the Countess, the fury of a woman, a desire of revenge: who perswaded the Viscount, That it was not possible that ever she should endure those injuries, or hope for any prosperity so long as he lived. That she wondred how he could be so familiar, so much affected to this man Overbury, that without him he could do nothing, as it were, making him his right hand, seeing he being newly grown into the Kings favor, and depending wholly upon his greatness, must expect to be clouded, if not ruined, when his servant that knew his secrets should come to preferment. The Viscount apt enough of his own inclination to revenge, further exasperated by the Countesse, resolves upon his death; and soon he found an occasion to act it. The Councel finding Overburies diligence and sufficiency, nominates him as a fit man to be Ambassadour into the Low Countreys to the Arch Duke, as thinking they could not serve him up to preferments worthy of his deserts. Before he had given in his answer, the Viscount comes to him, acting his fatal part against Sir Thomas, disswades him from undertaking it; using this argument, That his preferment and expectations depended not on Forreign Nations. You are now, said he, in credit at home, and have already made triall of the dangers of travel, why then should you hazard all upon uncertainties, being already in possession of that you can probably expect by these means. Overbury not doubting the Viscounts fidelity towards him, was perswaded by him; forgetting the counsel of the Poet.
King James deeply incensed with the refusal of his tendred honours, for his contempt, commits him to the Tower; the Viscount aggravated his offence to the King, but privately promised Sir Thomas by his intimacy with the King, to bring him off from any troubles that might arise: but whatsoever he pretended, he practised the contrary. And now having him in the place they desired, their next study to secure their revenge, was closely to make him away, which they concluded to be by poyson. To this end, they consult with one Mrs. Turner, (the first inventor of that horrid Garb of yellow Ruffs and Cuffs, and in which Garb she was after hanged) she having acquaintance with one James Franklin, a man skilled for their purpose, agreed with him to provide that which should not kill presently, but cause one to languish away by degrees, a little and a little. Sir Jervas Velvis Lieutenant of the Tower, being drawn into the conspiracy, admits of one Weston, Mrs. Turners man, who under pretence of waiting upon Sir Thomas, was to act that horrid tragedy. The Plot thus contrived, Franklin buyes certain poysons, viz. Rosater, White Arsenick, Mercury Sublimate, Cantharides, red Mercury, with three or four more deadly ingredients, which he delivered to Weston, with instructions how to use them. Weston (an apt scloller in the Devils school) tempers them in his broath and meat, increasing or diminishing their strength, according as he saw him affected: besides these, poysoned tarts and jellies are sent him by the Viscount. At last, his salt, his sauce, his meat, his drink, and whatsoever he eats is mingled with poyson, till his hair fell from his head, and he was strangely forced to part with the excrements of his nails; so that had he not been a very strong man he could have never stood it out so long. Besides these villanies, was added this affliction, that none of his friends were permitted to see him, or so much as to speak with him but at a window; so that all things considered, we [Page 245]may conclude him, as to his outward condition, truly miserable.
In the mean time the Viscount flourishes, the marriage is consumated betwixt him and the Countess, and more honours conferred on him, being created Earl of Somerset. Sir Thomas Overbury hearing of this marriage, makes great lamentation, foreseeing thereby his own death; yet having some weak hopes of the Earl, he sends this letter to him, to minde him of his former promise.
The Earl having received the Letter, returns him answer, that presently he could not accomplish his desires; but willed him not to doubt, for shortly he should have a deliverance: which indeed proved true, thought not as Overbury intended; for the conspirators now hearing some inkling of Sir Thomas's releasement, resolve upon his quick dispatch; to this end Weston agrees with an Apothecary, for twenty pound, to administer an empoysoned glister unto him. Sir Thomas perswaded that it would be much for his health, takes it; by the infusion whereof he falls into a languishing disease, with a griping in his guts; the next day after which extremity of pain he died: and because there was some blisters and ugly botches on his body, the conspirators gave it out that he died of the French Pox. This past currant, and the mischief lay concealed a long time, [Page 246]but God who will never suffer such mischiefs to pass unpunished, revealed the same. Somersets conscience begins now to accuse him; that former love that he bore to him, till the eyes of his Lady had enchanted him, returned; his wonted mirth forsakes him, he is cast down, he takes not that felicity in company he was wont, but still something troubles him. And hearing of the peoples mutterings concerning Overburies death, finding the King in a good humour, he makes his address to this effect. That whereas it had pleased his Majesty to commit many things unto his charge, and some of them proving something too weighty for him to undergo, it was so that ignorantly he had run himself into a Premunire, whereby he had forfeited to him both his lands, goods, and liberty, unless it pleased him of his wonted favour to grant him pardon for that and many other offences that he had ignorantly committed. The King still bearing a good affection towards him, bids him draw his pardon, and he would sign it. Which accordingly he did, but it comming to the Lord Chancellours hands, he refused to let it pass the Seal, and acquainted the King with the danger that might accrew thereby. And now suspicion growing higher of Sir Thomas Overburies death, Weston is examined by the Lord Cook, who at the first stiffly denied the same; but being perswaded by the Bishop of London, he tells all: How Mistress Turner and the Countess came acquainted, what relation she had to Witches, Sorcerers, and Conjurers; that Northampton, Somerset, Franklin, the Monsons, and Yelvis had all their hands in it; whereupon they were all apprehended, some sent to the Tower, others to New-gate. Having thus confessed, being convicted according to course of Law, he was hanged at Tyburn; after him Mistress Turner, after her Franklin, then Sir Jervas Yelvis, upon their severall Arraignments of the fact, were found guilty, and executed; some of them died very penitent and sorrowful for what they had done against such an incomparable person. The Earl and his Countess [Page 247]were both condemned, but through the Kings gracious pardon had their lives saved, but were never admitted to the favour of the Court.
This Ingenuous Knight, whose death was so generally lamented, was the other Sidney of this Nation. One of our Modern Writers observes, that he was too honest, which with the Machiavelians is interpreted to be too open breasted; as they retain this principle, that one that waits on great persons ought to keep a secret till his breath stinks. Whereas without question he did enlarge himself too much also in his discourse to others, which besides his down-right Integrity to the Viscount, being as sharp Wits are too much addicted to an unfortunate way of jeering and jeasting, must of necessity prove fatal to him; the revenge of a woman being alwayes in pursuit. His Poem of a Wife is to the life; his Characters to this day not outwitted by any. To give a taste of the respects those times tendred him, I have affixed these following Verses.
To the Memory of the generally bewailed Gentleman, Sir THOMAS OVERBURY.
An Elegy upon the untimely Death of Sir Thomas Overbury, poisoned in the Tower.
The Life of Sir VVALTER RALEIGH.
SIR Walter Rawleigh the Learned Apollo and Oracle of our Nation was one that (it seems) Fortune had pickt [Page 251]out of purpose, to make an example of her mutability or tennis-ball, thereby to shew what she could do; for she tost him up of nothing, and too and fro to greatness, and from thence down to little more then to that wherein she found him; (a mean Gentleman) not that he was less, for he was well descended, and of good Alliance, but poor in his beginnings. And for my Lord of Oxfords Jeast of him (the Jack, and an upstart) we all know, it savours more of emulation and his humour, then of truth; and it is a certain note of the times, that Queen Elizabeth in her choice never took into her favour a meer new man, or a Mechanick, as Comines observes of Lewis the Eleventh of France, who did serve himself with persons of unknown parents; such as was Oliver the Barber, whom he created Earl of Dunoyes, and made him ex secretis consiliis, and alone in his favour and familiarity.
His approaches to the University and Inns of Court, were the grounds of his improvement; but they were rather excursions, then sieges or settings down, for he stayed not long in a place; and being the youngest brother, and the house diminished in patrimony, he foresaw his own destiny that he was first to rowl (thorow want and disability to subsist other wayes) before he could come to a repose: and as the stone doth by long lying, gather moss, he first exposed himself to the Land Service in Ireland, a Militia which then did not yield him food and rayment, (for it was ever very poor) nor had he patience to stay there, though shortly after he came thither again under the command of the Lord Grey, but with his own colours flying in the field; having in the interim cast a new chance, both in the Low Countries, and in a voyage to Sea. And if ever man drew vertue out of necessity, it was he: therewith was he the great example of industery; and though he might then have taken that of the merchant to himself, per mare, per terras, currit mercator ad Indos, he might also have said, and truly with the [Page 252]Philosopher, Omnia mea mecum porto; for it was a long time before he could brag of more then he carried at his back; and when he got on the winning side, it was his commedations that he took the pains for it, and underwent many various adventures for his after perfection. And before he came into the publique note of the world, and that it may appear how he came up (per ardua) per varios casus, per tot discrimina rerum, not pulled up by chance, or by any gentle admittance of Fortune: I will briefly describe his native parts, and those of his own acquiring which was the hopes of his rising.
He had in the outward man a good presence, in a handsome and well compacted person, a strong natural wit, and a better judgement, with a bold and plausible tongue, whereby he could set out his parts to the best advantage; and to these he had the adjuncts of some general learning, which by diligence he enforced to a great augmentation, and perfection; for he was an undefatigable reader, whether by Sea or Land; and none of the least observers, both of men and the times. And I am confident, that among the second causes of his growth, that variance between him and the Lord Grey, in his descent into Ireland, was a principall; for it drew them both before the Councel Table, there to plead for themselves; where (what advantage he had in the cause, I know not) but he had much the better in the telling of his tale; and so much that the Queen and the Lords entertained no ordinary considerations of his person, and his parts: for from thence he came to be known, and to have access to the Queen, and to the Lords; and then we are not to doubt how such a man might rise by his compliance, the most expeditious way of progression. Whether Leicester had then cast in a good word for him to the Queen I cannot determine; but true it is, he had gotten Queen Elizabeths ear at a trice, and she began to be taken with his elocution, and loved to hear [Page 253]his reasons to her demands; and the truth is, she took him for a kinde of Oracle, which nettled them all: yea, those that he relyed on, began to take his sudden favour for an allarum, and to be sensible of their own supplantation, and to project his, which made him shortly after sing, Fortune my foe, &c. So that finding his favour declining, and falling into a recess, he undertook a new peregrination to leave that Terra infirma of the Court, for that of the Wars; and by declining himself, and by absence, to expell his, and the passion of his enemies, which in Court was a strange device of recovery; but that he knew there was some ill office done him, that he durst not attempt to minde any other wayes, then by going aside: thereby to teach envy a new way of forgetfulness, and not so much as to think of him. Howsoever, he had it alwayes in minde never to forget himself; and his device took so well, that at his return he came in (as Romans do, by going backwards) with the greater strength, and so continued to her last, great in her grace, and Captain of the Guard. One observation more may not be omitted; namely, that though he gained much at the Court, yet he took it not out of the Exchequer, or meerly out of the Queens Purse, but by his Wit, and the help of the Prerogative; for the Queen was never profuse in the delivering out of her Treasure, but payed many, and most of her servants part in money, and the rest with grace, which as the case stood, was taken for good payment, leaving the arrear of recompence due to their merit, to her great successour, who payed them all with advantage; our Rawleigh excepted, who fortunately in the very first beginning of his Reign, fell into his displeasure, by combining with the Lords, Cobham and Gray, Sir Griffin Markham, George Brook Esquire and several others, to destroy the King, raise sedition, commit slaughter, move rebellion, alter Religion, subvert the State, to procure Invasion, leavy War, and to set up the Lady Arabella Steward, &c. of [Page 254]all which crimes being arraigned, he was found guilty, and condemned. But King James being a Prince of peace, unwilling to stain the beginning of his Reign with blood, contented himself with onely his Imprisonment, this following Letter to his Favorite having saved his life.
Sir Walter Raleigh to the Duke of Buckingham.
If I presume too much, I humbly beseech your Lordship to pardon me, especially in presuming to write to so great and so worthy a Person, who hath been told that I have done him wrong. I heard it but of late, but most happy had I been if I might have disproved that villany against me, when there had been no suspicion that the desire to save my life had presented my excuse. But my worthy Lord, it is not to excuse my self that I now write: I cannot, for I have now offended my Sovereign Lord, for all past, even all the World, and my very Enemies have lamented my loss; whom now if his Majesties mercy alone do not lament, I am lost. Howsoever that which doth comfort up my soul in this offence, is, that even in the offence it self I had no other intent then his Majesties service; and to make his Majesty know that my late enterprize was grounded upon a truth; and which with one ship speedily set out, I meant to have aspired, or have died; being resolved, as it is well known, to have done it from Plimouth, had I not been restrained. Hereby I hoped not onely to recover his Majesties gracious Opinion, but to have destroyed all those Malignant Reports that had been raised of me. That this is true, that Gentleman whom I so much trusted, my Keeper, and to whom I opened my heart, cannot but testifie; and wherein I cannot be believed living, my death shall witness: yea, that Gentleman cannot but avow it, that when we came back to London, I desired no other treasure then an exact description of those places in the Indies. That I meant to go hence as a discontented man; God I trust, and my own actions will disswade his Majesty, whom neither the loss of my Estate, thirteen years Imprisonment, and the denial of my [Page 255]pardon could beat from his service, or the opinion of being accounted a fool, or rather a distract, by returning as I did, ballanced with my love to his Majesties person and estate, had no other place in my heart.
It was the last severe Letter from my Lords for the speedy bringing of me up, and the impatience of dishonour that first put me in fear of my life, or enjoying it in a perpetual Imprisonment, never to recover my Reputation lost, which strengthened me in my late and too late lamented resolution. If his Majesties Mercy doth not abound, if his Majesty do not pitty my old age, and scorn to take the extreamest and utmost advantage of my errours; if his Majesty in his great charity do not make a difference betwixt offences proceeding from a life, saving naturall impulsion, without all ill intent, and those of an ill heart; and that your Lordship, remarkable in the world for the nobleness of your disposition, do not vouchsafe to become my successour; whereby your Lordship shall binde a hundred Gentlemen of my Kindred to honour your Memory, and bind me for all that time my life, which your Lordship shall beg for me, to pray to God that you may ever prosper; and ever binde me to remain
He remained prisoner in the Tower above thirteen years, during which time he writ that Elabourate Work, entituled, the History of the World; which Book for its worthiness Dr. Heylin termeth, Primus in Historia. When at last being desirous of his liberty, he studied his exit, acquainting the King with the avaritious Intelligence of a rich Mine which himself and one Captain Kemish had formerly discovered by the Informations of the Indians in the Countrey of Guiana. For the obtaining of which, if his Majesty would please to give him leave to make a journey thither, he made no doubt but to benefit the State, without prejudice to the Spaniard. Which Proposition was condescended unto by [Page 256]the King, as he then imagines he would be far enough from his Complices; but he commanded to set down not onely the Countrey, but the very River by which he was to enter it: as also to name his ships, number, men, and Artillery. Which being known to Gundamore, Leiger Ambassadour here for the King of Spain, he writes to his Master with the purpose of his Voyage. Upon which the King of Spain directed his Letters to all parts of the Indies to provide for his comming. Nevertheless Sir Walter Raleigh prosecuted his design, and having endured infinite dangers, besides a tedious journey, at last he came to Guyana, where he was much cherished of the Indians of his acquaintance. But falling desperately sick, he gives order to five small ships to sail into Drinoque, having Captain Kemish for their Conductour towards the Mines. But passing up the River by Saint Thame, they were set upon by the Spaniard; whereupon they assaulted the Town, and took it. But in the charge Master Walter Raleigh, Sir Walters son (more desirous of honour then safety) was slain. The English finding such stout opposition, that there was no way for them to obtain their purpose but onely by desperate designs, the Spaniards having so fortified the passage to the Mines, they were forced to return, to the great grief of Sir Walter Raleigh; who told Kemish upon his return that he had undone him, and wounded his credit with the King past all recovery; which caused Kemish desperately to kill himself. And now Sir Walter Raleigh being returned into England, Gundamore so exclaimed against him to the King for breach of Peace, and so wrought upon his timerous disposition, that he was committed to the Tower. Where expecting every hour to be sacrificed to the Spanish cruelty, some few dayes before he suffered, he sent for Master Walter Burre, who formerly printed his first Volumn of the History of the World, whom taking by the hand, after some other discourse, he askt him how that Work of his had sold. Mr. Burre returned [Page 257]this answer, that it had sold so slowly, that it had undone him. At which words of his, Sir Walter Raleigh stepping to his Desk, reaches his other part of his History to Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in; clapping his hand on his breast, he took the other unprinted part of his Works into his hand, with a sigh, saying, Ah my Frend hath the first part undone thee, the second Volume shall undo no more; this ungrateful world is unworthy of it. When immediately going to the fire side, he threw it in, and set his foot on it till it was consumed: As great a loss to Learning as Christendome could have, or owned; for his first Volumn after his death sold thousands.
And now the time approached wherein he was to act his last part on the Stage of this world, he first sent this following Letter to King James.
Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his Trial.
It is one part of the office of a just and worthy Prince to hear the complaints of his Vassals, especially such as are in great misery. I know not amongst many other presumptions gathered against me, how your Majesty hath been perswaded that I was one of them who were greatly discontented, and therefore the more likely to prove disloyal: But the great God so relieve me in both worlds as I was the contrary; and I took as great comfort to behold your Majesty, & alwayes learning some good, and bettering my knowledge by hearing your Majesties discourse. I do most humbly beseech your sovereign Majesty not to believe any of those in my particular, who under pretence of offences to Kings, do easily work their particular revenge. I trust no man, under the color of making examples, should perswade your Majesty to leave the word merciful out of your stile: for it will be no less profit to your Majesty, and become your greatness, [Page 258]then the word invincible. It is true that the Laws of the Realm are as no lesse jealous of the Kings, then Caesar was of Pompey's Wife; for notwithstanding she was cleared for keeping company with Claudius, yet for being suspected, he condemned her. For my self, I protest it before God Almighty, and I speak it to my Master and Sovereign, that I never invented Treason against him: and yet I know I shall fall in manibus corum à quibus non possum evàdere, unlesse by your Majesties gracious compassion I be sustained. Our Law therefore, most merciful Prince, knowing her own cruelty, and knowing that she is wont to compound Treasons out of her own presumptions and circumstances, and doth give this charitable advice to the King her supream, Non solum sapiens esse, sed misericors, &c. cum tutius est reddere rationem misericordiae quam judicii. I do therefore on the knees of my heart beseech your Majesty from your own sweet and conformable disposition, to remember that I have served your Majesty twenty years, for which your Majesty hath yet given me no Reward; and it is fitter I should be indebted to my Sovereign Lord, then the King to his poor Vassal. Save me therefore, most merciful Prince, that I may owe your Majesty my life it self, then which there cannot be a greater debt. Limit me at least my Sovereign Lord, that I may pay it for your service when your Majesty shall please. If the Law destroy me, your Majesty shall put me out of your power; and I shall have none to fear but the King of kings.
Being brought before the Lord Chief Justice at the Kings Bench in Westminster Hall, the Attorney General demanded Execution according to the Judgement formerly pronounced against him. Whereupon he was asked what he could say why he should not die, according to the Law. His answer was, That this fifteen years he had lived by the meer [Page 259]mercy of the King, and did now wonder how his mercy was turned into justice, he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his Majesties displeasure; and did hope, that he was clear from that Judgement by the Kings Commission, in making him General of the Voyage to Guiana; for (as he conceived) the words, To his trusty and well-beloved Subject, &c. did in themselves imply a pardon. But the Court resolving otherwise, he was committed into the hands of the Sheriff of Middlesex, who presently conveyed him to the Gatehouse in Westminster.
The Imputation of the first bringing in of Tobacco into England lies on this Heroick Knight; but as in the Life of Sir Francis Drake I have cleared him, that his Marriners first brought it in. So for that report, that when he went to his Trial, he took three Pipes in the Coach. I rather look on him as he was too guilty of occasioning the mode of this vanity, rather then that it was any Institution of his own.
The day appointed for his Execution being come, a Scaffold was erected for him before the Parliament House; upon which being brought, with a chearful countenance and undaunted look, he spake as followeth.
My Honourable Lords, and the rest of my good Friends that are come to see me die, know that I much rejoyce that it hath pleased God to bring me from darkness to light, and in freeing me from the Tower, wherein I might have died in disgrace, by letting me live to come to this place; where though I lose my life, yet I shall clear some false accusations unjustly laid to my charge, and leave behinde me a testimony of a true heart both to my King and Countrey.
Two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his Majesties indignation against me, viz. A confederacy or combination with France, and disloyal and disobedient words of my Prince. For the first, his Majesty had some cause, though grounded upon a weak foundation to suspect mine inclination to the French Faction; for not long before my departure [Page 260]from England, the French Agent took occasion, passing by my house to visit me; we had some conference during the time of his abode onely concerning my Voyage, and nothing else, I take God to witness.
Another suspicion is had of me, because I did labour to make an escape from Plimouth to France: I cannot deny, but that willingly, when I heard a rumour, that there was no hope of my life upon my return to London, I would have escaped for the safeguard of my life, and not for any ill intent or conspiracy against the State.
The like reason of suspicion arose, in that I perswaded Sir Lewis Stenkly, my Guardian, to flee with me from London to France; but my answer to this is, as to the other, that onely for my safeguard, and nought else, was my intent, as I shall answer before the Almighty,
It is alledged, that I feigned my self sick, and by art made my body full of blisters when I was at Salisbury. True it is, I did so, the reason was, because I hop'd thereby to defer my coming before the King and Councel, and so by delaying might have gained time to have got my pardon. I have an example out of Scripture for my warrant, that in case of necessity, and for the safeguard of my life; David feigned himself foolish and mad, yet it was not imputed to him for sin.
Concerning the second imputation laid to my charge, that I should speak scandalous and reproachful words of my Prince, there is no witness against me but onely one, and he a Chymical Frenchman, whom I entertained rather for his Jeasts then Judgement. This man to incroach himself into the favor of the Lords, and gaping after some great reward, hath falsely accused me of seditious speeches against his Majesty; against whom if I did either speak or think a thought hurtful or prejudicial, Lord blot me out of the Book of Life.
It is not a time to flatter or fear Princes, for I am a Subject to none but deatb; therefore have a charitable conceit of me: that I know to swear, is an offence, to swear falsely at any [Page 261]time is a great sin; but to swear falsely before the presence of Almighty God, before whom I am forthwith to appear, were an offence unpardonable: therefore think me not now rashly, or untruly to confirm, or protest any thing.
As for other Objections, in that I was brought perforce into England, that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in Money out of England with me more then I made known; that I should receive Letters from the French King, and such like; with many protestations he utterly denied.
Having ended his Speech, he saluted the Company; and after he had made his addresses to heaven, submitted his neck to the stroak of the Axe. Thus ended this worthy Knight; a man of such admirable parts, that he is more to be admired then sufficiently praised. Leaving him to his repose till the last great day, I shall onely set down this following Epitaph made by himself.
The Life of Mr. William Cambden.
THis learned Antiquary, who so diligently preserved the memories of many noble Families of this Nation, and whose laborious Works have been a great light to Histories already extent, and such as future Ages shall produce, is deservedly placed amongst our Heroes; that [Page 262]he whose pen made so many others live, in his never dying Brittania, may likewise live here in this present Work, amongst the rest of our English Worthies.
He was Son to Master Sampson Cambden, descended of an ancient family in Staffordshire; his Mother was extracted from the worshipful family of the Curwens in Cumberland, as he himself witnesseth in his Britannia. He was born in the Old-Baily in the City of London, Anno. 1550. That he was well educated, his learned Works make manifest; being put to School, first in Christ-Church, then at Pauls. At fifteen years of age, (so soon was he ripened for the University) he went to Magdalen Colledge in Oxford: where having much profited, he removed from thence to Broadgates Hall, where he gave some proofs of his learning in those short Latin graces the Servitors still use. From thence he went to Christ-Church, where he attained to such eminency, as his abilities preferred him to be Master of Westminster School.
There is as a learned Gentleman observes, scarce any profession in the Common-wealth more necessary, which is so slightly performed. The reasons whereof he takes to be these. First, young Schollars make this calling their refuge; yea perchance before they have taken any degree in the Ʋniversity, commence Schoolmasters in the Countrey; as if nothing else were required to set up this profession, but onely a Rod and a Ferula. Secondly, others who are able use it onely as a passage to better preferment, to patch the rents in their present fortune, till they can provide a new one, and betake themselves to some more gainful calling. Thirdly, they are disheartned from doing their best, with the miserable reward which in some places they receive; being Masters to the Children, and slaves to their Parents. Lastly, being grown rich, they grow negligent, and scorn to touch the School, but by the proxie of an Ʋsher.
But our Schoolmaster was of another temper, studying his Schollars natures, as carefully as they their Books, and [Page 263]rankt their dispositions into several forms; for that Schoolmaster deserves to be beaten himself, who beats nature in a Boy for a fault. The truth is, our English Schoolmasters, I mean the unworthier sort of them, to conceal their ignorance and continue their profits, keep Boyes in Lillies Grammar; first to get it by short lessons, by heart, and then to construe it, which they have a Book to help themselves with; continuing so long in this no less slothful and knavish practice of theirs, that Foot-boyes and Mechanicks in other Countries speak good familiar Latine, before we are out of our Quae Genus: it being a custom beyond the Seas to chuse a large Grammar, as Disputerius, or the like, which they onely explain, and then fall to their Vocubularies, familiar Authors, and Dictionaries; and in a short time are able to travel with the Latine Tongue over the world. Mr. Cambden taking great pains in the erudition of youth, continued so for a long space, till that he was called aside: Queen Elizabeth making him first Richmond Herald, and not long after Clarenceaux King of Arms; so that here was the story, as Mr. Fuller writes of Dionysius inverted, who from a King became a Schoolmaster, but here a Schoolmaster became a King; (I mean of Arms) which place he discharged with great integrity, being very carefull to preserve the memories of extinguish'd families, and restoring many to their own rightful Arms; as also to curb their usurpation who unjustly entitle themselves to ancient families. Spending his time under a peaceable Prince, he had leasure to compose those most excellent Works of his, which he left behinde him, as a Monument of his never dying fame. Viz. his Britannia, which he wrote in Latine, since translated into English by Philemon Holland Doctor of Physick. A Book which will speak its own worth better then my rude Pen can set it forth. His History of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, the Original and true Edition of which he writ in Latin, it was Printed at London in Folio. The [Page 264]lesser Volumes Printed in Holland are corrupted. That passage in favour of Mary Queen of Scots left out, for which the doors of the Cloisters being shut too by one with a vizard to disguise, he was soundly banged about the walks with these words often repeated, For Queen Elizabeth, and so was dismissed, not knowing to his dying-day, who bestowed so much pains upon him. He wrote a Greek Grammar, which for the clear method and brevity of it, is outdone by no forreign nation. His last book which one would have had written on his monument for his Epitaph, Cambdens Remains, contains the Languages, Names, Sirnames, Allusions, Annagrams, Armories, Monies, Empresses, Apparel, Artillery, wise Speeches, Proverbs, Posies, and Epitaphs.
To recreate the Reader, I think it not amiss to relate some few passages out of this last mentioned book, that it may appear, that our most gravest Authors would many times mix somewhat of mirth with their more solid writtings, to draw the Reader on as well by pleasure as profit.
Amongst other pleasant passages he mentions, Johannes Erigena, sirnamed Scotus, a man renowned for learning, who sitting at the Table, in respect of his learning, with Charles the Bald, Emperour and King of France, behaved himself as a slovenly Schollar, nothing courtly: whereupon the Emperour asked him merrily; Quid interest inter Scotum & Sotum; What is the difference between a Scot and a Sot? He merrily, but yet malapertly answered, Mensa, the Table; as though the Emperour were the Sot and he the Scot.
In another place he mentions the Emperour did set down unto him a dish with two fair great fishes, and one little one; willing him to be carver unto two other Schollars that sat beneath him: this Master John, who was but a little man, laid the two great Fishes upon his own Trencher, and set down the other little Fish unto the two Schollars, who were big men; which when the Emperour saw, he [Page 265]smiling said, In faith, Master John, you are no indifferent divider? yes, if it like your Highness, very indifferent (said he) for here (pointing to himself and the two great Fishes) be two great ones, and a little one, and so yonder (reaching his hand towards the Schollars) are two big ones and a little one.
He continues with the pleasant relation of Winefridus born at Kirton in Devonshire, after sirnamed Boniface, who converted Freesland to Christianity, was wont to say, In old time they were golden Prelates, and wooden Chalices, but in his time wooden Prelates, and golden Chalices.
Then discourses in another place of Ethelwold the Bishop of Winchester, in the time of King Edgar, in a great famine, sold away all the sacred Gold and Silver Vessels of his Church, to relieve the hunger-starved poor people, saying, That there was no reason that the senseless temples of God should abound in riches, and living Temples of the Holy Ghost starve for hunger.
In another place, that when Hinguar of Denmark came so suddenly upon Edmund King of the East-Angles, that he was forced to seek his safety by flight; he happened unhappily on a troop of Danes, who fell to examining of him, whether he knew where the King of the East-Angles was; whom Edmund thus answered, Even now when I was in the palace, he was there, and when I went from thence, he departed thence, and whether he shall escape your hands or no, God knoweth. But so soon as once they heard him name God, the godless infidels pittifully martyred him.
In another place he takes notice of a quick retort to Geffery, base Son to King Henry the Second; who being by him advanced to the See of Lincoln, would in his Protestations and Oaths alwayes protest, By my faith, and the King my Father. But Walter Mapes, the Kings Chaplaine told him, You might do as well to remember sometimes your Mothers honesty, as to mention so often your Fathers Royalty.
As also of Eubulus a scoffing Comical Greek Poet, who [Page 266]cursed himself, if ever he opened his mouth against women; inferring, albeit Medea were wicked, yet Penelope was peerless; if Clytemnestra were naught, yet Alcestes was passing good; if Phaedra were damnable, yet there was another laudable: But here, saith he, I am at a stand; of good women I finde not one more, but of the wicked I remember thousands.
To this purpose I have read in an old Manuscript, Women are all in extrems, too willing, or too wilful; too forward, or too froward; too friendly, or too fiendly; too courteous, or too coy; the mean they alwayes meanly account of.
As also of a certain Captain, who being perswaded to marry, replied no; If I marry a Wife, she will be wilfull; if witty, then wanton; if poor, then peevish; if beautiful, then proud; if deformed, then loathsome; and the least of these is able to kill a thousand men.
But I fear I have been too prolix, I shall onely adde one story concerning Cardinal Wolsey, then give you a taste amongst many others of some of his merry Epitaphs, and so proceed. There was a noble man merrily conceited, and riotously given, that having lately sold the Mannour of an hundred Tenements, came ruffling into the Court in a new Suit, saying; Am not I a mighty man that bear a hundred houses on my back? Which Cardinal Wolsey hearing, said, You might have better employed it in paying your debts. Indeed my Lord (quoth be) you say well, for my Lord, my father, owed my master, your father, three half pence for a Calves-head; hold, here is two pence for it; Wolsey's Father being a Butcher. I will onely set down a few lines of his merry Epitaphs as resemblances of the rest.
But to return where we left, Master Cambden was so great a lover of Learning that he founded an History-Professour in Oxford, to which he gave the Mannour of Bexley in Kent, worth in present a hundred and forty pounds per annum, but (some few years expired) treble as much. And now having lived many years in honour and esteem, death at last, even contrary to Jus Gentium, kill'd this worthy Herald; so that it seems, Mortality, the Law of Nature, is above the Law of Arms. He died the 74. year of his age, November 9. 1623.
He was buried in the Abbey of Westminster, having this Epitaph upon his Funeral Monument.
Obiit Anno Domini 1623. 9. Novembris. Aetatis suae 74.
A base villain, for certainly no person that had a right English soul could have done it, hath defaced his Effigies, not suffering his Monument to stand without violation, whose learned Leaves have so preserved the Antiquities of the Nation.
Though we have met with most horrid transactions, & the inevitable dart of death hath deprived us of learned Master Dodsworth, yet Divine Providence hath still left us two Argus-eyed Antiquaries, Master Ashmole and Master Dugdale; who by their studious Inquiries to their vaste expences in most learned Volumes, have retrived from our late ruines the honor of the Nation. On these Gentlemen I only look as fit to write the Life of their deceased Predecessour Master Selden, one of the late Worthies of our Age, and Wonders of the World.
The Life of THOMAS SUTTON.
FAith, Hope, and Charity, these three divine Graces are a created Trinity, and have some glimmering resemblance of the Trinity uncreated; for as there the Son is begotten of the Father, and the Holy Ghost proceeds [Page 269]from them both; so true Faith begets a constant Hope, and from them proceeds Charity: thus is Gods Temple built in our hearts. St Augustin saith, that the foundation of it is Faith, Hope the erection of the walls, and Charity the perfection of the roof; an excellent vertue, very rare in this contentious self-interested Age, wherein fratrum quo (que) rara gratia est. As a shame to these times, and an honor to the former, I have inserted the life of this worthy Gentleman, which if I had omitted, I had in some kinde detracted from the honor of the Nation. Master Thomas Sutton was of a good extract born in the County of Lincoln, the then seat of Baron Willoby of Eresby, where in his youth he was generously and liberally brought up; he had some knowledge of the Languages, and might pass for more then an indifferent Schollar. In his youth he attended Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk, and afterwards presented his service to the Earl of Warwick, with whom for some space of time he was in high favour, as also with his Brother, that Fox of the State, Robert Earl of Leicester. In process of time the eminency of his Qualifications being more particularly taken notice of, he was preferred, made Master of the Ordnance of Barwick, of the Laws of which Castle I have seen a transcript reputed to have been under his own hand. This place he held for a long time quietly, the Barwick Ordinance having been since charged to Covenant purposes; but by him onely shot off with silver for Charitable uses. The truth is, he first raised his estate from that employment, by living sparingly and thrivingly, continually purchasing and improving of what he had got by merchandize and otherwise. Afterwards in his latter time he withdrew himself from the concourse of conversation, and dwelt in a little Town called Castle-Camp in the County of Cambridge; there he lived privately many years, retained no great Family, entertained few Guests, obscured himself as much as he could, and made no show of his Estate; yet notwithstanding his wealth was [Page 270]so every where openly known, that at last every one gave him the name of the Rich Sutton. And now by this time it was the general wonder of all men, he having no Heir, how he would dispose of his great estate: This made his Kindred, with emulation one to another in his sickness, most diligently to attend him; and in his health, against the time of his sicknes they strove who should present him with the richest gifts; every one of them being freely accepted of. The old man, who as he received all, so they thought at his death to have their own again with the largest Interest.
I have conversed with some of the Wits, who credibly informed me, that Ben. Jonsons Play of the Fox under the name of Vulpone, had some allusion to Mr. Suttons maner of treating of his Kindred. But to pass by such impertinences; as he had vaste sums, so he had vaste thoughts; he had honourable wayes, and determined uses to empty his bags with: the word P. F. being not heard of in those dayes. A Friend of his, with whom he was very intimate, walking with him in his Summer-Parlour, thought to please him with a motion of putting out a summe of his money to interest on good security. Master Sutton shewing a dislike, told him, that he had other purposes, and for the lawfulness of Usury he was not so fully convinced of it, but that he did believe that the most confident Usurer that ever lived would give the best bag he had on his death-bed to be cleared of that case of conscience. He being asked by his friend what he would then do with his money, he answered, that he was onely as treasurer and disposer for poor and wanting persons: which words of his agreed with his mind, as the end of his Life declared. For as he determined with himself, so he afterwards built an Hospital, having first got a Grant from K. James confirmed by Act of Parliament. To this purpose, having bargained with Tho. Earl of Suffolk for a House then called the Seat of the Carthusians, now the Charter-House, which was much out of repair; this with many thousands of [Page 271]pounds he bought of the Earl, though some asperse him, and report that he got it into his hands first by fraud, the Deeds being intrusted to him, that he kept them; by which subtilty he had the advantage to make his own market. I cannot believe this, but if it were true, he had great need, if it could stand him in any stead, to fly to that Scripture which the Romanists make so much use of, Charity covers a maltitude of sins. But to passe by this diversion, this House questionlesse he bought lawfully of the Earl, which he turned into an Hospital: When he was very old, and considering how soon his crazinesse and weaknesse might set a period to his life, and not knowing what injuries the present or future Ages might act against his Charity, he took such care to confirm his will by the Royal power, and the Laws of the Land, that except it hath been abused by the corruption of some particular covetous persons, it hath not been otherwise violated. The particulars of his Testament are too large to be inserted here, I refer the Reader to the printed Copy: I shall onely out of it instance a few particulars. He bestowed upon his Kindred, Friends, and Servants, vaste summes of money, besides six thousand pounds a year to the Hospital: For the performance whereof he chose honest, wise, and experienced Executours. His Will being thus perfected, he fell deadly sick at his House at Hackney near London; in the year of our Lord 1611. he died. Not long after his death the House began to be turned into an Hospital, though after his decease, this good work with several quirks and pretences of Law was oposed, as to the very foundation of it, the Kings ears being abused. At last such was the faithful zeal of those that were intrusted, God assisting them in so honourable actions, that the Institution came to perfection by a quiet possession to the use appointed, with a Library, as a gift worthy of such an Hospital. In this House fourscore old men are maintained, which should be decayed Gentlemen and Souldiers, according to [Page 272]the Doners intent, who are to have an allowance both for their bodies and souls. There is also a School for thirty children of poor parents; though I am credibly informed rich persons of late years, that make the greatest friends, soonest get their children in; an abuse of the Will of the deceased, and a crying oppression of the poor. These Children have their constant diet and clothing. There are several other stipends for the Governour, Overseers, Physicians, nad Chyrurgeons of the Hospital, together with an annual allowance, and an ample stipend assigned to a learned Minister, who in the Chappel on the Lords Day is to preach to the Hospitallers with prayers twice every day in the week. An honourable gift to the end of the world bestowed on the distressed members of our Saviours body.
Master Sutton was first buried in Christs-Church in London, but afterwards removed and interred in the Chappel of his Hospital the Charter-House, where a costly Monument was erected for him by his Executours. The Papists that glory so much of their good works, cannot shew a nobler foundation for a particular person of his quality.
To conclude, though our actions of Charity are never so great, (foolishly thought by them meritorious) yet if not the effects of a true saving faith, they are lost, and a man may for all his Charity go to the Devil. And though the Catholiques would plead from the form of the last judgement, Matthew 25. that God accepts men to Life for their deeds of Charity, feeding, clothing, relieving, &c. yet the Scripture fully testifies, that God neither accepts these, nor our selves for them, no further then they are the effects of a true faith; our persons being first justified by faith in Christ, then God will crown our works. This according to the holy Writ we acknowledge, that Charity for the perpetuity of it excells all other Graces; when we have possession of those pleasures that we believed and hoped, what longer use is there of faith and hope: but our Love [Page 273]shall not end with our lives; we shall everlastingly love our Maker, Saviour, Sanctifier, Angels, and Saints: where no discontent shall breed any jar in our Halelujahs. To conclude, as the use of Mr. Suttons Love and Charity was a comfort and delight to him on earth, what can we think it will be to him in heaven?
The Life of the most Noble, Sir FRANCIS BACON Viscount of Saint ALBANES.
AFter I had bestowed much pains, and strictly enquired the transactions of the life of this incomparable Knight, having finisht it with all the ingenuity, care, and impartiality of a studious minde, I at last had the happiness to meet with it in Latine, exactly and admirably done by Doctour Raleigh his Chaplain; who as he discharged his faithful trust in publishing of some of his Works, I thought my self obliged to do him the right of the alone setting forth of his Life more especially, as no person better knew him then this Reverend Doctour; I have onely translated what he did word for word, neither adding nor detracting.
Sir Francis Bacon, the Honour of his age and Countrey, the credit and ornament of Learning, was born at York-House in the Strand, a noted Street, adjoyning to the City of London, on the 22. day of January, in the year of mans salvation, MDLX. His Father was that famous Councellour to Queen Elizabeth, and while he liv'd, one of the chief Props and Pillars of her Kingdom, Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight, Keeper of the great Seal of England; a Heroe of approved wisdom, judgement, moderation, and integrity. [Page 274]His Mother was Anne, a Daughter of Sir Edward Cook, (who had the education of Edward the Sixth King of England) a Lady both of singular Piety and Vertue, and eminently learned, having no mean skill, especially considering her Sex, in the Greek and Latine Tongues; sprung from such Parents, what manner of person he was like to prove; is hence easie to conjecture, since no advantages either from Nature or Education could be imagin'd to be wanting to him: he past the more tender years of his childhood not without rare testimonies of many growing excellencies, and great abilities of mind; nor did he come on faster in age, then in ingenuity and acuteness of wit, which promised high assurances of that profound and universal knowledge and comprehension of things which rendred him afterwards so famous, and brought him to be taken notice of by many noble persons, and others that were eminent both in dignity and place; and principally by the Queen her self, who, as I have heard from some of repute and credit, took much delight oftentimes to discourse with him, and to try his wit with difficult questions; but with so much gravity and deliberate judgement did he behave himself, that the Queen was us'd to call him the little Lord Keeper of the Seal. Being askt of her how old he was, he yet a childe, ingeniously answered, That he was the yonger by two years for her happy Reign. When he had attained the age that was thought ripe for the University, or rather more early then others commonly us'd to go, he was by his Fathers appointment entered of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge, under the tuition of the most Reverend John Whitgift Doctour of Divinity, at that time Master of that Colledge, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury; a Prelate of the first magnitude, and most conspicuous for Sanctity, Learning, Patience, and Humility, under whom he was found to have made a wonderful progress in the Liberall Arts and Sciences, and above all that were his contemporaries; [Page 275]while he gave himself up wholly to his study in the University, wanting yet somewhat of sixteen years of age. The Philosophy of Aristotle (as his Lordship hath been pleased to impart to me in private discourse) began to seem unsavoury and distasteful to him, not out of any disesteem of that Author, for it was ever his custom to load him with high praises; but because of the insufficiency of that way of Philosphy, since it was so contriv'd and dispos'd (as his Lordship was oftentimes pleas'd to inculcate) as if it had been fram'd onely for disputations and controversies, and was altogether barren as to the production of such operations as tended to the benefit of humane life; in which opinion he persisted to his very last gasp.
After he had run through the whole course of the Liberal Arts, his Father thought fit to have him bend and apply himself chiefly to the study of Politicks; and for that cause, took care to send him into France, in the Company of Sir Amie Pawlet, at that time appointed Ambassadour in ordinary to the French King. He had not been there very long, ere he was so far lookt upon, as to be thought a fit person to be sent into England upon some special message to the Queen; which employment having worthily discharg'd, he was sent back by the Queen, not without some testimony of her grace and favour. Upon his going into France the second time, he took this resolution, not to see England again, till after some certain-years expired. During his travels in France, his Father the Lord Keeper died; leaving behinde him (as I have heard from some that were acquainted with his affairs) a considerable sum of money, purposely set apart for the purchasing of certain Lands and Revenues, for the use of this his youngest Son; who onely of all the rest was left after his Fathers decease, destitute of a hereditary patrimony: for though in his Fathers estate, yet not in his Fathers affection; held he the lowest place But since the buying of those Lands was onely intended and not [Page 276]performed in his Fathers life-time, there fell no more to his share, then according to the proportion of money that was to be distributed among five brothers; which was the cause that he enjoy'd but a slender and somewhat hard fortune during his yonger years; for he came not to the possession of that noble and most delightful Mannor of Gorhambury till many years after, and that by the death of his most dear Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon, a man of great note, and one that had been much conversant in the Courts of Forreign Princes; for the excellency of his Wit equal, but for knowledge in the Liberal Arts, inferiour to his Brother. Between these two there had ever past a most firm league of friendship, as being, besides the same paternal extraction, united by a more strict tye of having both one Mother.
As soon as he return'd out of France, his care was to pitch upon some certain course of life; thereupon he addicted himself to the study and profession of the common Law of England: in which undertaking he in a short time made an admirable progress. Although to use his own words he made choice of that profession, rather as subservient and auxiliary, then as his principal intention. He set forth from the first to the last divers Tractates concerning this subject; in which, though perhaps by some of the ancient standers of that profession, he might be exceeded as to the bulk of volume and number of cases; yet for matter of weight, and his insight into the fundamentals and mysteries of the Law, he gave place to none. He had scarce serv'd out his Apprentiship in the Law, before he was by the Queen taken into her learned Council extraordinary; a favour, as I have heard, scarce granted to any one before. The habitation he chose as most commodious for his studies and Office of Advocate, was amongst the honourable society of Grey's-Inne, into the number of which Society he admitted himself; there he erected that neat and elegant structure, which at this day is known by the name of the Lord Bacons Buildings; [Page 277]in which at times he spent the greatest part of his life (some few years onely excepted) even to the very day of his death. In this Society he carried himself with that mildness, that affability and generosity of minde, that thereby he attracted to himself great love and respect from the Seniors and Students of that Inne.
But though he was tied by the exigence of his fortune, and for his better maintenance to profess the Law; yet his minde and affection inclin'd more to the Political Arts and Offices of State: of which if it had pleased her Royal Majesty, he was as capable as any. In the full strength of his age he admitted himself of the number of those that followed that noble, though unfortunate Heroe, the Earl of Essex; whom as a most faithful and bosom Councellour, he served to his utmost power, ad still laboured to instill into his minde wholesom and honourable precepts; till at length that Earl giving ear to the counsels of certain rash and hairbrain'd men, ran head-long to his own destruction.
This he ow'd to the native and ingenuous endowments of his minde, that they opened to him an easier and freer access unto the Princes Court, then to any others of the same profession; and so by consequence to the presence of the Queen her self, who did not think much to enter into discourse with him apart: and with much familiarity (as often as there was offered any opportunity) not onely in reference to his Profession, and about matters of Law; but also about the weighty affairs of State, and the concernments of the kingdom: and at all times he gave her such judicious answers, that she received great satisfaction by them. But though she abundantly cherisht him with the favour of her countenance, yet never with the favour of a bountiful hand; as never having advanc't him to any publick office, either of honor or profit, excepting onely one dry reversion of a Registers Office in the Star-Chamber, computed at the yearly value of 1600. pound; into the possession of [Page 278]which he came not till about twenty years after, or thereabout: of which office his Lordship said pleasantly in Queen Elizabeths time, That it was like another mans Farm bordering upon his own house, and so might help his prospect, but not fill his Barn. But in King James his Reign, he at length enjoy'd that office, and manag'd it by a deputy. Now that he was not sooner preferr'd cannot be any way attributed to the least aversion or displeasure that the Queen had in her minde against him, but to the fraud and envy of some one of the Noble men, (at that time powerful with the Queen) who sought by all means possible to depress and hinder him; lest if he should be advanced to any heighth of honour, his own glory should be eclipsed by him. However though in the time of his Mistris Queen Elizabeth, his merited promotion was still forestalled or kept back; yet after the change of Government and the coming in of his new master King James, he with a quickned pace soon made a large progress; being by this King eminently enobled with places of trust, honour, anst great revenues. I have seen some letters written with his own hand to King James, in which he acknowledgeth him to have been so good a master to him, as to have nine times conferred upon him his iterated favours, thrice titles of great honour, six times offices of profit: the Offices he means, I suppose were these; he being Councel extraordinary to his Majesty, in which place he had formerly served the Queen, the Kings Sollitour General, the Kings Atturney General, or principal Procurator, made one of the Kings Privy Council, while yet he held the place of Atturney General, Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England, lastly Lord Chancellour of England. Which two last Offices, although they are the same in Authority and Power; yet in their Patent, degree of honour, and favour of the Prince, they differ: and since the time of his holding that Magistracy, none of his successours hath been honoured with that title unto this day. His honours were first his being Knighted [Page 279]by the King, then he was created Baron Verulam, lastly Viscount of St. Albons; besides other rich gifts and extentions of a bountiful hand, which his Majesty was pleased to bestow upon him, as well out of the profits of the great Seal, as out of the Office of Alienation.
When he had arrived to that part of his age, in which fortune smiled upon him, he began to think of marrying; and at length took to Wife Alice the Daughter and one of the Heirs of Bennet Bernham Esquire, and Alderman of London, with whom he received a very considerable Dowry, as well in Land as in ready money: children he had none by her; but for as much as children conduce very much to the perpetuating our names after death, he was not altogether destitute of that advantage, since it was his hap to be blest with an other kinde of Off-spring, for the perpetuation of his memory to after times: namely, the Off spring of his brain, in which he was alwayes wonderfully happy, like Jove himself, when he was delivered of Pallace. Nor did this want of children in the least measure abate his affection to his Wife, toward whom he behav'd himself as an indulgent Husband, and shewed her all manner of conjugal love and respect, bestowing upon her rich Furniture, precious Jewels, and likewise settled upon her a fair Joynture: nor is it to be omitted in honourable remembrance of him, that she wore a rich Wedding Gown which he had bestowed upon her, about twenty years after his death; for so long she surviv'd her most honoured Husband.
The last five years of his life, retiring himself from Court-Affairs, and all kinde of busie employments, he bent himself wholly to study and contemplation; which kinde of life seem'd indeed to be most pleasing to him, as if he would have chosen by his good will to dwell rather in the shade then in the sun-shine. Of which also we may find some not obscure intimations in the reading of his Works; in which space of time he wrote the greatest part of his Books, as well those [Page 280]that were written in English as in Latin; which according to the order of time that they were written in, I (who was present all the while and observ'd) shall endeavour to reckon up, and they were these following. The History of the Reign of Henry the Seventh, King of England; written in English. The Abecedary of Nature, a Metaphysical tractate, which, I know not by what evil fate, perisht. The History of the Windes. The History of Life and Death. The History of Dense and Rare, never till now in Print. The History of Heavy and Light, which also is lost. These Books were composed in the Latin tongue. Next were certain English Fragments, as namely these. A Discourse concerning the carrying on of a War with Spain. A Diologue concerning the Holy War. The-Fable of new Atlantis. A Preface to be plac't before the body of the Laws of England. The beginning of the History of Henry the Eighth King of England. Between some of these came that learned work of his, call'd The Advancement of Learning; in the Translating of which (a thing undertaken of his own accord) out of his native Tongue into the Latine, our most honour'd Author took very great pains, and from time to time inricht it with many and various additions. After these came his Councels, Civil and Moral, formerly call'd Essays, augmented both as to their number and weight, in the English tongue. Some of Davids Psalms Composed into English Verse. Moreover divers of his Works already mention'd, he converted out of English into Latin, which were these. The History of the Reign of Henry the Seventh, King of England. His Counsels Civil and Moral, call'd Faithful sayings, or the Inward sense of things. The Diologue of the Holy War, and the Fable of New Atlantis; these he translated in favour of Forreigners, by whom he heard they were desired. Other Books that he writ originally in Latin were, his book of the Wisdom of the Ancients, review'd by himself. The last place was taken up by his Syvla Sylvarum, or Natural History; a work [Page 281]written in English. And these were the fruits which ripened in the shade of the fore-mentioned five years. The Books composed before that five years space I here pass by; but it was fully determin'd by him at the command of the late most Serene King Charles, to have compil'd the History of Henry the Eighth King of England: but that Work proceeded not beyond designation onely, it pleasing God to put a period to the life of this most famous Authour. Yet there is extant a certain taste of that History which a few morning hours of one day brought forth, publisht in English amongst his Miscellany Works; and from thence you may discern the Lion by his claw.
The Vertues of this Heroe, and the rich endowments of his mind were so many, that to commemorate them would take up no less space then the whole course of life; those faculties which you shall finde in other men, though not of the meanest parts, to lie dissever'd and solitary, in him appear'd to be united, and as it were joyn'd in Wedlock: these were a ready and acute wit, a faithfull memory, a penetrating judgement, and a flowing eloquution. Of the former three his Books abundantly testifies, of which (as Hirtius saith of Julius Caesar) As well and truly others may judge as we also know with what ease and celerity he writ them. But of the fourth, namely his Eloquution, I judge it not amiss to mention that which I have heard the famous Sir Walter Raleigh (a man endow'd with singular vertues, and who well deserves to have his judgement rely'd on) once discoursing, viz. That the Earl of Salisbury was a good Oratour, but a bad Writer; and contrariwise, that the Earl of Northampton was a good Writer, but a bad Oratour; but that Sir Francis Bacon excell'd in both, as well in speaking as in writing.
Often came this thought into my minde, that if ever God in these last times vouchsaft to enlighten any mortal man with a certain ray of humane Science, doubtless it was this very man whom he so enlightned; for though our [Page 282]Authour had been a diligent peruser of Books, yet it cannot be granted that he took his knowledge out of Books onely, but out of certain principles and notions kindled within, which nevertheless he not rashly, but with great caution and deliberation divulged. That Work of his called Novum Organum (to which he himself attributes the first place among his works) was certainly no idle dream or comment of his own brain, but as it were a fixt and radicated notition, the off-spring of many years and hard labor. I found among the Archives of his Lordship about a dozen Copies written with his own hand of this Novum Organum new labour'd, and brought back to the Forge from year to year; and every year more exactly polisht and corrected, until at length it grew up to that Volume in which it was publisht: just as some sort of creatures are wont to lick their young ones, until such time as they bring them to a certain form and firmness of members. In the composing of his Books he chiefly aim'd at the life and vigour of expression, and perspicuity of Words, rather then Elegancy or the quaint order of Phrase; and as he was writing or dictating he would often ask whether his sense was very clear and perspicuously rendred, as one who knew it to be equal that words should wait upon things, not things upon words; and if by chance he had lighted upon a more polite stile then ordinary, (as among us he was ever counted a grand master of English Eloquence) it therefore happened as being a difficult thing for him to shun it; for he was not overmuch taken with subtilties and allusions of words, but alwayes set himself industriously to avoid them, well knowing that such kinde of vanities were nothing else but deviations or wandrings from the intended aim, and that they did not a little hurt and detract from the gravity and dignity of stile. When he us'd to read he would not dwell so long upon a Book, as to glut or weary himself; for though he read much, yet it was with great judgement and a rejection of all [Page 283]the Refuse that commonly we shall meet withal in most writers; yet he still intermingled with his studies a convenient relaxation of minde, as gentle walking, riding in a Coach, or on a Horse, and that not swift but leasurely, playing at Bowls, and other exercises of the like nature; nor did he give way to the loss of any time, for as soon as he returned home, he presently and without the least delay set himself afresh to reading and meditation, so that he suffered not any moment or particle of time to perish or pass away in vain.
His Table you might well call a repast for the ears as well as for the belly, not unlike those Attick Nights, or the Banquets of the Deipnosophists, at which men might feast their mindes and intellects no less then their bodies. I have also known some men of excellent wit, who profess that they betook themselves to their Common-place books as often as they arose from his Table. He never counted it any glory to baffle or put to the blush any of his guests or those that discourst with him, as some delight to do; but whatsoever their parts or faculties were, he was still ready to cherish and help them forward: nor was it his custom to arrogate to himself onely the liberty of speech, but to permit unto those that sate with him the freedom of speaking when ever it came to their turn, adding this also, that he would most willingly hear any one discourse in his own Art, and was still forward to incite and draw him on to that manner of discourse; as for himself he contemn'd no mans observations, nor was he asham'd to light his own Lamp at anothers Candle.
His speeches and common sayings were scarce ever called in doubt, as he discourst all heard him willingly, no man opposing, as if the things he uttered had been rather Oracles then sayings; which I judge must be attributed, either to the exact weighing of his words before he uttered them in the ballance of truth and reason, or else to the esteem that all men had of him. Whence that kinde of argumentation, in [Page 284]which a controversie was held pro and con, his Table was scarce acquainted with; or if any such by chance did intervene, it was manag'd with great submission and moderation.
I have aften observ'd, and it was taken notice of by many noble persons, that if haply any occasion fell out into discourse of repeating another mans speech, he was still furnisht with a way to bring it forth in a new and better dress; so that the Author of it might perceive his own saying brought to him back again more elegantly apparell'd then when he sent it from him, although in sense and substance no whit injur'd; as if to use handsome forms of speaking were a thing planted in him by nature: not unlike what Ovid in the business of composing Verse sung of himself.
As aften as he was constrain'd by his Office to condemn any guilty person (which duty was incumbent upon him, as being learned Councel to the Kings majesty) whether in criminal matters of a lesser nature, or in capital offences, he never carried himself proud or lofty towards the delinquent, but always milde and of a moderate temper: and though he knew that it was his duty in behalf of the King to urge and aggravate the crime, as much as in him lay against the guilty person, yet he so carried himself, that at the same time he lookt upon the fact with an eye of severity, upon the person with an eye of mercy. In matters of State when he was called into the Kings Privy Council, he ever observ'd the best manner of counselling, not ingaging his master in any rash counsels, or such as were grievous to the people, but rather temporate and equal; insomuch as King James honoured him with this testimony, That he knew the method of handling matters after a milde and gentle manner; and particularly exprest himself, that it was a thing highly pleasing to his Majesty.
Nor was he when occasion serv'd less gracious with the [Page 285]Subjects of the Kingdom, then with the King himself; he was ever very acceptable to the Parliamentary Committees (while he sate there) of the Lower House, in which he often made Speeches with great applause. After he was advanc't to the office of Atturney General, and elected to sit in Parliament, liberty was granted to him, by common suffrage, of sitting in consultation among them; a thing not known to have been granted to any other Atturney General.
And as he had the praise of a good Servant towards his Master, (for as much as in nineteen years administration, as he himself affirm'd, he never incurr'd the Kings displeasure for any offence immediately committed against the Kings Majesty) so he obtained the name of a good Master towards his own Servants, and freely rewarded their diligent services with eminent Offices, as often as they came into his power to bestow, which was a main cause why he was almost wearied with prayers to receive into the number of his Pages so many young men of the better sort, and sprung from noble families; and if any of them abus'd his grace and favour, that was onely to be attributed to the errour of his native goodness, though it redounds to their perpetual infamy and intemperance.
This our worthy was a strict worshiper of the Divine Majesty, for although it hath been a custom among the vulgar to brand political persons, and men of eminent wits with the note of Atheism, yet that he both acknowledg'd and worshipt God, appears most evidently by various testimonies dispersed through the whole course of his Works; for otherwise he had destroyed and overthrown his own principles, which were, That Philosphy onely sipt and slightly tasted of, draws us from God, as that which magnifies second causes beyond their due; but that Philosophy taken in a full draught brings us at length back unto God. Now that he himself was a very profound Philosopher, there is no man I suppose that can deny; nor is this all, but he was likewise both able and ready to render an account of that hope which was in him to any one that desired it; and of this, that Confession of Faith, set forth at the end of his Volumne hath left a sufficient proof. He very frequently us'd (when he was in perfect health to be present at Divine service, whether privately or publickly celebrated, at the hearing of Sermons, at the Participation of the holy Eucharist, and at length he quietly slept in the true Faith establisht in the Church of England.
This is to be affirm'd for a certain, that he was utterly void of all malice, which as he said himself, he never brought forth nor nourisht; of the revenging of injuries he never so much as thought, since to the performance thereof, had he been so disposed, he was sufficiently armed, both with opportunity and power. A remover of Officers from their places, he was not in the least manner, although he might have inricht himself by the destruction and ruine of others: nor did he ever bear the name of a calumniator of any man to his Prince. On a [Page 286]certain day, when one of the chief Ministers of State, who had borne him no good will, being lately dead; the King askt him what he thought of that Lord who was dead, he answered, That he was such a one as never had promoted his Majesties Affairs, or made them better; but that doubtless he had done his best to keep them from sinking or declining. This was the hardest Sentence he would utter concerning him, which indeed I reckon not among his Morall but his Christian vertues.
His name was more celebrated & shin'd brighter abroad amongst forreigners, then at home among his own Countreymen; as it is mentioned in holy Writ, A Prophet is not without honour, except in his own Country, and in his own House. To make this good, I shall produce a little passage out of an Epistle sent from Italy (the shop of polite Wits) to the late Earl of Devonshire, at that time Baron Candish, which was thus. The new Essays of the Lord Chancellor Bacon, as also his History, and whatsoever besides he is now about, I shall expect with infinite thirst of mind, but especially in his History I promise to my self a perfect and well polisht work, and chiefly in the Affairs of Henry the Seventh; in the relating of which, he will have liberty to exercise the gift of his accute wit. That Lord daily increaseth in fame, and his Works are more and more in chocie request among us, and those who in humane Affairs are wise above the vulgar, repute him among the greatest and most sublime wits of the age, and so in truth he is. Many of his Books were taught other languages, as well the ancient and modern, both heretofore and of late by those of forreign Nations. Divers eminent men, while he was living, came over into England for no other cause but onely to see him, and to have an opportunity of discoursing with him; upon one of whom he bestowed his Picture drawn whole at length from head to foot to carry back with him into France; which he thankfully receiv'd, as a thing that would be very grateful and acceptable to his Countreymen; that so they might enjoy the Image of his Person as well as the Images of his Brain, viz. his Book. Among others the Marquess of Fiat a Nobleman in France, (who came Ambassadour into England in the first year of Queen Mary's comming over, the Wife of King Charles) was affected with a very earnest desire of seeing him; whereunto having gain'd an opportunity, and coming into his Bed-chamber where he lay sick of of the Gout, he addrest himself to him with a very high Complement; as that his Lordship had alwayes been to him like the Angels of whom he had heard and read many things, but that it had never been in his power to see them. From the time of which meeting such amity was contracted between them, and so great a veneration the Marquess had for him, that besides frequent visitations they held a constant correspondence in Letters, saluting one another by the name and title of Father and Son. Not to mention here those innumerable Commendations sent him in Epistles from the most eminent men of Forreign Nations, addicted [Page 287]to the study of Wisdom and good Arts, it being a thing common to him with others of note and fame.
But now that I discourse of his Fame, I would to be understood as if I writ in a stile not exclusive but comparative; for his Fame ever among the English was not faint or drooping, but lively and vigorous, especially among those that were conspicuous for their acute and sublime parts; of which I shall insert two testimonies, and no more. The first is this, When his History of Henry the Seventh was just ready for the Press, it was sent by King James to Fulk Lord Brook to peruse, who when he had read it all over, sent it back to the Author with this commendation; Present my respects to his Lordship, and entreat him from me to have a special care of buying good Paper and Ink; for this Work of his is excellent above any thing that I have seen in this kinde. The other is the testimony of Doctour Samuel Collins, late Professour of Divinity in the famous Ʋniversity of Cambridge, and Master of Kings Colledge, a man of no vulgar wit, who (whether pleasantly or seriously) affirmed to me, That after he had read his Book of the Advancement of Learning, he thought himself driven to that pass, that he must be forc't to renew the whole course of his studies from the very beginning, and that all this while he had but lost his labour.
It was earnestly desir'd by some, that I would insert some things concerning his Diet, and the government of his Health, in regard that because of his universal knowledge in natural things, his example might be a guide to others. As to his Diet therefore he us'd rather a full and liberal way of feeding, according as he found his stomach able to bear, then thin and sparing; which way he hath also commended in some places of his History of Life and Death. In his younger years he fed chiefly upon the more delicate and light sort of meats, as the flesh of Fowls, and the like; but afterwards having learned more experience, he rather approved of stronger meat, such as is sold in the shambles, as that which would supply the body with more firm and substantial juyce, and (that I may use his own words) less dissipable, upon which alone he himself would often feed, although his Table were furnished with variety of all sorts of dishes; you may well think that he did not in the least manner neglect that which you shall finde him to have so often cry'd up in his writings, namely the often use of Nitre, whereof he took every day in the morning, about three grains in a mess of thin warm Broth, and this course he continued for thrity years at least before his death. As for his use of Physick, it is true that he lived medicinably but not miserably, for once in six or seven dayes, he continually took a dram and a half of Rubarb, and no more, infus'd and macerated for the space of half an hour in a draught of Ale and White-wine mixt together; and that a little before meat (either dinner or supper) to keep his body from drying up, since as he affirm'd it would [Page 288]carry away the excrementitious humours of the body, and not cause the spirits to exhale, as frequent sweating useth to do. Now certainly to take so little Physick as this could not be miserable, but for any other medicaments, whatsoever hath been vulgarly reported, he would not at all accustom himself to them. The remedy against the Gout, which he himself discovered, and which he found by experience would asswage the pain in two hours space, is extant at the end of his Natural History.
It is likely that at his Nativity the Moon held some principal place, as in the Horoscope or Mid-heaven; for as oft as the Moon was in the wane or suffered an Eclipse, he was taken with a sudden faintness or depression of spirit, and this would happen though he had had no knowledge beforehand of the Moons defect; but as soon as the Moon had begun to recover her former light, he presently grew well again.
He died on the 9th. day of April, MDCXXVI, very early in the morning, being the day before the feast of the Resurrection of our Lord, commonly called Easter Eve, in the sixty sixth year of his age, at the Earl of Arundels House at High-gate, a Village near London; to which place he came about eight dayes before, not with an intent to make any abode there, but onely for his pleasure and recreations sake: but God so ordained it, that in this place he should end his dayes. It was of a lingering Ague that he died, together with a strong Catarrh, which caused so violent a defluction of humours to his brest, that by a sudden suffocation the passage of his life was intercepted. He was buried in St. Michaels Church near St. Albans, a place destin'd for his Sepulchre upon some grand considerations; as both because the body of his Mother lay buried in the same Church, as because that Church is the onely place remaining at this day, out of the ruines of old Verulam. Here a famous Monument of white Marble was built to his memory (by the care and gratitude of Sir Thomas Mutes, administrator of his last Will and Testament, heretofore Secretary to his Lordship, and afterwards Clerk to the Privy Council under two Kings) having upon it his Effigies in a posture sitting in a chair, and intent upon his study; together with an Epitaph, which that most elegant and polite person Sir Henry Wootton composed, out of the reverence and admiration which he bare to his memory.
But though his Body which he put off and laid aside were mortal, yet his Books and Fame will doubtless be everlasting; and as soon will the frame of the Earth be dissolv'd as they stoop to fate: mov'd with the consideration of which, it seem'd good to me to collect, according to my slender capacity, these memories, such as they are, that I also might be serviceable to the propagating of his name to posterity. There are some light passages and pleasant Apothegms which I have often Beard discoursed of the life of this ever to be honoured Worthy, which as this reverend Doctor thought too low for the Grandeur of Sir Francis to have recorded, I submit to his better determination and have thought fit to silence my Pen.
The Life of LANCELOT ANDREWS Bishop of Winchester.
IT is poetized of the Thracian Orpheus, that his Oratotary was so powerful, that with it, he drew the senseless stones after him, towards the building of Thebes; which some moralize that his eloquence was such, as attracted the senseless and stony multitude from Barbarism, to frame themselves to a civil and well ordered life. What was storied of Orpheus, may fitly be applied to this learned Bishop, who with his heavenly Oratory, drew many stony senseless hearts out of the Captivity of Satan, unto the glorious freedom of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. For his person we can add nothing to him, to name him is enough to all that knew him, and to read him will be enough to them that knew him not; his piety being such as was esteemed comparable to that which was found in the primitive Church.
This right reverend father in God, Bishop of Winchester; Prelate of the Garter, was born in the City of London, descended from the ancient Family of the Andrews in Suffolk; his Father a Merchant of good repute, and (according to the Religion of those ancient times) very devout being one of the Society and Masters of the Holy Trinity; commonly called Trinity-House. He in his tender years, shewed great aptness to learning, which he so improved under his two School-masters, Mr. Ward, Master of the Coopers Free School in Radcliffe, and Mr. Mulchaster Master of the Merchant-Taylors Free School in London, that he promised a golden Harvest from so hopeful a seed-time. So that from his youth he declared an extraordinary worth, that he was made up of learning and vertue; in both of them so eminent, that it was hard to judge which had the precedency [Page 290]and greater interest; though it was truly asserted from his contemporaries, that there was not any kinde of Learning that he was a stranger to, but in his profession admirable; which was as well if not better known abroad then admired at home.
Having under these two gained an excellent knowledge in the Greek and Hebrew Languages, he was sent to Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge, where he was by Doctor Wats Archdeacon of Middlesex, a Benefactor to that house, placed in one of the Greek Schollarships: soon after he was made Bachellour of Arts, and a Fellowship being void, he and Thomas Dove (afterwards Bishop of Peterburgh) for the obtaining thereof, were put to a trial of some Schollastical exercises; upon performance whereof, they chose him into the fellowship; yet so well did they approve of his opponent, that they made him some allowance for his present maintenance, under the title of a Tanquam Socius. Thus this great miracle of worth that arrived to such a fulness of material learning, had yet room enough left him in the temper of his brain for almost all Languages to seat themselves; so that his learning had all the helps that Language could afford, and his language learning enough for the best of them to express: so that it might be said of him as it was of Claudius Drusus, that he was a man of great parts as mortal nature could receive, or industry make perfect.
In process of time his endowments made him so eminent, that he was invited unto Jesus Colledge in Oxford, by Mr. Hugh Price, who built the same; whose decerning spirit presaging of his future abilities, nominated him in his foundation to be one of his first Fellows there; and having taken the degree of Master of Art, he applied himself wholly to the study of Divinity. Soon after was he chosen Catechist in the Colledge, which he performed so well, that not onely the University became his common auditors, but many out of the Countrey resorted thither, greatly admiring at his profound learning.
Henry Earl of Huntington hearing of his worth, sent for him, to accompany him into the North (whereof he was President;) where by his painful preaching, he converted many Recusants to the Protestant Religion. And now his abilities being still better known to the world, Sir Francis Walsingham, (Secretary of State to Queen Elizaheth) took special notice of him, and by his means he was preferred to be Vicar of Saint Giles without Cripple-Gate London; then Prebend and Residentiary of St. Pauls, and afterwards Prebend of the Collegiate Church of Southwell; soon after upon the death of Doctor Fulk, he was elected into the Mastership of Pembroke-hall in Cambridge. Afterwards he was made Chaplain in ordinary to Queen Elizabeth, who took such delight in his preaching, that she resolved upon his higher preferment: but having made him first Prebend, and not long after Dean of Westminster, death prevented her of her intentions.
But what was wanting in her, was performed by her learned successour King James; who admiring him for his transcendent abilities: (soon after his coming to this Crown) made him Bishop of Chichester, and Lord Almoner, and withal added the parsonage of Cheyham in Surrey to his Commendam.
He now as he excelled most of his Brethren in dignity, he thought it not enough, unless he did more then imitate them in sanctity of life; and knowing no better rule for his direction herein, then what Saint Paul had prescribed to Timothy; he resolved to make those precepts his rules of practice. In these addresses of his to Heaven, first, he led his life (as in respect to men) blameless; his vertues admired by all, but imitated of few: his life being like a candle set on a candlestick, which gave light to the whole House; drawing many souls to God as well by his holy conversation, as pious preaching. It is a true saying. A mans pious carriage makes his speech perswasive. Secondly his charity [Page 292]was most transcendent, to pass over many vast sums, he bestowed upon poor Parishes, Prisons, and Prisoners, his private Alms in his last six years (besides those publique) amounted to the sum of 1300. pounds and upwards. Notwithstanding by what hath been said he might seem in his life time to be his own Almoner, yet extended he his works of compassion most abundantly at his death, leaving four thousand pounds to purchase two hundred pounds land per annum for ever, to be distributed by fifty pounds quarterly thus; to aged poor men fifty pounds, to poor widdows, the wives of one husband, fifty pounds to the binding of poor Orphans Apprentices, fifty pounds; and to the relief of poor prisoners, fifty pounds. Also he gave two hundred pounds to poor Maid-servants of honest report, who had served one Master or Mistress seven years, to be distributed presently after his decease. Many other acts of Charity did this good Bishop do; a fair coppy for new succeeding rich Cleargy-men, who are all for the mountain word of Faith, but have nothing to do with good Works to write after.
He had alwayes a special care of promoting sufficient and able men to Livings; a great mans letter will do but little good with him, if he saw not piety as well as personage in the party. His enquiry was constantly to know what hopeful young men were in the University, and on them he bestowed the preferments which fell in his gift; thus he weighed their merits in the Balance. His own manner of preaching being no less wise then eloquent; so he would have men of his profession to be possessed with a Christian and religious wisdom to preserve peace and truth together. Nevertheless as he understood his own qualifications, he the better knew what men of his function were able to perform. And though his improvements were admirable, after he was Vicar of Saint Giles, and his dislikes of all preaching, which by being too frequent, is withal too loose, thence was [Page 293]his censure on himself (recorded by Bishop Brockridge in his Funeral Sermon) that when he preached twice a day at St. Giles, he prated once; not but that his very table talk, and what, in the depth of his humility he called his prating, was more useful & more learned then the very best preaching of them that are enemies to his Glory, as well as Doctrine. But because he thought the word of God was never well enough handled, and that the work of God was never well enough done, until it had received the utmost care and circumspection: as Mr. Fuller excellently discoursing of preaching twice a day, commends the necessity of a large repitition in the afternoon; which he compares to a dish of cold meat, which with a little addition will suffice those that are not of too greedy appetites, all ear and nothing else. Doctor Dun renders an excellent reason, why some are so tedious and long-winded in their holding forth; For that, saith he, there ware is course, they can afford the larger measure. But to return to our present undertaking, our Bishops fidelity in his Almoner-ship was such, that he would never suffer one penny of that which accrewed to him by that place; to be mingled with any of his own Rents or Revenues; and wherein he kept a more exact account then of his own estate. And if upon accounts at any time he found any surplusage, he would never suffer it to lie by him, but like a faithful Steward distribute the same to poor housholders, and other persons where he saw most need.
But in recounting his vertues, let us not forget to what height they preferred him; having held the Bishoprick of Chichester about four years, his Majesty advanced him to that of Ely, wherein he sat about nine years; in which time he was made a Privy Councellour first of England, and then of Scotland, in his attendance of the King thither. He was afterwards preferred to the Bishoprick of Winchester, and the Deanry of the Kings Chappel; which two last preferments he held to the day of his death.
He was ever faithful, provident, and careful to keep in good repair the Houses of all his Spiritual Preferments, and spent much money that way. As upon the Vicarage House of Saint Giles, the Prebends and Deans House of Westminster, and the Residentiaries House of S. Pauls. Upon the house belonging to the Bishoprick of Chicester he expended above four hundred and twenty pound: Of Ely above two thousand four hundred and forty pound. Of Winchester (besides a Pension of four hundred pound per annum, from which he freed his See at his own charge) he spent two thousand pound.
He bequeathed several Legacies to the Parishes of Saint Giles, Saint Martins Ludgate, where he had dwelt, Saint Andrews in Holborn, Saint Saviours in Southwark, All-Saints Berking, where he was born, and others. Also to Pembroke-Hall in Cambridge (where he had been a Schollar, Fellow, and Master) a thousand pound to purchase Land for two Fellowships. Besides three hundred Folio Books of his own, to the encrease of their Library; together with a gilt Cup, and a Bason and Ewer of great worth.
His gratitude to those from whom he had received any benefits was most conspicuous; as Doctour Ward, son to his first School-master, upon whom he bestowed the Living of Waltham in Hampshire. Master Mulcaster his other Schoolmaster he alwayes reverendly respected living, and being dead caused his Picture (having but few other in his House) to be set over his Study door. Upon a Kinsman of Doctor Wats (which was all he could finde of that Generation) he bestowed preferments in Pembroke-Hall. But should I go about to particularize all his Vertues, it were sufficient of its self to make up a Volumn.
Master Crashaw, the second Herbert of our late Times, write these following Verses in Latine and English on the Bishop; some of which are placed before his Picture to his Sermons.
In Picturam reverendissimi Episcopi D. Andrews.
Ʋpon Bishop Andrews Picture before his Sermons.
To draw to a period of his Life which happened September 25. 1626. in the third year of the Reign of King Charles, and 71. of his Age. When he changed this mortal for an immortal life, becoming one of those heavenly Choristers, which sing continual Hallelujahs unto the Lord, as Master Waller admirably expresses in his Poems.
He lieth buried in the upper Isle of the Parish Church of Saint Saviours in Southwark, over whom his Executours have erected a very fair Monument of Marble and Alablaster, enscribed with this Epitaph.
Anno Regis Caroli IIIo. Aetatis suae LXXIo. Christi MDCXXVI.
Sit Deo Gloria.
His Works were many and pious. Ninety six Sermons preached upon several occasions, like which the Christian World hath not many such bodies of Sermons; he being a Preacher that had both the Urim and the Thummim: the former in his word, the latter in his example. In the next place his Opera Posthuma, Concio ad Clerum pro gradu Doctoris. Ad Clerum in Synodo Provinciali. Coram Rege habita Vo. August 1606. In discessu Palatini XIIIo. Aprill 1613. Theologica Determinatio de Jurejurando. De Ʋsuris. [Page 298]De Decimis. Respontiones ad 3. Epistolas Petri Molinei. An Answer to the 18. and 20. cc. of Cardinal Perons Reply. A Speech in the Star-Chamber against Master Thrask. Another there concerning Vows in the Countess of Shrewburies case. His Respontio ad Apologiam Cardinalis Bellarmini. An Author, whom when he wrestled with, felt him, he being one as well able to shift for himself, as any of the Roman party. His Manual of Devotions he originally penned in the Greek Tongue, which Mr. Drake hath most excellently translated. Another excellent Volumn of his on the Commandments, publisht by Master Jackson, with his Incomparable Lectures on Genesis, which he preacht in Saint Pauls: A Volumn, which had he lived to have revised, could not have been out-done. To conclude, how consummate a Divine, how exact a Preacher, how accute a Disputant, how judicious a Moderatour, and how eminent a Christian he was, there is nothing more easie to determine, both from the admiration of the best men, and from the malignity of the worst, then from these his Incomparable Writings, which he left behind him for his perpetual Monuments?
The Life of Doctour DONNE Dean of PAULS.
THis Worthy Prelate, whose Learning hath made him deservedly famous, was born in London, extracted by his Fathers side from an ancient and worshipful Family in Wales, and by his Mother from the learned Sir Thomas [Page 299]Moor, and the laborious Judge Rascal, those two great Pillars of Law and Learning. His first Education was in his Fathers house, where a private Tutour had the care of him; under whom he so profited, that at nine years of age he was sent to the University of Oxford, having besides the Latine and Greek, attained to a knowledge of the French Tongue; Languages which few Children understand at that age; nay, many scarcely their own.
Remaining in Hart-Hall (having for the advancement of his studies Tutours in several Sciences to instruct him) he in short time advanced to such a height of Learning, as declared him fit to receive his first degree in the Schools: but his Parents being of the Romish perswasion, conscionably averse to some parts of the Oath, dehorted him from it; whose advice as Paternal Commands, he dutifully obeyed. Here fell he in acquaintance with that great Master of Language and Art, Sir Henry Wootton, betwixt whom was such friendship contracted, that nothing but death could force the separation.
And now (like a laborious. Bee desirous to gather honey from more flowers then one) he was transplanted from Oxford to Cambridge, (our other renowned Nursery of Learning) where he much improved his studies, but took no degree, for the reasons formerly mentioned.
Being about seventeen years of age, his Father died, who left him three thousand pound in ready money his mother and those to whose care he was committed, willing he should be able to manage such an estate, took him from Cambridge, and placed him in Lincolns-Inne; where for the improvement of his knowledge, they provided him Tutors in several Sciences, as the Mathematicks and others; but with these they had instructions also, to instil into him the Principles of the Romish Church. And indeed they so wrought with him, (having for their advantage, besides their opportunity, the example of his most dear and pious [Page 300]Parents) that they had almost obliged him unto their faith. But rectifying his judgements by the holy Scriptures, and conferring Papists and Protestants Works together he was not onely drawn off from their Opinions, but more settledly grounded in the Protestant Religion.
And now having a youthful desire to travel, and a fit opportunity by occasion of the Earl of Essex going to Cales, he embraced the advantage, and went along with him; and having seen the issue of that expedition, left them and went into Italy, and from thence into Spain; where by his industry he attained to a perfection in their Languages, and returned home with many useful observations of those Countreys, their Laws, and Government.
Soon after his return the Lord Elsmore, Lord Keeper of the great Seal, and after Chancellour of England, taking notice of his abilities, entertain'd him for his chief Secretary, in whose service he fell in love with a young Gentlewoman who lived in that Family, Neece to the Lady Elsmore, and Daughter to Sir George More, Chancellour of the Garter, and Lieutenant of the Tower. And notwithstanding her Friends opposed, and endeavoured what they could to prevent it, yet some faithful promises having interchangeably past betwixt them, they resolved, and did marry, without the knowledge or advice of those that might justly claim an interest in the disposing of them.
But his Father-in-law Sir Geor. More was so immeasurably incens'd at what was done, that he not only detained his wife from him, but procured the Lord Elsmore to discharge him of the place he held under his Lordship. And although the Lord Chancellour at his dismission protested he thought him a fitter Secretary for a King then a Subject, yet could not this put a period to Sir Georges choller, never leaving till he had cast him into prison, as also his two special Friends, Master Samuel Brook, (who was after D in D. and Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge) who had married [Page 301]him, and his Brother Master Christopher Brook of Lincolns-Inne, who gave him his Wife, and witnessed the Marriage.
In the time of Master Donnes melancholly Imprisonment, how true I know not, onely I have heard it often discoursed, that he writ on the window with the point of his Diamond, reflecting on the then present affliction of his Marriage these words, John Donne, done and undone.
But long were they not there, but Mr. Donne got himself enlarged, and soon after his two Friends; and long it was not ere the edge of his Father-in-laws passion was taken off by the advice of some Friends, who approved his Daughters choice: and although at present he refused to contribute any means that might conduce to their livelihood, yet did he bestow upon them his Paternal Blessing, and secretly laboured his sons restauration into that place of which his own rashness had bereft him; although it found no success. The Lord Chancellour replying, That though he was sorry for what he had done, yet it stood not with his credit to discharge and re-admit Servants at the request of passionate Petitioners.
And now Mr. Donne by means of his Father-in-law being brought out of employment, the greatest part of his portion by many and chargeable travels wasted, the rest disburst in some few Books, and dear bought experience; was surrounded with many and sad thoughts. And indeed no apprehension of discourtesie strikes so deep into a man, as to receive it from those where we expect the greatest courtesies; certainly he who hurts his Son-in-law, cannot chuse but harm his own Daughter. Neither is it enough for him to say he repenteth him of what he hath done, unless withal he endeavor for him a new employment, and allow him maintenace so long as he is out of it: As did this good Knight Sir George More, who repenting of his errour gave Master Donne a Bond to pay him eight hundred pound at a certain day, as a portion [Page 302]with his Wife, and to pay him for their maintenance twenty pound quarterly, (as the Interest of it) until the said portion were paid.
Master Donne during the time of his Father-in-laws displeasure, was curteously entertained by their noble Kinsman Sir Francis Wally of Pirford, where he remained many years; who as their charge encreased, (for she had yearly a childe) so did he encrease his love and bounty.
Sir Francis dying, he for a while kept house at Micham near Croyden in Surrey; but being importuned by his friends, he left Micham, and had a convenient house assigned him by that honourable Gentleman Sir Robert Drury, next his own, in Drury-Lane, who not onely gave him his dwelling rent free but was also a daily cherisher of his studies.
And now was he frequently visited by men of greatest learning and judgement in this kingdom; his company desired by the Nobility, and extreamly affected by the Gentry; his friendship was sought for of most forreign Ambassadours, and his acquaintance entreated by many other strangers, whose learning or employment occasioned their stay in this kingdom. Divers of the Nobility interceeded for his preferment at Court, and great hopes was given him of some State employment; his Majesty having formerly known and much valued him, was much pleased to hear his learned disputes, frequently used as they sat at meals. About this time was that great dispute in England, concerning the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, in which the King had ingaged himself; who talking occasionly with Mr. Donne concerning some arguments urged by the Romanists, received such satisfactory answers, that he commanded him to state the points, and bring his reasons to him in writing; which within six weeks he performed, with such contentment to the King, that he perswaded him to enter into the Ministery; to which Mr. Donne seemed to be modestly unwilling, his modesty apprehending it too [Page 303]weighty for his abilities; his friends also (knowing how his education had apted him) mediated with his Majesty to prefer him to some civil employment: but the King having a descerning spirit, replyed, I know Mr. Donne is a learned man, will prove an excellent Divine, and a powerful Preacher. Which caused this learned King again to sollicit him to enter into Sacred Orders, which yet he deferred for the space of three years, applying himself in the mean time to an incessant study of Textual Divinity, and attained to an admirable perfection in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues.
Soon after his entring into this holy profession, the King made him his Chaplain in ordinary; he attending his Majesty in his progress to Cambridge, the University (knowing his worth) with a universal consent; made him Doctor in Divinity. Immediately after his return home, his Wife dyed, leaving him the careful Father of seven Children living, (having buried five) to her he promised never to bring them under the subjection of a step-mother; and although his age being but forty two years, might promise the contrary, yet kept he his word faithfully, burying with his most dear and deserving Wife, all his sublunary joyes in this world, and living a retired life, applyed himself wholly to the exercise of Divinity.
And now his preaching and godly conversation was grown so eminent, that fourteen Advowsions of several Benefices were offered unto him in the Countrey; but he having a natural inclination to London his Birth-place, refused them, and accepted of a Lecture at Lincolns-Inne, being glad to renew his intermitted friendship with them; where he continued for the space of three years, constantly and faithfully dispensing the word of God; and they as freely requiting him with a liberal maintenance. About which time the Palsgrave usurping the Crown of Bohemia, much trouble arose in those kingdoms; for the composing whereof, the King sent the Earl of Carlile, (then Viscount Doncaster) [Page 304]his Ambassador to those unsettled Princes, and by a special command from his Majesty, Doctor Donne was appointed to go along with him, which accordingly he did; to the great comfort of that vertuous Lady the Queen of Bohemia, who very gladly received him as the Ambassadour of Christ; and during his abode there, being a constant hearer of his most excellent and powerful preaching.
Within fourteen moneths he returned home, and about a year after his return; the Deanry of Saint Pauls being vacant by the removal of Doctor Cary to the Bishoprick of Exeter, the King bestowed the same upon him: at his entrance into the Deanry he repaired the Chappel belonging to his house, Suffering (as the Psalmist hath it) his eyes and temples to take no rest, untill he had first beautified the house of God. Soon after the Vicarage of Saint Dunstans in London fell to him by the death of Doctor White, with another Ecclesiastical endowment, about the same time. Thus God blessed him, that he was enabled to be Charitable to the Poor. His Father-in-law Sir George More coming to pay him the conditioned sum of twenty pound, he refused it, saying, as good Jacob said when he heard his Son Joseph lived, It is enough, you have been kinde to me, and careful of my Children, and I thank my God I am provided for; therefore I will receive it no longer: and not long after freely gave up his Bond of eight hundred pounds.
But as envy is alwayes attendant on the best deserving, so did some malicious person whisper in the Kings ear, that Doctor Donne had preacht a Sermon that implied a dislike of his Government; the King herewith incens'd, sent for him, to answer the accusation; which was so satisfactory, as gave the King exceeding great content; who with much earnestness said to some of his Councel, My Doctor is a very honest man.
He was made Dean in the fiftieth year of his age, and in the fifty fourth year a dangerous sickness seized him, which [Page 305]turned to a spotted Feaver, and ended in a Cough, that inclined him to a Consumption. During this sickness he wrote this heavenly Hymn, expressing the great joy he then had in the assurance of Gods mercy to him.
But it pleased God to restore him to his health, and to adde unto his life five years more. August 1630. being with his Daughter Mistress Harvy at Abrey-hatch in Essex, he fell into a Feaver, which with the help of his constant infirmity, vapors from the Spleen, brought him into a Consumption; yet notwithstanding his disability, the first Friday in Lent being come, (which was his old constant day [Page 306]he was appointed to preach on) he resolved not to decline that service: and although some of his Friends perswaded him from undertaking it, fearing it might be a means to shorten his dayes, he passionately denied their requests, saying, He would not doubt, that God who in many weaknesses had assisted him with an unexpected strength, would now withdraw it in his last employment. His Text was; To God the Lord belong the issues from death. Many that saw his tears, and heard his hollow voice, professing they thought the Text prophetically chosen, and that Doctour Donne had preacht his own Funeral Sermon.
He would often desire, if that God would be pleased to grant it, that he might die in the Pulpit; if not that, yet that he might take his death in the Pulpit; that is, die the sooner by occasion of those labours. And indeed we may justly conceive that God granted his requests; for after his Sermon was over, hastening to his house, he never moved out of it, until like St. Stephen, He was carried by devout men to the grave. During the time of his sicknesse, his spirits being much spent, which made him unapt to discourse, a Friend asked him, Why are you sad? to whom he replyed after this manner; ‘I am not sad, I am in a serious contemplation of the mercies of my God to me; and now I plainly see, it was his hand that prevented me from all temporal employment. And I see it was his will that I should never settle nor thrive until I entered into the Ministery; in which I have now lived almost twenty years, (I hope to his glory) and by which (I most humbly thank him) I have been enabled to requite most of those friends that shewed me kindeness when my fortunes were low. And (as it hath occasioned the expression of my gratitude) I thank God, most of them have stood in need of my requital. I have been useful and comfortable to my good father-in-law Sir George More, whose patience God hath been pleased to exercise by many temporal crosses. I [Page 307]have maintained my own Mother, whom it hath pleased God after a plentiful fortune in her former times, to bring to a great decay in her very old age. I have quieted the consciences of many that groaned under the burthen of a wounded spirit, whose prayers I hope are available for me. I cannot plead innocency of life, (especially of my youth) but I am to be judged of a merciful God, who hath given me (even at this time) some testimonies by his holy Spirit, that I am of the number of his elect. I am full of joy, and shall die in peace.’
He lay fifteen dayes earnestly expecting his hourly change; his speech which had long been his faithful servant, remained with him till his last minute. In his very last hour (as his body melted away and vapourated into spirit) his soul having some revelation of the beatifical vision, he said; I were miserable if I might not die. And after many periods of his faint breath, with these words, Thy Kingdom come, thy will be done, he rendred up his soul to him that gave it him.
He was buried in Saint Pauls Church, attended with many persons of Nobility and Eminency; after his burial some mournful friends repaired, and as Alexander the Great did to the grave of the most famous Achilles, so they strewed his with curious and costly flowers. Nor was this (though not usual) all the honour done to his reverend ashes, for some person (unknown) to perpetuate his memory, sent to his two Executors, Doctour King, and Doctour Montford, an hundred Marks towards the making of a Monument for him; which they faithfully performed, it being as lively a representation, as in dead Marble can be made of him.
The recreation of his youth were Poety, in which he was so happy, as if Nature with all her varieties had been made to exercise his great wit, and high fancy: nor did he leave it off in his old age, as is witnessed by many of his Divine [Page 308]Sonnets, and other high, holy, and harmonious composures, as under his Effigies in these following verses to his printed Poems, one most ingeniously expresses.
He left behinde him many fruits of his labours, as six-score Sermons, all writ with his own hand, a large and laborious Treatise entituled Biathanatose, concerning self-murther. The resultance of fourteen hundred Authours, most of them analized with his own hand. Nor were these onely found in his study, but all businesses that past of any publique consequence in this or any of our Neighbour-Kingdoms, he abreviated either in Latine, or in the Language of the Nation, and kept them by him for a constant Memorial.
The Life of GEORGE VILLERS Duke of Buckingham.
TAll Cedars are shaken with the wind, when the humble shrub rests secure; Envy strikes not at the lowly person, her aim is evermore at the tallest. How vain then is that man, who enjoying the quiet of a retired life, ambitiously hunts after honour? How few Favorites go to the grave in [Page 309]peace, Histories make mention, and this Age can testify: this truth will be too sadly instanced in the late Lord Duke of Buckingham, who from the mean estate of a private Gentleman being raised to the highest pitch of honour a subject could be capable of came at last to an untimely end.
His first rise began at the Earl of Somersets fall, one upon whom King James had heaped many great favours; for from the degree of a Knight he was first made Viscount Rochester, next sworn a Privy Councellour, then created Earl of Somerset, and last of all made Lord Chamberlane. But this serene Sky of favour was soon over-shadowed with Clouds by the Earls undeserving; for having married the Lady Frances Howard, Daughter to Thomas Earl of Suffolk, and not long before divorced from the Earl of Essex, the unfortunate Knight Sir Thomas Overbury for speaking against the match, was by their procurement committed to the Tower, and not long after poysoned, as I have more at large treated of in his Life; for which fact both the Lady and Earl were arraigned and condemned, yet through the Kings great clemency had their lives spared, but were for ever banisht his presence.
This great Favorite being thus disgusted, King James, who would not long be without an alter idem, or Bosom-friend, took into special regard, as I have intimated, Master George Villers, (a Gentleman of a good extraction, but a younger Brother) and finding him susceptible, and of good form, moulded him (Platonically) to his own Idea. And that he might be a fit companion for a King, raised him in honour next to himself; yet not all at once, but by degrees, making him first a Knight, and Gentleman of his Bed-chamber, soon after a Viscount, and Master of the Horse; a while after erected Earl of Buckingham, then Marquess of Buckingham, and made Lord Admiral. King James having thus hardened and pollished him about ten [Page 310]years in the School of observance (for so a Court is) and in the furnace of tryal about himself, for he was a King that could peruse men as well as books; he made him the Associate of his Heir Apparent, together with the Lord Cottington, an adjunct of singular experience and trust in forreign travel, and in a business of love and of no equal hazard, enough to kindle affection even between the distantest conditions; so as by various and inward conversation abroad (besides that before and after at home) with the most constant and best natured Prince (bana si sua nocint) that ever any Nation enjoyed, this Duke (which last title was conferred on him in Spain) now becomes seized of reiterated favour as it were by descent, though the condition of that state commonly be no more then a tenancy at will, or at most for the life of the first Lord, and rarely transmitted, it being a kinde of wonder to see favour hereditary, yet in him it proved far otherwise, as one writes.
And although it be ever the perpetual lot of those who are of choicest admission into Princes favours, to feel as strong stroaks of envy and ill will from beneath, as they do beams of grace and favour from above; the Princes love procuring the peoples hate: this Duke contrarily found their affection so great towards him, that in open Parliament the generality honoured him with no lesser acclamation, then the preserver of his Countrey. But what odde turns are in the passions of men, and how little time continue their affections, may appear in this; those very men in a Parliament holden the first year of King Charles, accusing him as the onely cause of all bad events which happened [Page 311]in the Common-Wealth; drew up a charge of thirteen Articles against him, the Prologue whereof expressing the prodigious greatness of this Duke; the influence of whose power this ensuing Letter of Sir Henry Wottons doth sufficiently express.
When like that impotent man in the Gospel, I had lain long by the Pools side, while many were healed, and none would throw me in; it pleased your Lordship first of all to pitty my infirmities, and to put me into some hope of subsisting hereafter: therefore I most justly and humbly acknowledge all my ability and reputation from your favour; you have given me incouragement, you have valued my poor indeavours with the King, you have redeemed me from ridiculousness, who have served so long without any mark of favour; by which arguments, being already, and ever bound to be yours, till either life or honesty shall leave me, I am the bolder to beseech your Lordship to perfect your own work, and to draw his Majesty to the settling of some things that depend betwixt Sir Julius Caesar and me, in that reasonable form, which I humbly present to your Lordship by my Nephew, likewise your obliged servant being my self by a late indisposition confined to my Chamber, but in all estates such as I am,
But to return where I left to the preface of his Titles as I finde them copied in the Parliaments Declaration against him; For the speedy redress of the great evils and mischiefs, and of the chief causes of those great evils and mischiefs, which this Kingdom of England now grievously suffereth, and of late years hath suffered, and to the honour and fafety of our Sovereign Lord the King, and of his Crown and Dignities, and to the good and welfare of his People; the Commons in this present Parliament, by [Page 312]the authority of our said Sovereign Lord the King assembled, do by this their Bill shew, and declare against George, Duke, Marquess, and Earl of Buckingham, Earl of Coventry, Viscount Villers, Barron of Whaddon, Great Admiral of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and of the Principality of Wales, and of the Dominions and Islands of the same, of the Town of Calais, and of the Marches of the same, and of Normandy, Gascoigne, and Guyen; General Governour of the Seas and ships of the said Kingdoms; Lieutenant General, Admiral, Captain General, and Governour of his Majesties Royal Fleet and Army lately set forth; Master of the Horses of our Sovereign Lord the King; Lord Warden, Chancellour and Admiral of the Cinque-Ports, and of the members thereof; Constable of Dover Castle, Justice in Eyre of all Forrests and Chases on this side Trent, Constable of the Castle of Windsor; Lieutenant of Middlesex and Buckinghamshire; Steward and Bayliff of Westminster; Gentleman of his Majesties Bedchamber, and one of his Majesties Honourable Privy Councel in his Realms, both of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter.
The same Parliament likewise was the Duke accused of High Treason by the Earl of Bristol, and the Earl of Bristol in like manner accused of High Treason by the Duke; the Factions of both sides were passing jocund at this contest, observing,. That whilest between these Grandees mutual malice brake out, truth came to her own. But that Parliament being broke up abruptly, the people were frustrated of their expectations.
To recover the Dukes reputation, which seem'd eclipsed by this charge of High Treason, a Navy being made ready for the relief of Rochel, the Duke was made Commander both by Sea and Land; who endeavouring by his Atchievements to remove all cause of calumny against him, by the ill successe of that enterprize more exasperated the hatred of the [Page 313]people. The cause of this expedition (that we may relate things in order to truth) was as followeth: The French King during the Treaty of Marriage between England and France, pretending a Martial design against Italy and the Valtoline, obtained of King James the Loan of the Vant-guard, a parcel of the Navy Royal, and (with the owners consent) of six Merchants Ships more; but a rumour being spread that those ships were intended against Rochel, then revolted from him, an express caution was put in to the contrary. But before those ships set out, King James died, and the French King and the Rochellers (by the mediation of King Charles) came to an accord; but no sooner was the French Army advanced for Italy, but the Rochellers (upon pretence that the King had not kept touch with them in slighting Fort Lewis) under the leading of Subize, surprize the Isle of Rhee, surprize many ships in the Harbour, and bad fair for the taking of Fort Lewis, had not the Duke of Vendosme posted thither with relief. The French King nettled at this insolency, began to raise an Army, sets forth all the ships he could procure, obtained naval aid of the Dutch, and demanded of Captain Pennington the delivery of the English ships, agreeable to his Masters promise; Pennington refuses to deliver any till a further signification of his Majesties pleasure: but King Charles rather willing to submit to the hazard of Lewis his breach of faith, then to the blame of receding from his own promise, returned answer, That his will was, that he should consign up his own, and the six Merchants ships to the service of his Brother.
With these Forces he quickly undoeth what Subize had done, forceth him from his strength, reprizeth many of his ships, and so impetuously chaseth him, as he, with much difficulty, escaped to the Isle of Oleron. King Charles discontented for the misimployment of his ships, sent an expostulatory message to his Brother, demanding the cause of [Page 314]this violation of his Royal Parole; and withal, requiring the restitution of his ships.
Lewis returneth answer, That the Rochellers had first temerated, and slighted their faith with him, and that necessity enforced him to use all means to impede the progress of so great disloyalty, which he could not well do without the aid of the English Ships, his own Fleet being upon other service. And for the restitution of those ships he replyed, That his Subjects by whom they were mann'd, held them contrary to his minde, and therefore wisht him to come by them as he could.
This answer nothing pleased King Charles other discontents also arising, and Rochel being close beleagured by the Duke of Guise, a Navy was made ready, whereof the Duke was made Admiral, as you have heard. June the 27. the year of our Lord 1627. he set sail from Portsmouth with about 6000. Horse and Foot; their design was intended against Fort Lewis, upon the Continent near Rochel; but upon a false information that the Duke D' Angoulesm was there with fifteen thousand men, (whereas indeed he had but three thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse) they altered their determination, and instantly directed their course towards the Isle of Rhee.
July the 30. early in the morning they shewed themselves upon the Islands of Oleron, to the number of about twenty Sail, being at first supposed to be Dunkerks waiting the motion of the Hollanders then in the road; but upon their nearer approaches toward the Isle of Rhee, and that the Hollanders took no Alarm, they were then suspected to be English. At a certain Fort called De la Pree they landed; to the number of 1200. whom to oppose Sieur de Toiras Governour of the Cittadel of Saint Martins, with the like number encountred; the Fight continued fierce and doubtful. On the English side were slain Sir William Heyden, and Sieur de Blancard a French-man, Agent from the Duke of Rohan and the Protestants. Of the French, [Page 315]the Governours Brother, and the Barron of Chuntal; of common Souldiers on both sides, about nine hundred, whereof the French bare the greater share; and now having tryed a taste of each others valour, the French retire to their Garrison, and the English to their Ships.
Three dayes together both sides lay quiet, as if they had spent their whole stock of valour at once, or sworn a truce on both sides; at length the Duke went on shore again, intrenching himself, until he had debarqued all his Horse; and receiving a recruit from Rochel of 500. Foot, marcheth directly towards St. Martins Fort. Upon his approach the Islanders abandoned the Town and fled into the Castle: so that the Duke being now possessed of the one, thought it would not be long ere the other was his; but those who reckon without their host (we say) must reckon twice: two moneths together the Duke encamped before this Fort, during which time Toiras the Governour had hired a French man to have stabbed the Duke; who being taken by the English, confessed his intentions. But what detriment the French could not do the English by treachery they performed otherwise; that gallant Gentleman Sir John Burroughs being slain with a Musquet shot from the Castle, as he was viewing the English Works, whose body was after honourably enterred at Westminster. At length the Castle was reduced to a condition of yielding, when in the very nick of necessity Mounsier Balin at an high flood, in the dead of night conveyed in twelve Pinnaces laden with Provision, which so cheared their drooping spirits, that they resolved to stand it out resolutely, which accordingly they did, till at last they were relieved by the Marshal of Schomberg; who with four thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse, landed at Fort de la Pree, and undiscovered, marched up to the view of the Fort, and of the English. The Duke alarm'd at this sudden apparition, fearing to be charged front and rear, resolved to rise and be gone; the French [Page 316]upon their retreat, came up to the very tail of their rear, hallowing to them in a Bravado: whereupon the English were drawn up in Battalia, but the French would advance no nearer, until spying their advantage, the English being to go over a narrow passage, having salt-pits on either side, they then came on amain, powring great vollies of shot upon the English; and having routed the Lord Montjoyes Troops, and taken him prisoner, they fell upon Sir William Coninghams, but they most bravely fought it out even to the last man: had the Lord Montjoyes Troops done the like a quarter so many had not perished; but cowards are foes to their own lives, and gain onely this by running away, to be killed more basely, and further off from their fellows.
The rear being thus routed, they fall on upon the main Battel, but Sir Edward Conways who commanded the van, facing about, made them retreat; and having left a select company of musquetiers to guard the pass until night, they burnt the Bridge, lodging that night in a place called the Loose, and the next day went on board.
Thus returned home the English with extream loss, whereof the Duke as in Command the chief, so did he share chiefly in the disgrace; the French scoffingly saying, Though the Duke could not take the Cittidal of St. Martins, yet it was odds but he would take the Tower of London. Doctor Moor also a Prebend of Winchester, took occasion in his Sermon to cite that of Augustus in Cornelius Tacitus, Quintili Vare redde Legiones, which, saith the Historian perished, propter inscitiam & temeritatem Ducis, giving him a quaint wipe the Amphibology of the word Dux, thus (as the Poet hath it.)
But the King was not so daunted at this disaster, but that he resolved to give one pluck more for the relief of [Page 317] Rochell; which the Earl of Denbigh attempting with ill success; a third Fleet was made ready, then which there never before appeared a more gallant Armado formed by our Nation. The Duke desirous to recover his reputation, much blemished by his discomfiture at the Isle of Rhee, was by the King made Commander in chief; but before his setting forth, being at breakfast at Portsmouth with Subize, and others of principal quality, one John Felton (sometimes a Lieutenant to a Foot Company in the Regiment of Sir John Ramsey) watching his opportunity, as the Duke was passing through an Entry with Sir Thomas Frier, (to whom he declined his ear in the posture of attention) in the very instant of Sir Thomas his retiring from the Duke, Felton with a knife stab'd him on the left side into the very heart; saying as he struck him, The Lord have mercy upon thy soul; a Speech which the Duke had scarce time to say for himself: such effusion of blood flowing from the wound after the knife was pulled out, that he presently expired; being onely heard to say (some report with an oath) The Villain hath killed me. The motives that induced Felton to this execrable murther are said to be these; he had long, and in vain waited for his arrears of pay, due for former service; again, he was twice repulsed upon his Petition for a Captains place, and others super-inducted over his head. But least private malice should be thought his onely motive to the fact, he declared it to be the late Remonstrance of the House of Commons; sticking a paper to the lining of his hat, wherein he had written as followeth.
I would have no man commend me for doing it, but rather discommend themselves; for if God had not taken away their hearts for their sins, he had not gone so long unpunished.
The man is cowardly base in mine opinion, and deserves [Page 318]neither the name of a Gentleman or Souldier, that is unwilling to sacrifice his life for the honour of God, his King, and Countrey.
Felton for this fact suffered at Tyburne, very penitent and sorry for what he had done; his body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth, and there hung in Chains. Of this fact of Feltons a modern Wit thus writes.
Many are said to be the warnings the Duke had of his end; some two moneths before, one Doctor Lamb (a creature of the Dukes) was by the rude multitude slain in the Streets; they telling him as they were belabouring him with stones and cudgels, That were his Master the Duke there, they would give him as much. This time also was common in many mens mouths.
The same day that Lamb was slain, the Dukes Picture fell down in the High Commission Chamber at Lambeth. These with other the like accidents fore-bodeing something of present fatality to the Duke, being spoken of in the Lady Davis her hearing, she, for certain reply'd, No, his time is not come till August. The same Lady also, (as I was informed by a Gentleman of near relation unto me) did by her servant certifie the Duke, that at such time as a Mole, which he had upon his Shoulder, should go away, the Duke should dye; which accordingly came to pass. But the most [Page 319]strange (if true) is that related by Lilly in his Observations on the Life and Death of King Charles, namely, that a Daemon appeared to one Parker in the likeness of Sir George Villers the Dukes Father, bidding him go and tell his Son, that unless he refrained such and such company, he should ere long be killed, and withal shewed him a knife, appointed for the act; Parker told the Duke of these things, but being an old man was judged to doat: not long after the Daemon appeared to him again, telling him that the Duke should not long survive; and also bid him set his own house in order for he should shortly dye. Both which things accordingly came to pass.
He died the thirty sixth year of his age, a time which by the course of Nature he might have doubled. Never did so great a man fall so much unlamented, though causeless, as by the success of Affairs wise men have since determined.
The Life of Sir HENRY VVOTTON.
TO survey him at one single prospect, Sir Henry Wotton was born at Bocton-Hall in the County of Kent. in the year of our Redemption 1568. descended of an ancient and honourable Family, great cherishers of Learning, as appears by that excellent Antiquary Master William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent. He had three elder Brothers, all Knights, men eminent for Wisdom and Piety; by all which it appears, that Sir Henry Wotton was [Page 320]a branch of such a Kindred as left a stock of reputation to their posterity.
His Childehood being spent under the tuition of his Mother, he was sent to Winchester School, a place of strict Discipline and Order, that so he might in his youth be moulded into a method of living by rule. Where having much profited, he was removed from thence to New Colledge in Oxford, where he remained till about the eighteenth year of his age; from thence transplanted into Queens Colledge, where to shew the world some part of his abilities, he writ a Play of the Tragedy of Tancredo, which though some sowre dispositions may condemn, yet considering his youth, and those weighty sentences contained in the same, it may be thought neither uncomely nor unprofitable.
During Sir Henry's abode at Oxford, his Father (being then in Kent) dreamed that the University Treasury was robbed by five Townsmen and poor Schollars; and being that day to write to his son Henry, thought it worth so much pains, as by a Postscript in his Letter, to make a slight enquiry of it: which coming to his hands, the very morning after the night in which the robbery was committed, was by him shown, and by means thereof the five guilty persons discovered and apprehended.
The next year he proceeded Master of Arts, at what time he read an Optick Lecture with great applause of the University; especially of those two great Wits, Albericus Gentilis, a Learned Italian, and Doctour Donne sometimes Dean of Pauls, of whose worth none that but pretends to Learning can be ignorant. With these two he entered into a bosome friendship, which continued during the term of their lives.
Attaining now to the age of two and twenty, he left Oxford, and betook himself to travel, to purchase the rich treasure of forreign knowledge. Almost nine years was he absent from England, the most of which time he remained [Page 321]in Germany and Italy, acquainting himself with the most learned of either Nations. At his return Robert Earl of Essex, (then one of the Darlings of Fortune) who hearing of his abilities, took him to be one of his Secretaries: at the fall of the Earl (with whom fell Master Cuffe his other Secretary) he privately posted out of England, and went to Florence in Italy, where he met with his old Friend Siegnior Vietta, then Secretary to the great Duke of Tuscany: having stayed some short time there, the Duke intercepted certain Letters that discovered a design to take away the life of the then King of Scots. The Duke abhorring the fact, and resolving to endeavour a prevention of it, advised with his Secretary Vietta, by what means a caution might be given to that King; and after consideration it was resolved to be done by Sir Henry Wotton, who gladly undertaking the same, to avoid the light of English Intelligence, posted into Scotland by the way of Norway, under the name of Octavio Baldi; being admitted private audience with the King, he was not onely discovered wherefore he came, but also who he was: and having stayed there three moneths with great contentment, he returned to Florence with a fair and grateful account to the Duke of his employment.
Queen Elizabeth dying, no sooner was King James entred upon the English Government, but he advances him (being returned from Florence) to the Order of Knighthood; and having had experience of his Abilities, sends him Ambassadour to the State of Venice, where he remained almost twenty years; during which time he studied the dispositions of those Dukes, and the Consultors of State, well knowing that he who negotiates a continued business, and neglects the study of dispositions, usually fails in his proposed ends. And although through some misunderstanding he fell one time into King Jame's displeasure, yet did he by an Apology so clear himself, that as broken bones [Page 322]well set become the stronger, so Sir Henry Wotton did not onely recover, but was much more confirmed in his Majesties estimation and favour then formerly he had been.
Thrice was he sent Ambassador to the Republick of Venice, once to the Emperour Ferdinando the second, as also to several German Princes, to incline them to equitable conditions for the restauration of the Queen of Bohemia and her descendents, to there patrimonial inheritance of the Palatinate. And although success had made the Emperour inexorable, that his Embassage obtained not the wished effect; yet so nobly deported he himself in that journey, that the Emperour adjudged him a person of much honour and merit; and at his departure presented him with a Jewel of Diamonds, of more value then a thousand pounds, which Sir Henry acepted; but the next morning at his departing from Vienna, at his taking leave of the Countess of Sabrina where he lodged, thanking her for her honourable entertainment, he prevailed with her to accept of that Jewel as a testimony of his gratitude: with which action the Emperour being displeased, Sir Henry Wotton was heard to say, That though he received it with thankfulness; yet, he found in himself an indisposition to retain it, it being a gift that came from an enemy to his Royal Mistress: he so usually called the Queen of Bohemia.
Here it would not be amiss for the Readers diversion, to discourse touching the Affairs of the Embassy of an Ambassador: to give some short hints, as to their Original, Priviledges, Wisdom, Valour, quick Wits, and Behaviours; they are the Legates, Deputies, Messengers of Princes, and Orators of Kings; for all these terms do include one function, exercised in different manners. And because there are sundry sorts of them somewhat different from the custom of our age, I will not onely treat of them as they were in times past amongst the Romans, as they were in the times of their most magnificent glories, but as near as I can, briefly digest [Page 323]the usage and duty of them as they are now put in office by Emperours, Kings, and Princes. The Jews were a people most ancient, from whom all Government, Learning, Morality, Philosophy and other notable things have been derived. Amongst them, in honour to the antiquity of Religion, Phineas the Priest, the Son of Eleazer with ten Princes of the Tribes, was sent Ambassador to the Israelites beyond Jordon. The Greeks sent Ʋlysses that Eloquent Orator, and with him Menelaus, to reconcile the differences betwixt them and the Trojans. There might be infinite instances of other Nations. The person that should be thus employed ought to be nobly born free, of good credit, honest, loyal, valiant, circumspect, learned, eloquent, adorned with the languages, liberal, with other necessary vertues and qualifications. For the order how Ambassadors have been received and used by Princes. Alexander ab Alexandro thus expresses, Alex ab Alex. Lib. 5. Cap. 3. Apud Graecos nisi praeconibus adhibitis, Legatos minime hostium fines ingredi docebat; neque Legationis munere fungi quenquam, nisi prius infusae aqua ab eisdem manus abluissent, Jovique coronatis poculis propinassent, hi tamen Legati qui cum patriis sacris, Olympiam aut Pytheam missi erant, sacris qui vero foedera percutiebant quasi pacis arbitri, & interpretis dicti sunt: in his Fourth Book, and the 21. Chap. speaking of the time when they should be received, neque illud praetereundum, &c. Neither is it to be over passed; that it is remembred, that to Legates and Forreign Nations admitted into the Senate, the Roman Consuls were not accustomed to give any answers but onely in Latin: who being admitted after the manner of the Fathers, the Senate gave them power of that they would have: but the Greeks by their Deputies appointed, did declare their mindes if any body required any thing. And the Arrebates and Belonaces did assemble their Councels by the sound of Trumpets; but if they would speak any thing in their own Language to such being admitted, in the Senate [Page 324]were interpreters given, by whom they did propound what was needful, and receive the agreement and answers of the Senate. Many have been the priviledges, immunities and advantages they have derived to their own honour and the happiness of those that have employed them. Francis Dandalus the Venetian Orator, being sent Ambassador into France to pacifie the French King, and the great Clergy-man, for that he was displeased with the States of Venice for the receiving of Feraria; when he had divers times used his best arguments, yet could not remove the anger of the Bishop of Rome, falling on his hands and knees (no compulsive, but a free way of introducing the subtilty of his design) being raised by the Pope, he powred forth such a flood of Rhetorick, that he so wrought on him, that he reconciled him and the Venetians. When Clement the Seventh Bishop of Rome, and Charles the Fifth, the Emperour, had met at Bononia about divers affairs, Francis Alvarez the Legate of Denide, commonly called Presto John, was King of the Abyssine Ethyopians, which do possess the middle part of Africa, being come to Benonia, by the conduct of the Ambassadors of John King of Portugal, did in the Senate, in the name of the King, promise Faith and Obedience to Clement Bishop of Rome, in the year of our Lord 1533. For which wise dispatch of his Embassy, after ages took notice of him. I shall forbear to inlarge my self, and onely insert a few of their Apothegms. Policartidas an Orator, being sent with others to certain Dukes, when it was demanded of them whether his coming was publick or private, they answered, that if they had obtained the effect of their message, they came publickly; if not, privately: which subtil answer did admirably manifest their good intentions to their Countrey: for if the legation succeeded to their mindes, they would give the glory to their Countrey; if otherwise, they would have the reproach and repulse to appertain to the Common-wealth. The Lacedemonians sending [Page 325]but one Legate to King Demetrius, he highly resented it for an indignity, asking if one man were enough to come to him. To which the Ambassador answered, Yes Sir, we deemed it sufficient to send but one to one man. Such another answer did Agis the Son of Archidamus use, being sent to Philip King of Macedon. When certain Lacons, a people of Greece inhabiting Sparta, went Ambassador to the tyrant Ligdanus, who often deferred conference with them, excusing himself that he was somewhat sickly; they desired the messengers to return him this answer, That they came to talk, not to wrestle with the King. The Romans dispatcht their Ambassadors to Bithnia to asswage a domestical breach betwixt Drusus the Father, and Nicomodes the Son; which Legates were such as one of them had many scars of wounds in his head and face, another was diseased in his feet, and the third but of a slender Wit: of whom M. Cato was wont to jeast, that the same Embassie lacked both head, feet and heart. Two Legates, saith Poggius, being sent from the Councel of Constance to Petrus de Luna the false Pope, did amongst other bitter chidings and hard speeches which they used together upon the Title of the Pontificiality, after that the Pope had said of himself, This is the ark of Noah; meaning that all the power of the Pontifical Sea remained in him: they answered, there were many beasts in the Ark of Noah; expressing thereby, that there were many vices in the Pope, and many wicked men in the Church. These with infinite more might be collected out of our English Authors, but to knit up this discourse wherein I have epitomized the office, management, gravity, magnanimity, policy, witty and wise answers of Ambassadors; to conclude, these messengers of Princes to Princes, had, as we may allude, their first institution and original from the order of Archangels, who have been the Ambassadors of God, to such persons as God hath honoured in great matters either of revelation or successes of kingdoms; as Gabrel was to Daniel: or of opening [Page 326]some strange things, as he was also to the Virgin of the conception of the Saviour of souls. But enough of, and perchance too much to some cavelling heads, that there hath been so large a digression, which I have onely enterprised to illustrate the perfection of our Knight in this illustrious employment; he having observed all the laws of Ambassadors, and so mannaged the Affairs of his Prince, that he was the wonder of those times he lived in, and an admirable example for ours.
Sir Henry Wotton returning home in the latter year of King James his Reign, his estate much wasted with his continued Embassies, very desirous to enjoy the quiet of a retired life; he obtained to be made Provost of Eaton Colledge, which how well it suited to his fancy, this speech of his to a friend will sufficiently testifie. I thank God and the King, by whose goodness I am now in this condition; a condition which that Emperour Charles the Fifth seem'd to approve: who after so many remarkable victories, when his glory was great in the eyes of all men, freely gave his Crown, and the Cares that attended it, to Philip his Son, making a holy retreat to a Cloystral life; where he might by devout meditations consult with God (which the rich or busie men seldome do) and have leisure both to examine the errours of his life past, and prepare for that great day, wherein all flesh must give an account of their actions. And after a kinde of tempestuous life, I now have the like advantage from him, that makes the out-goings of the morning to praise him, even from my God whom I daily magnifie for this particular mercy, of an exemption from business, a quiet minde, and a sufficient maintenance, even in this part of my life, when my age and infirmities seem to sound me a retreat from the pleasures of this world, and invite me to a contemplation; in which I have ever taken the greatest felicity.
This contemplative life he continued to his end, so that this place seemed to be the beginning of his happiness, the Colledge being to his minde, as a quiet Harbour to a Seafaring-man [Page 327]after a tempestuous Voyage; where by the bounty of the pious Founder, his very food and raiment were plentifully provided in kinde; where he was freed from corroding cares, and seated on such a rock, as the waves of want could not probably shake; where he might sit in a calm, and looking down, behold the busie multitude turmoiled and tossed in a tempestuous sea of dangers! And (as Sir William Davenant has happily exprest the like in another person.)
He died in Decemb. 1639 having compleated seventy three years. His will was made by himself above two years before his death, wherein he appointed that his Executours should lay over his Grave a plain stone of Marble, with this Epitaph enscribed thereon.
Which may be englished thus.
To acquaint the world with two or three other Instances of the readiness of his Wit, he having in Rome retained an acquaintance with a pleasant Priest, who invited him one evening to hear their Vesper-Musick at Church; the Priest seeing Sir Henry stand obscurely in a corner, sends to him by a Boy of the Quire this question written in a small piece of paper; Where was your Religion to be sound before Luther? [Page 328]To which question Sir Henry Wotton presently under-writ, My Religion was to be found then, where yours is not to be found; in the written word of God.
To another that asked him, Whether a Papist may be saved? He replyed, You may be saved without knowing that; Look to your self.
To another, whose earnest zeal exceeded his knowledge, and was still railing against the Papists, he gave this advice: Pray Sir forbear till you have studied the Points better; for the wise Italian hath this Proverb, He that understands amiss concludes worse. And take heed of entertaining this opinion, That the further you go from the Church of Rome, the nearer you are to God.
He left behinde him many Monuments of his Learning, whose worth are such, that they speak themselves more incomparably to posterity, then any Eulogies I can bestow upon them. Give me leave to conclude with the words of one of the learnedst Modern Criticks: That for the generality of the stile throughout his Works, 'tis most queintly, delightful, gentle, soft, and full of all manner of blandishments, onely his pen flowed a little too much with the oyly adulation of Court-flattery. Questionless if Sir Henry Wotton was reduced to any of these subserviences, they were occasioned from his generous expences in the time of his Embassies for his Masters honour, who used him as Queen Elizabeth did Sir Francis Walsingham, who had but from hand to mouth.
The Life of THOMAS VVENTWORTH Earl of Stafford, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
TO particularize all the actions of the Earl of Strafford would of its self require an intire Volume, it being a Garden of choice Varieties, wherein points of Law are interwoven with Acts of State, and the Affairs of Ireland, as in the same Escutcheon, quartered with those of England. I shall onely take a superficial view of his life, and not strain my self ambitiously to shew forth the utmost reach of his perfections; he being a rare conjunction of Courage attended with loyalty, to danger; Wisdom accompanied with Eloquence, to admiration; who could both think and speak, speak and do: whose answers and replyes to the Articles exhibited against him by the House of Commons, show his abilities to be such, that whatsoever is spoken of him, is infinitely below what was spoken by himself.
He was born in Yorkshire, well descended, and as well educated; which fitted him to sustain the weighty Affairs he afterwards underwent. A great stickler at the first against the Prerogative, until allured by Court-preferment he turned Royalist: for the King finding his worth and ability never left till he had gained him to himself, obliging him to his side by many titles of honour and places of trust; whose services he found equivalent to his favours, continuing to his death a trusty servant, a faithful friend, a [Page 330]prudent Counsellour, and a constant adherer to his side in all his exigencies.
The greatest services he did to the King were during the time he was Lieutenant of Ireland, by his augmenting and advancing the Kings Revenues there, restoring the Churches maintenance, suppressing the Out-laws, establishing obedience to Royal Authority, impediting the Tyranny and usurpation of the great ones over the Commons, causing the Irish to leave off many of their barbarous customs, and conform themselves to the more civil manners of the English, which drew much hatred upon himself; for changes (though for the better) are most times ill resented by the vulgar: witness those troubles in England in the time of King Edward the Sixth. Nor could these innovations have found more dislike in any Nation under the Heavens then Ireland, so wedded are those people to their ancient, vain, ridiculous customs.
But since I have inserted his most remarkable actions in the Life of King Charles, I shall omit those passages, and come to his solemn Trial, so paramount in the Equipage of all Cirumstances, that (as former ages have been unable) so future are unlikely to produce a parallell of them.
This great Minister of State was by the Parliament (well known for the length of it) accused with twenty eight Articles of High Treason, February 16. 1640. The particulars are too long for me here to recite; the substance of them being, that he endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Governments of the Realms of England and Ireland, and enriching himself by indirect wayes in his office, for incensing the King against the Scots, for endeavouring to set things amisse betwixt his Majesty and the people, and to have given counsel tending to the disquiet of the three Kingdoms. The 13. of April following began his Trial in Westminster-Hall, where there was a Throne erected for [Page 331]the King, on each side whereof a Cabinet inclosed about with boards, and before with a Tarras: before that were the Seats for the Lords of the upper House, and sacks of wool for the Judges: before them ten stages of seats, extending further then the midst of the Hall, for the Gentlemen of the House of Commons: at the end of all was a desk closed about, and set apart for the Lord Lieutenant and his Councel. The Earl of Arundel was Lord High Steward; his Accusers were Pym, Glin, Mainard, Whitlock, St. Johns, Palmers, Sir Walter Earls, Stroud, Selden, Hampden and others; Many dayes were spent, and much Rhetorick used on both sides: for the Lieutenant was no childe, but as cunning in the art of defence as any man in England; equal, if not surpassing his Predecessour the Earl of Kildare, in the time of King Henry the Eighth. But the House of Commons were implacable in their hatred towards him, nothing being satisfactory to them but his downfal: So that some conclude his death was for necessity, and rather for the satisfaction of rancourous apprehensions, then for any guiltiness in the cause.
The lower House perceiving by the Lieutenants insinuating and witty defences, a great encrease of his friends in the Lords House, they resolved of no more hearing of him in publique, but to draw up a Bill of Attainder, and present the same to the Lords, whereby first the matter of Fact should be declared to have been sufficiently proved, and then in the matter of Law, that he had incurred the censure of Treason, for intending to subvert the Fundamentall Laws of the Kingdom. And they were confident the Lords would ratifie, and approve of this Bill of theirs, and give judgement accordingly.
But the Lords fearing such Proceedings, as a beaten path troden out to the ruine of their own lives and estates, told the House of Commons, that they themselves as competent Judges, would by themselves onely give sentence in the [Page 332]Cause; nor was there course suitable to the practise and State of the Kingdom, the safety of the Nobility, or to Equity or common Justice.
It was replied by them of the Lower House, that they were resolved to go on with their Bill, and if the same should be rejected by the Lords, they feared a rupture and division might follow, to the utter ruine and desolation of the whole Kingdom. That no content would be given to the Subject, unless the man who had so much intruded upon their right, and discontented the people, might be punished as a Traytour, and dealt withal according to his demerits.
But the Lords were resolute in their first determinations, and resolved to give him a fair hearing in the matter of Law, whereupon his Councel were called to the Bar, Master Lane the Princes Attorney, Master Gardiner Recorder of London, Master Loe, and Master Lightfoot, who spake both much, and to the purpose. Yet would this nothing satisfie the House of Commons; no, though the King in person in a set Speech declared unto them, That there never was such a project, nor had the Lord Strafford ever offered such advice, for the transporting of an Irish Army into England, neither had advised him to establish an Arbitrary Government, that he would never in heart nor hand concur with them to punish him as a Traytour; and desir'd therefore that they would think of some other way how the business might be composed. Nor should it ever be less dear to him (though with the loss of his dearest blood) to protect the innocent then to punish the guilty. But this made the House of Commons a great deal the more pressing, fearing by the Kings peremptory answer that there was some plot underhand.
But the House of Commons were not so much inflamed by the Kings Speech as the common people, who to the number of five or six thousand, having Weapons and Battoons in their hands came to VVestminster; and at the entering [Page 333]at every Coach, cryed out for speedy justice and execution, with a wonderful and strange noise. After this they drew up the names of those either in the House of Commons, or the House of Lords, whom they imagined to favour the Lieutenant, and gave them the Title of Straffordians, with this close, That all those, and all other enemies to the Common-wealth should perish with him; and did post up the names of fifty five at the Corner of Sir William Brunkards house, in the old Pallace-yard in Westminster, writing underneath
The House of Commons in the mean time were not idle, but brought forth a Protestation, or band of Association, (as they termed it) much like the Covenant taken not long before in Scotland; which without further process or delay, was subscribed by the whole House, except the Lord Digby and an Uncle, or Friend of his.
Not long after, the Bill against the Lord Stafford past the Lords, there were forty five present; of which nineteen voyced for him, and twenty six against him: the greatest part of his friends absented themselves upon pretence, (whether true or suppositious) that they feared the multitude; otherwise his suffrages had more then counterpoised the voters for his death.
Nothing wanted now, but the Kings assent to this Bill, which the same afternoon was desired of him; the King desired respite for two dayes, consulting in the mean time with some Bishops and Judges what to do in this case, who as the sequel shows, advised him thereunto: so that we may herein admire at the wonderful Providence of God, to suffer not onely the King and the Country, but the Church too, to be involved in his blood, who had stood so stiffly in the Churches maintenance.
But nothing gained his Majesties assent thereunto so [Page 334]much, as a Letter from the Lieutenant himself; wherein he desired his Majesty that for the preventing of such mischiefs as might happen by his refusal to pass the Bill: intimating his consent therein, as this following Letter of his testifies.
It hath been my greatest grief in all these troubles, to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your people; and to give Counsels tending to the disquiet of the three Kingdoms.
Most true it is, that this mine own private condition considered, it hath been a great madness, since through your gracious favour I was so provided, as not to expect in any kinde to mend my fortune, or please my minde, more, then by resting where your bounteous hands had placed me.
Nay, it is most mightily mistaken, for unto your Majesty it is well known, my poor, and humble advises concluded still in this, That your Majesty and your people could never be happy, till there were a right understanding betwixt you and them: no other means to effect, and settle this happiness, but by the Councel, and assent of the Parliament, or to prevent the growing evils upon this State, but by intirely putting your self in the last resort, upon the loyalty, and good affections of your English Subjects.
Yet such is my misfortune, this truth findeth little credit, the contrary seemeth generally to be believed, and my self reputed, as something of separation between you, and your people, under a heavier censure then which I am perswaded no Gentleman can suffer.
Now, I understand the mindes of men are more incensed against me; notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared, that in your Princely opinion, I am not guilty of treason, nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the Bill.
This bringeth me into a very great strait, there is before me the ruine of my Children, and Family, hitherto untouched [Page 335]in all the branches of it with any foul crimes. Here is before me the many ills, which may befal your sacred Person, and the whole Kingdom, should your self, and Parliament part less satisfied one with the other, then is necessary for the preservation both of King and people. Here are before me the things most valued, most feared by mortal man, Life or Death.
To say Sir, that there hath not been a strife in me, were to make me less man, then God knoweth mine infirmities give me. And to call a destruction upon my self and young children where the intentions of my heart (at least have been innocent of this great offence) may be believed, will finde no easie content from flesh and blood.
But with much sadness I am come to a resolution of that which I take to be best becoming me, to look upon that which is most principal in it self, which doubtless is the prosperity of your sacred Person, and the Commonwealth, infinitely before any private mans interest.
And therefore in few words, as I put my self wholly upon the Honour and Justice of my Peers so clearly, as to beseech your Majesty might please to have spared that Declaration of yours on Saturday last, and intirely to have left me to their Lordships; so now, to set your Majesties conscience at liberty, I do most humbly beseech your Majesty, in prevention of mistakes which may happen, by your refusal to pass this Bill: And by this means remove (praised be God) I cannot say, this accursed (but I confess) this unfortunate thing forth of the way, towards that blessed agreement, which God I trust shall ever establish between you and your Subjects.
Sir, my consent shall more acquit you herein to God, then all the world can do besides. To a willing man there is no injury done. And as by Gods grace I forgive all the world with a calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul; so Sir, to you can I give the life of this world, with all the chearfulness imaginable; in the just acknowledgement of [Page 336]your exceeding favours. And onely beg that in your goodness you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor Son, and his three Sisters, less, or more, and no otherwise, then as their (in present) unfortunate Father, may hereafter appear more or less guilty of this death,
Whereupon the next morning the King signed the Bill, a Commission being drawn up for his Execution.
It is reported that this Speech the Earl intended to have spoken on the Scaffold; but being intercepted, he delivered it to his Brother Sir George VVentworth, from whose original Copy under the Earls own hand, this is word for word transcribed.
It should appear by your concourse and gazing aspects, that I am now the onely prodigeous Meteor, towards which you direct your wandring eyes. Meteors are the infallible Antecedents of Tragical events, and do commonly level their malevolent operation upon some remarkable person. At this present I am become my own prodigy, and the cross influence will appear in my too sudden Execution; and this fear is onely left me, the consequence will produce a greater effusion then mine. I would to God my bloud would cure your sad hearts of all their grievances, (though every drop thereof were a soul on which a life depended, I could tender it with as much alacrity, as some, nay, the most of you are come to triumph in my fatal expiration:
In regard I have been by you (my native Countrey, whose wisdom and justice in respect of the generality of it; is no way questionable) voted to this untimely end; I have not one sylable to say in justification of my self, or those actions for which I suffer; onely in excuse of both, give me leave to say my too much zeal to do my Master service, made me abuse his Regal Authority: and howsoever I have been one most unfortunate, yet at all times a favourite in the prosecution of my places and offices. Yet as I shall answer before the dreadful tribunal; whereunto your just anger hath before nature doomed me, my intents were fairer then my actions; but God knows the overgreatness of my spirits severity in my government, the witchcraft of authority, and flattery of multitudes to sharpen it, are but ill interpreters of my intention; which that you may believe I have no argument but improtestation, which hath but this circumstance to confirme it, that it proceeds from a dying man.
If I should take upon me to make a relation of all the particulars of my Arraignment and Attainder, it would but too much prorogue your longing expectation of my shameful death; besides, it would be needless in respect I should but say over again what I said before the Parliament, and perhaps be as little believed, though the terms on which I then answered be far different from my attestation now; that being before my condemnation and this after it: besides, there were multitudes to catch it as fast as I uttered it; and doubtless you shall have it upon every stall-post; for I have been, and whilest I breath am the pestilence which rages through your mindes, your estates, and trades; and you will read the bills of your losses, though the disease that brought the destruction be removed.
Having nothing in this world but a little breath which within a few minutes is to be expired, I should not use it to this purpose, but that custom upon these directions prescribes my warrant for it; and further, that I might be an example to great persons, that they may know the favour of a great King is not equivalent to the breath of Nations; and that it is a [Page 338]thousand times better and more noble for a Lion to play with a Glove then to tear it; nor is it proper for a Dove to soar with Eagles wings; and the rather, because the necessity of the times requires that I should dye onely for example.
He that gave conscience to you all (that are willing to accept it) my Royal Master did in his own conscience once declare me guiltless of those facts for which this death is come upon me; but heaven which hath made your general clamours the organ of my destiny, thought me not worthy to enjoy this life. I have abused, and from your voices, as from the lips of Oracles, I have received my woful doom, wherein my charity at this hour cannot nor will accuse you of the least injustice; but still I trench upon your patience, and linger in the thing you came to look for, my death.
A little, a little more and I have done; for a testimony of my Faith and Religon, be pleased to understand that I have professed and do now dye in the true Protestant Religion, not in any points deviating in my belief from the fundamental grounds, authorized by the Church of England. I would say more of this, but that I desire my private ejaculations may be my last meditations: onely because I know there is not any one of you at ods with my soul or person, though with my facts and vices; I cannot doubt but your humanity and charitable inclinations will afford me your devout prayers. For my Saviours sweet mercy, good people pray for me, even for my eternal Saviours sake, into whose bosom I render my woful and afflicted soul; sweet Jesu my redeemer, the redeemer even of me a woful and dejected sinner, receive into thy arms my Spirit.
At the time appointed, he marched to the Scaffold more like a General in the head of an Army to breath victory, then like a condemned man to undergo the sentence of death. The Lieutenant of the Tower desired him to take Coach, for fear the people should rush in upon him and tear him in pieces: No (said he) Master Lieutenant, I dare look death in the face, and I hope the people too: have you a [Page 339]care that I do not escape, and I care not how I dye, whether by the hand of the Executioner, or the madness and fury of the People; if that may give them better content, it is all one to me.
Having mounted the Scaffold, and seeing his Brother Sir George Wentworth weeping. Brother said he, What do you see in me that deserves these tears? doth my fear betray my guiltiness, or my too much boldness any Atheism? think now, that you do accompany me to my marriage bed. Nor did I ever throw off my cloathes with such freedom and content, as in this my preparation to my Grave; that stock, [pointing to the Block appointed for his Execution] must be my Pillow; here must I rest, and rest from all my labours: no thoughts of envy, no dreams of treason, jealousies of foes, cares for the King, the State, or my self, shall interrupt this nap: therefore Brother with me pitty mine enemies, who beside their intention have made me blessed; rejoyce in my innocency, rejoyce in my happiness.
Kneeling down upon the Scaffold, he made this Protestation; I hope Gentlemen you do think that neither fear of loss or love of reputation will cause me to belie God and my Conscience: for now I am in the door going out, and my next step must be from time to eternity, either of peace or pain. To clear my self to you all, I do solemnly protest before God, I am not guilty (so far as I can understand) of that great crime laid now to my charge, nor have had the least inclination or intention to damnifie or prejudice the King, the State, the Laws, or Religion of this Kingdom; but with my best endeavours to serve all, and support all, concluding with these words, as God might be merciful to his soul.
Addressing himself to my Lord Primate of Ireland, he said, It is my very great comfort that I have your Lordship by me this day, in regard I have been known to you these many years; and I do thank God and your Lordship [Page 340]for it that you are here, I should be very glad to obtain so much silence, as to be heard a few words; but I doubt I shall not, the noise is so great. My Lords, I am come hither by the good will and pleasure of Almighty God, to pay that last debt I owe to sin, which is death; and by the blessing of that God to rise again through the merits of Jesus Christ to righteousness and life eternal. [Here he was much interrupted.]
My Lords, I am come hither to submit to that judgement which hath passed against me; I do it with a very quiet and contented minde; I thank God, I do freely forgive all the world: a forgiveness that is not spoken from the teeth outwards (as they say) but from the very heart. I speak it in the presence of Almighty God, before whom I stand, that there is not a displeasing thought arising in me towards any man living. I thank God I can say it, and truly too, my conscience bearing me witness, that in all my employment, since I had the honour to serve his Majesty, I never had any thing in the purpose of my heart, but what tended to the joynt and individual prosperity of the King and People; although it hath been my ill fortune to be misconstrued.
I am not the first that hath suffered in this kinde, it is the common portion of us all, while we are in this life to erre, righteous judgement we must wait for in another place; for here we are very subject to be misjudged one of another. There is one thing that I desire to free my self of, and I am very confident (speaking it now with so much chearfulness) that I shall obtain your Christian Charity in the belief of it. I was so far from being against Parliaments, that I did alwayes think the Parliaments of England were the most happy Constitutions that any Kingdom or Nation lived under, and the best means under God to make the King and People happy.
For my death I here acquit all the world, and beseech the God of heaven heartily to forgive them that contrived it, [Page 341]though in the intentions and purposes of my heart I am not guilty of what I die for. And my Lord Primate it is a great comfort for me, that his Majesty conceives me not meriting so severe and heavy a punishment as is the utmost execution of this sentence: I do infinitely rejoyce in this mercy of his, and I beseech God return it into his own bosome, that he may finde mercy when he stands in need of it.
I wish this Kingdom all the prosperity and happiness in the world, I did it living, and now dying it is my wish; I do most humbly recommend this to every one that hears me, and desire they would lay their hands upon their hearts, and consider seriously, whether the beginning of the happinesse and Reformation of a Kingdom should be written in Letters of blood; consider this when you are at your homes, and let me be never so unhappy, as that the least drop of my blood should rise up in judgement against any one of you; but I fear you are in a wrong way.
My Lords, I have but one word more, and with that I shall end. I profess that I dye a true and obedient son to the Church of England, wherein I was born, and in which I was bred; peace and prosperity be ever to it.
It hath been objected, (if it were an objection worth the answering) that I have been inclined to Popery; but I say truly from my heart, that from the time that I was one and twenty years of age, to this present, going now upon forty nine, I never had in my heart to doubt of this Religion of the Church of England, nor ever had any man the boldness to suggest any such thing to me, to the best of my remembrance; and so being reconciled by the merits of Jesus Christ my Saviour, into whose bosom I hope I shall shortly be gathered, to those eternal happinesses which shall never have end. I desire heartily the forgivenesse of every man, for any rash or unadvised words, or any thing done amiss; and so my Lords and Gentlemen farewel. Farewel [Page 342]all the things of this world.
I desire that you would be silent, and joyn with me in prayer, and I trust in God we shall all meet and live eternally in Heaven, there to receive the accomplishment of all happiness, where every tear shall be wiped away from our eyes, and every sad thought from our hearts. And so God bless this Kingdom, and Jesus have mercy on my soul.
Having ended his Speech, he addrest himself to prayer, wherein he continued about a quarter of an hour; and then standing up, took his leave of all the Nobles and considerable Persons on the Scaffold; which done, he prayed again, and then laying his head down on the Block, had the same dissevered from his body by the Executioner at one blow.
His Body was afterwards embalmed, and carried into Yorkshire, there to be buried amongst his Ancestors.
I shall close the Scene, and shut up all with Mr. Cleavelands excellent Epitaph on this Heroe.
The Life of VVILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury.
THis reverend Father in God William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, the times he lived in neither knowing his worth nor worthy of his person, have too much vilified. He was of no extraordinary Extraction as well as Stature, yet he rose by his deserts to the highest degree of Honour. He was born at Reading in Barkshire, the year of our Redemption 1573. His Father a man of a competent Estate, willing to see his pregnant son well educated, who in few years attained to such learning, that he was sent to St, John Baptists Colledge in Oxford; where he was such a Proficient, that in twelve years space he was looked upon, and applauded even to admiration of the University, from whence he proceeded Batchelour and Master of Arts.
Not long after he was chosen Procter of the University, about which time he also became Chaplain to the Earl of Devonshire, where first he fell acquainted with the Nobility, a great cause (no doubt) of his preferment. Soon after he proceeded Batchelour, then Doctour in Divinity; and becoming Chaplain to Doctour Neal Bishop of Rochester, was by him recommended to King James, and made his Chaplain.
Being now in the path to promotion, he neglected no opportunity conducible thereunto, but proves very serviceable to all those who might be any wayes advantageous to his advancement; more especially was he observient to the Duke of Buckingham, the grant Favorite of the times. So that in short space he was made Prebend of Bugden, and Westminster, Dean of Glocester, Archdeacon of Huntington, [Page 344]and President of Saint Johns Colledge in Oxford; besides these, several Benefices bestowed upon him, Stanford in Northamptonshire, West-Tilbury in Essex, Cuckston in Kent, and Ibstock in Leicestershire.
Not long after King James (the best Master to his Servants that ever was) bestowed the Bishoprick of St. Davids upon him, and with it in Commendam the Parsonage of Creek. King James dying, his Son our late Sovereign Charles finding his abilities, took him into more special regard, making him first Bishop of Bathe and Wells, then Dean of his Chappel, next a Privy Councellour, soon after Bishop of London, then Chancellour of Oxford, and not long after Archbishop of Canterbury. Higher he could not be advanced in England, in Rome he might, who to gain him to their side, made him a ridiculous tender of a Cardinals Cap; to which he returned answer, That somewhat dwelt within which would not suffer that, till Rome were otherwise then it is. Implying thereby, that that Church had errours to which his conscience could no wayes conform.
Far different was Bishop Laud from his Predecessor D. Abbot, whose judgement for the indifferency of things Ceremonial, made the enjoyning of them by Bishop Laud be termed an innovation; many in their writings at that time inveighed bitterly against Episcopal Government, as also against the Bishops; three of which violent opponents were, Mr. Pryn a Barrester of Lincolns Inne, Dr. Bastwick a Physician, and Master Burton a Divine, who were censured in the Star-Chamber to pay each of them five thousand pounds to the King, to lose their ears in the Pillory, and to be imprisoned perpetually. The first in Canarvan Castle in Wales; the second in Lanceston Castle in Cornwall, and the other in Lancaster Castle; Master Pryn over and above, to be stigmatized on both cheeks with the letter S. for a Schismatick.
This severity, with the obtruding of the Common Prayer Book altered, on the Scots, which was by the Kings special command, so exasperated them and the English Commonalty, that Libels were each day scattered about; one pasted on the Cross in Cheapside, That the Archbishop of Canterbury had his hand in persecuting the Saints, and shedding the blood of the Martyrs. Another in the South Gate of Pauls, That the Devil had let that house to him. Another on the North Gate of Pauls, That the government of the Church of England is a candle in the snuff, going out in a stench. Another hanged upon the Standerd in Cheapside, wherein his Speech in the Star-Chamber was set in a kinde of Pillory, &c. Five hundred persons likewise under the name of Apprentices beset his house at Lambeth, intending no doubt to have done to him as the unruly Rabble did to his Predecessour Simon Sudbury, in the time of King Richard the second, who was sacrificed to the fury of the people; for which one of the chief, named Thomas Bensteà, being taken, was hanged and quartered.
Many have been the reports that this Archbishop was addicted to Popery, and a great friend to the Papists. Certainly he who shall read the relation of his conference with the Jesuite Fisher, will finde him so little theirs, as he hath for ever disabled them from being so much their own as they were before, it being the exactest Master-piece of Polemick Divinity of all extant, as Sir Edward Deering in one of his Speeches writes, that this Book of his mortally wounded the Jesuite in the fifth rib. This learned Volume might have satisfied the people as touching his Religion, and his Diary written by himself of the Integrity of his Life. For he had not any intermission for his pen, and best intentions of minde against the Roman Faction, whatsoever the Covenanters have interpreted to the contrary; he having continual occasions to lift up his eyes to heaven, for the preservation of the glory of the Church, and the honour [Page 346]and safety of his Majesty, as by the abstract of a discovery made by Andreas ab Habernsfeid against the designs of the Papists, to stir up a Commotion in Scotland, and in the heat thereof to murther the King and the Archbishop may appear; the Copy of the Archbishops Letter, and his Majesties Notes thereupon, for vindication of his Integrity I have here inserted.
The Archbishops Letter to the King upon the first overture of this Discovery.
As great as the secret is that comes herewith, yet I chuse rather to send it in this silent covert way, and I hope safe, then to come thither, and bring it my self. First, because I am no way able to make haste enough with it. Secondly, because should I come at this time, and antedate the meeting September 24. there would be more jealousie of the business, and more enquiry after it; especially if I being once there should return again before that day, as I must, if this be followed as is most fit.
The danger it seems is eminent, and laid by God knows whom, but to be executed by them which are very near about you: For the great honour I have to be in danger with you, or for you, I pass not, so your sacred Person and the State may be safe. Now, may it please your Majesty this information is either true, or there is some mistake in it. (A.) If it be true, the persons which make the discovery will deserve thanks and reward; if there should be any mistake in it, your Majesty can lose nothing but a little silence.
The business (if it be true) is extream foul. The Discovery thus by Gods Providence offered, I do hereby humbly beg it upon my knees of your Majesty, that you will conceal (B) this business from every creature, and his [Page 347]name that sends this to me. And I send his Letters to me to your Majesty, that you may see his sense both of the business and the Secrecy. And such instructions as you think fit to give him. I beseech you let them be in your own hand for his warrant, without imparting them to any; and if your Majesty leave it to his discretion to follow it there in the best way he can, that in your own hand will be instruction and warrant enough for him: And if you please to return it herewith presently to me, I will send an express away with it presently.
In the mean time I have by this express returned him this answer, (C) That I think he shall do well to hold on the Treaty with these men with all care and Secrecy, and drive on to the discovery so soon as the business is ripe for it, that he may assure himself and them they shall not want reward, if they do the service. That for my part he shall be sure of secrecy, and that I am most confident that your Majesty will not impart it to any, that he have a special eye to the eighth or the ninth Proposition.
Sir, for Gods sake and your own safety, secrecy in this business; and I beseech you send me back (D) this letter, and all that comes with it speedily and scretly, and trust not your own pockets with them, I shall not eat or sleep in quiet till I receive them. And so soon as I have them again, and your Majesties warrant to proceed, no diligence shall be wanting in me to help on this discovery.
This is the greatest business that ever was put to me, and if I have herein proposed or done any thing amiss, I most humbly crave your Majesties pardon; but I am willing to hope I have not herein erred in judgement, (E) and in fidelity I never will. These Letters came to me on Thursday, September 10. at night, and I sent these away according to the date hereof, being extreamly wearied with writing this Letter, copying out these other which come with this, and dispatching my Letters back to him that sent these, all in my [Page 348]own hand. Once again secrecy for Gods sake and your own; To his most blessed protection I commend your Majesty, and all your Affairs, and am
His Majesties Notes and Apprehensions on this Letter.
(A) It is an unanswerable dilemma.
(B) I concur totally with you in opinion, assuring that no body doth or shall know of this business, and to shew my care to conceal it, I received this but this Afternoon, and now I make this dispatch before I sleep. Herewith I send his warrant as you advise, which indeed I judge to be the better way.
(C) I like your Answer extream well, and promise not to deceive your confidence nor break your word.
(D) I have sent all back, I think these Apostils will be warrant enough for you to proceed, especially when I expresly command you to do so
(E) In this I am as far from condemning your judgement, as suspecting your fidelity.
This Letter I have inserted the rather, because some men sharp-witted only in speaking evil, have reported him to be a man of little Learning, &c. To wipe off such aspersions vulgarly cast on him, that he was addicted to the Romish perswasion: to which purpose they nick-name his honour Superstitious, which wise and moderate men name, a zeal to Gods house, to his perpetual honour. The North Door of Saint Pauls was repaired at his own [Page 349]charges, the Workmen themselves not knowing from whence their money came.
Thus have you seen this Archbishop mounted on the top of Fortunes wheel; but what estate on earth is so permanent, that it remains unmoveable: for Honor is like a mountain which seems to those who are at the foot of it with his towering head to touch the skies; but to those that are at the top, it seems with its Basis to reach the Abyss. Anno 1641. he was by the House of Commons accused of fourteen Articles of High Treason, and for four years together continued a Prisoner in the Tower. Yet like his Master and King he enjoyed not so much as the quiet of a prison; for oftentimes (about fourscore several dayes) he was carried from the Tower to Westminster, and there arraigned in the House of Lords. At last he was adjudged to be hang'd, drawn, and quartered; but upon his Petition to the Lords, that sentence was changed to beheading, which was sadly performed on Tower Hill January 10. 1644. On the Scaffold he made a Sermon unto the people, taking his Text out of Hebrews 12. and the 2. verse; and having concluded his Sermon, he made a short prayer; upon the conclusion whereof, the Executioner, a sign given him, cut off his head at the first stroak.
He in his prosperity furnished Oxford with many excellent Volumes and rare Manuscripts; many other endeavours had he for the propagation of Learning, but his untimely death hath prevented us of so great benefits, as notworthy of so much happiness.
I have not enlarged my self in the writing of this Reverend Fathers Life, like as I have done in others; I must apologize, as Mr. Speed in one of his Descriptions writes, that such a Gentleman had begun, who afterwards went through the greatest difficulties of a most curious Map; to build upon whose foundations he held it too injurious: so I must with all submission acknowledge, that a Gentleman [Page 350]of most accomplisht parts hath made a progress at large in this reverend Prelates History; for me to have went about to build, when he alone had laid such a firme foundation, as shall out-live all other Historians, I could not but count it too ambitious; and am so far from thinking my self worthy to attend his noble purposes, that if I had not thought it a crime of necessity, though in the Epitome to place him amongst these eternized Heroes; with Mr. Speed, I should rather have left out a whole Countrey, then in these few pages have committed the sin of presumption against his admirable endeavours.
The Life of ROBERT DEVEREUX Earl of Essex, General of the Parliaments Forces.
THis Earl was borne in London Anno Dom. 1592. beginning his morning in the evening of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. His Father was that Robert Devereux Earl of Essex, whose unfortunate life we have already discoursed of; his Mother was the widdow of Sir Philip Sidney, one whose Pen and Sword have rendered him famous to all posterity. His education in his youth was at the University of Cambridge, afterwards committed to the tuition of Bishop Whitgift a reverend Divine. King James restoring him to his Fathers Titles and Estate forfeited by his fathers treasons to Queen Elizabeth: That a perfect reconcilement might be made in all things, a Marriage was contracted betwixt him and the Lady Frances Howard, Daughter [Page 351]to the Earl of Suffolk, a Lady of a transcendent beauty: but she full of fire, and the Earl of ice, upon complaint made, they were separated (by a most just sentence of nullity executed by Commission under the great Seal of England) after they had enjoyed the Society of one bed for three years together. Some report that indirect and unjustifiable practices were used in the scrutiny of her Virginity, but I averre, according to the truth of allegations and proofs, as the Jury of Midwives declared, she was an untouched Virgin: so did the Earl himself confess that (though he had often attempted it) he never could and believed never should unty her Virgin zone: whereupon the Commissioners pronounced a divorce betwixt them. Some Authors write that she did not much affect the Earl, being of a lustful appetite. Some on the other side imputed it to his travels; others to her looseness in the time of his absence, suffering her body to be abused. Others bring Viscount Car on the stage, that she placed her affections on him. Others write that Mrs. Turner and Doctor Forman were employed to bewitch the Earl, and to procure frigidity quo ad hanc; so much do our Historians differ in their relations of this unfortunate marriage.
The Earl perceiving how little he was beholding to Venus, is now resolved to address himself to the Court of Mars; and to this purpose he bestows himself in the Netherlands, which at that time was the School of Honour for the Nobility of England in their exercise of Arms: where having continued for certain years, and gained renown by his experience and perfection in the feates of Arms, he advanced from thence into the Palatinate, to which place went also the Earl of Southampton, the Lord Willoughby, the Earl of Oxford, and Sir John Borlans with their Regiments; but these not seconded as they expected, and being invaded by so potent an Enemy as was then the Emperour, and seconded by so puissant a Potentate as the King of Spain; having in vain endeavoured with such weak [Page 352]forces to resist so great power, they returned into England.
King James dying; in the beginning of his Sons Reign a design went on for a sudden expedition into Cadiz in Spain, which was committed to the mangement of Viscount Wimbleton and the Earl of Essex; who putting forth to Sea, were much dammaged with a furious storm: but meeting together in the height of the Southern Cape, they sailed to Cadiz; where having taken Puntal Castle, and in likelihood to fire the Ships in the Harbour; the field men in the interim being directed to Land, for their recreation and to take in fresh water, having discovered the Cellers plentifully stockt with wine, they carrowsed thereof so liberally, in despite of more sober commands to the contrary, as put them to the hazard of a dismal reckoning. Whereupon the Admiral finding the Souldiers thus insufferably disordered, fearing the Spaniard upon this advantage might make a lamentable butchery amongst them, was forced to put to Sea again; and having staid some time in expectation of setting upon the Plate Fleet in their returning home, the Pestilence so reigned in their Navy, that they had scarce men enow to handle their Sails; which enforced them to ply home with all the speed they could.
The Earl of Essex soon after his return made a voyage into Holland, not loving to lie idle when any action of Honour was on foot; where he behaved himself with such gallant resolution, as got him high repute in the mouthes of all men.
Having given these undeniable testimonies of his valour, he was ambitious to give some further proofs of his virility; and having been a while in England, he solicites the affection of Mrs. Elizabeth Paulet (daughter of Sir William Paulet of Wiltshire, extracted from the noble line of the Marquess of Winchester) with whom he consumated his Nuptials at Netley the Earl of Hartfords house; by her he had a Son, who was Christned Robert, after his Fathers name; he [Page 353]dyed in the year 1636. and lies buried at Drayton in the County of Warwick.
With this Lady he did agree and cohabit, but it was but a short time, becoming soon unhappy in his second, as he was in his first choice; for he could as little digest her overmuch familiarity with Mr. Ʋdal, as his former Ladies with the Earl of Somerset: upon which distaste, this Earl did ever after abandon all uxorious thoughts, and for a while lived a retired life.
Soon after began the long Parliament, in which such Differences arose betwixt them and the King, that for the deciding thereof, each part had their recourse to Arms. The Parliament very wisely chose Essex for their General, there being no person in the Kingdom so fit to take the people, and credit their designs; who having an Army raised, marches with them against the King. The King on the other side proclaims Essex and his adherents Traytors; and confident in the justness of his cause, gives him Battel on a place called Edge-hill, which was fought with much eagerness, and in a manner with equality; for though the King kept the field, and therein had the honour of the day, yet lost he many brave Commanders, who there dyed in the bed of Honour. Amongst others, the Lord Aubigney, Sir Edward Vaerney, who carried the Kings Standard, Collonel Monroe and others.
Soon after was an overture for Peace, but whilest it was in agitation, a second Battel was fought at Brainford; Essex at that time was sitting in the Parliament House, but alarum'd with the noise of the great guns, he speedeth down, his coming putting a stand to the Kings Forces, who then were upon point of Victory. There were slain on the Parliaments side Serjeant Major Quarles, a man of eminent parts; who left behinde him one onely Daughter named Esther: since married to Master William Holgate of Saffron Walden, a deserving Gentleman; whose love to learning and learned [Page 354]men, hath made his name famous to all posterity. Captain Lilburne with some others were taken prisoners: the winter then drawing on apace, both Armies retired to their Winer quarters.
The next Spring Essex sets forth with his Army, layes Siege to Reading; to relieve which, the King, Prince Rupert, and Prince Maurice advanced with a great Army; but being worsted at Causham-Bridge, the Town was surrendered to the Earl of Essex.
Presently after the taking of Reading, the Parliament side began to decline on a sudden; a contageous sickness seized on the Earl of Essex Souldiers: the Marquess of New Castle was grown very powerful in the North, and Sir William Waller defeated in the West; Bristol being delivered up to the King: so that had he with his Army come up the next way to London, it was thought he would have found but little opposition; Glocester onely held out against him. The King unwilling to leave any Town behinde him, layes Siege thereunto; to the raising whereof, the Army being not in a capacity of themselves, the Train Bands of London assented to this expedition, who raised the Siege, and not long after gave the Kings Forces Battel at Newbery; this was a long and bloody fight, nor had either of the parties much cause to boast. On the Kings side were slain the Earl of Carnarvan, the Earl of Sunderland, the Lord Faulkland, Collonel Morgan, Lieutenant Colonel Fielding, Mr. Strode, and other eminent persons. On the Parliament side was slain Colonel Tucker, Captain George Massey, Captain Hunt, and others. The Earl of Essex with the Trained Bands returned to London, where he had solemn thanks given him by the Parliament.
And now the Winter coming on, he had the leisure for a while to refresh himself, and to make new provisions for War against the ensuing Spring; which being come, he marches with his Army from London. Sir William Waller [Page 355]at some distance marching with him, after a while he sits down before Oxford, where the King then was; who fearing a Siege, about midnight did take Horse, attended with certain Troops, who carried some Foot mounted behinde them, and came to Witney five miles from Burford; whither also Essex followed him. Prince Maurice who had long laid Siege to Lyme, upon his approach towards those parts, he raises it. The strong Town of Weymouth it surrendered unto him, yea all the Countries round about came in unto him, and the Garrisons opened their Gates at the first sound of his Trumpet. At Chard within the compass of twelve miles came four thousand men unto him, protesting to live and to dye in the cause of the Parliament, as their friends at Dorchester did before them.
Barnstable revolteth to him, Sir Richard Grenvile is beaten, and Taunton Castle taken by his forces; soon after he possesses himself of Mount Stanford, Plimpton, Salt-Ash, and divers other small Garrisons: from thence he advanceth towards Tavestock, where he took Sir Richard Grenviles house, and in it two pieces of Canon, eight hundred Arms, a great quantity of rich Furniture, and three thousand pound in Money and Plate. He marches into Cornwal, forcing his passage over at Newbridge, with the loss of a hundred and fifty of his enemies; about Listethel he encountred Sir Richard Grenvile, whom he overthrew, immediately upon this Bodmin, Tadcaster, and Foy stoop unto him. But the King who all this while was not idle understanding of his advance into Cornwal, resolved to march after him, for he found that his Army did daily encrease. The presence of a Prince, by a secret attraction, for the most part prevailing upon the affections of the people. Essex hereupon sends to the Parliament for Recruits, but before he could receive any supply, the King had so cooped up his Army, that his Horse had no room for forrage: in this strait he calleth a Councel of War, wherein it was concluded, [Page 356]that three thousand Horse under the command of Sir William Belfore should attempt to break through the main body of the Kings forces; which accordingly was put in execution: necessity whetting their valours, so that with some loss they got through, and came safely to Plymouth. But the Foot having not that swift means of escape, were forced to yield themselves. The Earl made his escape by Sea, attended with the Lord Roberts, and taking shipping at Foy, landed at Plymouth, sick both in body and minde.
Thus on a sudden was all undone, which he with much pains and hazard had been long a doing; so uncertain is the chance of War, that he who now rideth triumphantly in the Chariot of Victory, may ere long become the Object of his enemies mercy.
Soon after followed the new moddeling of the Army, wherein all those Commanders who were Members of either House of Parliament were called home; Essex hereupon surrendered up his Commission, Sir Thomas Fairfax being made General in his stead; after which time he continually sate in the House of Peers, until the time of his death, which was on the 14. of September, 1646. and 56. year of his age. His Funeral was solemnized with great state; a Monument being erected for him in Westminster Abbey, which a mad villain most uncivilly defaced.
The Life of Sir CHARLES LUCAS.
SO much pitty is owing from posterity to the unfortunate Loyalist Sir Charles Lucas, that should I omit to render him his due honours, I might be taxed of partiality, [Page 357]at least to have fallen short of what the Title of this Volume promises, he being one whose Learning and Valour hath made him, amongst others, eminent of the English Nation.
I shall not need to spend much time in setting forth the stem from whence this illustrious Ciens sprung; he who hath not heard of the Family of the Lucas's knows nothing of Gentility; yet had no honour accrew'd to him from his famous Progenitors, it were honour enough to him to be Brother to that nobly accomplished, and deservingly honoured, the Plato of this age, the Lord Lucas; a Gentleman singularly gifted in all suitable elements of worth, as also to Sir Gervas Lucas, a valiant Commander, sometimes Governour of Belvoir Castle. For his Education, it was generous, having his youth sufficiently seasoned in principles of knowledge, both Humane and Divine, to which joyning his Manhood and Discipline in the Field, he had scarce his equal. He was a person accompanied with a resolute spirit, of an active disposition, and a suitable discretion to mannage it; strict in his commands without a supercillious severity, free in his rewards to persons of desert and quality; in his society he was affable and pleasant, in his charge serious and vigilant, remiss in nothing that might any way improve or expedite his dispatch in Martiall Affairs.
But to take a brief survey of his Military Exploits, I shall in the first place (omitting engagements of less consequence as not so pertinent) mount up the Hill near Newbury and Enborn Chase, the two places where that memorable Battle was fought, where Sir Charles Lucas with sundry other worthy Commanders behaved themselves as bravely as any of the most eminent Heroes from the beginning of this unhappy War; in which Fight Sir Charles was grievously wounded. Here were his characters of Honour deeply stamped in a Crimson die.
For the more brevity I shall pass by his valiant courage upon the Parliaments Forces at the assault of Cawood Castle; where with skill and valour he forc'd his way thorow their Quarters to such places as he thought convenient, and that with such confidence and magnanimity, as his very name became a terrour to his enemies.
His Gallantry at Marston Moor will be had in remembrance, so long as that Fight shall be recorded in our English Annals.
His valiant mannagement of Affairs at Newark, where he exprest himself an absolute Souldier both in his Discipline and personal action.
His brave and successful attempt in his march from Berkley Castle with part of his Regiment, betwixt Slymbridge and Beverston Castle, upon Colonel Masseys Garrisons.
His incomparable Gallantry, in the pursuit of his design at Tidbury.
But to descend from these particulars to the main thing we intend, namely his Magnanimity in defending Colchester, besieged by a powerful and successful Enemy. We will in the first place give you a brief account of the occasion thereof, and then as briefly relate the most memorable concernments during the Siege.
When the Parliaments Army had so subdued the Kings Forces, that not one Garrison stood our for him openly, and the King himself sold unto them by the Scots, it was expected by the people a composure of differences would have ensued, and the King reestablished on his Throne again, according as they had promised in many Declarations. But contrary thereunto, they enacted to settle the Kingdom without him; this much discontented the generality of the people, and first they shewed their dislike thereof by way of Petition; but that not prevailing, they resolve force. Langhorn, Powel, and Poyer, strengthen themselves [Page 359]in Wales; the Scots (notwithstanding they had sold the King not long before) yet now exclaim against the English for breach of Covenant, and resolve to have the other march for England. Against the Welchmen was Lieutenant General Cromwel sent, and Sir Thomas Fairfax designed to go against the Scots; but called back to march against the Kentish-men, who in a Body of six thousand had possessed themselves of Maidstone, with a resolution to stand it out against all opposers. But Sir Thomas Fairfax falling upon them, after a short but smart fight, the Kentish-men were routed, and their Army dispersed, onely the Earl of Norwich with about three thousand men crossed the Thames, and passed into Essex.
Where he found Sir Charles Lucas with some other persons of eminent honour and quality, as the Lord Capel, Loughborough, &c. with a compleat body of resolute men: who after they had secured the Committee at Chelmsford, struck into Colchester; a Town inconsiderable as was generally conceived both by the Enemy and adjacent parts of the Countrey, either to receive by a provisional way of relief any great force into it, or by reason of the indefensive and intenible condition of the Town, to stand out any time upon their settling or planting in it. Yet so constantly, courageous, vigilant, and incredibly industrious were these loyally disposed Gentlemen, as this Town, which in opinion by reason of her disprovision could not probably hold out against so powerful and formidable an Enemy the space of one week, continued three moneths in a most resolute defiance, and resistance of a victorious Army, sated with such fulness of Conquests, and supplied with such fresh and constant Recruits, to bring their successive Atchievements to a more absolute period. At length after many stout endeavours, Sallies and Assayes, gallantly performed, having eaten all the Horses, Dogs, Cats, and whatsoever, (though most reluctant to Nature) could afford them nourishment, [Page 360]this unfortunate Town of Colchester was surrendered after the continuance of three moneths Siege compleatly ended; with these strict conditions, the superior officers to mercy, and the Souldiery upon quarter for life.
To those that shall demand what should be the reason for the besieged to hold out so long, by their continued resistance, to bring both themselves and the rest of the inhabitants into such misery and fearful distress; especially seeing there appeared no hope at all of raising that lasting Siege, nor of the Generals remove till he had finished his design; besides, their pertinacy and aversion from such reasonable conditions as in the beginning were proposed to them, could not but highly incense the General, and bring them (as afterwards it did) to extreamer terms, upon intelligence of their necessitous condition, that they might either be enforc'd to perish through Famine, or necessarily surrender the Town.
To this sad inquiry, I answer, that (besides others) there were three main reasons, which induced them to hold out so long as they did.
The first was, that not onely the County wherein they were beleagured, but other Counties too, had ingaged themselves upon their fidelity, (a strong gage of assurance to valiant men) that they would really joyn in assistance with them: but this strong engagement procured an easie dispensation, none appearing visibly, save onely a small party about Saffron Walden, who as they were soon up, were as soon down; being routed at Linton by a party of Horse under Major Sparrow.
But far greater hopes had they from London; many of of the Royalists having engaged their persons under the Earl of Holland, Duke of Buckingham, &c. to succour them. But this expected aid proved fruitless, for having lost that active spark of Honor. the Lord Francis Villers, the rest of their flying Army were surprized at Saint Needs, few [Page 361]escaping to carry tidings of their disastrous success.
But the main reason which induced them on to the continuance of this Siege, was their daily expectance of relief from the North; for the Scots having now ended their debate with their Presbyterian Cleargy, concerning the conveniency and inconveniency of this War, with 30000. men, under the leading of Duke Hamilton, entered England. This numerous Army of Covenanters appearing so invincible, made the Presbyterians in England to rest confident, and to cry out Hosanna to the Mother Kirk of Scotland. But as an Army of Sheep having a Lion to their leader, is better then an Army of Lions with a Sheepish Commander; even so this Canopy-General, whose port and magnificence in his march promised wonders, though it proved but Majesty in an imbroidered habit with a feaverish heart. At Preston in Lancashire he was encountred by Cromwel, with a handful of men in comparison of his vast Army; the effect of which fight was, that the Scots went home by weeping cross, complaining they had lost more by Hamilton, then ever they got by Lesley.
Soon after followed the surrender of Colchester, and within five hours after the surrender, the deaths of Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle. What motives induced the General to more severity against them then the rest, I know not; but certain it is, never was the message of death (though the terriblest summons that can come to nature) entertained by any with more magnanimity, and undaunted resolution, then it was by them. Never did Roman with greater courage, nor Christian with firmer confidence court grim death, then did this matchless pair of Heroes. Sir Charls Lucas was the first design'd to dye; who having retired himself a while for prayer, with a pious and humble commendation of his soul into the hands of God, he stood up, remembring no doubt, that saying, It behoveth a General to dye standing: and tearing open his Doublet, he exposed his [Page 362]naked Breast, crying out, Now Rebels do your worst: he was immediately dispatched on the place.
Sir George Lisle's turn was next; who beholding that sad spectacle, the dead body of his dearest friend, fell upon it and kissed it, as if he meant to breathe into it another soul: with a free but true relation of his vertues and endowments, he often would redouble these words. In how short a moment has a brave spirit expired! well, this priority was due to thee, but I shall not be long behinde thee, my death which is now at hand shall restore thee to me.
After this, standing up, and taking five pieces of Gold out of his pocket, he gave one to his Executioners, and the other four he sent to four friends in London; then turning to the standers by, he said, Oh how many do I see here about me, whose lives I have saved in hot blood, and now must mine be taken away most barbarously in cold blood! sure the like was never heard of among the Gothes and Vandals, or the veriest Barbarians in the world in any age;—after which words, and some few invocations upon the name of Jesus, he was also dispatched, as he stood in an Heroick posture, courting grim death with a spritely countenance, and a greedy expectation.
I have heard it reported by divers credible persons, that on the ground where Sir Charles Lucas fell when he was shot, there hath grown no Grass; where the print of his body was, still remaining bare; notwithstanding round the same, the Grass flourished with verdancy: what this should signifie concerning his guilt or innocency, as the wayes of God are unsearchable, so shall I not determine any thing, but leaving every one to his own opinion, please my self with the onely traditional relation of it.
This Epitome which I have derived to posterity, is but as a glimpse or sparkling to the radiant beams of this Carbuncle of Honour.
The Life of King CHARLES.
KIng Charles the First was born at Dumfermling in Scotland, November 19. Anno Dom. 1600. He was not next Heir to the Crown, then having an elder Brother Prince Henry, of admirable parts; but God countermanding Natures dispose, by taking away his Brother, left him the Heir Male to the Brittish Diadem. At the death of his Father he had attained to twenty five years of age, whereof the most part of one was spent in Spain, in making addresses to the Lady Infanta in the quality of a Wooer; and although he attained not the end for which he went, yet it gave him a tincture of travel and experience, more worth perchance then the mark he aimed at; attaining by this means to a greater degree of that which made Ʋlysses so famous.
Amongst other Curiosities I have met with a Letter of Pope Gregories, to win him to his Religion, when he was Prince, which I have inserted, with his answer.
A Copy of the Letter written from Pope Gregory the Fifteenth, to Charles Prince of Wales, then being in Spain.
Most noble Prince, Salutation and Light of the Divine Grace: Forasmuch as Great Brittain hath alwayes been fruitful in Vertues, and in Men of great worth, having filled the one and the other world with the glory of her renown; she doth very often also draw the thoughts of the Holy Apostolical Chair to the consideration of her praises. And indeed the Church was but then in her infancy when the King of kings did chuse her for his Inheritance; and so [Page 364]affectionately, that we believe the Roman Eagles have hardly out-passed the Banner of the Cross. Besides that many of her Kings instructed in the knowledge of the true Salvation, have preferred the Crosse before the Royall Scepter, and the Discipline of Religion before Covetousness leaving examples of Piety to other Nations, and to the Ages yet to come. So that having merited the Principalities and first places of blessedness in Heaven, they have obtained on Earth the triumphant Ornaments of true holiness. And although now the State of the English Church is altered, we see nevertheless the Court of Great Brittain adorned and furnished with Moral Vertues, which might serve to support the charity that we bear unto her; and be an ornament to the name of Christianity, if withal she could have for her defence and protection the Orthodox and Catholique Truth. Therefore by how much the more the Glory of your most Noble Father, and the apprehension of your glorious inclination, delights us, with so much more zeal we desire, that the Gates of the Kingdom of Heaven might be opened unto you, and that you might purchase to your self the love of the Universal Church. Moreover it being certain, that Gregory the Great of most blessed memory, hath introduced to the English people, and taught to their Kings the Law of the Gospel, and the respect of Apostolical Authority: we as inferiour to him in Holiness and Vertue, but equal in Name and Degree of Dignity, it is very reasonable, that we following his blessed footsteps, should endeavour the salvation of those Provinces, especially at this time when your Design (most Noble Prince) elevates us to the hope of an extraordinary advantage: therefore as you have directed your journey to Spain towards the Catholique King, with desire to ally your self to the House of Austria, we do much commend your Design, and indeed do testifie openly in this present business, that you are he that takes the principal care of our [Page 365]Prelacy. For seeing that you desire to take in marriage the Daughter of Spain, from thence we may easily conjecture, that the ancient seeds of Christian Piety, which have so happily flourished in the hearts of the Kings of Great Brittain may (God prospering them) revive again in your soul. And indeed it is not to be believed that the same man should love such an Alliance that hates the Catholique Religion, and should take delight to oppress the Holy Chair. To that purpose we have commanded to make continually most humble Prayers to the Father of Lights that he would be pleased to put you as a fair Flower of Christendom, and the onely hope of Great Brittain, in possession of that most noble Heritage that your Ancestors have purchased for you, to defend the authority of the Sovereign High Priest, and to fight against the Monsters of Heresie. Remember the dayes of old, enquire of your Fathers, and they will tell you the way that leads to Heaven, and that way the Temporal Princes have taken to attain to the everlasting Kingdom. Behold the Gates of Heaven opened, the most holy Kings of England, who came from England to Rome accompanied with Angels, did come to honour and do homage to the Lord of lords, and to the Prince of the Apostles in the Apostolical Chair: their actions and their examples being as so many voices of God, speaking and exhorting you to follow the course of the lives of those to whose Empire you shall one day attain.
Is it possible that you can suffer that the Heretiques should hold them for impious, and condemn those that the Faith of the Church testifies to reign in the Heavens with Jesus Christ, and have comand and authorisy over all Principalities and Empires of the Earth? Behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy Inheritance, to conduct you safe and sound to the Court of the Catholique King, and who desire to bring you back again into the lap of the Roman Church: beseeching with unspeakable [Page 366]sighs and groans the God of all mercy for your salvation, and do stretch out to you the Arms of the Apostolical Charity to imbrace you with all Christian affection, you that are her desired Son, in shewing you the happy hope of the Kingdom of Heaven. And indeed you cannot give a greater consolation to all the people of the Christian Estates, than to put the Prince of the Apostles in possession of your most noble Island, whose Authority hath been held so long in the Kingdom of Brittain for the defence of Kingdoms, and for a Divine Oracle; which will easily arrive, and that without difficulty, if you open your heart to the Lord that knocks, upon which depends all the happiness of that Kingdom. It is of our great charity that we cherish the praises of the Royal name; and that which makes us desire that you and your Royal Father might be stiled with the names of Deliverers and Restorers of the ancient and paternal Religion of Great Brittain which we hope for, trusting in the goodness of God, in whose hands are the hearts of Kings, and who causeth the people of the earth to receive healing, to whom we will alwayes labour with all our power, to render you gracious and favourable: in the interim take notice by these Letters of the care of our Charity, which is none other than to procure your happiness, and it will never grieve us to have written them, if the reading of them stir but the least spark of the Catholique Faith, in the heart of so great a Prince, whom we wish to be filled with long continuance of joy, and flourishing in the glory of all vertues.
Given at Rome in the Palace of St. Peter, the 20th. of April, 1623. in the third year of our Popedom.
The Answer of Prince Charles to the Popes Letter.
Most Holy Father, I received the dispatch from your [Page 397] Holiness with great content, and with that respect which the piety and care, wherewith your Holiness writes, doth require: It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to read the generous exploits of the Kings my Predecessors, in whose memory posterity hath not given those Praises and Elogies of Honour as were due to them: I do believe that your Holiness hath set their example before my eyes, to the end that I might imitate them in all my Actions, for in truth they have often exposed their Estates and Lives for the exaltation of the holy Chair; and the courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of the Cross of Jesus Christ, hath not been less than the thought and care which I have, to the end that the peace and intelligence which hath hitherto been wanting in Christendom might be bound with a true and strong concord. For as the common enemy of the peace, watcheth alwayes to put hatred and dissention amongst Christian Princes; so I believe that the glory of God requires that we should endeavour to unite them; and I do not esteem it a greater honour to be descended from so great Princes, than to imitate them in the zeal of their piety. In which it helps me very much to have known the minde and will of our thrice honoured Lord and Father, and the holy intentions of his Catholique Majesty, to give a happy concurrence to so laudable a design: for it grieves him extreamly to see the great evils that grow from the division of Christian Princes, which the wisdom of your Holiness foresaw, when it judged the marriage which you pleased to design, between the Infanta of Spain and my self, to be necessary to procure so great a good; for 'tis very certain that I shall never be so extreamly affectionate to any thing in the world, as to endeavour Alliance with a Prince who hath the same apprehension of the true Religion with my self: Therefore I intreat your Holiness to believe, that I have been alwayes very far from encouraging, or to be a partizan of any Faction, against the Catholique, Apostolick [Page 368] Roman Religion: but on the contrary, I have sought all occasions to take away the suspicion that might rest upon me, and that I will employ my self for the time to come, to have but one Religion and one Faith, seeing we all believe in one Jesus Christ, having resolved in my self to spare nothing that I have in the world, and to suffer all manner of discommodities, even to the hazzarding of my estate and life, for a thing so pleasing unto God. It rests onely that I thank your Holiness for the permission you have been pleased to afford me, and I pray God to give you a blessed health, and his glory after so much pains which your Holiness takes in his Church.
In his Journey to Spain he passed through Paris, where by the benefit of false hair he attained to a sight of that incomparable Lady Henretta Maria, Daughter to that Martial King of France, Henry the Fourth, whom afterwards he received into his Bed. Which Marriage, (concluded on by King James) was with great solemnity commenced at Westminster, June 18. 1625. And in the first year of his Reign he assembled a Parliament, where speedy supplyes were desired, for the setting forth a Fleet against the Spaniard, (friendship growing stale betwixt these two Kings, by reason of the breach of Marriage, and the detention of the Palatinate.) But the King was not so quick but the Parliament were as slow; for notwithstanding the streams of King James his bounty had so drained the Exchequer, that he left his Son onely an empty Purse to encounter with a full bagg'd Monarch, yet could not the Parliament be perswaded to come off roundly with their Subsidies; some were very prompt to give without delay, others would give but in convenient time, not then; but the most part agreed not to give, and to make an humble Remonstrance declaring the causes wherefore.
Most of the Voters of this Remonstrance flew high against the Duke; some would divest him of his Offices, the Admirality especially; others of his Revenue, by resuming what he possest of the Crown Demesnes; others demanded an account of what Publique moneys he had been intrusted with. This being signified to the King, occasioned this Speech of his Majesty.
His Majesties Speech at the same time concerning the Duke of Buckingham and Cook.
I must withal put you in minde of times past; you may remember my Father moved by your Councel, and won by your perswasions, brake the Treaties; in these perswasions I was your instrument towards him, and I was glad to be instrumental in any thing which might please the whole body of the Realm: Nor was there any then in greater favour with you then this man, whom you now so traduce. And now when you finde me so sure intangled in War, as I have no honourable and safe retreat, you make my necessity your priviledge, and set what rate you please upon your Supplies; a practice not very obliging towards Kings. Mr. Cook told you, It was better to dye by a Forreign Enemy then be destroyed at home. Indeed I think it is more honourable for a King to be invaded, and almost destroyed by a Forreign Enemy then to be despised at home.
The King expecting no conclusion from those for his assistance, who were so divided in their opinions, soon dissolved the Parliament.
Yet notwithstanding the backwardness of the Parliament, the King so forwarded the business, that in the beginning of October a Navy way was sent to sea, under the Command of Vicount Whimbleton, as also some ships of the Netherlanders, with whom the King had entered an Offensive [Page 370]and Defensive League, against the King of Spain, and Emperour of Germany: these landing at Cades, had the Fort of Puntal surrendred unto them, and in it fifteen barrels of powder and eight Peeces of Ordnance, with store of Wine; whereof the Souldiers drank so immoderately, (notwithstanding more sober commands to the contrary) that had the Spaniard known his advantge, he might have made a lamentable butchery amongst them. The Admiral seeing this disorder of the Souldiers, thought it bootless to stay any longer on Land; and thereupon put to Sea again, intending to stay twenty dayes in expectation of the Plate Fleet, then in return from the West Indies; but the Plague of Pestilence so raging amongst them, that every day hundreds were thrown over-board; he was forced to make all the speed he could back into England: yet was not his haste such, but that the News of his ill success was there before him. So true is that of the Poet.
February the second next ensuing was the King crowned, and four dayes after a Parliament assembled; the Spring approaching, (a time fit for Martial employments) supplies were desired, to which the Commons by way of Remonstrance reply'd, That if addition may be made of other things importing his service, then in consultation amongst them, they were resolved so to supply him, as might evidence the truth of their intentions; might make him safe at home, and formidable abroad. And now again fall they on a vigorous proceeding against the Duke of Buckingham, accusing him with thirteen Articles of High Treason, the Prologue whereof we have declared in his Life; to which the Duke returned so modest and humble an answer, that it abated the edge of some of their Indignations against him; yet were [Page 371]they resolved to give a reply to his answer, but whiles they were intentive upon it, the King sent them a Letter, demanding without further delay the speedy producing of their Bill of Subsidy to be passed: which accordingly they did, but first drew up a Declaration of the same make and minde with their former impeachment; which so incensed his Majesty, as on the very next day, being June 15. he dissolved the Assembly.
Presently after the dissolution of the Parliament, the King being informed of several misdemeanors committed by the Queens Servants, commanded them all to leave the Land, and depart into France; the French King herewith incensed, sent Mounsieur Bossompier, extraordinary Embassadour into England, to demand their restitution to their former places. But returning without a satisfactory answer, Lewis resolveth upon open hostility, and seizeth upon the English ships at Burdeaux. This indignity King Charles stomacht with such vehemency of spirit, that he resolveth the sword should end the controversie; to which purpose he publisht a Manifest, as followeth.
A Manifest of the Reasons which moved his Majesty to take up Arms against the French, published by the Duke of Buckingham in the Isle of Rhe, July 21. 1627.
What part the Kings of Great Brittain have alwayes taken in the affairs of the Reformed Churches of this Kingdom, and with what care and zeal they have laboured for the good of them, is manifest to all, and the examples thereof are as ordinary as the occasions have been. His now Majesty of Great Brittain comes nothing short of his Predecessours therein, if his good and laudable designs for their good had not been perverted to their ruine, by those who had most interest for their due accomplishment. What advantages hath he refused? What parties hath he not [Page 372]sought unto? that by his Alliance with France he might work more profitably and powerfully the restitution of those Churches to their ancient liberty and splendour? And what could be less hoped for by so strict an Alliance, and from so many reiteratad promises by the mouth of a great Prince, but effects truly Royal, and sorting with his greatness? But failings have been such, that his Majesty by so many promises, and so streight an obligation of friendship hath not onely been disappointed of means to obtain liberty and surety for the said Churches, and to restore peace to France by the reconciliation of those, whose breath utters nothing else but all manner of obedience to their King, under the liberty of their Edicts: that contrariwise they have prevailed by the interest which he had in those of the Religion to deceive them, and by this means not onely to untye him from them, but also to make him, if not odious unto them, at least suspected in perverting the means, which he had ordained for their good, to a quite contrary end; witness the English Ships designed for the extirpation of them of the Religion, but to the contrary express promise which was made, that they should not be used against them in the last Sea-fight. What then may be expected from so puissant a Prince as his Majesty, so openly eluded, but a through feeling equal and proportionable to the injuries received.
But his patience hath gone beyond policy, and as long as he had hopes that he could benefit the Churches by any other means, he had no recourse by way of Arms: so far that having been made an instrument and worker of the last Peace, upon conditions disadvantageous enough, and which would not have been accepted without his Majesties intervention, who interposed his credit and interest in the Churches to receive them, even with threatnings, to the end to shelter the honour of the most Christian King; under assurance of his part, not onely for the accomplishment, [Page 373]but also for the bettering of the said condition, for which he stands caution to the Churches.
But what hath been the issue of all this but onely an abuse of his goodness? And that which his Majesty thought a sovereign remedy for all their sores, hath it not brought almost the last blow to the ruine of the Churches? It wanted but a little by continuing the Fort before Rochel, the demolishment whereof was promised by the violence of the Souldiers and Garrisons of the said Forts and Isles, as well upon the inhabitants of the said Town as upon strangers; in lieu whereas they should have retired, they have been daily augmented, and other Forts built; as also by the stay of the Commissioners in the said Town beyond the time agreed on, to the end to make broils, and by means of the division which they made to slide amongst the Inhabitants to open the gates to the neighbouring Troops, and by other withstandings and instructions of peace, I say a little failed, that the said Town, and in it all the Churches had not drawn their last breath. And in the mean time, while his Majesty hath yet continued, and not opposed so many injuries, so many faith-breakings, but by complaint of Treaty, until he had received certain advice, confirmed by intercepted Letters, of the great preparation the most Christian King made to pour upon Rochel; and then what could his Majesty of Great Brittain do, but to vindicate his honour by a quick arming against those, who had made him a complice of their deceits? And to give testimony of his integrity and zeal which he hath alwayes had for the reestablishing of the Churches, an establishment which shall be dear and precious to him above any other thing.
This is the sole end of his arming at this time, and not any particular interest; yet whosoever would doubt thereof, let him consider the circumstance of times, and disposition of affairs as they stand now with his Majesty. For, who will believe that he can have any design upon France, or [Page 374]to have projected conquests here in a time so disadvantageous, having now for his enemy one of the most puissant Kings of the world? and if he had such a design, surely he would have sent greater Forces, than those now sent upon this action, whereof if the number were known, they would be Judged but Auxiliaries onely; and that their aim is no other, but for the good of the Churches, which for many important reasons and considerations, he findes himself obliged before God and man to protect and succour.
But if it be alleged that his Majesty hath been moved to take up Arms for other respects, as the detention and seisure of the Ships and Goods of his Subjects at Burdeaux, and other places of this Kingdom, to the breach and manifest contravention of the peace betwixt the two Crowns which in this point tend expresly to the irreparable prejudice, yea, to the total ruine of Commerce; in the rupture whereof, the poor people of this Realm, being not able to vent their Merchandizes, groans not onely under the burthen of so many Taxes and Impositions, but for the very necessity of life it self; that the apprehensions his Majesty hath of the powerful encrease of the most Christian King by Sea, hath moved him to arm for preventing the growth thereof: And lastly, that being hopeless of any accomodation of things, he hath been constrained to put himself in arms. The answer to all this is, that whosoever shall search the Arrests, Prizes, and Seisures which have been made on both sides, he shall finde his Majesty and his Subjects have hitherto profited by this breach, and that it turned to their advantage.
In the second place he is so far off from being jealous of the pretended power of the French by Sea, and that he should have reason to hinder it, that there needs no more than for him to grant, when he thinks it fit, Letters of Mart to his Subjects, and so these vain and feeble Forces at Sea might be dissipated without the employent of any Fleet [Page 375]Royal. Finally, that there hath been a necessity to arm thus, because there is no hope of accomodation otherwise, the contrary will be most manifest to him who will consider the researches which have been made at several times, as well by their own Ministers, as by the Ministers of other Princes to his Majesty, to treat of accommodating things at their instigation. It appears by all this that his Majesty hath not been forced to arm for any particular interest, but onely for defence of the Churches, for the security and freedom whereof he stood responsible; yet there are some that dare amuse the world, that his Majesty hath a particular design in it, and that he useth Religion for a pretext to gain a party, by means whereof, and by which conjunction he hopes to push on his purposes to the end at which they aym'd No, no, our Religion teacheth us otherwise, his Majesties piety (wherein he gives place to no man living) will never permit him. His design is the establishment of the Churches, his interest is their good, and his aim their contentment, that being done, these Drums beating, those Ensigns displayed shall be folded up again; And all this noise of War shall be buried in night and silence, which would never have been but for their cause.
The King having raised good sums of money by loan and otherwise, setteth forth a Fleet under the Dukes command, for the relief of Rochel; but the Duke returning home with ill success, being discomfitted at the Isle of Rhe, the King of France reinforceth his Siege: whereupon the Rochellers sue once again to King Charles for supplyes; who being necessitated for money, assembleth a Parliament, March 17. 1627. who readily and chearfully gave him five Subsidies: whereupon the King granted them the Petition of Right. That gallant Standard of Common Liberty, deserving to be recorded to all posterity; the substance whereof reduced to four heads, take as followeth.
- 1. They do pray your most excellent Majesty, that no man [Page 376]hereafter be compelled to make or yield any Gift, Loan, Benevolence, Tax, or such like charge, without common consent by Act of Parliament; and that none be called to make answer, or to take such oath, or to give attendance, or be confin'd or otherwise molested, or disquieted concerning the same, or for refusal thereof.
- 2. And that no free-man be taken, and imprisoned, or be disseised of his free-hold or liberty, or his free customs, or be out-lawed, or exiled, but by the lawful judgement of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land.
- 3. And that your Majesty would be pleased to remove the Souldiers and Marriners now billetted in divers Counties, and that your people may not be so burthened in time to come,
- 4. That the late Commissions, for proceeding by Marshal Law, may be revoked and annulled, and that hereafter no Commission of like nature may issue forth to any person or persons whatsoever to be executed, lest by colour of them any of your Majesties Subjects be destroyed, and put to death contrary to Law, and the Franchises of the Land.
All which they most humbly pray of your most excellent Majesty, as their Rights and Liberties, according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm; and that your Majesty would also vouchsafe to declare, that all awards, doings, or proceedings to the prejudice of your People, shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence and example.
Never (writes a late Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles) did arbritary power, since Monarcy first founded, so submittere faces, so vail its Scepter; never did the Prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure, as by this concession; a concession able to give satisfaction ever so supererogation, for what was amiss in all the Kings by-past government.
Much hoped it was that this Parliament would have had a happy conclusion, but what Gregory Nazienzen complained of Councels, That he never saw any one end well; King [Page 377] Charles might with as much verity have pronounced (as to his content) of Parliaments, not any one he summoned, having had any termination other then disgustful to him; for no sooner was the Petition of Right granted, but the Parliament resolved upon a large Remonstrance to the King, wherein they ripped up many grievances of the Kingdom, accusing the Duke of Buckingham his excessive power, and abuse of that power, the principal cause of all those evils and dangers: to which the King returned a smart answer, wherewith the Commons being displeased, fell down right upon another Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage. Whereupon the King (unwilling to hear of any more Remonstrances of that nature) prorogued the Parliament unto October 20.
During this Session, the Earl of Denbigh with fifty Sail of Ships attempted the relief of Rochel; but prevailing nothing, a third Fleet was prepared ready, whereof the Duke of Buckingham was to have the Command: but being ready to embarque, he was stabbed with a knife by Felton a discontented person; of which, as also of his unfortunate proceedings at the Isle of Rhe, I refer my Reader to his foregoing Life.
The Duke being dead, the charge of the Fleet was committed to the Earl of Lindsey, a Gentleman of a gallant resolution; but before his coming, the Town was so blocked up by Land, and barred up by Sea, that it was almost unapproachable: yet many gallant attempts were made by the Earl, bringing up his Ships to the very mouth of the Bar; but being ready to enter the pass, the winde whisked about into an opposite Point, which drove them dangerously foul one upon another: whereupon the Rochellers hopeless of relief, opened their Gates, submitting themselves to the Kings mercy, which was granted them. The Famine and War having made such havock amongst them, that of twenty two thousand souls, but four thousand were left.
October the 20. being come, the Parliament was prorogued to January the 20. following; at which time they met, who begun where they last left with Tonnage and Poundage; for complaints came in thick and three-fold against the Customers for taking and distraining Merchants goods. Great stickling was betwixt the King and Parliament concerning this business, the King claiming it as a Prerogative belonging to the Crown, they denying it as an infringement of the Petition of Right. After much debating and high words on both sides, the dissolution of the Parliament put a period to the contest.
Not long after, by mediation of the Seignory of Venice, a Peace was concluded between France and England; Spain also hampred with wars and want of money, made overtures of a Peace, which at last was concluded, and published with more then ordinary Solemnity.
These Wars with France and Spain had so emptied the Exchequer, that the King was forced to make use of his Prerogative for a supply, which was by summoning all persons who had Estates of forty pounds per annum to receive the Order of Knighthood; formerly practised by several Kings, though now a long disuse had made it a novelty. Many of the Countrey Hobs, who had gotten an estate liable to a Fine, took it first as a jeast, and thereupon made no appearance, but their purses afterwards paid for it in good earnest. This project alone bringing in to the Exchequer no less then a hundred thousand pound.
May the 29. 1630. the Queen was delivered of a Son, who was baptized by the name of Charles, having two years before miscarried of a son of the same name, who lived not above an hour, which occasioned Randolphs Muse thus to express her self.
It was now seven years and better, since Charles was crowned King of England; Scotland (his Native Countrey) had a Crown also to bestow upon him; and the King adjudged it worth the going for; for though (saith one) it conferreth no one dram of solid and real grandure to the Throne, yet ceremoniated as it is with such formalities, it representeth it self a serious vanity. There attended him this journey, the Earls of Northumberland, Arundel, Pembroke, Southampton, Salisbury, Carlile, Holland, Monmouth, and New Castle; the Bishop of London, Lord Treasurer, Secretary Cook, Vice Chamberlain, with many other Gentlemen of quality. June 18. 1633. he was crowned with great Solemnity at Edinburgh; and having visited Ealkland, Sterling, and some other eminent places, he returned back again into England. Thus he was crowned by a Nation that afterwards snatcht it from his Royal Temples.
The King at his return found his Exchequer near empty, whereupon he consults with his Attorney Noy for a way how to supply it; he searching old Records, (being a man very studious that way) findes an ancient precedent of raising a Tax for setting forth a Navy in case of danger; to which purpose a Writ was issued out to the seveaal Counties in England, for the raising of money sufficient for the setting forth of forty seven ships; at which the Commons grumbled, as an illegal Tax, contrary unto the Petition of Right. The King for his better satisfaction demands the opinion of the Judges, who all of them under their hands confirmed the Legality thereof; yet were not the Commons so satisfied therewith, but that some of them stood it out even unto imprisonment. Much debate was afterward about it, and the King got not so much money, [Page 380]as ill will of the Subjects thereby. At this time the King received a Letter from Sidan King of Morocco; the Contents follow.
A Letter from Sidan King of Morocco, to Charles King of ENGLAND.
When these our Letters shall be so happy as to come to your Majesties sight, I wish the Spirit of the righteous God may so direct your minde, that you may joyfully embrace the Message I send; presenting to you the means of exalting the Majesty of God, and your own reward amongst men. The Regal Power allotted to us makes us common servants to our Creatour; then of those people whom we govern: so that observing the duties which we owe to God, we deliver blessings to the world; in providing for the publick good of our State, we magnifie the Honour of God like the Celestial Bodies, which though they have much veneration, yet serve onely to the benefit of the world. It is the excellency of our Office to be Instruments, whereby happiness is delivered to the Nations. Pardon me Sir, This is not to instruct, (for I know I speak to one of a more clear and quick sight then my self) but I speak this, because it hath pleased God to give me a happy victory over some part of those rebellious Pyrates that have so long molested the peaceable trade of Europe, and hath presented further occasion to rout out the generation of those who have been so pernicious to the good of our Nations. I mean, since it hath pleased God to be so auspicious to our beginnings in the Conquest of Salla, that we might joyn and proceed in hope of like success in the War against Tunis, Algier, and other places, (Dens, and Receptacles for the inhumane villanies of those who abhor Rule and Government.) Herein whilest we interrupt the corruption of malignant spirits of the world, we shall glorifie the great God, and perform a Duty that will shine as glorious as the Sun and Moon, which all the earth may see and reverence: a [Page 381]work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the most precious odours in the Nostrils of the Lord; a work grateful and happy to men; a work whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there shall be any that delight to hear the Actions of Heroick and magnanimous spirits, that shall last as long as there be any remaining among men, that love and honour the piety and vertue of noble mindes. This action I here willingly present to you, whose piety and vertues equal the greatness of your power: that we who are servants to the great and mighty God, may hand in hand triumph in the glory which this action presents unto us: Now because the Islands which you govern have been ever famous, for the unconquered strength of their shipping, I have sent this my trusty Servant and Ambassadour to know whether in your Princely wisdom you shall think fit to assist me with such Forces by Sea, as shall be answerable to those I provide by Land; which if you please to grant, I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will protect and assist those who fight in so glorious a cause. Nor ought you to think this strange, that I who much reverence the peace and accord of Nations, should exhort to a War. Your great Prophet CHRIST JESƲS was the Lion of the Tribe of Judah, as well as the Lord and Giver of peace: which may signifie unto you, that he who is a Lover and Maintainer of peace, must alwayes appear with the terrour of the Sword, and wading through Seas of Blood, must arrive to Tranquillity. This made James your Father of glorious memory so happily renown'd admongst all Nations. It was the noble fame of your Princely vertues which resounds to the utmost corners of the earth, that perswaded me to invite you to partake of that blessing wherein I boast my self most happy. I wish God may heap the riches of his blessings on you, encrease your happiness with your dayes, and hereafter perpetuate the greatness of your name to all Ages.
The occasion of writing this Letter was as followeth; a rabble of Pyrats rest themselves in Salla, a Port Town of the [Page 382]Realm of Fess, and belonging to the King of Morocca, creating thence great mischief to him, both by Sea and Land; and not to them onely, but to all the Merchants of other Countries, whose business led them towards the Seas. Ʋnable to suppress them for want of shipping, he craved aid of King Charles of England, by whose assistance he became Master of the Port, destroyed the Pyrats, and sent three hundred Christian Captives for a present to his sacred Majesty, An. 1634. Nor staid he here, but aiming at the general good of Trade and mankinde, he sent this Letter to his Majesty by one of the chief Eunuchs of his Chamber, handsomly attended in the Port and quality of an Ambassadour, desiring the like aid against those of Tunis and Algiers, who did as much infest the Mediterranean, as the Pyrats of Salla did the Ocean. In order whereunto his Majesty began immediately to strengthen and increase his Royal Navy; and to that end required the wonted naval Aid (lately best known by the name of Ship-money) from all his Subjects, and possible enough might have pursued this design for suppressing the Pyrats of Algiers and Tunis, if he had not been unhappily hindered by the insurrection of the Scots, and those continued troubles which ensued upon it.
I have the rather inserted this Letter, considering how seriously our learned Doctor Heilin in his Cosmography reflected on it, so as to blame Mr. Le-strange for omission of it; the truth is, the Letter carries some weight with it, and savours of more piety then could be expected from a Mahometan. His Ambassador was entertained with great honour, with a magnificent Masque, and a costly Antick Show through the Streets, at the vast expences of the Inns of Court Gentlemen.
To proceed, far greater troubles arose in Scotland, concerning the Book of Common Prayer. The King at his last being there, observing that God Almighty was very negligently, and as he thought undecently worshipt, took the Reformation thereof into his Princely care: to which end he [Page 383]gave directions to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely, and to divers other Bishops, to Revise, Correct, Alter, and Change, as they pleased, the Liturgy compiled in his Fathers time; which accordingly they did: and having shewed it to the King, he approved thereof, in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgy of King Edward the Sixth, in the Administration of the Lords Supper, it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church, who liked far better of the first, then second Liturgy. But the Scotch, a scrupulous Nation in their opinion, who (as one saith of them) are more affraid of the name of yielding, then resisting, and would sooner offend against Religion, then the Ceremonies of it, did publickly refuse it. From hence proceeded Tragedies, Tumults, War, and Invasion; for upon the first reading thereof, the people were so violent against it, that the Dean and Bishop of Edenburgh hardly escaped with life; nor were they onely the rascal multitude that thus opposed it, but many of the Noblemen, Barons, and Gentlemen; amongst whom the chief were the Earl of Hume, and the Lord Lindsey. To appease these disorders, the King sent down the Marquess Hamilton, in the quality of an high Commissioner, impowring him with a Commission to use the utmost of his interest and power for the settling of peace: but whether (as some write) he dealt deceitfully, in aspiring to the Crown himself, or no, I judge uncertain; but most certain it is, that after his coming the differences encreased far greater then before; and no question but it had become far better for the King, had this Marquess been either a more close friend, or an opener enemy.
The King being at home in no good condition, used all means he could to pacifie his enemies abroad, not onely winking at many of the foul disorders of the Scots, but also yielded unto them in their desires for many things, which nevertheless allayed not their spirits, but rather encouraged them to proceed as they had begun. For as Cleaveland hath it.
Hamilton being returned into England, the Scots began might and main to levy Souldiers, to impose Taxes, to raise Fortifications, to block up some, and seize others of the Kings Castles, and to prepare for War. The King not to be behinde hand with the Scots (it being no good policy in War to strain courtesie who should begin first) raised a considerable power, to the maintenance whereof many of the Nobility contributed largely, especially the Bishops; it being for the preservation of their own Hierarchy. March 27. the Army began to march, the Earl of Arundel commanding in Chief: but all the preparation both of one side and the other proved onely an interview of two Armies, nothing being acted considerable in the way of engagement; for after a few dayes attendance upon each other, a Pacification was concluded upon, distributed into these Articles.
- 1. His Majesty to confirme what his Commissioner promised in his name.
- 2. That a general Assembly be indicted, to be kept at Edenburgh, August 6.
- 3. That command be given for a Parliament to be holden at Edenburgh, August the 20.
- 4. That he recal all his Forces by Land or Sea, and restore all Ships and Goods arrested and detained, since the pretended Assembly at Glasgow, upon the Covenanters disarming, and disbanding of their Forces, dissolving their Tables, and restoring to the King all his Castles, Forts, and Ammunition, and releasing all the Persons, Lands, and Goods, then under restraint, or detained since the pretended Assembly of Glasgow. This his Majesty to do by Declaration.
- 1. The Forces of Scotland to be disbanded within eight and forty hours after publication of the Kings Declaration.
- 2. They to render up after the said publication, all Castles, Forts, Ammunition of all sorts, so soon as the King shall send to receive them.
- 3. They to hold no meetings; treatings, nor consultations, but such as are warranted by act of Parliament.
- 4. They to desist from all fortifications, and those to be remitted to the Kings pleasure.
- 5. They to restore to all the Kings Subjects, their Liberties, Lands, Houses, Goods, and Means, taken or detained from them, since the first of February last.
This Pacification being solemnly ratified on both sides, the King well hoped a general peace would ensue, but what ever the Scots pretended, the sequel shewed they intended nothing less; for they still kept their Officers in constant Pay, they did not slight their fortification at Leith, they still continued their Meetings and Consultations, they still disquieted, molested, and frighted all of different inclinations; and which was worst of all, they dispersed a scandalous Libel, entituled, Some conditions of his Majesties Treaty with his Subjects of Scotland, before the English Nobility, are set down here for remembrance. Which Book tending to the defamation of his Majesty, and disavowed by the Commissioners then present at the Treaty, was by the command of the Council, burnt by the common Hangman.
The King (who intended to stay till the General Assembly was met) seeing matters remain in this doubtful posture, returned into England, leaving the Earl of Traquair his Commissioner. August the 6 the Assembly met at Edenburgh, wherein Episcopacy, the five Articles of Perth, the High Commission, the Liturgy, and Book of Canons, were abolished the Earl of Traquiar assenting thereunto.
The Assembly being ended, the Parliament began; who [Page 386]instead of reforming Abuses, fell upon new moddelling the Government, forming an Act Recissory, whereby former Acts concerning the Judicatory of the Exchequer, concerning Proxies, and concerning confirmation of Ward Lands, should be nulled. Which being signified to the King, he by his Commissioner the Earl of Traquair, prorogued the Parliament until the 2. of June next.
These actings of the Scots warping altogether towards War, were much forwarded by an accident. November 19. it happened a great part of the walls of the Castle of Edenburgh, with the Cannons mounted, fell to the ground; this being the Anniversary night of the Kings Birth-day, was construed in the Grammar of Superstition, an ominous presage of the ruine of the Kings design. The King appointed the Lord Estrich, Colonel Ruthen, and the Governour of the Castle, to take order for the re-edification of what was lapsed; but the Scots would not suffer any materials to be carried in for reparation. This Indignity the King concludeth intollerable, and thereupon resolveth to relieve himself by force: to this end a private Juncto is selected for the close carrying on of the design, wherein it was agreed his Majesty should call a Parliament, to assemble April the 13. next. The King approved well of their Councel, but withal said, My Lords, the Parliament cannot suddenly convene, and the subsidies they grant will be so long in levying, as in the interim I may be ruin'd; therefore some speedy course must be thought upon for supplies.
The Lords willing to forward the business, told him they would engage their own credits; and the Lord Deputy of Ireland giving the onset, subscribed for twenty thousand pound; the other Lords writing after his Copy, subscribed conformable to their Estates; the Judges also contributed largely, as also the Recusants, who are ever sure to undergo the lash, yielded according to their abilities. From which Loyalty of theirs to his Majesty, the more envious and [Page 387]schismatical sort of people gave out, that the King was in his heart a Papist: I have thought it my duty to insert in Latin and in English his Majesties Declaration to all Forreign Churches concerning his sincerity in the true Protestant Religion.
Declaratio serenissimi potentissimique Principis Caroli, magnae Britanniae Regis ultramarinis Protestantium Ecclesiis transmissa.
Cum ad aures nostras non ita pridem fama pervenerit sixistros quosdam Rumores Literasque politica vel perniciosa potius quorundam industria sparsas esse, & nonnullis Protestantium Ecclesiis in exteris partibus emissas, nobis esse animum & consilium ab illa Orthodexi Religione, quam ab incunabilis émbibimus, & ad hoc usque momentum per integrum vitae nostrae curriculum amplexi sumus, recedendi, & Papismum in haec Regnaiterum introducendi, quae conjectura seu nefanda potius calumnia nullo prorsus nixa vel imaginabili fundamento horrendos hosce tumultus, & rabiem plusquam belluinam in Anglia suscitavit sub larva cujusdam (Chymericae) Reformationis, Regimini Legibusque hujus Domini non solum incongruae sed incompatibilis: Volumus ut toti Christiano Orbi innotescat, ne minimam quidem animum nostrum invasisse cogitatiunculam hoc aggrediendi, aut transversum unguem ab illa Religione discedendi, quam cum Coronâ Sceptroque hujus Regni solenni & sacramentali juramento tenemur profiteri protegere & propugnare. Nec tantum constantissima nostra praxis & quotidiana in exercitiis praefatae Religionis praesentia cum crebris in facie nostrorum Agminum asseverationibus publicisque Procerum hujus Regni testimoniis, & sedula in [Page 388]Regiam nostram sobolem educando circumspectione (omissis plurimis aliis argumentis) luculentissime hoc demonstrat, sed etiam foelicissimum illud matrimonium, quod inter nostram primogenitam et illustrissimum Principem Auriacum sponte contraximus, idem fortissime attestatur: quo nuptiali foedere insuper constat nobis non esse propositum illam profiteri solummodo sed expandere & corroborare quantum in nobis situm est.
Hanc Sacrosanctam Anglicanae Christi Ecclesiae Religionem tot Theologorum Convocationibus sancitam, tot Comitiorum Edictis confirmatam, tot Regies Diplomatibus stabilitam, unà cum Regimine Ecclesiastico & Liturgia ei annexa (quam Litergiam Regimenque celebriores Protestantium Authoxes, tam Germani quam Galli, tam Dani quam Helvetici, tam Batavi quam Bohemi multis Elogiis (nec sine quadam invidia) in suis publicis scriptis comprobant & applaudunt, ut in transactionibus Dordrechtanae Synodi, cui nonnulli nostrorum Praesulum (quorum dignitati debita praestita fuerit Reverentia) interfuerunt, apparet.) Istam, inquimus, Religionem quam Regius noster Pater (beatissimae memoriae) in illa celeberrima fidei suae Confessione omnibus Christianis Principibus (ut & haec praesens nostra protestatio) exhibita publicè asserit: Istam, istam Religionem solenniter protestamur, nos integram, sartam tectam, & invoilabilem conservaturos, & pro virili nostro (Divino adjuvante Numine) us (que) ad extremum vitae nostrae periodum protecturos, & omnibus nostris Ecclesiasticis pro muneris nostri & supradicti sacrosancti Juramenti ratione doceri & praedicari curaturos. Quapropter injungimus & in mandatis damus omnibus Ministris nostris in exteris partibus, tam Legatis, quam Residentibus, Agentibus (que) & Nunciis, reliquis (que) nostris subditis ubicun (que) Orbis Christiani terrarum, aut curiositatis, aut commercii gratia degentibus hanc solennem & synceram nostram protestationem, quandocunque sese obtulerit loci, & temperis opportunitas, communicare, asserere, asseverare.
Datum in Academia & Civitate nostra Oxon. pridie Idus Maii 1644.
The same in English.
Whereas we are given to understand, that many false rumours and scandalous Letters are spread up and down amongst the Reformed Churches in Forreign parts, by the politick, or rather the pernicious industry of some ill-affected persons; that we have an inclination to recede from that Orthodox Religion, which we were born, baptized, and bred in, and which we have firmly professed and practised through the whole course of our life to this moment: and that we intend to give way to the Introduction, and publick exercise of Popery again in our Dominions; Which conjecture or rather most detestable calumny, being grounded upon no imaginable foundation, hath raised these horrid Tumults, and more then barbarous Wars throughout this flourishing Island, under pretext of a kinde of Reformation, which would not prove onely incongruous, but incompatible with the Fundamental Laws and Government of this Kingdom. We desire that the whole Christian World should take notice and rest assured, that we never entertained in our imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing, or to depart a jot from that holy Religion, which when we received the Crown and Scepter of this Kingdom, we took a most solemn Sacramental Oath to profess and protect. Nor doth our most constant practice and daily visible presence in the exercise of this sole Religion, with so many Asseverations in the head of our Armies, and the publick Attestation of our Barons, with the circumspection used in the education of our Royal Off-spring, besides divers other undeniable Arguments onely demonstrate this; but also that happy [Page 390]Alliance of Marriage we contracted betwixt our eldest Daughter and the Illustrious Prince of Orange, most clearly confirms the reality of our Intentions herein: by which Nuptial engagement it appears further, that our endeavours are not onely to make a bare profession thereof in our own Dominions, but to enlarge and corroborate it abroad, as much as lieth in our power. This most holy Religion of the Church of England ordained by so many Convocations of Learned Divines, confirmed by so many Acts of Parliament, and strengthned by so many Royal Proclamations, together with the Ecclesiastick Discipline and Liturgy thereunto appertaining; which Liturgy and Discipline, the most eminent of Protestant Authors, as well Germans as French, as well Danes as Swedes and Switzers, as well Belgians as Bohemians do with many Elogies (and not without a kinde of envy) approve and applaud in their publick writings, particularly in the Transactions of the Synod of Dort, wherein, besides other or our Divines (who afterwards were Prelates) one of our Bishops assisted, to whose Dignity all due Reverence and Precedency was given. This Religion, we say, which our Royal Father of blessed memory doth publickly assert in that this famous Confession addressed (as we also do this our Protestation) to all Christian Princes; This most holy Religion, with the Hierarchy and Liturgy thereof, we solemnly protest, that by the help of Almighty God, we will endeavour to our utmost power and last period of our life, to keep entire and inviolable; and will be careful according to our duty to Heaven, and the tenour of the aforesaid most Sacred Oath at our Coronation, that all our Ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbencies, shall preach and practise the same. Wherefore we enjoyn and command all our Ministers of State beyond the Seas, as well Ambassadours as Residents, Agents and Messengers; and we desire all the rest of our loving Subjects that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce [Page 391]in any Forreign parts to communicate, uphold, and assert this our solemn and sincere Protestation, when opportunity of time and place shall be offered.
For the for ever silencing of such black-mouthed people, I have here set down his Majesties Speech and Protestation before his receiving the Holy Eucharist at Christ Church in Oxon, 1643.
His Majesty being to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Lord Archbishop of Armagh, used these publique expressions immediately before his receiving the blessed Elements, he rose up from his knees, and beckning to the Archbishop for a short forbearance, made this Protestation.
I espy here are many resolved Protestants who may declare to the world the Resolution I now do make. I have to the utmost of my power prepared my soul to become a worthy receiver, and may I so receive comfort by the Blessed Sacrament, as I do intend the establishment of the true Reformed Protestant Religion, as it stood in its beauty in the happy dayes of Queen Elizabeth, without any connivance at Popery. I bless God that in the midst of these publick distractions I have still liberty to communicate; and may this Sacrament be my damnation, if my Heart do not joyn with my Lips in this Protestation.
But to proceed in our History; the King was not so busie in preparing against the Scots, but they were as forward in providing for his resistance; those of the Nobility and Gentry who stood firm for the King they imprisoned; they invited and procured to their service many Commanders from Holland, and reared works of Fortification in all places agreeable to their designs. In this state stood the Affairs of both Kingdoms, when April 13. according to pre-appointment the Parliament assembled, the Earl of Strafford [Page 392]being led into the upper House by two Noble men, to give them account of his proceedings in Ireland, having there obtained the grant of four Subsidies for the maintenance of ten thousand Foot, and fifteen hundred Horse: implicitely hinting agreeable to what Scheme England should proportion their supplies. The King also to forward the business, sent a message to the Lower House, representing to them the intollerable Indignities and Injuries wherewith the Scots had treated him; and withal declared to them, that if they would assist him with supplies suitable to the exigency of his sad occasion, he would for ever quit his claim of Ship-money; and into the bargain give them full content in all their just demands. This Message delivered by Secretary Vane, he (whether wilfully or casually mistaking I leave undetermined) required twelve Subsidies, whereas it was said his express order was onely for six. This Proposition raised the House of Commons to such animosity, as the King advising with his Juncto, their Compliance was represented to him so desperate, as May the fifth he ordered the Dissolution of the Parliament.
But though the Parliament were sullen, and would not give down their milk, the Gentry and others contributed largely, especially the Cleargy, who in their Convocation granted a Benevolence of four shillings in the pound to be assest upon all the Cleargy for six years together towards this Expedition. With these and other forementioned aids, a Royal Army was raised, whereof the Earl of Northumberland was appointed Generalissimo, and the Earl of Strafford Lieutenant General; but both Generalls falling sick, the charge of the Army was committed to the Lord Conway: who marching with the Army as far as Newburn upon Tine, was encountred by the Scots, and worsted three hundred of the English being slain and taken. Sir Jacob Astley, then Governour of New Castle, hearing of this Defeat, deserted the same, as not tenable against so potent [Page 393]an Army; which Town was taken into the Scots possession. The King (who had stayed behinde during the time the Queen was brought to bed of her third Son Henry) advances after his Army, when at Northalerton he was certified of the Lord Conway's discomfiture, and Sir Jacob Astley quitting New Castle; this being accounted an unlucky omen, some of the Lords desirous of Peace, working upon the occasion, presented to the King at York, this following Petition.
To the Kings most excellent Majesty. The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyal and most obedient Subjects, whose Names are under-written, in behalf of themselves and divers others.
The zeal of that duty and service which we owe to your Sacred Majesty, and our earnest affection to the good and welfare of this your Realm of England, have moved us in all humility to beseech your Royal Majesty to give us leave to offer to your Princely Wisdom the apprehension which we and others your faithful Subjects have conceived of the great distempers and dangers now threatning the Church and State, and your Royal Person, and of the fittest means by which they may be removed and prevented.
The evils and dangers whereof your Majesty may be pleased to take notice, are these.
1. That your Majesties sacred Person is exposed to hazard and danger in the present Expedition against the Scottish Army; and by occasion of this War your Majesties Revenue is much wasted, your Subjects burthened with coat and conduct of money, billiting of Souldiers, and other Military Charges, and divers Rapines and Disorders committed in several parts of this your Realm by the Souldiers [Page 394]raised for that service, and your whole Kingdom become full of fears and discontents.
2. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion, the Oath and Cannons lately imposed upon the Cleargy, and other your Majesties Subjects.
3. The great encrease of Popery, and the employing of Popish Recusants, and others ill-affected to the Religion by Laws established, in places of power and trust, especially in commanding of Men and Arms, both in the Field, and sundry Counties of this your Realm, whereas by Law they are not permitted to have any Arms in their own houses.
4. The great mischiefs which may fall upon this Kingdom, if the intentions which have been credibly reported of bringing in Irish and Forreign Forces should take effect.
5. The urging of Ship-money, and prosecution of some Sheriffs in the Star-Chamber for not levying it.
6. The heavy charge upon Merchandize, to the discouragement of Trade, the multitude of Monopolies, and other Patents, whereby the Commodities and Manifactures of the Kingdom are much burthened, to the great and universal grievance of your people.
7. The great grief of your Subjects, by long intermission of Parliaments, and the late and former dissolution of such as have been called, without the happy effects which otherwise they might have produced.
For remedy whereof, and prevention of the dangers that may arise to your Royal Person, and to the whole State; they do in all humility and faithfulness beseech your most excellent Majesty, that you would be pleased to summon a Parliament within some convenient time, whereby the causes of these, and other great Grievances which your people lye under, may be taken away, and the Authours and Councellors of them may be brought to such legal trial, and condign punishment, as the nature of their several offences shall require. And that the present War may be composed [Page 395]by your Majesties wisdom without blood, in such manner as may conduce to the honour and safety of your Majesties person, the comfort of your people, and the uniting of both your Realms against the common enemy of the reformed Religion. And your Majesties Petitioners shall ever pray, &c.
- Francis Bedford.
- Robert Essex.
- Mulgrave.
- Say & Seal.
- Edward Howard.
- William Hartford.
- Warwick.
- Bullingbrooke.
- Mandevile.
- Brooke.
- Pagett.
This Petition being seconded by another from the Scots to the same effect, the King the twenty fourth day of the same moneth assembled the Lords together at York, where it was concluded, that a Parliament should be summoned to convene November the third next ensuing; in the mean time a cessation of Arms was concluded between both Nations, whereupon the King and Lords posted to London.
Tuesday November the third, according to pre-appointment the Parliament assembled; no sooner were they set, but Petitions came thronging in from all Counties of the Kingdom, craving redress of the late general exorbitancies both in Church and State; many who were in prison were ordered to be set at liberty, as Pryn, Bastwick, and Burton, and the Bishop of Lincolne; and many who were at liberty were ordered to be sent to prison, as Sir William Beecher, the Earl of Strafford, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Secretary Windebank; and the Lord Keeper Finch, who was forced to flye the Land; Ship-money was voted down, the late Cannons damn'd, Peace is concluded with Scotland, and three hundred thousand pound allowed them for reparations. [Page 396]This was summarily the first actings of the Parliament, which gave much content to many people, especially the Londoners; who to the number of 15000. Petition for the abolishing of Episcopacy it self. Indeed some few of the Cleargy at this time, as at all others, were corrupt in their lives; many of them being vicious, even to scandal; yea, many of those who pretended much purity in their conversations were most covetous and deceitful in their dealings, besides their pride was intollerable; insomuch, that a great one amongst them was heard to say, He hoped to live to see the day, when a Minister should be as good a man as any upstart Jack Gentleman in England. Well therefore might it it be said of the Priests of our times, what Gildas sirnamed the wise, wrote of the Priests of his time. Sacerdotes habet Britannia, sed insipientes; quam plurimos, Ministros, sed impudentes; clericos, sed raptores subdeles, &c. Great Brittain hath Priests indeed, but silly ones; Ministers of Gods word very many, but impudent; a Cleargy, but given up to greedy rapine, &c. Yet let none mistake me, I write not thus to perswade any to an ill opinion of the Ministry; for though our Church had cause to grieve for the blemishes of many, yet might she glory in the ornaments of more; so that Episcopacy received not at this time the fatal blow, but was onely mutilated in her former glory: the House of Commons voting, that no Bishop shall have any vote in Parliament, nor any Judicial power in the Star Chamber, nor bear any sway in Temporal Affairs, and that no Cleargyman shall be in Commission of the Peace.
The Parliament having thus set bounds to the exorbitant power of the Cleargy, they next fell upon the Tryal of the Deputy of Ireland; who as you heard not long before was committed prisoner to the Tower: this man at first was a great stickler against the Prerogative, until allured by Court preferment he turned Royalist. Westminster Hall was the place assigned for his Tryal; the Earl of Arundel [Page 397]being Lord High Steward, and the Earl of Lindsey Lord High Constable; the Articles charged against him being very many, are too long to recite. I having more at large in their place inserted them in his Life. The sum of them were for ruling Ireland and the North of England in an arbitrary way, against the Laws, for retaining the Kings revenue without account, for encreasing and encouraging Popery, for maliciously striving to stir up and continue enmity betwixt England and Scotland, and for labouring to subvert Parliaments, and incense the King against them; yet notwithstanding this high charge, the Earl by his answers so cleared himself, that the King told the Lords, he was not satisfied in Conscience to Condemn him of high Treason, but acknowledged his misdemeanours to be very great; at last wearied with the clamours of the people, the Earl also by a letter desiring the same, he granted a Commission to four Lords to Sign the Bill for his Execution; which Execution was accordingly performed on Tower-hill, May 10. 1641.
Thus dyed this unhappy Earl, a sacrifice to the Scots revenge, cut off (as it was thought) not so much for what he had done, as for fear of what he afterwards might do; a man of the rarest parts, and deepest judgement of any English man of our late times.
The same day, fatal to the King, he Signed the Bill for the Deputy of Irelands death, he also Signed the Bill for a trienial, or perpetual Parliament, which should not be dissolved without consent of both Houses; some say Duke Hamilton counselled him to it, others say it was the Queen, whoever it was, it was his ruine: for the Parliament now fearless of a dissolution began to act in an higher way then before, being fortified with a strong guard of Souldiers, whereof the Earl of Essex was Captain: they without the Kings leave or knowledge, appoint an extraordinary Assembly in the City, that should mannage all weighty and [Page 398]great occurrences; and to weaken his Majesty the more, or rather to satisfie the insolence of the people, they cast twelve Bishops into Prison, because they went about to maintain their priviledge by the publick Charter. The King moved with this, accused five of the lower House, and one of the upper House of high Treason; their names were, the Lord Viscount Mandevil, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Haslerig. Mr. Hollis, and Mr. Strowd. This action of the Kings was by the Parliament adjudged a great breach of their Priviledges; certainly it much encreased the differences between them, and left scarce any possibility of reconcilement.
This small river of Discord being now grown a Sea of Dissention, the King and Queen poste to Hampton Court; yet before he went, that he might clearly demonstrate his real intentions to compose all differences, he consented to the Petition of the Parliament, to exclude the Bishops out of the House; an act very prejudicial to himself; for by this means, the scale of Votes in the upper House which oft had turned to his advantage, did by this diminution encline most commonly the other way.
Having staid about a moneth at Hampton Court, the Queen went into Holland, to accompany her Daughter Mary, who was lately married to the young Prince of Orange. The King, the Prince, the Palsgrave, the Duke of Richmond, and some other of the Nobility went down into the North, intending to seize on the Magazine at Hull; but the Parliament had before sent down one of their own Members, Sir John Hotham, who from the Walls denyed his Majesty entrance: the King complaineth hereof to the Parliament, but they justifie his Act; yet what grains of affection towards his Majesty were wanting in Hull, were found superabundant in the City of York; who with the Counties adjacent, declare unanimously for his Majesty. Encouraged here with, August 22. 1642. he sets up his Standard [Page 399]at Nottingham. The Parliament in the mean time raised a considerable Army, whereof the Earl of Essex commanded in chief. And now were the gates of Janus unlocked, and stern Mars released out of prison, the seldom heard Drum rattled in every corner, and the scarce known Trumpet sounded in every street; now Factions banded, Nick-names were invented, Oaths framed, and amongst the rest the Covenant obtruded; against which his Majesty publisht this following Proclamation.
His Majesties Proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late Covenant: called, A Solemn League and Covenant for Reformation, &c.
Whereas there is a printed Paper, entituled, A Solemn League and Covenant for Reformation, and defence of Religion, the honour and happiness of the King, and the peace and safety of the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, pretended to be ordered by the Commons in Parliament, on the one and twentieth day of September last, to be printed and published; which Covenant, though it seems to make specious expressions of Piety and Religion, is in truth nothing else but a trayterous and seditious Combination against us, and against the established Religion and Laws of this Kingdom, in pursuance of a trayterous design and endeavour to bring in Forreign Forces to invade this Kingdom. We do therefore straitly charge and command all our loving Subjects, of what degree or quality soever, upon their Allegiance, that they presume not to take the said seditious and trayterous Covenant. And we do likewise hereby forbid and inhibit all our Subjects to impose, administer, or tender the said Covenant, as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their utmost and extreamest perils.
Given at our Court at Oxon the 9. day of October, in the nineteenth year of our Reign.
Hitherto have we beheld England like a curious Garden flourishing with all the choicest flowers both for scent and colour that ever Flora watred with pearly drops, or Titans radiant beams gave birth unto, whose flourishing branches adorn'd with Turtles twinn'd in chaste embraces, as if they simpathized of each others peaceful and fruitful vertues, that Nature her self was enamour'd to walk into the twined Meanders of her curious Mazes; here might you see the Princely Rose [the King of Flowers] so full of fragrancy, that for its smell and colour it was the envy of all the world: there might you see the Lilly, [Queen of Flowers] there might you see the Olive Plants [the Royal Progeny] placed round about a table, where Kings and Queens had used to feast; [the Nobility and Gentry] emulating each other to excell in sweetness. But now (alas) with our late discords, the Scene is so altered, that this curious Garden hath been over-run with Weeds, I mean the miseries which followed upon these dissentions. For (as one writes) the War went on with horrid rage in many places at one time; and the fire once kindled, cast forth through every corner of the Land not onely sparks, but devouring flames; insomuch, as the Kindom of England was divided into more Battles then Counties; nor had she more Fields then Skirmishes, nor Cities then Sieges, almost all her Palaces of Lords, and great Houses, being turned every where into Garrisons: they fought at once by Sea and Land, and through all England (who could but lament the miseries of his Countrey) sad spectacles were of plundering and firing Villages; and the Fields, otherwise waste and desolate, rich onely and terribly glorious in Camps and Armies.
The Kings side at first prospered exceedingly, the Earl of New Castle his General in the North, overthrowing the Lord Fairfax, and driving him into Hull: in the West Sir William Waller a Parliament Chieftain, was utterly defeated [Page 401]by the Lord Wilmot, who came from Oxford with an Army of the Kings; and having lost all his Army, made haste to London: and such as the fortune of the Field was, was the condition of Towns and Garrisons; for immediately after Wallers defeat, the two greatest Cities of all the West were yielded up, Bristol to Prince Rupert, and Excester to Prince Maurice. So that now the King was master of all the West, save onely Glocester, which he besieged with a Royal Army.
Essex himself the great General at the same time, his Army decreasing suddenly, some dying of sickness, others for want forsaking their Colours, was constrained to leave the Field, and return to London, quartering the sick and weak remnant of his Army at Kingston, and other adjacent places, until a recruit could be made for him; so that it was judged by wise men, if the King leaving Glocester, had marched directly with his victorious Army to London, which was then not at all fortified, and miserably distracted with Factions within it: or besides, if the Earl of New Castle, letting alone the besieging of Hull, (which likewise proved fruitless) had poured out his numerous Forces upon the Eastern associated Counties, he had been more successful then he was. But Fata viam invenient, Destiny will finde wayes that never were thought of makes way where it findes none; and that which is decreed in Heaven shall be effected by means, of which earth can take no notice of.
The King to no purpose thus spending his time at Glocester, Essex the whiles recruiteth his Army, with which marching from London eighty miles, he raiseth the Siege; and having relieved the Town, in his retreat from thence encountered and vanquished the Kings Army near to the Town of Newbery.
Both sides, excepting onely the inexhaustible riches and strength of the City of London, by this overthrow seemed of equal strength; yet each of them endeavours to make [Page 402]themselves stronger, the Parliament calling in to their assistance the Scots, the King the Irish. The Earl of Leven was General of the Scots, to whom joyned the Earl of Manchester, and the Lord Fairfax, and with joynt Forces besieged York; to raise the Siege Prince Rupert came with a great Army out of the South, the three Generals left their Siege to fight the Prince: under him also New Castle having drawn his Forces out of York, served; who on a great Plain called Marston Moor gave Battle to the three Generals. The Victory at first enclined to the Royalists, but by the valour of Cromwel (who fought under Manchester) their whole Army was utterly defeated, Prince Rupert his Ordnance, his Carriages, and Baggage being all taken.
This was the greatest Battel of the whole Civil War, and might have proved a great Remora to the Kings proceedings, had he not soon after worsted Essex in Cornwall, who having lost all his Artillery returned to London.
The Parliament soon after new modelled their Army; Sir Thom as Fairfax was chosen General in the room of Essex: and now the Idol of a Treaty was set up at Ʋxbridge, in which to shew the clearness of his Majesties intentions, I have included some of his most material proceedings, conducible to an Agreement betwixt him and the Parliament.
His Majesties particular Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty.
O most merciful Father, Lord God of Peace and Truth, we a people sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War, do earnestly beseech thee to command a Blessing from Heaven on this Treaty, brought about by thy Providence, the onely visible remedy left for the establishment of a happy Peace; soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens bloud, for whom Christ himself hath shed his. O Lord let not the guilt of our sins cause this Treaty to break off, but let the truth of [Page 403]thy Spirit so clearly shine in our mindes, that all private ends laid aside, we may every one of us heartily and sincerely pursue the Publick good; and that the people may be no longer so blindely miserable, as not see at least in this their day the things that belong to their peace. Grant this gracious God for his sake who is our peace it self, even Jesus our Lord, Amen.
His Majesties Message to the Houses of Parliament, which drew on the following Treaty at Uxbridge, December 13. 1644.
His Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions, and findes it very dffiicult, in respect they import so great an alteration in Government both in Church and State; to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate, wherein those Propositions and all the necessary explanations and reasons for assenting, dissenting or qualifying, and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue, and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen, may be discussed and weighed: his Majesty therefore proposeth and desireth as the best expedient for peace, that you will appoint such number of persons as you shall think fit, to treat with the like number of persons to be appointed by his Majesty upon the said Propositions, and such other things as shall be proposed by his Majesty for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion, (with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences, as his Majesty hath often offered) the Rights of the Crown, the Liberty and Propriety of the Subjects, and the Priviledges of Parliament: And upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace.
Sent by the Duke of Richmond, and the Earl of Southampton, December 13. 1644
His Majesties Commission to certain Lords and Gentlemen to treat at Ʋxbridge, with the Commissioners of the Lords and Commons assembled at Westminster, &c.
Whereas after several Messages sent by us to the Lords and Commons of Parliament at Westminster, expressing our desires of Peace, certain Propositions were sent by them to us at Oxon, in November last, by the Earl of Denbigh and others; and upon our Answers, Messages, and Propositions to them, and their Returns to us, it is now agreeed, That there shall be a Treaty for a well-grounded Peace to begin at Uxbridge on Thursday the thirtieth day of this instant January, as by the said Propositions, Answers, Messages, and Returns in writing may more fully appear. We do therefore hereby appoint, assign, and codnstitute, James Duke of Richmond and Lennox, William Marquess of Hertford, Thomas Earl of Southampton, Henry Earl of Kingston, Francis Earl of Chichester, Francis Lord Seymor, Arthur Lord Capel, Christopher Lord Hatton, John Lord Culpeper, Sir Edward Nicholas Knight, one of cur principal Secretaries of State, Sir Edward Hide Knight, Chancellour and Ʋnder-Treasurer of our Exchequer, Sir Richard Lane, Chief Baron of our said Exchequer, Sir Thomas Gardiner, Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Master John Asburnham; and Master Jeffery Palmer, together with Dr. Richard Steward upon the Propositions concerning Religion, to be our Commissioners touching the Premises, and do hereby give unto them, or to any ten or more of them, full power and authority to meet, and on our part to treat with Algernon Earl of Northumberland, Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, William Earl of Salisbury, Basil Earl of Denbigh, Thomas Lord Viscount Wentworth, Denzil Hollis, William Pierpoint, Esquires, Sir Henry Vane the younger, Knight, Oliver St. John, Bulstrade Whitlock, John Crew, [Page 405]and Edmond Prideaux, Esquires, for the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and John Earl of London, Lord Chancellour of Scotland, Archibald Marquess of Arguile John Lord Maytland, John Lord Balmerino, Sir Archibald Johnson, Sir Charles Asking, George Douglas, Sir John Smith, Sir Hough Kennedy, and Master Robert Carly, for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland, together with Master Alexander Henderson, upon the Propositions concerning Religion, or with any ten or more of them, upon and touching the matters contained in the said Propositions, Answers, and Messages, or any other, according to the manner and agreement therein specified or otherwise as they, or any ten or more of them shall think fit, and to take all the Premises into their serious considerations, and to compose, conclude, and end all Differences arising thereupon, or otherwise as they, or any ten or more of them, in their wisdoms shall think fit; and upon the whole matter to conclude a safe and well-grounded Peace, if they can; and whatsoever they, or any then or more of them shall do in the Premises, we do by these presents ratifie and confirm the same.
Given at our Court at Oxon, the 28. day of January, one thousand six hundred forty and four, in the 20. year of our Reign.
His Majesties Instructions to the Commissioners at Uxbridge, Concerning the Militia and Ireland.
First, concerning Religion. In this the Government of the Church, as is set forth, Sect. 3. Numb. 14.
Next concerning the Militia. After Conscience, this is certainly the fittest Subject for a Kings quarrel, for without it the Kingly Power is but a shadow, [Page 406]and therefore upon no means to be quitted, but maintained according to the known Laws of the Land; yet to attain to this so much wished peace of all good men, it is in a manner necessary that sufficient and real security be given for performance of what shall be agreed upon, I permit either by leaving strong Towns, or other Military force into the Rebels possession (until Articles be performed) to give such assurance for performance of Conditions as you shall think necessary for to conclude a Peace, provided alwayes that you take (at least) as great care by sufficient security that Conditions be performed to me. And to make sure that he Peace once set, all things shall return into their ancient chanels.
Thirdly, for Ireland. I confess they have very specious and proper Arguments to propose this point, the gaining of no Article more conducing to their ends then this: and I have as great reason in honour to take care how to answer this Accompt; all the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused me to make the Irish Cessation, and there remain yet as strong reasons for the concluding of the Peace, wherefore ye must consent to nothing to hinder me therein, until a clear way be shown me how my Protestant Subjects may probably (at least) defend themselves, and that I shall have no more need to defend my Conscience and Crown from the injuries of this Rebellion.
His Majesties Letter to the Duke of Richmond in pursuance of the said Instructions.
Richmond, I thank you for the account you sent me by this Bearer, and have nothing of new to direct you in, but onely to remember you, that my going to Westminster is not to be mentioned but upon probable hopes of procuring [Page 407]a Treaty with the Commons, there or thereabouts, and that you mention the security I ask with my coming to West. And I hope I need not remember you to cajole well the Independents and Scots; this Bearer will tell you how well our Western and Northern association go on, to whom I refer you for other things. I rest.
Directions for Secretary Nicolas to the same effect.
First, for Religion and Church Goverment I will not go one step further than what is offered by you already.
2. And so for the Militia, more than what ye have already allowed me, but even that you must observe that I must have a nomination of the full half, as if the total number, Scots and all, be thirty, I will name fifteen, yet if they (I mean the English Rebels) will be so base as to admit of ten Scots to twenty English, I am contented to name five Scots and ten English, and so proportionably to any number that shall be agreed upon.
3. And for gaining of particular persons, besides security, I give you power to promise them rewards for performed services, not sparing to ingage for places, so they be not of great trust, but as much profit as you will; with this last you are onely to acquaint Richmond, Southampton, Culpeper, and Hide.
His Majesties Letter to his Commissioners at Uxbridge, for procuring longer time to conclude the Treaty.
Having received from you a particular account of your proceedings in the Treaty, and observing thereby, how impossible it is within the dayes limited to give such full answer to the three Propositions you are now upon, as you might, if upon consideration had of the rest of the [Page 408]Propositions, you could clearly see what fruit such answers will produce, in order to a blessed peace for the present, and the future good and happiness of this Kingdom, we have thought it fit to advise you, that you propose and desire of the Commissioners with whom you treat, that they will procure such further time to be allowed, after the expiration of the twenty dayes, as may be sufficient for you, upon a full understanding one of another upon the whole, to make such a conclusion, that all our Subjects may reap the benefit good men pray for, deliverance from these bloody distractions, and be united in peace and charity; and if you think fit, you may communicate this our Letter to them: So we bid you heartily farewel.
Given at our Court at Oxon. Feb. 13. 1644.
Thus by these former passages all wise men may perceive how far the King declared the truth of his intentions, which finding frustrate he speedily sent this Letter to the Queen.
His Majesties Letter to the Queen, March 5th. 1644.
Now is come to pass what I foresaw, the fruitless end (as to a present peace) of this Treaty, but I am still confident, that I shall finde very good effects of it; for besides that my Commissioners have offered, to say no more, full measured reason, and the Rebels have stucken rigidly to their Demands, which I dare say had been too much, though they had taken me Prisoner, so that assuredly the breach will light fouly upon them. We have likewise at this time discovered, and shall likewise make it evidently appear to the world, that the English Rebels (whether basely or ignorantly will be no great difference) have as much as in them lyes, transmitted the command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots, which (besides the reflection it will have upon these Rebels) will clearly shew that [Page 409]reformation of the Church is not the chief, much less the onely end of the Scotch Rebellion; but it being presumption and not piety so to trust a good cause as not to use all lawful means to maintain it; I have thought of one means more to furnish thee with for my assistance than hitherto thou hast had: it is that I give thee power to promise in my name (to whom thou thinkest most fit) that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England, as soon as God shall enable me to do it; so as by their means or by their favours, I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour, and inable me to do it: But if thou ask what I call that assistance, I answer, that when thou knowest what may be done for it, it will be easily seen, if it deserve to be so esteemed. I need not tell thee what secresie this business requires, yet this I will say, that this is the greatest part of confidence I can express to thee; for it is no thank to trust thee in any thing else but in this, which is the onely thing of difference in opinion betwixt us, and yet I know thou wilt make make as good a bargain for me even in this, I trusting thee (though it concern Religion) as if thou wert a Protestant, the visible good of my Affairs so much depending on it; I have so full entrusted this, Bearer Pooly, that I will not say more to thee now, but that herewith I send thee a new Cypher, assuring thee that none hath or shall have any Copy of it but my self, to the end thou mayest use it when thou shalt find fit to write any thing which thou wilt judge worthy of thy pains to put in Cypher, and to be deciphered by none but me, and so likewise from him to thee, who is eternally thine.
The Spring approaching, both sides prepare themselves for action; a great party of the Royalists was trouted by Cromwel at Islip-Bridge, divers of the Commanders taken prisoners: the remainder of the party flying to Bletchtington House, were there besieged and taken; with the same success at Bampton-bush, he took Vaughan and Littleton, and [Page 410]defeated their forces. The King in the mean time marched Northward with his Army, and took the strong and considerable Town of Leicester.
Soon after was that dismal Battel at Naseby, where the fate of England was to be determined; the number of both sides were not much unequal, nor the ordering of their Battalia's much unlike; the Kings Front was filled with brave Troops of Horse, the Foot stood in the second body, the right Wing was commanded by the Princes Rupert and Maurice, the left by Sir Jacob Ashley; other Commanders of great quality sustaining their parts.
The Parliamentarian Foot made a firm body in the midst, the wings were guarded by the Horse, the right wing was commanded by Cromwel, the left wing by Ireton; the Foot (being divided into two bodies) was commanded by Major General Skippon: fortune at the first favoured the Royalists. The Parliaments left wing being routed by Prince Rupert, the commander Ireton wounded, and taken Prisoner; but betwixt the two other Wings the case was different, Cromwel coming on with so great force, that he routed and overthrew the Kings left Wing: the Battel seemed in an equal ballance, the Wings on both sides being scattered, but after some sharp dispute, the Royalists were routed, their Horse disserting the Foot fled to Leicester; the cumbersome plunder of which place being reputed the occasion of that defeat. The Kings Standard and one hundred other Colours were taken, all the Ordnance, the Kings Coach, Cabbinet Letters, a rich booty of Jewels, a great quantity of Gold and Silver, and almost five thousand prisoners; which may seem the more strange, since on both sides there were not five hundred slain.
To proceed, the loss of that day lost the King his Crown; for presently after this, Leicester, Bath, Sherburn, yea, and Bristol it self were yielded up; the Town of Taunton long besieged by Goring was relieved by General Fairfax, who [Page 411]soon after took Tiverton and Dartmouth; and then marching into Cornwal at a place called Torrington gave the Lord Hopton a great overthrow. Cromwel in the mean time took Basin and Winchester, the Devizes and Barcklay were taken by other Commanders, Wodstock by Rainsborough, and Carlile by the Scots; who marching from thence to besiege Newark, were called back to the relief of their own Countrey, then almost subdued by the Marquess of Montross, of whom I shall insert the less, having particularized it in his Life. This Marquess at first sided with the Covenanters, participated of their counsels, and was the first man when the Scots invaded England, Anno 1639. that set footing on English Ground; but afterwards detesting their doings, he became the most bitter enemy to them that ever they had. About the beginning of the year 1644. when the Scottish Covenanters came into England to assist the Parliament, Montross went to Oxford to the King, to offer his service against the Covenanters in Scotland. The King to fit him for-that, purpose, created him a Marquess, and gave him his Commission, to be Lord Governour of Scotland, and General of all his Forces. Scotland being then wholly under the Covenanters, it was agreed that the Earl of Antrim should by the beginning of April, send over into Argile (where the passage is short into Ireland) ten thousand Irish as a stock to begin withal; this promise at the appointed time Antrim performed in part, but was very deficient in the number of Souldiers; for instead of ten thousand, he sent scarce twelve hundred, under the conduct of Macdonald: Montross notwithstanding with these men, and the addition of his Atholians, patcht up an Army, with which he afterwards performed such exploits, as would pose Antiquity amongst all the Camps of their famed Heroes, to finde a parallel to this Army.
The first Summer after his arrival in Scotland he gave the Earl of Argile a great overthrow; fiteen hundred of his [Page 412]men being slain and taken; afterwards at a place called Kilsithe, having scarce 4000. Highlanders and Irish, he encountered and overthrew the States great Army, slew above five thousand of them, and dispersed the rest: hereupon is their Army sent for, all Scotland being almost at his devotion. Sir David Lesley returned with the Horse, and at Selkirk gave Montross a defeat. The King in the mean time was routed at Routen Heath by Pointz a Commander of the Parliaments Army, the Lord Digby the next moneth was beaten at Sherburn in Yorkshire, and afterwards utterly defeated at Carlisle, Chester long defended by Biron was yielded up, and Ashley himself the Kings General vanquished by Morgan, and taken prisoner with one thousand six hundred of his men.
The King had now no Garrisons left but Oxford, Newark, Banbury, Wallingford, Worcester, Ragland, and Pendennis; Newark was straitly besieged by Leven, Pointz, and Rossiter, Oxford (wherein the King was himself) began to be blocked up by Ireton and Fleetwood, and every day the coming of Fairfax himself, and a straiter Siege of that City was expected; the King resolved therefore to go out of Oxford before this should happen, and communicating his mind to some secret and faithful Councellours, above all other places, he pitched upon the Scottish Camp: to the Scots therefore, as they lay before Newark, the King sent Montruel the French Ambassadour, and himself soon after, as Ashburnhams man, with a Cloak-bag behinde him, escaped unknown out of Oxford, and came to Newark, to the Scots, hoping to be received with great humanity by such good Subjects as they boasted themselves to be.
But now both Fortune and Fidelity failed the distressed King; the Scots they first betray him and then Pontius Pilate like washed their hands to declare their Innocency. They delivered the King to the English upon Conditions (as they pretended) that no violence should be offered to his [Page 413]Person; the English now having their King a Prisoner, carry him first to Holnbey Castle, then to Roiston, thence to Hatfield, not long after to Causam, then to the Earl of Bedfords House near Ouborn, soon after to Hampton Court, the most stateliest of all his Palaces; but with what content to his dejected minde let others judge, to see his Palace turned into a Prison, and himself to be a Captive, must needs be a sorrow fitter for out amazement then expression; for certainly as joy is most sweet to them who have tasted the miseries of sorrow, so sorrow is most bitter to them who have alwayes lived in bliss, as one of our modern Poets sings.
To hurry him out of his right minde he did not long stay at Hampton Court, but by a crafty excuse he was juggled into the Isle of Wight; for a certain Letter was left on the Table, whereby the King was advertised the there were some that laid wait for his life; whereupon being frighted, he privily fled from Hampton Court, leaving a Letter behinde him, written with his own hand to the Commissioners to be by them communicated to both Houses of Parliament: in which Letter, after he had discoursed somewhat about Captivity, and the sweetness of Liberty, he ended in these following words.
Now as I cannot deny, but that my personal security is the urgent cause of this my retirement; so I take God to witness, that the publick Peace is no less before mine eyes. And I can sinde no better way to express this my profession, (I know not what a wiser man may do) then by desiring and urging that all chief interests may be heard, to the end each may have just satisfaction: as for example, the Army, (for the rest, though necessary, yet I suppose are not difficult to consent) ought (in my [Page 414]judgement) to enjoy the liberty of their consciences, and have an act of Oblivion, or Indempnity (which should extend to the rest of all my Subjects) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid; which I will undertake to do, so I may be heard and that I be not hindered from using such lawful and honest means as I shall chuse. To conclude, let me be heard with freedom, honour, and safety, and I shall instantly break through this cloud of retirement, and shew my self ready to be Pater Patriae.
The King had not been long in the Isle of Wight, but he sends a Letter of great length to the Parliament, in which he delivered his sense and opinion concerning the abolition of Episcopacy, he disputed out of the dictates of his conscience much, and gave touches also of other matters; of all which he hoped that he should satisfie the Parliament with his reasons, if he might personally treat with them; therefore he earnestly desired to be admitted with honour, freedom, and safety, to treat personally at London: the Commissioners of Scotland with great vehemence also pressed that this desire of the King might be granted.
But the Parliament pretending tumults and innovations that might arise by the Kings coming to London, which (as they said) was then full of Malignants, sent down four Propositions to him to Sign, which being done he should be admitted to a personal Treaty. The four were these.
- 1. That a Bill be passed into an act by his Majesty, for settling of the Militia of the Kingdom.
- 2. That a Bil be passed for his Majesties calling in of all Declarations, Oaths, and Proclamations against the Parliament, and those who have adhered to them.
- 3. For passing an Act, that those Lords who were made after the great Seal was carried to Oxford, may be made uncapable of sitting in the House of Peers ever after.
- 4. That power may be given to the two Houses of Parliament [Page 415]to adjorn, as the two Houses of Parliament should think fit.
The Commissioners of Scotland would seem in no wise to give their consent that these four Bills should be sent to the King, before he treated at London; therefore, in a very long Declaration they protested against it: the King likewise denyed to Sign them when they were sent unto him. Upon which denyal, a Declaration and Votes passed both Houses of Parliament, in this manner.
The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, after many addresses to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this unnatural War, raised by him against the Parliament and Kingdom, having lately sent four Bills to his Majesty, which did contain onely matter of safety, and security to the Parliament and Kingdom, referring the composure of other differences to a personal Treaty with his Majesty; and having received an absolute negative, do hold themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavours, speedily to settle the present Government in such a way, as may bring the greatest security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof; and in order thereunto, and that the Houses may receive no delay nor interruptions in so great and necessary a work, they have taken their resolutions, and passed these Votes following, viz. Resolved, &c. by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that no application or address to be made to the King by any person whatsoever without leave of both Houses.
Resolved, &c. by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that the person or persons, that shall make breach of this order, shall incur the penalty of High Treason.
Resolved, &c. That the Lords and Commons do declare, that they will receive no more any message from the King, and do enjoyn, that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any message from the King to both or either of the Houses of Parliament, or any other person.
To these Votes of Parliament the Army declared their consent and approbation, and that they would live and dye in defence of the House of Commons; but the people, though before they were enraged against the King; now seeing their errours, resolved to plead his Cause: Petitions upon Petitions are presented for a personal Treaty with the King, for the disbanding of the Army, and for the removal of all other grievances. Langhorn, Powel, and Poyer, three eminent Commanders, who had done many and great services for the Parliament, now declare themselves for the King; and with an Army of 8000. men fortifie Pembroke and Chepstow Castles: Sir Thomas Glemham in the North seizes upon Carlisle, and Sir Marmaduke Langdale upon Barwick and fortified it; the strong Castle also of Pomfret was then taken by the Royalists, and the Governour stain. Against these Sir Thomas Fairfax was marching Northwards, but far greater dangers detained him in the South, for the Kentish men not far from Gravesend were gotten together into an Army; with whom were above twenty Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen of the Countrey, and amongst them divers Commanders formerly of the Kings Armies: upon the approach of the Parliaments Army some two thousand of them march to Maidstone, which they resolved to make good against the Army. Fairfax (after the dispute of some passages) breaks up to them, and assaults the Town with a great deal of boldness; they on the other side defend themselves with unspeakable courage; at last the Kentish men are overcome, 200. being slain, and about 1400. taken prisoners. But the Earl of Norwich with about 3500. (with much ado) kept together, and got over the River Thames into Essex; whereupon Sir Charles Lucas raises what strength he could possible in that County, to whom joyned the Lord Capel, the Lord Loughborough, Sir George Lisle, Sir Bernard Gascoigne, Sir William Compton, with many more Gentlemen and Souldiers, and having first taken [Page 417]the Committee-men at Chelmesford, they marched to Colchester, a Town of great Antiquity; but the people heretofore accounted no great friends to Monarchy, nor the Town of that strength to withstand so enraged and successful an enemy as followed them at the heels. June 12, 1648. they settled themselves a Garrison, the Parliament Horse coming up and quartering within Canon shot of the Town. Touching these proceedings I have further inlarged my self in the Life of Sir Charles Lucas. But the greatest of all dangers which threatned the Parliament, was from the North, from the Kingdom of Scotland; Duke Hamilton with an Army of five and twenty thousand entered England for the King, with whom joyned Sir Marmaduke Langdale, divers of the chief Ships of the Royal Fleet likewise, much about the same time, revolted from the Parliament, and set their Vice-Admiral Rainsborow ashore, affirming they were for the King, and would serve Prince Charles, sailing towards Holland, where the Prince the was, and with him his Brother the Duke of York, who not long before fled privately out of London. The Earl of Holland also with they young Duke of Buckingham, having five hundred Horse, appeared in Arms for the King by Kingston; so that all things considered, we may conclude that the Kings party since the beginning of the Wars was not in a likelier condition, at least more formidible then at this present; but God had otherwise decreed, and all these fair hopes in a few dayes vanished into nothing, as the following ill successes will declare.
The Earl of Holland soon after his rising was put to flight by Sir Michael Levesey and others. The Lord Francis Villers, Brother to the Duke of Bucking ham was slain, and Sir Kenelm Digby's eldest Son, who as he was fighting with four at once was cowardly thrust through his Back. Holland flying with the remainder of his Horse was within few dayes after at the Town of Saint Needs by Collonel Scroop (whom [Page 418]the General Fairfax had sent from Colchester for that purpose) altogether subdued, Holland himself taken, and by the Parliament committed prisoner to Warwick Castle.
Langhorn and Powel were totally routed between the two Towns of Fagans and Peterstone, and having lost all their Army, escaped by flight to Colonel Poyer into Pembroke Castle; which after a strait Siege was surrendred to Cromwell, the three Collonels rendring themselves Prisoners at mercy. Poyer onely suffered death, who in hopes of a Reprieve, dissembled a reluctancy when he was ready to dye. Cromwel from thence marched against the Scots who were now come as far as Preston in Lancashire, and with the addition of Lamberts strength, gave Battel to Hamilton, (pursuing them as far as Warington, about twenty miles) and killing many in the Chase, took Lieutenant General Bailey Prisoner, with a great part of the Scottish Army, granting them onely quarter for their lives. In this Battle were slain three thousand Scots, and taken Prisoners about nine thousand: Duke Hamilton himself within few dayes after, having fled with a good party of Horse to Ʋttoxeter, was there taken prisoner by the Lord Gray, and Collonel Wait. With Hamilton were taken about three thousand Horse Langdale also not long after was taken prisoner in a little Village by Widmerpole a Parliament Captain; this was the success of Hamiltons invading England. The Trophies of this Victory were placed in Westminster Hall.
Soon after was the strong Town of Colchester surrendred to General Fairfax, which for three moneths together with much Resolution and Gallantry was defended by Sir Charles Lucas, Norwich, Capel, &c. until all hopes they had of relief were utterly blasted, and all their provisions quite spent; not so much as a Dog or a Cat left them to satisfie the necessity of Nature. Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisel were shot to death the same day the Town was surrendred; the Earl of Norwich, Lord Capel, and Master [Page 419] Hasting (Brother to the Earl of Huntington) were sent Prisoners to London. The Lord Capel some few weeks after, together with Duke Hamilton, and the Earl of Holland were all three beheaded.
The Parliament during these Broils, to give some seeming satisfaction to the Kingdom, annulled their former votes of making no further addresses to the King, and restored again to their seats eleven of their Members, who had formerly been impeached by the Army: a Treaty was voted to be with the King in the Isle of Wight, the Earl of Middlesex, with two of the House of Commons were sent to the King, who made answer, that he was very ready to treat of peace; and named Newport in that Island to be the place. Five of the House of Peers, and ten of the House of Commons were appointed Commissioners, and the Treaty went on with a great deal of seeming satisfaction on both sides. But whiles they were intent upon the business, a Petition was exhibited to the Parliament, wherein they desired that the King might be tried by the Laws, and brought to justice, and all further Treaties with him to be laid aside; which when the Parliament denied, the Army not being satisfied, they march some of them towards Newport, others to the King, who was now a Prisoner as large.
In the mean time the General sends his Letters to Collonel Hammond, to render up his Command to Collonel Ewers, who is to take the charge of the King; but the Parliament vote him hereupon to stay there, of which the General having notice 27. November.
The Army fast and pray, and receive (according to the still continued fashion) Petitions from several Counties in order to what they intend to resolve, and therefore Hammond submits and delivers up the King to Ewers, and comes towards the Army.
The Parliament are angry, and vote a Letter to the General, [Page 420]that his orders and instructions for securing of the Kings person, are contrary to their resolutions and instructions to Collonel Hammond, and that it is the pleasure of the House that his Excellency recal his orders, and that Colonel Hammond be free to take his charge to the Isle of Wight; the Treaty being ended, but instead of obedience hereto he salutes them with a sharp Letter for money to pay Arrears for the Army: hereupon the Army marches to London, and the King had his removes by Ewers till he came to the Block.
After that the House had past their Vote for no address to the King, he being in a sad condition by his stricter condition in Hurst Castle, hearing of these Votes, prepares his soliloquies for his assured comfort in death, as we finde his meditations in those golden Leaves of his Book. As I have leasure (sayes he) so I have cause more then enough to meditate on and prepare for my death; for I know that there are but a few steps betwixt the Prisons and the Graves of Princes.
Now the Ax was laid to the root of the Tree, the House of Commons vote that by the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, it is Treason for the time to come to Levy War against the Parliament and Kingdom; the Ordinance for the Kings Trial was refused by the Lords, January 2. After this a Proclamation was from the House of Commons for any one to accuse the King, the Ordinance of the Trial was January 6. engrossed and read, and the manner referred to the Commissioners who were to try him in the Painted Chamber, Munday the 8. of January, a Proclamation resolved to be made in Westminster Hall, the Commissioners to sit the next day, to which intent Mr. Denby the younger, a Serjeant at Arms to the Commissioners, rid into the Hall, the Drums of the Guard beating without the Palace, and in like manner at the Old Exchange, and in Cheapside, Jan. 9.
The Commons Vote the Title in Writs of Caroli dei gratia, &c. to be altered, that great Seal be broken, and ordered [Page 421]a new one, with the Arms of England, and the Harp for Ireland, with this word, The great Seal of England; and on the reverse the Picture of the House of Commons, with these words, In the first year of Freedom by Gods Blessing, 1648.
Now there was a new Tribunal erected, there being appointed 150 Judges or Tryers, that so in number they might represent the people who are improved to covenant, hear, Judge, and Execute Charles Stuart King of England; of these there were of several sorts of persons, six Earls of the upper House, the Judges of the Kingdom, Commanders of the Army, Members of the Commons, Lawyers, men of several Trades and Professions. The Presbyterian Ministers, now too late, disclaim against the prosecutions, and the English Nobility offer themselves pledges on the the Kings behalf, but all too late; and now the penitent Scots with their predecessor repent themselves of their Silver, and in a Declaration express their dislike.
The High Court of Justice was framed in the upper end of Westminster Hall betwixt the then Kings Bench and the Chancery. Saturday, Jan. 20. the King was brought from St. James through the Park in a Sedan to White Hall, thence by Water with guards to Sir John Cottons House, at the back end of Westminster Hall.
The Judges met in the Painted Chamber attending the President Bradshaw in his Scarlet Robe, the Sword born before him by Collonel Humphry, the Mace by Serjeant Denby the younger, and twenty men for his guard with Partizans, himself sits down in a Crimson Velvet Chair of State, fixed in the midst of the Court with a Desk before him, and thereon a Cushion of Crimson Velvet; the seats of each side, benches covered with Scarlet Cloath; the Partizans divided themselves on each side. O yes! and silence made, the great Gate of the Hall was opened for any one to enter. Collonel Tomson brought forth the Prisoner, the Serjeant [Page 422]with his Mace received him to the Bar, where was placed a red Velvet Chair; the King looks sternly on the Court, where he spyes one person who had received signal favours from him; at the sight of whom, as I received it from one in the Court, he laid his hand on his breast, and pronounced to himself scarce audibly, Caesars words, Et tu Brute: after which he sat down, not shewing the least regard to the Court, but presently rises and looks downwards on the guards and multitudes of the spectators. The Act of parliament for the Tryal of Charles Stuart King of England, was read over by the Clerk, one Phelps, who sat on the right side of the Table, covered with a Turky Carpet, placed at the feet of the President, upon which lay the Sword and Mace.
The several names of the Rolls of Tryers were called over, and eighty answered to their names, in the charge the King is accused in the name of the People of England of Treason, Tyranny, and of all the Murthers and Rapines that had happened in the War, they imposed all the weight of the accusation on this, that he raised War against the Parliament.
A great many people looking on with groans and sights, deploring the condition of their King.
The President stood up and said,
The King whilest he heard this Charge, with a majestick countenance and a smile in answer to the President, asks the new judges by what Auhority they did bring to Tryal a King, their most lawful Sovereign against the Publick Faith, so lately given him, when he commenced a Treaty with the Members of both Houses.
By what (saith he) emphatically lawful Authority; for (saith he) I am not ignorant that there are on foot every [Page 423]where every mans unlawful powers, as of Thieves and Robbers in the High Way, he bids them onely declare by what authority they had arrogated this whatsoever power to themselves, and he would willingly answer to the things objected; which if they could not, he advised them to avert the grievous crimes from their own heads and the kingdom; whatsoever they did, he resolved not to betray the charge committed to him by God, and confirmed by ancient descent,
The President rejoynes that he was called to an account by authority of the people of England, by whose election he was admitted King.
The king replyed the Kingdom descended to him in no wise elective, but hereditary above a thousand years, that he stood more apparently for the Liberties of the People of England, by refusing as unlawful and arbitrary authority, then the Judges or any other asserting it.
That the authority and power of the people was shewed in Parliamentary Assemblies, but that here appeared none of the Lords; who to the constituting of a Parliament ought to be there, and which is more, some King ought to be present, but that neither the one nor the other, nor both the Parliament Houses, nor any other judicature on earth had any authority to call the King of England to an account, much less some certain Judges chosen onely by his Accusers, masked with the authority of the Lower House and the same proculated.
Howbeit he willed them again that they would at least produce this their Authority, and he would not be wanting to his defence, forasmuch is was the same offence with him to acknowledge a Tyrannical Power, as to resist a lawful one.
The president often interrupting the Kings Speech, told him that they were satisfied with the [...]r authority, as it is upon on Gods authority, and the kingdom, in doing justice in this their present work.
The Munday after the Court met in the Painted Chamber, where it was resolved that the king should not be suffered to argue the Courts Jurisdiction, but that the President should tell him that the Commons in Parliament had constituted that Court, whose power was not to be disputed; that if he refuse to answer, it shall be accounted a contumacy to the Court; that if he answer with a Salvo, his pretended Prerogative above the Court, he shall be required to answer positively yea or no; that he shall have a copy of his Charge till he own the Court, and delare his intentions to answer on his second Tryal. Sollicitor Cook moves that the Prisoner may make a positive answer, or that the Charge may be taken pro Confesso, and the Court ot proceed to Justice. The President repeats in brief the passages of the last day, and commands the King to answer to the Articles of the Charge, unless he had rather hear the Capital Sentence against him. The king persists to interrogate concerning the Cause, and sayes.
That he less regards his life then his Honour, his Conscience, the Laws, the Liberties of the people, all which that they should not perish together; there were weighty reasons why he should not prosecute his defence before the Judges, and acknowledge a new form of Judicature; for what power had ever Judges to erect a Judicature against the King; or by what Law was it granted, sure not by Gods Law, which on the contrary commands obedience to Princes; nor by Mans Laws, the Laws of our Land, sith the Laws of England enjoyn all Accusations to be read in the Kings Name, nor do they indulge any power, of judging the most abject Subject to the Lower (or Commons House) neither lastly their Power flow from any Authority (which might be pretended) extraordinary delegated from the people, seeing ye have not askt so much as every tenth man in this matter.
The President interrupting his Speech, rebukes the Kings, [Page 425]and bids him be mindeful of his doom, affirming once more, that the Court was abundantly satisfied of their Authority, nor was the Court to hear any reasons that should detract from their power.
But what (sayes the King) or where in all the world is that Court in which no place is left for reason.
Yes, (answered the President) you shall finde Sir; that this very Court is such a one.
But (the King presses) that they would at least permit him to exhibit his reasons in writing, which if they could satisfactorily answer, he would yield himself to their Jurisdiction.
Here the President not content to deny, grew into anger, demanding the Prisoner to be taken away.
The King replied no more to these things then; Remember (sayes he) this is your King, from whom you turn away your ear, in vain certainly will my Subjects expect Justice from you who stop your ears to your King who is ready to plead his Cause.
The Saturday after the 27. of January before they assembled, sixty eight of the Tryers answered to their names.
The President in a Scarlet Robe, and as the King Came, the Souldiers cryed out for Execution of Justice.
The King speaks first, and desires to be heard a word or two, but short, and yet wherein he hopes not to give just occasion wherein to be interrupted, and goes on. A sudden Judgement (sayes the King) is not so soon recall'd. But he is sharply reproved of contumacy.
The President profusely praises the patience of the Court, and commands him now at length to submit, otherwise he shall hear the sentence of of death resolved upon by the Court against him.
The King still refuses to plead his Cause before them, but that he had some things conducible to the good of his people, and the peace of the Kingdom, which he desires liberty [Page 426]to deliver before the Members of both Houses.
But the President would not vouchsafe him so much as this favour, least it should tend (he said) to the delay and retardation of Justice.
To which the King replies, It were better to sustain a little delay of a day or two, then to precipitate a Sentence which will bring perpetual Tragedies upon the Kingdom, and miseries to Children unborn.
If (sayes he) I sought occasion of delay, I would have made a more elabourate contestation of the Cause which might have served to protract the time, and evade (at least the while) a most ugly sentence; but I will shew my self a defender of the Laws, and of the Right of my Country, as to chuse rather to dye for them, the Martyr of my People, then by prostituting of them to an arbitrary power go about to acquire any manner of liberty for my self, but I therefore request this short liberty of speaking before a cruel Sentence be given; for that I well know, 'tis harder to be recall'd then prevented; and therefore I desire that I may withdraw, and you consider.
They all withdraw, the King into Cottons House, and the Tryers into the Court of Wards, and in half an hour return.
The President as he had begun, so he proceeds into a premeditated Speech to hasten Sentence; which the King offers reason to forbear, whilest he might be heard before his Parliament, and this he requires as they will answer it at the dreadful day of Judgement, and to consider it once again.
But not prevailing, the President goes on; wherein he aggravates the Contumacy of the King, and the hatefulness of the cimes, he asserts Parliamentary Authority, producing Examples both Domestick and Forreign, &c. his Treasons he stiles a breach of Trust to the Kingdom, as his Superiour, and is therefore called to an account minimus [Page 427]majorum in Judicium vocat; his murthers are many; all those that have been committed in all the War betwixt him and his people are laid to his charge, all the innocent blood which cannot be cleansed, but by the blood of him that shed the blood.
So then for Tyranny, Treason, Murther, and many other crimes, he wishes the King to have God before his eyes, and that the Court calls God to witness, that mearly their Conscience of Duty brings them to that place of this employment, and calls for Gods assistance in his Execution.
The King offered to speak to these great Imputations in the Charge; but he was told that his time was past, the Sentence was coming on, which the President commanded to be read under this form.
This Sentence (sayes the President) now read and publisht, is the Act, Sentence, Judgement, and Resolution of the whole Court, to which the Members of the Court stood up, and assented to what he said by holding up their hands.
The King offered to speak, but he was instantly commanded to be taken away, and the Court brake up.
After the Sentence the King was hurried away, mockt and reviled by the Souldiers, they puft their Tobacco in his [Page 428]face, no smell being more offensive to his father and him: such as saluted him they bastinadoed; one that did but sigh, God have mercy, they cane'd; they intrude almost into his Closet, hardly permitting him his private Devotions.
Sir Hardress Waller, Collonel Harrison, Collonel Dean, Comissary General Ireton are to consider of the time and place of his Execution, and in the Painted Chamber Munday January 29. the President and Judges met, and within the Committee resolve, that in the open street before White Hall (his own House) is the fittest place; that the King be there executed to morrow Tuesday between ten and two of the Clock, upon a Scaffold covered with black, next to the Banquetting House, where he was wont to ascend his Throne.
It was supposed the King would not submit his neck to the Enemies Axe, and therefore it was so provided with staples and cords that he should not resist.
January 27. the King lodged at White Hall, the next day Sunday the Bishop of London preached before him.
Afterwards his children had leave to visit him, his children being come to him, he first gave his blessing to the Lady Elizabeth, and bad her to tell her Brother James when soever she should see him, that it was his Fathers last command that he should no more look upon Charles as his eldest Brother onely, but be obedient to him as his Sovereign; that they should love one another and forgive their Fathers Enemies. Then said the King to her. Sweet Heart you'l forget this, no (said she) I shall never forget it whilest I live, and pouring down abundance of tears promised him to write the Particulars. Then the King taking the Duke of Glocester upon his knee said, Now they will cut off thy Fathers head, (upon which the childe lookt very stedfastly on him) Mark Childe what I say, they will cut off my head, and perhaps make thee a King. But mark what I say, You must [Page 429]not be King so long as your Brother Charles and James do live, for they will cut off your Brothers heads (when they can catch them) and cut off thy head too at last; therefore I charge thee do not be made a King by them, at which the Childe sighing said, I will be torn in pieces first, at which the King smiled.
The fatal day appeared, Tuesday 30. January, when he prayes and receives the Sacrament, just at ten of the Clock in the forenoon he is called to come forth from St. James's Palace then his Prison, to go on foot over the Park to White Hall, guarded with a Regiment of Foot Souldiers, part before and the rest behinde him, with Collours flying and Drums beating, his private Guard of Partisans about him, and Doctor Juxon Bishop of London next to him on one side, and Collonel Thomlinson on the other.
Ascending the stairs up to the Park Gallery into his Cabinet Chamber, he continued there at his devotion, and refused to dine, onely about twelve of the Clock, he eat a bit of bread, and drank a Glass of Clarret-wine; from thence he was conveyed into the Banquetting House, and the great Window enlarged, out of which he ascends the Scaffold: the Rails being hung round, and the floor covered with Black; the Executioners disguised with vizards encountring him, he not affrighted shews more care of the people living, then fear of his own dying; for looking round about upon the people, whom the thick set Guards and Troops of Horse kept a great distance off, and seeing he could not be heard by them, omitting probably what he purposed to have spoken to them, turning to the Officers and Actors, but rather to Collonel Thomlinson he said.
I would now speak nothing unto you in this place were it not that some men would interpret my silence as an argument of guilt, and think that I took on me the crimes objected with the same conscience as I submit to the punishment with patience. I call God to witness of my innocency, (before whose Tribunal I must shortly appear) it never entred into my thoughts [Page 430]to intrench on the just priviledges of Parliament, and that I raised not any Army before such time as they had raised hostile forces against me, which from the order of proceedings on both sides, and dates of Commissions and Proclamations will be clearly manifested to the inquirer.
Mean while I acknowledge, and submisly own Gods Justice, which this day (by an unjust sentence of mine) he hath inflicted a just judgement on me, for as much as heretofore I would not quit an innocent man, (meaning the Deputy of Ireland) when opprest by a most unjust decree.
With what Charity I embrace my enraged enemies, this good man is my witness, (pointing to the Bishop of London) I pardon them all from my very heart, and I earnestly beseech the God of all mercies, that he would vouchsafe to grant them serious repentance, and remit this great sin.
Yet I cannot to my last gasp, but be solicitous of the peace of my kingdom, which I am not able at the present better co consult for, then by chalking out the way, from which you of the souldiery have exceedingly deviated, and by which we must return to sobriety and peace.
Herein I perceive, you are most miserably out of the way, in that by the rule of the Sword without all, even a shadow of right you think good to wrest the government to your selves, and endeavour to establish the Kingdom, not by the authority of the Laws, but upon the score of Conquest? which can never have any accruit of right, unless adhered in by a just Cause and Triumph of War; namely, either by the repulsing of wrongs, of recovering of rights unjustly detained.
But if more prosperous success shall advance the victor, beyond the modest bounds of just and lawful, nought hinders, but that the Kingdoms that are erected, both be, and be accounted great robberies, which we read heretofore, a Pirat objected to Alexander.
But being out of the way (as you are) can you by no other expedient return into the the right wayes of peace, by no other counsel (believe me) can you hope to divert Gods wrath, then by restoring to God, the King, the people, respectively such things as are their dues.
You shall give God his due by restoring his pure worship, and Church rightly regulated, according to the prescript of his holy word, which hath long since been miserably convulst and disjoynted. And this a national Synod duly called, will best effectuate, to the King, (namely my successour) you will render full right, if you restore those things which by the clear Letter of the Law stands exprest.
Lastly you will put the people in their rights and due liberties, not by lifting them in the consort of the Throne, and sway of the Scepter, but by recovering unto the Laws there Authority, and the peoples observance to the abrogating of which by the enormious power of the Sword, when as by no means I could be induced, I was brought hither to undergo Martyrdom for my people.
So his last breath gently dissolving into a most meek prayer, the Bishop of London said to him (thus) If his most excellent Majesty pleased he would openly profess what he thought touching his Religion, not that any one alive could suspect it, of which himself at all times throughont the whole space of his life had given manifest testimonies.
Whereupon (sayes the King) that he deposited the testimony of his faith, which this holy man (meaning the Bishop) or else expected defence in this behalf of all men, who well knew his life and profession, namely, that I dye, (said he) in the Christion Faith, according to the profession of the Church of England, as the same was left me by my Father of blessed memory.
Then looking about upon the Officers, having (sayes he) a most gracious God, and a most just cause, that I shall by and by change this corruptible Crown for an immortal one; I [Page 432]both trust and rejoyce, that I shall depart hence into another Kingdom altogether exempt from all manner of disturbance. Then preparing towards the Circumstances, the Bishop putting on his Night cap, and uncloathed him to his Skycolour Sattin Wastecoat; he said, I have a good cause, and a gracious God, and gave his George Order to the Bishop, bidding him to give it to the Prince.
There is but one stage more, (sayes the Bishop) this is turbulent and troublesome, and but a short one, but it will soon dismiss into a way further, even from Earth to Heaven, there you are assured of joy and comfort. I go (sayes the King) from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be, but peace and joy for evermore.
Then lifting up his eyes and hands to heaven, mildly praying to himself, he stoopt down to the Block as to a prayer-desk, and most humbly bowed down his generous Neck, to God, to be cut off by the vizarded Executioner, which was suddenly done at one blow. Thus fell Charles, and thus all Regal Power with him.
His Body was buried at Windsor for to render him the more odious in the Vault with Henry the Eighth. His Effigies at the Old Exchange being pulled down, with this Inscription placed there, Sic exit ultimus Tyrannus. His own and his Fathers Statue being not long before thrown down from the West end of Pauls.
A late worthy Historian writes, that though there were many excellent ones written on him, yet the King himself was his own best Epitaph, as his Reign and death makes as full and as perfect a story of goodness and glory as earth could suffer; so his Christian vertues deserve as faithful a Register as earth can keep. I shall conclude with one of our Modern Poets.
This Epitaph came to my hands which I have here inserted.
Master Lilly in his Monarchy or no Monarchy sayes, that some affirm that severall Prodigies appeared before his death: all he observed for a long time before, was, that there appeared almost every year several Mock-suns, sometimes two, sometimes three; so also Mock-moons, or Paracelenes, which were the greatest he ever observed or feared.
The Life of the Lord CAPEL.
THis honourable Person, though he was not like some of our other Worthies, crowned with the Successes and Laurels of War; yet is he no less to be eternized for his endeavours, his animosity, constancy, and perseverance, to the parting first with his vaste Estate, sequestred for his Loyalty, and aterwards with his Life; so that he might [Page 434]rightly be termed The Flower of English Fidelity, his name ever to be honourably mentioned, according to that of the Psalmist, Psal. 112.6. The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance.
He was Son and Heir to Sir Arthur Capel of Hadham-hall in Hertfordshire, a Gentleman of a great estate, one who followed the old Mode of our Nation, kept a bountiful house, and shewed forth his faith by his works; extending his Charity in such abundant manner to the poor, that he was bread to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, eyes to the blinde, and legs to the lame, and might justly be stiled Great Almoner to the King of Kings.
Concerning the Humility of this worthy Knight, (though it be too sudden a diversion) I shall presume to insert a story which I have heard delivered by some well acquainted with his worship; That be being set at his gate all alone, in a plain but decent habit, a Serving-man who had plumed himself with his Masters cast feathers came riding to him, and asked him if Sir Arthur Capel were within; Sir, replied the Knight, he was there not long ago, and if you please to walk in you may hear further of his servants: Old Father said the Serving-man, here take my Horse and first money he ever received in that kinde; Sir Arthur agreed to the motion, and with a smile received from him a single penny, took his Horse and walkt him, whilest the finical spruce Serving-man strutted with convenient boldness into the house: but being informed by the Servants that their Master was at the Gate, he replying to the contrary, one of them to justifie their words, went with him to the Gate to see, where they found Sir Arthur very industrious in his employment; the Serving-man very much ashamed of his mistake, craved pardon, and with humble obeisance, with his Hat in his hand, with many cringes, would have received the Horse from the Knight; Nay stay, sayes Sir Arthur, [Page 435] you paid me my hire, get up as soon as you will, I am resolved to see you on Horseback. The old Knight putting his hand into his purse gave him half a peece, which he said was for his taking so much care of his Masters Horse, being purposely thus liberal to encourage his own Servants to imitate his careful example.
But to return to his Son, he was very well educated, attained to some perfection in learning, he had a good expression, and elegant stile, as his own Letters hest delineate. His Father dying, as he inherited his Estate, so did he his vertues; his pious bounty appearing so conspicuous, that some envious persons who hate good works in others, because they will do none themselves, have maliciously aspersed him for an inclination to Popery. But as such aspersions amongst persons of understanding speak nothing but the speakers malice, so wrought it in others a deserved commendation of this of our late Noble inimitable Lord more especially, that in these last times when Charity lies bed-rid, and faith onely so much talkt on, whereas he made his Faith publickly known by his Works.
From the degree of Knight he was by King Charls advanced to be Baron of Hadham. As it may be computed about that time the Earl of Strafford received his Tryal, this unfortunate Lord amongst others, being one that gave his fatal Vote for the passing that Bill. In those great differences betwixt the King and Parliament, he constantly and faithfully adhered to his Majesty, contributing very much to his aid, both in purse and person: and at such time as the King was secured in the Isle of Wight, some hopes being given of his restauration to his former dignity by the coming in of Duke Hamilton with a potent Army; as also of Langhorns, Powels, and Poyers declaring themselves for his Majesty, together with the rising of the Countries in several places to the same unhappy purpose; he with a selected number of his friends, associates, and servants, joyned himself [Page 436]with the Lord Goring, Sir Charles Lucas and others, who with a great Party were up in Arms in Essex: and having valiantly defended Colchester for the space of three moneths, against a potent enemy sated with success, were at length (as I have already discoursed in the Life of Sir Charles Lucas) for want of provision forced to yield both it and themselves, the superior Officers to mercy, the common Souldiers with the loss of their flying Garments, the Townsmen to pay the mulct of fourteen thousand pounds, which was above a thousand pounds a moneth for the time that they held out the Siege. And for the Articles of agreement which the Cavaliers had made with General Fairfax, they could not but imagine that they had ascertained their lives; yet notwithstanding upon their surrender (as hath been mentioned) Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle were shot to death; which to all discerning men must needs seem strange and unusual, though the General in his Letter to the Parliament calls it Military Execution; upon which the House debated and sent to the General to explain his Letter of the 29. of September. His head Quarters were then at Saint Albanes, from whence they had this answer, That the General doth not take upon him to conclude; but waving the business, leaves them to the Civil Power, and so in effect to Tryal for life. The Lord Capel and divers others were committed to the Tower, where whilest he remained he endeavoured an escape, and had effected it, had he not been betrayed by a second Banister, a Water-man whom the Noble Lord intrusted himself with, who ignominiously for the lucre of a little money discovered him; not long after this his misfortune, this honourable Lord, together with the Earl of Holland, Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Norwich, and Sir John Owen, was brought to a Tryal before a High Court of Justice in Westminster Hall; where (for the brevity to omit the particulars) after a formal Tryal, they were all condemned: the Earl of Norwich, and the undaunted [Page 437]Welchman Sir John Owen, (whom they made march on Foot to his Tryal) were reprieved. It hath been reported that the Earl of Norwich who was ever pleasantly conceited, was sent to by a dear friend of his the day after his Reprieve, to know what he conceived, as concerning the danger of his condition; who returned this answer, That he thought in all haste to have put off his Doublet, but now he had leisure to unhook his Breeches.
But to return to our enterprise, to furnish this Landskip rather then History of this honourable person, concerning his deportment before and after the time of his condemnation, when he was to encounter and look grim death in the face; by way of introduction to a larger discovery of his Christian fortitude, I shall set down the Copy of a Letter written by a reverend Doctor, who knew the passages thereof as may be clearly perceived by the tenour of it.
I hope this paper will finde you upon recovery, you have my daily and hearty prayers for it, not so much for your own sake (for I doubt not but it would be much better for you, in regard of your self, to be dissolved and to be with Christ) but in the behalf of the Church, your Friends, and poor Family; to which notwithstanding be assured, God will be merciful, howsoever he disposeth of you, either for this life, or for a better. But if you live, (as I pray and hope you will) you shall do very well to write the Life and Death of that noble Lord and blessed Martyr, who professed at his death. That he dyed for the fifth Commandment: and to dye in the defence, and for the Testimony of any Divine truth, is truly and properly to be a Martyr.
That which I can contribute towards this work, is, to communicate some few observations I made of him, and from him, before and after his condemnation. I was several times with him, and alwayes found him in a very chearful [Page 438]and well composed temper of minde, proceeding from true Christiun grounds, and not from a Roman resolution onely; (as his enemies are pleased to speak of him) he told me often, it was the good God he served and the good Cause he had served for, that made him not to fear heath: adding, he had never had the temptation of so much as a thought to check him for his engagement in this quarrel, for he took it for his Crown and Glory, and wished he had a greater ability and better fortune to engage in it.
After his condemnation, and the afternoon before his suffering, we were a great while in private together; when, bewailing with that sense which became a true (and not despairing) penitent, the sins of his life past, the greatest he could remember, was his voting my Lord of Straffords death; which though (as he said) he did without any malice at all, yet he confessed it to be a very great sin, and that he had done it out of a base fear (they were his own words) of a prevailing party; adding, that he had very often and very heartily repented of it, and was confident of Gods pardon for it. Then he told me, he had a great desire to receive the Blessed Sacrament (so he called it) before he dyed the next morning: asking what Divine of the Kings party I would recommend to him; I replyed, that (though many were more worthy, yet) none would be more willing to do that service then my self; which he accepting very kindly, told me he durst not desire it, for fear it might be some danger to me. After this, and some conference in order to his preparation, both for his viaticum and his voyage, the Sacrament and his death; he desired me to pray with him, which after I had performed, and promised to be with him by seven the next morning, I left him for that time to his own devotions.
The next day I was there at the time assigned, and after some short conference in order to the present occasion, he desired me to hear him pray; which he did for half an hour [Page 439]in an excellent method, very apt expressions, and most strong, hearty, and passionate affections. First, confessing and bewailing his sins with strong cries and tears: then humbly and most earnestly desiring Gods mercy, through the merits of Christ onely. Secondly for his dear Wife and Children, with some passion; but for her especially with most ardent affections: recommending them to the Divine Providence with great confidence and assurance; and desiring for them rather the blessings of a better life, then of this. Thirdly, for the King, Church, and State. And lastly, for his enemies, with almost the same ardour and affection. After this, sending for my Lord of Norwich and Sir John Owen, I read the whole Office of the Church for Good Friday: and then, after a short Homily I used for the present occasion, we received the Sacrament, in which action he behaved himself with great Humility, Zeal, and Devotion. And being demanded after we had done, how he found himself, he replyed, very much better, stronger, and chearfuller for that Heavenly repast; and that he doubted not to walk like a Christian through the vale of death, in the strength of it. But he was to have an Agony before his Passion, and that was the parting with his Wife, eldest Son, Son-in-law, two of his Ʋncles, and Sir T. C. especially the parting with his most dear Lady, which indeed was the saddest spectacle that ever I beheld. In which occasion he could not chuse but confess a little of humane frailty; yet even then he did not forget both to comfort and counsel her, and the rest of his friends, particularly in blessing the young Lord, he commanded him never to revenge his death, though it should be in his power: the like he said unto his Lady. He told his Son he would leave him a Legacy out of Davids Psalms, and that was this, Lord lead me in a plain path. For Boy, (saith he) I would have you a plain honest man, and hate dissimulation.
After this with much ado, I perswaded his Wife, and the [Page 440]rest to be gone; and then being all alone with me, he said, Doctor, The hardest part of my work in this world is now past, meaning the parting with his Wife. Then he desired me to pray preparatively to his death, that in the last action he might so behave himself, as might be most for Gods glory, for the endearing of his dead Masters memory, his present Masters service, and that he might avoid the doing or saying of any thing, which might savour either of ambition or vanity. This being done, they were all carried to Sir Robert Cotton's house, where I was with him, till he was called unto the Scaffold, and would have gone up with him, but the Guard of Souldiers would not suffer me.
The same day he suffered, he writ this following Letter to his Wife.
My eternal life is in Christ Jesus, my worldly considerations in the highest degree thou hast deserved, let me live long here in thy dear memory, to the comfort of my Family, our dear Children, whom God out of mercy in Christ hath bestowed upon us. I beseech thee, take care of thy health, sorrow not, afflict not thy self too much; God will be unto thee better then an Husband, and to my Children better then a Father. I am sure, he is able to be so; I am confident, he is graciously pleased to be so. God be with thee, my most vertuous Wife, God multiply many comforts to thee, and my Children, is the fervent prayer of
March the 9. 1648. was the day appointed for his beheading, as also of Duke Hamilton, and the Earl of Holland. A Scaffold being erected in the new Palace-yard at Westminster, over against the great Hall Gate. The first that mounted the same was Duke Hamilton, attended with Doctor Sibbald; who after much delay, and many impertinent discourses, hoping as it was thought for a politick Reprieve: but none coming, he submitted his neck to the Ax; [Page 441]upon whom an unlucky Wit writing his Epitaph, thus descants.
The next that entered the lists of death was the Earl of Holland, one whose oft changing from side to side had made him less acceptable in the eyes of the people, though the disposition of affairs altering their postures so often, may in part plead his excuse; no doubt he was real in his last undertaking. He came to the Scaffold attended on by Mr. Bolton, & having made a long speech to the people, of his honest intentions for the good of the Kingdom, and desiring of God that it would please him, the people might look upon the posterity of the King, and that they might be called in again, after many fervent prayers he had his head severed from his body: upon whom our forementioned Poet thus Satyrically goes on.
Last of all our honoured Heroe mounted the Scaffold, to court grim death with an undaunted brow; he came not as the two-former attended with a Minister, having before prepared his way for death. Coming to the front of the Scaffold he said as followeth.
The conclusion that I made with those that sent me hither, and are the cause of this violent death of mine, shall [Page 442]be the beginning of what I shall say to you, when I made an address to them (which was the last) I told them with much sincerity, that I would pray to the God of all mercies, that they might be partakers of his inestimable and boundless mercies in Jesus Christ; and truly, I still pray that prayer, and I beseech the God of Heaven, forgive any injury they have done to me, from my soul I wish it, and truly this I tell you, as a Christian, to let you see I am a Christian; but it is necessary that I should tell you somewhat more, That I am a Protestant, and truly I am a Protestant, and very much in love with the profession of it, after the manner as it was established in England by the thirty nine Articles; a blessed way of profession, and such a one, as truly I never knew none so good: I am so far from being a Papist, which some have very unworthily charged me withal that truly, I profess to you, that though I love good works, and commend good works, yet I hold, they have nothing at all to do in the matter of Salvation: my Anchor hold is this, That Christ loved me, and gave himself for me, that is that I rest upon! And truly something I shall say to you as a Citizen of the whole world, and in that consideration I am here condemned to dye, contrary to the Law that governs all the world; that is, the Law of the Sword: I had the protection of that for my life, and the honour of it; but I will not trouble you much with this discourse, because in another place I have spoken very largely and liberally of it. I believe you will hear by other means what arguments I used in that case: but truly, that that is a stranger, you that are English men, behold here an English man now before you, and acknowledged a Peer, not condemned to dye by any Law of England, not by any Law of England; nay, shall I tell you more (which is strangest of all) contrary to all the Laws of England that I know of. And truly, I will tell you, in the matter of the civil part of my death, and the cause that I have maintained, I dye (I take it) for maintaining [Page 443]the Fifth Commandment, enjoyned by God himself, which enjoyns Reverence and Obedience to Parents. All Divines on all hands, though they contradict one another in many several opinions, yet most Divines do acknowledge that here is intended Magistracy and Order; and certainly I have obeyed that Magistracy and that Order under which I have lived, which I was bound to obey; and truly, I do say very confidently, that I do dye here for keeping, for obeying that Fifth Commandment given by God himself, and written with his own Finger. And now Gentlemen, I will take this opportunity to tell you, That I cannot imitate a better, nor a greater ingenuity then his, that said of himself, For suffering an unjust judgement upon another, himself was brought to suffer by an unjust judgement. Truly Gentlemen, that God may be glorified, that all men that are concerned in it may take the occasion of it, of humble Repentance to God Almighty for it, I do here profess to you, that truly I did give my Vote to that Bill of the Earl of Strafford; I doubt not but God Almighty hath washed that away with a more precious Blood, that is, with the Blood of his Son, and my dear Saviour Jesus Christ, and I hope he will wash it away from all those that are guilty of it. Truly, this I may say, I had not the least part, nor the least degree of malice in the doing of it; but I must confess again to Gods Glory, and the accusation of my own frailty, and the frailty of my nature, that truly it was an unworthy cowardize, not to resist so great a torrent as carried that business at that time. And truly, this I think I am most guilty of, but malice I had none; but whatsoever it was, God I am sure hath pardoned it, hath given me the assurance of it, that Christ Jesus his Blood hath washed it away; and truly, I do from my soul wish, that all men that have any stain by it, may seriously repent, and receive a remission and pardon from God for it. And now Gentlemen, we have had an occasion by this intimation to remember [Page 444]his Majesty, our King that last was; and I cannot speak of him, nor think of it, but I must needs say, that in my opinion, that have had time to consider all the Images of all the greatest and vertuousest Princes in the world; and truly, in my opinion, there was not a more vertuous, and more sufficient Prince known in the world, then our gracious King Charles that dyed last: God Almighty preserve our King that now is, his Son; God send him more fortunate and longer dayes; God Almighty so assist him, that he may exceed both the vertues and sufficiences of his Father: for certainly, I that have been a Councellour to him, and have lived long with him, and in a time when discovery is easily enough made, for he was young (he was about fifteen or sixteen years of age) those years I was with him, truly I never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him; great judgement, great understanding, strong apprehensions, much honour in his nature, and truly, a very perfect English man in his inclinations. I pray God restore him to this Kingdom, and unite the Kingdoms one to another, to the happiness both of you and him, that he may long live and reign among you, and that that Family may reign till thy Kingdom come, that is, while all temporal power is consumated: I beseech God of his mercy, give much happiness to this your King, and to you that in it shall be his Subjects, by the grace of Jesus Christ.
Truly, I like my beginning so well, that I will make my conclusion with it, that is, That God Almighty would confer of his infinite and inestimable grace and mercy, to those that are the causers of my coming hither; I pray God give them as much mercy as their own hearts can wish; for my part I will not accuse any one of them of malice, truly I will not; nay, I will not think there was any malice in them; what other ends there are I know not, nor I will not examine; but let it be what it will, from my very soul I forgive them every one: and so, the Lord of Heaven bless [Page 445]you all, God Almighty be infinite in goodness and mercy to you, and direct you in those wayes of obedience to his commands to his Majesty, that this Kingdom may be a happy and glorious Nation again, and that your King may be a happy King in so good and so obedient people; God Almighty keep you all, God Almighty preserve this Kingdom, God Almighty preserve you all.
Having ended his Speech, he called for the Executioner, on whom he bestowed five pounds, saying to him, I not onely forgive thee from my soul, but desire of God to give thee grace for a better employment. Having stood still a while he said, God Almighty stench this blood, God Almighty stench, stench, stench this issue of blood, this will not do the business; God Almighty finde out another way to do it. Then having taken his leave of those friends and servants that were about him, he addrest himself to prayer, and upon a sign given by him, had his head severed from his body by the Executioner.
Our forementioned Poet, better affected to this Honourable Lord, then to the other two that dyed with him, bestows this Epitaph upon him, in remembrance of his Vertues.
I shall close up all, onely give you the abstract, or rather the introduction to an Elegy, that a deserving person bestowed on him.
The Life of JAMES Marquess of Montross, Earl of Kincardine, &c.
IT may seem strange in such a scarcity of Scotch Worthies, there also being already so many of our own, that I should go about to borrow one from that Countrey, [Page 447]where if Diogenes were alive again, the Cinique, as I have heard one merrily express, with his Lanthorn, would make no long inquest after such an impossibility, but infallibly conclude, that there is not such another to be found in Scotland.
This renowned Marquess was extracted from the Ancient and famous Family of the Grahams in Scotland, whose valiant and loyal Actions have eternized their Names to all posterity. His Grandfather and Father were advanced by King James and King Charles unto places of the greatest honour in that Kingdom: which they most happily discharged, with the love and good affection both of King and People. This Honourable Person (whose Life we now relate) persisting in his Predecessours steps, may give us cause to think that Valour and Loyalty were entailed on that Family.
Yet at first he sided with the Covenanters against the Royal Party, they pretending to nothing then, less then the preservation of Religion, the Honour and Dignity of the King, the Laws of the Land, and the Freedom of the Nation. But having found that those fair tales were onely pretensions, and onely coyned of purpose to draw people to their side, he like a wise man finding their hearts alienated the King, he mediated a disengagement; but finding the work difficult, he a while dissembled his intent, seeming as active as he was before, that when time served he might dissert them to better purpose, having also many of his friends amongst them, whom he hoped to draw off; by which means he should be able to gather no small power, which would conduce much both to the Kings safety and his own.
Whilest he was upon these determinations, the Covenanters had raised a strong Army, and in a solemn convention at Duns, they determine to invade England; Montross seeing he could not hinder those actions, would not seem [Page 448]to disapprove of them; and having the command of two thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, to seem the more active, was the first man that set foot on English ground; and had his friends fulfilled their promises, he had not onely broken to pieces the Covenanters designs, but in all probability had brought the whole Army along with him to the King. But the Scots marching over the Tine, otherwise then he expected, he was much disappointed of that opportunity he so longingly attended; yet he kept the same loyal Inclinations towards the King, which (taking advantage of the Treaty that ensued betwixt them) that he found means to acquaint his Majesty by Letters, wherein he protested his faith and ready obedience to him: but these Letters being stoln out of the Kings pockets by his Bedchamber men, (the supposed instruments of Hamilton) and by them coppied out, were sent to the Covenanters at New Castle, which place by the treachery of some English Commanders was yielded unto them, who concealing their Information, did not withal conceal their malignity against the Earl, but laboured all they could to render him odious to the people, and thereby unserviceable to his Majesty. Nor wanted they fit instruments for this purpose, for having obliged to themselves most of the Preachers throughout the Kingdom, they made use of their mercenary tongues, to rail against the King and his faithful Subjects, as the enemies of Christ; being themselves the while the very shame and scandal of Christianity.
Yet still Montross goes on in his Loyal intentions, and joyns to his side many of the prime men for Nobility and Power, though some of them afterwards for fear betrayed their designs unto the Covenanters; so that on a sudden when he suspected nothing, he with Napier Lord of Marchiston, and Sir Sterling Keer were committed Prisoners to the Castle in Edenburgh. But a Pacification being made betwixt both Kingdoms, he with his friends were set again at liberty.
Not long after in England happened those fatal discords betwixt the King and Parliament; which growing so high, that they came to be determined by the Sword: the Covenanters not to be wanting in the aid of their Confederates, resolved to raise a puissant Army; and to oblige Montross to their side, proffered him freely the Office of Lieutenant General of the Army, and what ever else he could desire, and they bestow. But he not more careless of their proffers then careful to inform the King of the danger that hereby hung over his head, to which purpose he poasts into England, taking onely the Lord Ogleby into his counsel and company.
At York he informs the Queen of the covenanters intentions, and of the danger that would ensue thereof; which doubtless had taken good effect at that time, had not the coming of Duke Hamilton out of Scotland (upon pretence of kissing the Queens hand, but with intent to overthrow Montross his councels) hindered the same, who perswaded the Queen there was no fear of any Army, nor that the King should need despair of amity and reconciliation with them; protesting he himself would be active for the King with his person and estate.
But the Covenanters proceeding on in their designs, and Montross having better knowledge of their intentions then before, he goes to Glocester, and delares the same to the King himself; but the King was so soothed up with Letters of the contrary from Hamilton, and some such other Courtiers also buzzing in his ears Montrosses youth, his rashness, his ambition, the envy and hatred he bare unto the Hamiltons, and on the other side the Hamiltons fidelity, their honesty, their discretion, their power; so that Montross nothing prevailed. In the mean time the Covenanters were not idle, but having raised an Army of eighteen thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, march for England; and now the King (when it was too late) seeing [Page 450]himself thus grossy abused, sends for Montross, and asks his advice what was best to be done.
Montross having declared the desperate estate Scotland was in at that present, and how abominably his Majesty had been betrayed by them with whom he had entrusted his secrets, resolved nevertheless, if the King would lay his Commands upon him, nothing distrusting Gods assistance in a righteous cause, he would undertake his cause, and use his best endeavours. The King applauding his magnanimous resolution, giving him thanks, encouraged him to fit himself chearfully for so great a work; and the better to carry on the design, the King sent the Earl of Antrim into Ireland, who engaged himself to be with Montross in Argile, (a part of Scotland bordering upon Ireland) with ten thousand men by the first of April 1644. this promise being past to him in December 1643. for a sTock of men to set up withal; the King wrote to the Marquess of New Castle to furnish him with aid, and sent Sir John Cockeram his Ambassadour, with a Commission and Instruction for forreign Aids and Arms. This being done, he sets forward in his journey from Oxford towards Scotland, having in his company about two hundred Horse, most of them Noblemen and Gentlemen, who had formerly been Commanders in Forreign Countreys. Being come to Durham, he sends the Kings Instructions to the Marquess of Newcastle, and the next day they met and conferred; but Newcastles wants were so great, that he could spare him at present onely an hundred Horse, and two Brasse Field Peeces; but sent his Orders to his Officers and Commanders in Cumberland and Westmerland to afford him all the assistance they could, who accordingly met him near to Carlile with eight hundred Foot, and three Troops of Horse. With these small Forces he enters Scotland, but having come to the River Anan, upon occasion of a Mutiny among the English, most of them fly their Colours, and run back to [Page 451] England. Notwithstanding he with his own men came to Dumfrise, and took the Town into protection upon surrender, where he stayed a while, that he might be ready to entertain Antrim and his Irish; but the time appointed being past, and no news stirring of them, the Covenanters gathering themselves together on every side, to secure himself from being surprized, he returns to Carlile. And not loving to lie idle, joyns with the Kings Forces in Northumberland, takes the Town and Castle of Morpet, as also an hundred Foot at the mouth of the River of Tine, and afterwards victuals New Castle; then intending to joyn his Forces with Prince Rupert, who was coming to raise the Siege at York, he made all the haste he could, but met him not till he was upon his retreat, the day after that unfortunate Battle: All things thus failing him, he returns to Carlile, and sends the Lord Ogleby and Sir William Rolluck disguised into Scotland, to discover the state of the Countrey; who returning back, brought him word, that all things were in a desperate condition, and therefore counselled him to bend his course some other way.
But Montross thinking it unworthiness in him to despair of so good a cause, resolves upon a strange adventure, for delivering those few Gentlemen that had been constant unto him to the Lord Ogleby, to be conducted to the King: he with Sir William Rolluck, and one Sibbald, being disguized, entred Scotland, Montross passing as Sibbalds man. Thus making all the haste they could, they came at last to the house of his Couzen Patrick Graham of Innisbrake, not far from the River of Tay in the Sherifdom of Perth; not long had he been there, but he receives news of eleven hundred of Irish sent over by Antrim, who were then upon the Mountains; who being made to understand of his being there, they came marching unto him, and submitted to his command.
The next day the men of Athol, to the number of eight [Page 452]hundred, put themselves in Arms, and joyned with Montross; so that now having gotten this handful of men, he desires to be in action; impatient therefore of further delay, he marches from thence, with a resolution to set upon his enemies: and having marched as far as Bucknith, five hundred more under the command of the Lord Kilpont. Son to the Earl of Taith, joyned with him, by whom he understood that the Covenanters were thick in Arms at a Rendezvouz at Perth; whereupon with all the haste he could, he speedeth thither: these were commanded by the Lord Elcho, who upon Montrosses approach provided to fight; they were in number six thousand Foot and seven hundred Horse, so that contemning the paucity of their enemies, they grew to a foolish confidence of Victory; but Montross so well ordered his Army that their confidence failed them, for joyning Battel they were overthrown, two thousand being slain, and more taken prisoners.
The City of Perth upon this overthrow, submitted her self to the Conquerour, to whom he did not the least harm; where having staid three dayes, many of his Athol men returning home, he marches with the rest of his Forces to Aberdeen; but the Town having a strong Garrison therein refused to submit and he thinking it no wisdom to hazard the honour he had gotten by his late Victory upon the doubtful success of a Siege, turns away towards Esk, whither came to him the Lord Ogleby with his two Sons, Sir Thomas and Sir David, who with admirable constancy continued with him to the very end of the War.
And now receiving intelligence that an Army of the Covenanters, under the command of the Lord Burleigh lay at Aberdeen, with long marches he hies thither, sets upon them, and after a long fight puts them to the rout, with the loss of almost all their Foot; who flying for refuge unto the City, Montrosses men came in thronging amongst them, through the Gates and Posterns, and laid them on [Page 453]heaps all over the Streets. This Battel was fought September the 12. 1644. After this defeat Montross calling his Souldiers back to their Colours, entred the City, and allowed them two dayes rest.
In the mean time news was brought that Argile was hard by with far greater Forces then those they had dealt with last; whereupon he removes to Kintor, a Village ten miles off from Aberdeen, expecting some of the Gordons would have joyned with him; but none appearing he resolved to withdraw his Forces into the Mountains and Fastnesses, for though he had fought twice indeed very prosperously, it could not be expected that seeing he was so beset on all sides with great and numerous Armies, he should be able to hold out alwayes without relief: whereupon hiding his Ordnance in a Bog, he marches to an old Castle called Rothmurk, intending to pass over the River of Spey, but on the other side were the number of five thousand up in Arms to hinder his passage; wherefore to save his Army from being oppressed with the enemies Horse, he turned into Badenoth, a Rocky and Mountainous Countrey; here he fell very dangerously sick, but recovering again, he sends Mac-donel who commanded the Irish, with a Party into the Highlands, to invite them to take up Arms with him, and if they would not be invited, to force them; he himself passes into the North of Scotland, and having staid a while for recruit at Strathbogy, he removed to Faivy Castle and possest it. Secure now as he thought from Argile, his confidence had well near destroyed him, he and Lothian with 2500. Foot, and 1200 Horse, having undiscovered come within two miles of him. Montross to repair his Scouts negligence, having but 1500. Foot, and 50. Horse, draws them up to a high craggy Hill, which over-looked the Castle, but before he had appointed every one his ground to draw up in, many of his Souldiers fairly run away; yet notwithstanding their cowardise, he so behaved himself with the remainder, [Page 454]that though Argile several dayes attempted to assault him, he carried away nothing with him but loss and disgrace.
Montross being now desirous to joyn with Mac-donel and those Highlanders he had raised, takes the advantage of the night, and returns to Strathbogy, whither also Argile follows him, and endeavours by great promises to draw away his Souldiers from him. Montross to prevent his designs, marches from thence to Balveny and so to Badenoth, yet had Argiles promises wrought such effects in many of the Gentry and prime Souldiers, that they shamefully deserted him: Montross looking upon their revolt with indignation and scorn, hastes into Athol, and joynes with Macdonel. Argile at that time lay at Dunkeldon, but being frighted with the report of Montrosses coming, when he was yet sixteen miles off, he bid his men shift for themselves, and he himself fled as fast as he could to Perth. Montross hereupon passes into the Country of Argile, and harazes the same with Fire and Sword; and hearing that the Earl of Seafort with five thousand Horse and Foot were near at hand, he resolveth to fight them; but whilest he was preparing against him, he had information that the Earl of Argile having gathered Forces out of the lower parts of the Kingdom, and joyned unto them such Highlanders as yet adhered unto him, containing in all about three thousand Foot, were at an old Castle called Innerligh upon the Bank of Logh-Aber, some thirty miles of him, which caused him to march in all haste through untrodden paths, and was on their backs ere they were aware, and giving them Battel overthrew them, having the killing of them with a most horrible slaughter for nine miles together; no less then 1500. being killed, among whom were very many Gentlemen of the Campbels, whose deaths were answerable to their names, dying in Campo belli, in the Field of War. Argile himself escaped by Boat, many of the conquered fled into the Castle, which [Page 455]was soon after surrendered to Montross.
Long staid he not there, but returns again by the coasts of Harrick, Arne, and Narne, a great party of his enemies being assembled at Elgin, upon the news of his approach dispersed themselves, leaving the Castle of Elgin unto him, here the Lord Gordon eldest Son to the Marquess of Huntley, with a select number of his friends and clients joyned themselves to him; having now two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse he marches to Brechin, where he understood Sir John Hurrey General of the Horse for the Covenanters was with a great party of Horse, whom he encounters and puts to flight; and understanding that Bailey a Commander of great account had been fetcht out of England to withstand him, he resolves to give him Battel, and thereupon goes against him; but having in vain often provoked him thereunto, many of his Souldiers also deserting him, he was forced with much difficulty and hazard to retreat to the Mountains.
And now being out of his enemies reach, he sends the Lord Gordon to levy new Forces, whilest he with a small Party marches through Angus into Pertshire, that he might distract the enemy till such time he made up his Army: Bailey understanding where he was, intends to surprize him, but he found Montross provided for him, who so valiantly repulsed his assault, that by killing some and routing others he forced them to a retreat.
Hurrey having thus before mist his market on Montross intended to make it up on the Lord Gordon; Montross fearing he should be over-mastered, thought it necessary to oppose Hurrey as soon as was possible, as well to secure so dear a friend from so eminent danger, as to be nibbling at the enemies Forces, as he found them asunder, and to cut off that power by peace-meal, which he well knew, if it were all in a body would be above his strength; therefore by long and continued journeyes, he marches into Marre, and [Page 456]joyns with the Lord Gordon, who had raised a thousand Foot, and two hundred Horse; and indeed it was but time, Hurry having gotten within six miles of him, who understanding of Montrosses coming, retires with al speed he could to Innerness: Montross as hastily followeth after him, here the Earls of Seafort and Sunderland, the whole sept of the Frasers, and most of Murray and Cathness, and the neighbouring parts joyned with Hurry, so that Montross fearing to be over-powred had a great minde to retire; but not onely Hurry pressed so vehemently upon him, that it was scarce possible for him to retreat, but Baily also with a Southern Army, much stronger then Hurry's, was gotten betwixt the Mountains and him, so that fearing to be hem'd in between two Armies, he resolves to try the fortune of War without delay, and commit the success to God; to gain much advantage as he could, he marshalls his Army, and gives them Battel, which was fought with much courage and eagerness on both sides; each part striving to outvie the other in valour; at length the Covenanters were overthrown, three thousand of their Foot Souldiers being slain, but most of their Horse escaped by a more timely then honourable flight.
Hurry with his broken Troops fled unto Baily, after whom Montross (having a few dayes refreshed his Souldidiers) followed after, whom Baily provokes unto Battel, which he refused, yet nevertheless by frequent skirmishes, and especially breaking up their quarters in the night, be so weakened their power and courage, that as well Commanders as Souldiers, hastily and disorderly betook themselves by night to Innerness when none pursued them.
In the mean time the Earl of Lindsey, the prime ringleader of the Covenasters next unto Argile, had raised a new Army, and had passed over with his Forces into Angus, intending to be a reserve unto Baily; Montross resolving to quell this new Army, marches against him with [Page 457]such speed, that the news of his approach was not so swift as himself; and now Lindsey was not above seven miles from him, and all things ready for an assault, when (upon what occasion it is uncertain) almost all the Northern men privately ran away from their Colours, and going back the way that they came, return into their Countrey; by which means that Victory slipt thorow his fingers, which he had almost grasped in his hand.
Therefore taking up new resolutions, he sendeth the Lord Gordon and Mac-donel to levy more Forces; and now Lindsey pretending to do some famous exploit, takes a thousand old Souldiers from Baily, leaving him as many new rais'd men in their rooms: Montross having notice hereof, desires to fight him, and sends a Trumpet to offer a set Battle; but Baily answers, he would not receive order to fight from an Enemy. Yet at last through the rashness of the Lord Balcarise, a Collonel of Horse, who precipitated himself and the Horse under his command into danger, he was forced thereunto; whereupon a bloody Fight ensued, wherein Baily was overthrown, with the loss of the greatest part of his Army. This Battel was fought at Alford on the 2. of July, 1645.
Montross having obtained this Victory, marches into Angus, where he met his Couzen Patrick Graham with his Athol men ready to live and dye under his command, and Mac-donel with a great power of Highlanders; so that being reinforced with such an Army, he resolves to make his way into the very heart of the Kingdom: and passing over the Tay at Dunkeldon, encamped in Methfyn Forrest; the Covenanters at that time held a Parliament at Saint Johns Town, but hearing of Montrosses approach, they secured themselves by flight: he to encrease their terrour, drew nearer to the Town; but finding it not safe for him to descend into the Champion Countrey, having such want of Horse, he retreated to little Dunkeldon.
But that want was soon supplied by a Party from the North, under the Earl of Aboine, and Collonel Nathaniel Gordon, the Earl of Airley, and Sir David his son; so that being now thus recruited, he thought it not good to lose any time, but marched straight towards the Enemy. And having in vain several times proffered them Battle, at last it came to a pitcht Field in a place called Kilsythe, where the Covenanters though they overmatcht him in number, yet came so far behinde him in valour, that he obtained over them an absolute Victory, having the killing of them for fourteen miles; so that of all their Foot it is thought there did not an hundred come off, nor did their horse escape very well, of whom some were killed, some taken, the rest disperst. Their Ordnance, their Arms, their Spoils came clearly to the Conquerours, who lost onely six of their men, on the other side were slain six thousand, a great disproportion in number; and did not the effects which followed this Victory make it the more credible, it might seem to some a falshood, if not an impossibility.
For presently afterwards was a great alteration all the Kingdom over, the chief of the Nobility who sided with the Covenanters, some fled to Barwick, some to Carlile, some to New Castle, others into Ireland; the Marquess of Douglass, the Earls of Limmuck, Annandale, and Hertfield; the Lord Barrons of Seton, Drummond, Fleming, Maderly, Carnegy, and Jonston, with many others of great quality submitted themselves: such as before onely privately wisht well unto the King, now expressed it openly. The Cities and Countreys that were furthest off, began to dispatch their Commissioners to profess in their names their Allegiance to their King, their duty and service to his Vicegerent, and freely to offer him Men, Arms, Provision, and other necessaries of War. The City of Edenburgh to ingratiate themselves with the Conquerours, they released their Prisoners, of whom the chiefest were the Earl of [Page 459] Crawford, and James Lord Ogleby, son to the Earl of Airly, whom with their Delegates they sent to Montross to entreat for peace, proffering submission, and promising obedience for the time to come; yea, the whole Kingdom every where sounded nothing but Montrosses praise. But what thing on earth is permanent many of his Souldiers being loaden with spoil, ran privily away from their Colours, and returned home. Presently after their very Commanders desired Furloghs for a little while, pretending that the Enemy had no Army within the borders of the Kingdom, and therefore their service for the present might very well be spared; the Earl of Aboine (whether the Lord Governour would or no) carried away with him not onely his own men, but all the rest of the Northern Forces: yea, Alexander Macdonel, who had hitherto continued so faithful, departed into the Highlanders with more then three thousand stout men, and sixscore of the best Irish, promising with a solemn oath their sudden return, yet he never saw Montross after.
Montross seeing it would be no better, with his small Army passing by Edenburgh, (into which he would not enter, by reason the plague then raged in the City) led them through Lothainshire, and in Strathgale joyned with some Forces raised by the Marquess of Douglass; afterwards he marches to Niddisdale and Annandale, and the Countrey of Ayre, that he might there raise what Horse he could; and coming to Selkirk, he quartered his Horse in a Village, and his Foot in a Wood close by. His Army consisting of onely five hundred Foot, and those Irish, and a very weak party of new rais'd Horse.
Lesley understanding of his weak condition, (having been newly sent for out of England to help the Covenanters in their exigency) with six thousand Horse made such speed, that before he was discryed by Montrosses Scouts, he was not above half a mile off; Montross at that present [Page 460]was very busie in dispatching Letters to the King, but upon news of Lesley's coming he mounts the first horse he could light on, and gallops into the Field appointed for the Rendezvouz, where he findes a great deal of noise, but no order. The Cavalry being little acquainted with duty, and lying already dispersed in their quarters, where they dreamt more of baiting their horses, then maintaining their lives and honours; yet there were a few, and those were for the most part Noblemen and Knights, who made all speed thither, and gallantly undertook to make good the right Wing: but they being not above sixscore in all, and being assailed by so potent an Enemy, multitude overcoming valour, having twice repulsed their Enemy with loss, at last they betook themselves to flight, the Foot fighting a good while stoutly and resolutely, were forced to yield, but found little mercy from the Conquerour, putting them all to the Sword. Montross seeing his men routed, (which he never saw before) rallying about thirty Horse whom he had gathered up in that confusion, he desperately chargeth thorow the Enemy, who hotly pursuing him, to make his flight the more honourable, he chargeth his pursuers, routs them, and carries away one Bruce a Captain of Horse, and two Cornets with their Standards Prisoners.
And now being safe from danger, he makes what haste he could into Athole, to recruit his Army, Aboine bringing him fifteen hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse; with some addition of the Athol men, he crosseth the Forth, and came into Leven, which he destroyed without any resistance; but his Forces too weak to resist so powerful an Army as the Enemy had then in the Field, he returneth back into the Countrey of Athole, and goeth himself in person to Bogie Castle upon the mouth of Spey, to speak with Huntley; (having by messengers often fruitlesly sollicited him to joyn with him) as soon as they met, Montross invited him in smooth and gentle language to associate [Page 461]with him him in the War for the safety of the King and Kingdom, and gave him so full satisfaction in all things, that as being at last overcome, he seemed to give him his hand, and promised that not onely all his men, but he himself would come in person in the head of them, and be with him with all possible speed. And for the better mannaging of the War, they agreed that Huntley wafting over the Spey, should make his way on the right hand, by the Sea Coast of Murrey, and Montross was to go round about on the left hand thorow Strath-Spey, and so to besiege Innernes (a strong Garrison of the Covenanters) on both sides.
In the mean time a convention of the Estates was held at Saint Andrews, wherein were condemned and executed Colonel Nathanel Gordon, Sir Robert Spotswood, Andrew Gutherey, Son to the Bishop of Murray, and William Murray Brother to the Earl of Tullibardin. The crimes objected against them was no less then High Treason; the facts they were guilty of, Loyalty to the King; for the same cause was beheaded not long before Sir William Rollock, Alexander Ogleby, of an ancient and honourable Family, and Sir Philip Nesbit.
The death of his Friends troubled Montross exceedingly; yet abhorring their cruelty by inflicting the like on those Prisoners he had of theirs, he resolved to revenge their deaths in a more nobler way, and with his Army marched to besiege Innerness, the most considerable Garrison of all the North, and the Haven there most commodious for entertaining Forreign Forces. Now had Huntley with his Army come up to have blocked up that side of the Town he undertook to do, the Garrison for want of provision had been forced to yield: but he trifling away his time in Murray, a good way off Innerness, without either honour or profit, gave Major General Middleton time to raise six hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot to raise [Page 462]the Siege, and notwithstanding Huntley had notice thereof by Montross, yet could he receive no answer from him but what relisht of scornfulness; nay so far off were they from affording him assistance, that Montross having sent three Troops of Horse to lie at the Fords of the Spey, to observe the motion of the enemy, and if they came, to send him often and certain intelligence; Lewes Gordon, Huntleys Son, who then commanded the Castle of Rothes, invited the Captains to a banquet in his Castle, perswading them to leave off their needless guards, and that the enemy lay very far off, where with dainty chear and store of wine he detained them so long till Middleton with a great Army of Horse and Foot had got over the Spey, and set footing in Murrey; so that had not Montross had notice of their approach another way, he had had a sharper bout now then he had at Selkirk; but Montross knowing them too strong for him in Horse, avoyding the plain, he retreated with his men beyond the Ness; and notwithstanding their often falling upon his rear, yet he so well managed his retreat, that with little loss he advanced unto the Bank of the Spey, safe from his enemies Horse.
And now he resolved without further delay to make his progress over all the North Countrey and Highlands, with a considerable party, to list Souldiers, to encourage the well disposed, to reduce those that were refractory by the severity of the Laws and condigne punishment, and to deal with them as men use to do with sick children, make them to take Physick whether they will or no; but whilest he was busie about his design, there came a Herald unto him from the King (who by I know not what misfortune had cast himself upon the Scotch Covenanters at Newcastle) whereby he was required forthwith to lay down his Arms and disband, and to depart into France, and there to wait his Majesties further pleasure; he being astonished with this unexpected message, bitterly bewailed the sad condition of [Page 463]the King, that had forced him to cast himself upon the mercy of his deadly enemies; yet not to be guilty of that crime, and especially lest the Covenanters should put his actions upon the Kings account, and use him the worse for them, seeing they had him in their power, he according to the Kings command disbanded his Army.
Now it was articled betwixt the King and the Covenanters that Montross should depart Scotland within a moneth, and that they should finde him Shiping, with provision and all things necessary when he went; but they seeking to circumvent him, sent him no Ship for his transportation until the last day allowed for his stay: the Ship it self ill victualled and worse rig'd, so that when Montross shewed himself ready to depart, the Master of the Ship told him, that he must have some dayes allowed him to pitch and righ is Ship, before he durst adventure himself to the winde and waves: moreover there lay great English Ships and Men of War every day in sight about the mouth of the River of Esk (by which he was to pass) attending there in favour of the Covenanters, for their much desired booty, that by no means he might escape their hands.
But Montross smelling out their designs, had sent some before hand to search diligently the Havens in the North; who by good fortune in the Haven of Stanhyve found a small bark of Bargen in Norway, the master whereof was soon agreed with; thither Montross sent several of his friends whom he knew could not be safe for never so little a while in that Countrey, and they on the third of September 1646. having a good winde put forth to Sea for Norway; and the same evening Montross himself, accompanied onely with one James Wood, a worthy Preacher, by a small Cock-boat got into a Bark which lay at Anchor without the Haven of Montross, and being clad in a course suit, the Lord and Patron passed for his Chaplains servant.
Montross having thus cleared himself out of his enemies [Page 464]hands, went into France, where by the general consent of the Princes of the Blood, and the rest of the Nobility, he was design'd Captain General of all the strangers in that Kingdom, a place of great honour and trust; but Cardinal Mazarine thwarting his designs, (being a professed foe to Scots in that Kingdom) he took his journey into Holland, where the Prince then was, in pursuit of his former intentitions. But Duke Hamilton (a name fatal to the House of the Stewards) who formerly was his irreconcilable enemy was now his competitor; so that Montross seeing no good there to be done, travel'd up into Germany, and so to Austria, where by the Emperour he was curteously entertained, and amongst many other honours conferred on him, he freely proffered him the command of ten thousand men for a standing Army against the Swede: but peace being concluded betwixt these two Potentates (intending a journey for Scotland) being honourably dismissed, he addresses himself to the Dukes of Brandeburgh and Holsteyn, and having gathered together about six or seven hundred men, fearing he should have an express command to desist from his purpose, because the Treaty betwixt the Prince and the Scottish Commissioners was now very near a conclusion, made him precipitate himself and those that were with him into most inevitable ruine; for considering his small preparation, it was a desperate action to attempt so mighty a business, but the matter being fatal, he must needs contribute his own endeavours towards that destruction which his cruel fortune had provided for him. Nor could the loss of two Ships with all the men and arms therein, (whom he had sent before to prepare his way) alter his resolution, but with the rest of his company passes over to Orkney, and having raised what force he could there, embarcks himself, and in a short space lands upon the point of Cathnes, which is the farthest land to the Northwest of Scotland, as knowing the world was much astonisht at this invasion; now whilest [Page 465]the King was upon a Treaty, he published a Declaration, wherein he laboured to clear himself of any aspersion of sinister ends; that his intention was onely against some particular persons, who had against the Laws of the Kingdom, raised and maintained a War against the Kings Father, and did now by their subtil practices endeavour to destroy the Son also; but the Countrey for several causes did not come to second him as he expected; so that being encountred by the Earl of Sunderland and Collonel Staughorn, his Army was overthrown, two hundred killed, and twelve hundred taken. In this skirmish was taken the Standard which he had caused to be made of purpose to move the affections of the people, with this Motto, Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord, and the Portraict of the late King beheaded, exactly well done. The Standard-bearer a very gallant young Gentleman was killed, after he had several times refused quarter; there was Collonel Hurry taken, the Lord Frenderick, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgety, Collonel Hay of Naughton, Colonel Grya, and most of the Officers, and two Ministers.
Montross himself after he saw the day was absolutely lost, having with his Sword hewn out his way through the midst of his enemies, hoping fortune might afterward be more favourable to him, he endeavours by policy to save his life, and forsaking his Horse, throws away his Cloak and Sword, then exchanging apparrel with a Highlander, in that habit keeps himself undiscovered in the Fields for three or four dayes together; but such narrow search being made for him, that he could not long escape, he freely discovers himself to the Lord of Astron, who had been one of his followers before, thinking to finde friendship at his hands; but he greedy of the reward which was promised to his apprehender by the Council of State, money having a deeper impression in his heart then amity, seized on him, and with a strong guard conveyed him to David Lesley.
He being now in the custody of his mortal enemies, from [Page 466]whom he could not expect the least favour, he yet exprest a singular constancy, and in a manner a carelesness of his own condition. And now joyful of their prey, they conduct him to Edenburgh, where by the way lodging one night at the Town of Dundee, notwithstanding they had suffered more by his Army then any Town else within that Kingdom, yet were they so far from insulting over him, that they testified a great deal of sorrow for his woful condition, and furnished him with cloathes suitable to his birth and person. The Parliament of Scotland being otherwise affected, who was then informed of his taking, thought fit to give out this Sentence against him before he came to Edenburgh; That so soon as he should come to Town, he should be met at the Gate by the Magistrates, and Hangman; that he should be tyed with cords upon a Cart bare-headed, and the Hangman to ride upon the Horse that drew the Cart, covered before him, amd so to be brought though the Town; that he should be hanged on a Gibbet at the Cross of Edenburgh, until he dyed; his History and Declaration hanging about his neck, and so hang three hours in publick view of all the people: after wich, he should be beheaded and quartered. His head to be fixt upon the prison-house of Edenburgh, and his Legs and Arms over the Gates of the Cities of Sterling, Glascow, St. Johns Town, and Aberdeen. All which was executed upon him with a great deal of insultation, especially of the Ministery, who having him now at their mercy could never be satisfied with his calamities; they reviled him with all possible spite, objected frequently to him his former condition, and his present misery, and pronounced heavy judgements against him; and being asked why they could not otherwise be satisfied but by so ignominious handling of him? they replyed, They knew no other way to humble him, and bring him home to God.
The fatal day being come design'd to put a period to all his troubles, there was erected in the middle of the marketplace [Page 467]a large Scaffold, brest high, in the midst of which, was planted a Gibbet of extraordinary height; to this place was he conducted by the Baliffs, he was cloathed in a Scarlet Cloak richly laced with Gold lace; as he came along the Streets in great State, there appeared in his countenance so much Beauty, Majesty, and Gravity, as amazed the beholders. John Taylors honest Verses will serve for this dishonourable Scotch expedtion.
Being come thither, he was much detained with a great many frivolous questions, of which, partly the Ministers, partly those whom the States suffered to be about him, desired to be satisfied. He made a short Speech, in which he was often interrupted; the tenour of which was, That be was satisfied in his conscience for what he had done for his Royal Master the King, as in relation to War. That for his own particular sins (which were infinite) he bad beg'd pardon earnestly of God, and had an inward hope to obtain it; he freely forgave all those who had sought his overthrow, and intreated the charity of all the people to pray both for him and themselves. The Ministers because he was under the Sentence of excommunication refused to pray for him, and even on the very Scaffold were very bitter against him. After he had about a quarter of an hour prayed with his Hat before his eyes, he was ready to go to his suffering, when his Book, and Declaration, and all other printed Papers which he had published in his life, being tyed in a string together, were hanged a bout his neck; he was very earnest that he might have the liberty to keep on his hat, it was denyed; he requested he might have the priviledge to keep his Cloak about him, neither would that be granted; in despite of all their affronts, uncivil, and barbarous usage, with a most undaunted courage he went up to the top of that prodigious Gibbet; where having freely pardoned the Execuoner, [Page 468]he gave him three or four pieces of gold; when this was done, and his arms tied, he asked the Officers, If they had any more dishonour, as they conceived it, to put upon him, he was ready to accept it. Then commanding the Hangman at the uplifting of his hands to tumble him over; he was accordingly thrust off by the weeping Executioner, who with his more honest tears seemed to revile the cruelty of his Countrey men. I shall conclude with the Poet.
Some write that though he had not the courteous invention of an Epitaph by any of his Friends to memorize him, that he was so zealous of the Fame of his great Master Charles the first, the with the point of his Sword he wrote these following Lines.
One that detested the harsh dealings of the Scots to this Martial Earl, writ these two Latine Verses.
The Life of JAMES USHER Archbishop of Armagh.
The Countrey of Ireland hath from old brought forth so many pious and learned men, that several Writers have termed it, The Land of Sains. Amongst the rest this worthy Prelate is not the least Ornament unto that Nation; one who was a person of great Piety, of singular Judgement, learned to a miracle; so excelling in knowledge, both Humane and Divine, that I cannot write so high of his worth, as his merits raised themselves above all expression.
He was born at Dublyn, in the Year of our Redemption, 1580. extracted from honest and able Parents; his Father was one of the Clerks of the Chancery, a man of excellent parts and endowments. His Mother of the Family of the Stanihursts, sufficiently famous in Richard Stanihurst, Irelands Cambden, the most eminent Philosopher of his time. This his good, though seduced Mother through the subtilty of the Popish Priests was drawn into the Romish Perswasion, and notwithstanding great means was used for the reclaiming her, yet continued she therein to the day of her death. His Grandfather by his Mothers side was chosen three times Speaker of the House of Commons in Parliament in Ireland. His Uncle by his Fathers side was one of his Predecessors Archbishop of Armagh. And as he was thus nobly descended, so was he as well educated; being at eight years old sent to the Grammar School, Sir James Fullerton being his School-master, and Sir. James Hamilton (afterwards Lord Viscount Clandeboise) Usher to the School, who were by King James sent out of Scotland upon another design, but disguized themselves under [Page 470]that employment. Under these two he so profited, that in four years time he excelled in Grammar, Rhetorick and Poesie; and was so affected with Chronology and Antiquity, that in his early years he drew out an exact Series of Times when each eminent person lived.
The next year, being the thirteenth of his age, he was admitted into the Colledge of Dublyn, being the first Schollar that was entered into it: and truly it is a question whether the Colledge received more Honour thereby, in having so learned a man recorded in the Frontispiece of their Admission Book; or the from the Colledge in honouring him to be their first Graduate, Fellow, Procter, &c. At the same time also Sir James Hamilton hitherto Usher of the School, was chosen Fellow of the Colledge, and so became his Tutour under whom he attained to a perfection in the Greek and Hebrew Languages, which he wanted when he came to the Colledge.
He thus increasing in knowledge as in years, looked still further, as he did account all knowledge vain which tended not to the establishment of his minde, and to the good of his future estate. For the furtherance of this Atchievement he read many Books, amongst other that of Stapletons, Fortress of the Faith, wherein he blotteth our Church with Novelty, in dissenting from them, who from all Antiquity had maintained the same Faith; this plunged our great Schollar into several doubts, that the ancientest must needs be the best, as the nearer the Fountain the purer the streams; and that Errors were received in succeeding Ages, according to that known speech of Tertullian, Verum quodcunque primum, adulterum quodcunque posterius. For the rectifying of his judgement herein, with indefatigable pains and industry, he read over most of the Ancient Fathers, and most Authors writing of the Body of Divinity; whereby he not onely settled his Opinion, but also became able to dispute with the prime of the adverse party.
Having taken the Formality of Batchelour of Arts, Anno 1598. The Earl of Essex being sent over Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Chancellour of the University of Dublin, there was a solemn Act for his entertainment, wherein Mr. Ʋsher answered the Philosophy Act with great applause.
And now his Father intended to send him over into England, to the Inns of Court, for the study of the Common Law; but God who intended him for a Labourer in his own Vineyard, prevented his intentions by death, leaving his son a good Estate in Land; but he fearing it might be an hinderance to his studies, gave a great part of the Estate to his Brothers and Sisters: and devoting himself wholly to the study of Divinity, was chosen Fellow of the Colledge; soon after he commenced Master of Arts; about which time he disputed with Henry Fitz-Symonds the Jesuit, who gave him great commendations for his abilities; and said, That of those which were not Catholiques, he was one of the most learned.
Soon after was he chosen Catechist of the Colledge, and immediately after (notwithstanding he was not-twenty one years of age) he was ordained Minister, and afterwards proved mighty powerful in his preaching, converting many Papists to the Protestant Religion; who came so constantly to hear him, and so admired his Doctrine, that it was well hoped the Nation would be of one heart and one minde; but through the connivance of some in Authority, the Statutes made against Papists were suspended, and they obtained little less then a tolleraton in their Religion; which caused many of them to withdraw themselves again. This pious Bishop entertaining an holy Indignation thereat, preached a Sermon to the State at Christ Church in Dublyn, taking for his Text this passage in Ezekiel, Chap. 4.6. where the Prophet by lying on his side was to bear the iniquity of Judah forty dayes. I have appointed thee day for a [Page 472]year, even a day for a year, (as the Old Translation of that Bible he then used reads it) making this application thereof, From this year will I reckon the sin of Ireland, that those whom you now embrace shall be your ruine, and you shall bear this iniquity. Now this passage of the Prophet doth by consent of Interpreters signifie the time of forty years to the destruction of Jerusalem, and that Nation for their Idolatry; and this Sermon being Preached in Anno 1601. just forty years before that horrid Rebellion brake forth in Ireland, Anno 1641. made it appear that it had something in it of a prophetick spirit.
His first Church preferment was to the Chancellourship of St. Patrick in Dublin, in which Mr. Cambden found him, An. 1607. at what time he was composing his most excellent Brittania, of whom he gives this Character in his observations concerning Dublin. Most of which I acknowledge to owe to the diligence and labour of James Usher, Chancellour of the Church of Saint Patrick, who in various learning and judgement far exceeds his years. Soon after Mr. Cambdens departure be commenc'd Batchellor of Divinity, and immediately upon it was chosen Professor of Divinity in that University of Dublin, which he held about thirteen or fourteen years; during which time the Provostship of the Colledge falling void, he was unanimously elected by the Fellows; but by reason of some trouble belonging to it (notwithstanding it it had a large annual allowance) he refused it: a thing to be taken notice of, because rare amongst the Cleargy men of this latter age.
Soon after he proceeded Doctor of Divinity, and now his eminency gained him enemies, who scandalized him to King James, under the notion of a Puritan; but what was intended for his downfal proved for his preferment; for the King entring into a free discourse with him, received from him such abundant satisfaction of the soundness of his Judgement and Piety, that notwithstanding the opposition [Page 473]of great ones, without his seeking, made him Bishop of Meath in Ireland, just then falling void whilest he was in England; upon his entering into his dignity, a Wit of those times made this excellent Annagram upon him.
Anagrama,
Which he made good ever after in the whole course of his life, neither being puffed up with the the windy titles of ambition, nor slacking his former constancy of preaching; engraving this Motto on his Episcopal Seal, Vae mihi si non Evangeliza vero, which he continued in the Seal of his Primacy also. It is credibly reported of him that he was person of so excellent a memory, that when he hath bin distant from his Library many miles, without the aid of any Catalogue, he hath directed his man by the figures of them imprinted in his minde, to go directly to the several places where they stood, to bring him such Books as he wanted.
During the time he was Bishop of Meath, he answered that Challenge of the Jesuite Malone; and coming over into England to have it Printed, during his abode here, Primate Hampton dying, he was made Primate of Ireland, An. 1624. And now though he was promoted to the highest step his profession was capable of in his native Countrey, yet having some occasion of stay still in England, he continued his laborious preaching in a little Village called Wicken in Essex; where upon the request of some Ministers of that County to preach on the Week dayes, (because they could not come to hear him on the Sundayes) preaching too often beyond his strength, he fell into a Quartane Ague, which held him three quarters of a year.
Scarcely had he recovered his sickness, when it pleased God to make him the instrument of the conversion of an honourable person to the Protestant Religion, the occasion thus; the Lord Mordant (afterwards Earl of Peterborough) [Page 472] [...] [Page 473] [...] [Page 474]being a Papist, and his Lady a Protestant; both of them being desirous to draw each other to their own Religion, agreed that there should be a meeting of two prime men of each, to dispute what might be in controversie between them: hereupon the Lord chose for his Champion, one Rookwood a Jesuite, (Brother to Ambross Rookwood one of the conspirators in the Gunpowder Treason) who went disguised under the name of Beaumont: the Lady made choice of this Archbishop; Drayton in Northamptonshire was appointed for their meeting place; the Points proposed were concerning Transubstantiation, Invocation of Saints, Images, visibility of the Church. Three dayes were spent in disputations, wherein the Archbishop was opponent, and the Jesuite respondent. The fourth day according to agreement, the Jesuite was to have been opponent, but that morning he excused himself to the Lord Mordant, saying, That all the Arguments he used, he had framed within his own head, and thought he had them as perfect as his Pater Noster, but he had strangely forgotten, and could not recover them again; which caused him to say, That he believed it was the just judgement of God upon him, thus to desert him in the defence of his cause for the undertaking of himself to dispute with a man of that eminency and learning, without the licence of his Superiour. This excuse gave so little satisfaction to the Lord Mordant, that upon some further conference with the Archbishop, he became a Protestant, and so continued to his dying day. After this Victory over the Jesuit, with the Canon bullets of his controversial Pen, he disperst whole Armie of the Irish Catholicks, so that they were never able to rally their Forces again.
After some time of tarrying in England, he returned into Ireland, where he was received with great acclamations of joy: where he continued faithfully discharging his Office, until the year before the Rebellion brake forth there, in which he returned into England; not long after was the [Page 475]great business of the Earl of Strafford in agitation. I have heard it reported by men not over credulous to believe flying news, that the day before the King signed the Bill for that Earls death, that when the King for the satisfying of his conscience desired the opinion of him, as also of the Bishops of London, Durham, Lincoln, and Carlisle; that those other four for the satisfying of the people, (who were then grown extraordinary insolent) wished him to sign the Bill. But that this Bishop advised the King not to wound his Conscience, in seeking to heal State sores; the truth of this I will not assert, for it is confidently believed by many, that Doctor Juxon Bishop of London was not assenting thereto; but this is certain, that when a person of honour had in the Kings presence, spoken words in effect that this Bishop should advise him to the signing of that Bill, that he in very great passion, (laying his hand upon his breast) protested his innocency therein. It is generally reported, how true I know not, that when the King heard that an honourable Lady had extended her nobleness to the Bishop, that he should say, That that charity of hers would cover a multitude of her sins.
Many endeavours, not like the fire-drakes of our late Pulpits, did this reverend Bishop use to draw the King and Parliament to a Reconciliation; and so faithfully discharged he hid endeavours, that he won the love of both sides. Thus after he had holily and peaceably for many years to the honour of God, and edification of his Church, continued to the time of his death constantly preaching the word of God, he in the seventy sixth year of his age surrendered up his soul into the hands of his Maker; his mamory being as a precious Oyntment yielding a sweet savour in the Nostrils of Gods Saints, which gave occasion to one of our late Poets amongst many others, to write these two Verses.
He deceased the 21. of March 1655. and was honourably buried in Henry the Sevenths Chappel at the Abbey in Westminster; Oliver then Lord Protectour, dispending two hundred pounds at his Funeral; extending to his the Grant of some of the Lands of the Primacy of Armagh for twenty one years.
I shall shut up all with this Character given him by a solemn Order in the Convocation at Oxford, Anno 1644. James Ʋsher Archbishop of Armagh, Primate of all Ireland; The most skilful of Primitive Antiquity, the unanswerable Defender of the Orthodox Religion, the Maul of Errours, in Preaching frequent, eloquent, very powerful; a rare example of an unblameable life.
Of whom may be writ as one doth by way of Elegy on the late Martyr of our times, that admirable Divine Dr. Hewet.
In remembrance of him and his incomparable abilities, at Christ Church in Oxford, there is an Oration spoke constantly once a year. He left many Monuments of his Learning behinde him to posterity. His Book De successione Ecclesiarum, 4o. Londini 1613. Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge, 4o. Dublini 1630. Historia Goteschalci, Dublini 1631. De Primordiis Ecclesiarum Britannicarum 4o. Dublini, 1631. the greatest part of which were cast away as they came by sea. Ignatii Epistolarum annotationibus 4o. Oxoniae 1648. De anno solari Macedonum, 8o. Londini, 1648. Annales Veteris Testamenti, Folio Londini, 1650. Annales Novi Testamenti, Folio Londini, 1654. both which are since in one Volumn printed in English; a Work acknowledged [Page 477]by the learnedst men of this Age for the admirable Method and Worth of it, not to have hitherto been parallel'd by any preceding Writers. Epistola ad Cappellum de variantibus textus Hebraici Lectionibus, 4o. Londini, 1652. De Graeca septuaginta interpretum versione Syntagma 4o. Londini, 1655. His English Works were these; A Sermon preached before the House of Commons, February 18. 1618. A Declaration of the visibility of the Church, preached in a Sermon before King James, June 20. 1624. A Speech delivered in the Castle Chamber in Dublyn, the 22. of November, 1622. An Answer to Malon the Jesuit, 4o. 1631. The Religion professed by the ancient Irish and Brittains, 4o. 1631. Two Works which routed the Catholicks of Ireland. Immanuel of the Incarnation of the Son of God. 4o. Dublin 1639. A Sermon for the learning and worth of it never to be sufficiently esteemed. A Geographical description of the Lesser Asia, 4o. Oxford 1644. Confessions and Proofs of Doctor Reinolds, and other Protestant Divines concerning the Right of Episcopacy, 4o. Oxford 1644. His Discourse of the Original of Bishops and Archbishops, 4o. Oxford 1644. The Sum and Substance of Christian Religion, being in part his, but publisht without his consent, Folio London. His small Catechisme reviewed, 12o. London. A Method for Meditation, or a direction for hearing the Word. I have since had the happiness to peruse several Sermons of his ordained for the Press; truly worthy of him, they were all of them but one preached before the year 1626. most of them before he was Bishop. I thought it for the better knowing of them from others that may be falsely father'd on him, to be convenient to set down the several Texts, Philip. 3.8. Ephes. 2.1, 2. Ephes. 2.2, 3. John 14.16, 17. His most excellent Sermons on the Sacraments out of 1 Cor. 11.28. as also on Colos. 1.21. Two Sermons on 1 Pet. 4.17. His Sermon preacht a little before he was made a Bishop, before the King at Greenwich, [Page 478]June the 25. 1626. his Text was taken out of the 1 Cor. 14.33. the words, For God is not Authour of confusion but of peace, as we see in all the Churches of the Saints. At that time there was a strange division and clashing one against another of the great ones of the Court, whom his sharp Sermon toucht so near to the quick, that the Puritanical Bishop, as they then called him, put the highest spirits of them to a non plus. These Sermons Dr. Bernard of Grayes-Inne, formerly Chaplain to Bishop Ʋsher, had the perusal of, who said they wanted nothing but onely that Life and Majesty they were adorned with, when the Bishop himself delivered them. I have ended my discourse as to what concerns this reverend Father of the Church. I have no more to write, but onely to exprese my sorrow that I could not arrive to a right knowledge of the Lives of two of our late worthy Divines, Doctour Featly, who died first, as his spirits were oppressed with the afflictions of our distracted times; as also of that Contemplative Seraphical Clergy-man, Bishop Hall, who was in Heaven whilest he was on earth: the Life of the former, Doctor Featly, the Champion of our Church against the Romanists, I at last despaired of, having after a long search and strict enquiry gained no perfect cognizance from any of his friends: and concerning Bishop Hall, having no acquaintance with the Heir to his blessed qualifications, his most accomplisht Son, otherwise then from the Pulpit, my modesty being so much a stranger to him, would not suffer me to make an address.
The Life of Master John Lilburne.
I Question not but that it will be admired that such an inferiour person as Master Lilburne should take up any room in this Volume; I shall onely need to express that I have not inserted him as a Worthy, but rather as a Wonder: the truth is, whosoever shall diligently mark the transactions of this person, will finde such variety of matter contained in his Life, not onely to excuse the publishing of it, but also so far to transport them that read it, as to believe him to be a fit object for an intire Volume by himself, rather then this short relation I shall obtrude on his memory; which considering how his. Life was shufled and confused, the Reader cannot expect any other then fragments, no clear nor continued progress of his History.
When Taxaris saw his Countrey-man Anacharsis in Athens, he said unto him, I will at once shew thee all the Wonders of Greece. So may I say of him, I will in one shew you the wonder of our times; such a Proteus as few ages can produce such another: he having like Ishmael every mans hand against him, and his against all. Who more violent against the Hierarchy of the Bishops then he; none more against King and Kingly Government then he; how violent was he aganst the House of Lords, and they being down and another Government established without King and Lords, he sets himself against that too: such an opposite and Antagonist to all forms of Government whatsoever, that he might fitly be compared unto the Rainbow, which is never on that side of the world that the Sun is, but wheresoever it appears it is in opposition against the Sun.
But to come to his Life, he was Son to Richard Lilburne of the County of Durham; during his miniority an Apprentice in London, near London-stone, to one Mr. Hewson, a [Page 480]a dealer in Cloath, whom he served about five years; his Master declining his trade, he moved him that he might have his liberty to provide for himself; to which purpose he went into the Countrey, to have the consent of his friends, and afterwards made a voyage into Holland. Before this his transportation he had made his ends, having been of such an insinuating spirit, that he won the love of some silly Schismaticks, who for his strange though empty expressions, deemed him, as they have done others, one inspired. So that by that time he came out of his time, and had served his Apprentiship, who but Lilburne of note amongst the Sectaries; his approbation desired, and his counsels followed in all tumultuous and factious transactions.
It happened during the imprisonment of Doctor Bastwick, (censured for libelling by the Archbishop of Canterbury) divers persons affecting the said Doctor, out of their love resorting to him; amongst the rest, one of them took John Lilburne with him as his associate: after plenty of chear Doctor Bastwick to solace his guests, read to them his Lettany, which he had written against the Prelates, which Book was highly pleasing to them all. Lilburne also hearing the said Lettany read, and knowing that whatsoever was written in defiance of that power, then generally hated, would be very acceptable; he desired of Doctor Bastwick, to have a copy of one of them, with which he would travel beyond Sea, and cause it to be printed, not doubting to be enriched by it; the winde of this fancy transported him over Sea, accompanied with a fellow whose fidelity he doubted not; there he printed many Books, and by them got much money, selling them even at what rates he pleased; afterwards coming into England, bringing with him his printed trinkets, hoping to have a new Mart, the fellow that accompanied him was his betrayer, who gave information to the Archbishop of Canterbury, [Page 481]both where Lilburne and his Libels were, who immediately dispatched a Pursivant with plenary authority, who attached Lilburne and seized on his Books, which were all afterwards burnt. Lilburne himself was committed to the Fleet, and refusing to take his Oath in the Star-Chamber, was by them fined five hundred pound; and censured to be whipt from the Fleet to Westminster, and afterwards to stand in the Pillory, which accordingly was executed; and because he fell into a long speech against the Bishops and their Hierarchy, they caused him to be gagged, wherein he continued an hour and a half.
But the times altering, the Bishops being Voted down by Parliament, and a War ensuing betwixt them and the King, these his sufferings caused him to be looked upon by the Parliament, who preferred him to the Office of Lieutenant Collonel in their Army; wherein he behaved himself most gallantly, particularly at Brainford; where he with about 700. men withstood the Kings whole Army, about five hours together, and fought it out to the very Swords point, and to the Butt end of the Musket, and thereby hindred the King from his then possessing the Parliaments Train of Artillery, and by consequence the City of London; in which act he was taken prisoner, without Articles or capitulation, and was by the King and his Party then lookt upon, as one of the most active men in the whole company; and should have been therefore Tryed for his life had not he by his wit avoyded the same by sending to the Parliament, who thereupon sent a Letter to Oxford, threatning them with lex talionis, (they having at the same time many of their great eminent men prisoners in the Tower, Warwick Castle, and other places) which put a period to all further proceedings against him, and freed him by an exchange.
Returning to London, he begins to set abroach his factious opinions, writing a Pamphlet, wherein he termed the [Page 482]Laws, Norman innovations, with other unparallel'd speeches; all which he sent to Judge Reeve, who himself, or some other for him, made a complaint unto the Lords, who immediately summoned him to appear before them, which accordingly he did; where being commanded to kneel at the Bar, he refused, saying. That he had learned both better Religion and manners, then to kneel to any humane, or mortal power how great soever: with many other aggravating and ambitious speeches, which committed him close prisoner, first to Newgate, and afterwards to the Tower, where he continued above twelve moneths together; but this not a whit calmed his spirit, but was rather like Oyl cast on the fire, finding occasion from these his troubles and imprisonments, to enveigh more bitterly against the Government and Governours then in being, terming the Parliament (to use his own words in his scurrulous pamphlets,) A pack of dissembling juggling knaves, a company of tyrants, the most perfidious, false, faith and trust-breakers, that ever lived in the world, and ought by all rational men to be most detested of all men that breathe; treacherous, self-seeking, usurpers of the name and power of a Parliament, most treacherously to do what they list. Saying, That Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, were never more against Authority, as the General, (viz. the Lord Fairfax) and his Councel; nor the Anabaptists at Munster, with John of Leidon, and Knipperdolling, were never more contemners of Authority, nor Jack Straw and Wat Tyler, nor all those famous men mentioned with a black pen in our Histories.
These, with infinite other railing tearms his pamphlets are stuffed and farced withal, not fit to be bestowed on the most inveterate enemies can be encountred in this Life; the young Gentleman was very prodigal of such Rabshekah expressions, as his impudence was most conducing to his desperate designs, &c. For these, and many other single rapired expressions of the nature, contained in several Books which he wrote, he was committed to the Tower, and by a [Page 483]special Commission of Oyer and Terminer tryed upon a Charge of High Treason at the Guild Hall in London; October 24, 25. 26. 1649. Many were the Commissioners that sat upon his Tryal, and multitudes of Spectators that came to behold it.
I have inserted his Tryal thus at large, not onely as in respect of the eminency of it, but as many passages in it from his own lips, give further illustrations of his Life.
The first Tryal of Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburne was at the Guild Hall in London the 24. of October 1649. being Wednesday.
The Commissioners Names of the extraordinary Commission of Oyer and Terminer, for the Tryal of Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburn, were these.
Thomas Andrews, Lord Mayor. Richard Keble, Lord Commissioner. Philip Jermyn, Judge of the upper Bench; Thomas Gates; Baron. John Pulestone, Justice of the Common Pleas. Francis Thorp, Barron and Member, Robert Nicolas, Member. Richard Aske; Justices of the Upper Bench. Peter Warburton, Justice of the Common Pleas. Alexander Rigby, Baron, but absent. Sir Thomas Fowler. Sir Henry Holcroft. Sir William Row. Sir Richard Saltonstall. Sir Richard Sprignall. Sir John Woolistone: Sir William Roberts. John Green. John Clarke; John Parker, Serjeants at Law. William Steel; Recorder. John Fowke, Thomas Foote, John Kendrick Thomas Cullum, Simon Edmonds, Samuel Avery, John Dethick, Robert Tichburn, John Hayes, Aldermen. Henry Proby; Common Sergeant. Thomas Brigandine, Nathaniel Snape, Edward Rich, Owen Roe, Tobias Lisle, Austin Wingfield, Richard Downton, Daniel Taylor, William Wibend, Silvanus Taylor
The Court was called, O yes made, All persons that were adjourned to the Court required to make their appearance.
The Lieutenant of the Tower of London, Collonel Francis West was called, to bring forth his Prisoner according to the precept.
Whereupon Collonel West Lieutenant of the Tower, brought up the Prisoner out of the Irish Chamber, where he had been some time before the sitting of the Court, and was guarded by the said Lieutenant, and a special Guard of Souldiers besides. And being brought to the Bar, the Sheriffs of London were directed to take the Prisoner into their custody.
Silence commanded, the Crier said, John Lilburne, hold up thy hand.
Lieutenant Collonel Lilburne directed himself to Master Keble one of the Keepers of the great Seal, as the President of the Court, and said to this purpose, Sir, will it please you to hear me, and if so, by your favour thus. All the priviledge for my part that I shall crave this day at your hands is no more, but that which is properly and singly the Liberty of every Free-born English-man, viz. the benefit of the Laws and Liberties thereof, which by my Birth-right and Inheritance is due unto me; the which I have fought for as well as others have done, with a single and upright heart; and if I cannot have and enjoy this, I shall leave this Testimony behinde me, that I died for the Laws and Liberties of this Nation: and upon this score I stand, and if I perish I perish. And if the Fact that I have done cannot be justified by the Law of England, let me perish. I mention none of this for the gaining of mercy, or by way of merit, no I scorn it; for mercy I crave from none but from the hands of my God alone, with whom I hope, and am assured one day to rest; whom I have set before my eyes, and so walked, as believing I am alwayes in his presence, in whose power my confidence is fixed, whom I take and own to be my stay, my staff, my strength and support, and in whom I rest as the life of my life, and whom [Page 485]I hope to meet with joy, when this fading and uncertain life shall have an end, to live with him in glory, and blessedness for evermore. And because I would not willingly trouble you with many words, to cause you to spend your time impertinently; therefore Sir, in reference to the Court, I shall crave but so much liberty from you as was given to Paul, when he pleaded for his life before the Heathen Roman Judges, which was free liberty of speech to speak for himself, the which I now humbly crave as my right, not onely by the Law of God and Man, but also by the law and light of Nature: And I shall do it with that respect, reason, and judgement, that doth become a man that knows what it is to plead for his life. I hope Gode hath given me ability to be master of my own passion, and endowed me with that reason, that will dictate unto me what is for my own good and benefit.
I have several times been arraigned for my life already. I was once arraigned before the House of Peers for (sticking close to the Liberties and Priviledges of this Nation, and those that stood for them) being one of those two or three me, that first drew their swords in Westminster Hall against Collonel Lunsford, and some scores of his associates. At that time, it was supposed, they intended to cut the throats of the chiefest men then sitting in the House of Commons; I say for this, and other things of the like nature, I was arraigned by the Kings special Command and Order, the first of May, 1641. I mention it to this end, that when I came before the House of Peers, where was about three or fourscore Lords then sitting at the beginning of the parliament; (who then were supposed the most arbitrary of any power in England) yet I had from them free liberty of speech, to speak for my life at their Bar, without check or controll in the best manner, that all those abilities God had given me would enable me; and when I was at Oxford. I was again arraigned as a Traytor before the Lord Chief Justice Heath, [Page 486]for levying War at the Command of the then Parliament against the person of the King: and when I came before him in the Guild Hall of Oxford, he told me (there being present with him as his fellow Judge) Master Gardiner, (sometimes Recorder of the City of London) now Sir Thomas Gardiner, and others that sate by a special Commission of Oyer and Terminer from the King; the which Commission I did not so well then understand, as I hope I do now. And my Lord Chief Justice Heath stood up, and in the face of all the Court, and in the face of all the Countrey present there told me, Captain Lilburne, you are brought here before us for High Treason, for leavying War in Oxfordshire against your Sovereign Lord and King; and though you be now in a Garrison, and were taken in Arms in open hostility against the King. (yea Sir, and I must now tell you in such hostility, that we were but about seven hundred men at Brandford that withstood the Kings whole Army in the field, about five hours together, and fought it out to the very swords point, and to the butt end of the Musket; and thereby hindered the King from his then possessing the Parliaments Train of Artillery, and by consequence the City of London; in which very act I was taken a Prisoner, without Articles or Capitulation, and was by the King and his Party then lookt upon, as one of the activest men against them in the whole company) yet said Judge Heath, we will not take advantage of that, to try you by the rules of Arbitrary Marshal Law, or any other Arbitrary wayes; but we will try you by the rules of the good old Laws of England; and whatsoever priviledge in your Tryal the Laws of England will afford you, claim it as your Birth-right and Inheritance, and you shall enjoy it with as much freedom and willingness, as if you were in Westminster Hall to be tryed amongst your own Party; and this we will do for that end, that so at London your friends shall not have any just cause to say, we murthered you with cruelty, or [Page 487]denied you the benefit of the Law, in taking away your life by the rules of our own wills. Nay, further said he, Captain Lilburne, it is true, I am a Judge made by my Sovereign Lord the King, according to his right by Law, and so in a special manner am his Servant and Councellour, and am to act for his good, benefit, and advantage: And yet notwithstanding it is by the known Laws of this Land my duty to be indifferent and free from partiallity betwixt my Master and you the Prisoner, and I am specially bound unto it also by my Oath; and therefore you shall have the utmost priviledges of the Law of England, which is a Law of Mercy. and not of Rigour, and hath the life of a man in tenderest and highest estimation; and therefore it is the duty of a Judge by Law to be of counsel with the Prisoner, in things wherein by his ignorance he falls short of making use of the benefit of the Law, especially when he is upon the Tryal of his life. Yea, and to exhort him to answer without fear, if he perceive him daunted or amazed at the presence of the Court: Yea, it is my duty to carry my self with all fairness and evenness of hand towards you; and wherein that there shall seem any mistakes to appear in circumstances of Formalities, to rectifie you: For 'tis my duty to help you, and not to use any boisterous or rough language to you in the least, to put you in fear, or any wayes prevent the freedom of you defence: and according to the Laws of England this is my duty, and this is the Law. And accordingly he gave me liberty to plead to the errors of my Indictment, before ever I pleaded not guilty; yea, and also became willing to assign me what Councel I pleased to nominate, freely to come to prison to me, and to consult and advise with me, and help me in point of Law: This last he did immediately upon my pleading to the Indictment before any Fact was proved, all which is consonant to the declared Judgement of Sir Edward Cook that great Oracle of the Laws of England, whose Books are published by speciall [Page 488]Orders and Authority of Parliament for good Law, who in his 3. part Institutes, Chapt. Of High Treason, fol. 29.34. compared with fol. 137.230. asserts the same.
Truly, Sir, I being now come before you to answer for my life, and being no professed Lawyer, may through my own ignorance of the practick part of the Law, especially in the Formalities, Nisities and Puntillio's thereof, run my self with over-much hastiness, in snares and dangers that I shall not easily get out of. And therefore being all of a sudden bid to hold up my hand at the Bar, I cannot chuse but a little demur upon it, and yet with all respect to you, to declare my desirableness to keep within the bounds of Reason, Moderation and Discretion, and so to carry my self as it doth become a man that knows what it is to answer for his life.
And therefore in the first place, I have something to say to the Court about the first Fundamental liberty of an English man in order to his Tryal, which is, that by the Laws of this Land, all Courts of Justice alwayes ought to be free and open for all sorts of peaceable people to see, behold, and hear, and have free access unto; and no man whatsoever ought to be tryed in holes or corners, or in any place where the Gates are shut and bar'd, and guarded with armed men: and yet, Sir, as I came in, I found the Gates shut and guarded; which is contrary both to Law and Justice.
Sir, the Laws of England, and the Priviledges thereof, are my Inheritance and Birth-right: And, Sir, I must acquaint you, that I was sometimes summoned before a Committee of Parliament, where Mr. Corbet and several others have had the Chair; and there I stood upon my right by the Laws of England, and refused to proceed with the said Committee, till by special order they caused their Doors to be wide thrown open, that the people might have free and uninterrupted access to hear, see, and consider of what [Page 489]they said to me; although I think the pretence that I am now brought before you for, be the very same in substance, that I was convened before Mr. Corbet for, which was about Books; and I am sure there I did argue the case with him and the rest of the Committee soundly out in Law, proving that they were bound in Law and Justice, freely to open their Doors, for the free access of all sorts and kindes of Auditors: And I did refuse (as of right) to proceed with them, till by special order they did open their Doors. For no tryal in such cases, ought to be in any place, unless it be publick, open and free; and therefore if you please that I may enjoy that Legal Right and Priviledge which was granted unto me by Mr. Miles Corbet, and the rest of that Committee, (when I was brought before them in the like case that now I am brought before you:) which priviledge I know to be my right by the Law of England, I shall, as it becomes an understanding Englishman, (who in his actions hates deeds of darkness, holes or corners) go on to a tryal. But if I be denyed this undoubted priviledge, I shall rather dye here then proceed any further. And therefore foreseeing this beforehand, and being willing to provide against all jealousies of my escape, the fear of which I supposed might be objected against me as a ground to deny me this my legal right; and therefore beforehand I have given my engagement to the Lieutenant of the Tower, that I will be a faithful and true prisoner to him.
He enlarged himself as to other particulars, but these being the most material as to the relation of some passages of his Life, I thought it necessary to insert them. He having these requested freedoms granted him from Judge Keble, his tryal went on, which because of it self it is a large printed volume, I shall onely hint at some things not to be omitted in it.
After he had ended his Speech, Judge Keble told him that his requests were granted, bid him look behinde him, [Page 490]the Doors were open. Mr. Prideaux the Atturney General excepted against the favour done him of the liberty of his Speech, as at the beginning of his arraignment he had denyed to hold up his hand; he further expressed that the Commission for the Tryal of Mr. Lilburne, was for differences betwixt the State and him. Master Lilburne desired that Master Prideaux might be excepted against as his enemy, one of the faction of the Court against his life. Judge Keble told him that he spoke irrationally and indiscreetly; he having so fair respect and so free a hearing to except against so great a Minister of the Court; afterwards Judge Jermyn a sound Lawyer, but a better forenoon then afternoons man, said, That since Master Lilburne begun to plant his Ordnance against the Authority of the Court, that the Court did sit by a lawful Authority derived from the Parliament, the supreme Authority of England, that he was accused of High Treason, had his Jury of Freemen of London, Citizens, men of religious integrity; he instanced many cases to him, concluding, that he desired him to put himself upon his Tryal by Law, and to hear with patience those offences of Treason were laid to his charge. Master Lilburne notwithstanding continued to use several arguments against the Commission of Oyer and Terminer, which he knew to be that, by the virtue of which they did sit; and since he was to be tryed for his life, he desired to hear their Commission read; but since they had denyed him that, he desired all his friends to take notice how contrary to reason and equity they dealt with him. Judge Keble urged him still, not taking notice of his Traverses, to hold up his hand at the Bar, which he explained to him was no more but a special notice that the party is the man inquired for, and therefore if he were John Lilburne, the man that was charged, he bid him but say that he was the man, and that he was there, and that should suffice. Lilburne accordingly said, I am John Lilburne, Son to John Lilburne. Judge Jermyn [Page 491]afterwards to perswade him to hold up his hand, gave him two reasons why that custom had been alwayes used. First, for notice that those who are called for capital and criminal offences, that they should hold up the hand, to declare that they are the men. Secondly, he said, that a pure innocent hand did set forth a clear and unspotted heart, for which reason he bid Mr. Lilburne hold up his hand; if he refused to do it, he deprived himself of the prime benefit of the customs of England. Master Lilburne still quibling with the Court and refusing, Judge Keble gave order that the Indictment should be read, to which purpose Master Broughten read, Hold up your hand Master Lilburne, and hearken to the charge; thou standest indicted of High Treason, by the name of John Lilburne late of London Gentleman, for that thou art a false Traytor, not having the fear of God before thy eyes, but being stirred up and moved by the instigation of the Devil, &c.—After he had read it out, Master Broughton said, What saist thou John Lilburne, art thou guilty of this Treason, of which thou standest indicted or not guilty. Lilburne answered, That by the Laws of England he was not to answer questions against or concerning himself. Another Judge said, Master Lilburne, by the Laws of the Land you are to plead to your charge, and it is no accusing of your self to say you are guilty or not guilty. Master Lilburne instanced the Petition of Right to the former purpose, he also excused, himself as he was ignorant of the formalities of the Law, having none of the Law Books in English; and therefore fore them to take away his life in a Language he understood not, was extream hard: therefore he humbly desired to have Councel assigned him to consult with. Judge Keble told him he could not grant him that favour, it was not consistent with the Law. Master Lilburne still refused to plead without Councel, withal he said, he was not guilty in any of the treasons in manner or form as they were laid down in the Indictment, pointing to it, and withal said Now I have pleaded, [Page 492]and crave the Liberties of England that you will assign me counsel. Master Boughton said, By whom wilt thou be Tryed, Lilburne replyed, By the known Laws of England, and a legal Jury of his equals, constituted by Law. One of the Clerks said, you must say by God and your Countrey. Master Lilburne said, he never read in the Laws of England that he was to plead in that manner. Judge Keble explained the word Countrey to him, saying, By it was meant a Jury of his equals. Master Lilburne desired as he had bin a prisoner seven moneths deprived of Books, that he might have a reasonable time allowed him to prepare himself for his Plea and Defence, or else to knock him in the head in the place where he stood; for he must needs be destroyed, if they denyed him the means of his preservation. After many of his evasions, Judge Nichols told him that if he would not be lead by the proceedings of Law it would be worse for him. Master Lilburne instanced the freedom of his Tryal at Oxford, the Judges in effect told him that he was now at London on a different manner of fact. He answered, they might murther him if they would, observing Master Prideaux the Atturney General, whispering Judge Thorpe in the ear, he said on the Bench, It was not lawful for a Judge to be whispered. To which Judge Thorpe replyed, that as he was the prosecutor of the State against him, he might confer privately with him. Master Lilburne quoted to the contrary, Cooks Institutes, the third part, Cap. Treason, upon which Judge Keble took him up short, and said, that if he would not come to something, and behave himself according to the bounds of Reason and Law, he would cause his Jury to be returned. Master Lilburne replyed that he desired to have the priviledge of the Laws of God, which he said, he himself must acknowledge to be the Law of England; and he was sure that the Law of God was, that they should do as they would be done by; now he said, it could not be by the Laws of God for his adversaries to have the helps of all [Page 493]manner of councels, by snares, quirks, tricks, and provocations to take away his life, and for him to be denyed the benefit to consult with any to preserve himself against such potent malice. Judge Jermyn answered, the question was not, whether the Law of God, and the Law of reason, and the Law of man may be consonant to each other, and whether the Court or John Lilburne shall be Judges thereof, that was the question, Master Lilburne crying for all equity to himself, but allowing the Court none. Judge Keble said further, that when a man had done such treasonable things, that it was the Law of God that he should answer directly and positively whether he were guilty or no; and if he answer not guilty, and they be not fully proved against him, there is no more to be said, After some other trifling pro and con, Master Lilburne compared the prerogative that he said the Judges made use of, to Nebucadnezzar, that endeavoured to destroy Daniel by his prerogative, as he was to be thrown into the Lions Den; making this application, that if they would not allow him councel to consult with, to make a Plea for his life, it was a vain thing for him to spend any more words. Judge Keble the afterwards President of the High Court of Justice, replyed, Mr. Lilburne this language is but the sparks of that venemous heat that is within you, and they may burst out to prove you guilty before us, and in our presence if so be that you are charged with, without any other proof or proceedings, for you may do it, I tell you that you may do it where you stand; therefore take heed what you say. Mr. Lilburne replyed, Sir, I have cast up my account, and I know what it can cost me; he blest God he had learnt to dye, having alwayes carryed his life in his hand, for about twelve years together. Judge Keble replyed, he should not now lay it down, if he did not destroy or cast away the Common-wealth; but if he went about to destroy the Common-wealth, the Common-wealth would destroy him. Master Lilburne replyed, he desired nothing [Page 494]but councel, and to produce his witnesses. Mr. Prideaux the Atturney General answered, that if Master Lilburne had these concernments granted to him, it would be a president for all future times, by means of which there would be no ends of Tryals in criminal cases; and that it was a wonderful strange thing to him, that when the prisoner had pleaded the usual way, that they did not immediately proceed to Tryal. He did desire that Master Lilburne might be dealt with all legal, just, and fair preceedings of the Court; he did desire accordingly the proceedings of the Common-wealth be so too, that Master Lilburne may be without delay according to the Law proceeded against for his notorious Treasons. Judge Keble immediately said, well Mr. Lilburne the Court is very tender, not to take up any of your time, you have heard what was declared to you there, that Master Atturney hath made Process against you returnable to morrow at seven of the Clock, and therefore to spend more time would be your loss and dammage: the Sheriffs of London are to take care to return the Jury to morrow morning, and therefore the Court doth adjourn till seven of the Clock to morrow in the morning, in the mean time they commit the prisoner at the Bar to the Lieutenant of the Tower again a prisoner. Judge Keble said, that he had more favour then any prisoner in England ever had; for by the Laws of England, in matters of Treason, whereof Master Lilburne is indicted, he ought to have been Tryed presently and immediately; and because all the world shall know with what candor and justice the Court doth proceed against him, we deferred time till to morrow morning, which is the Courts extraordinary favour, and the doors are wide open, that all the world may know it. Mr. Lilburne said, Sir I can shew you a hundred presidents to the contrary to disprove what you say. Judge Keble bids adjourn the Court. Mr. Lilburne humbly thanked the Judges for their extraordinary favour, and so the Curtains were [Page 495]drawn for that day, the Court having adjourned till the next morning, & the Prisoner was remanded to the Tower.
The 26. of October the Friday following, he was brought to the Bar with his Brother Collonel Robert Lilburne, his Sollicitour Master Sprat, and some other of his friends, being hardly admitted; Judge Keble saying, your Brother shall not stand by you there, I will onely have one hold your Papers and Books, and the rest not to trouble you, therefore let them come out of the Court. Master Lilburne pleaded for his Councell, instancing Major Rolfes Tryal at Oxford, about his intent to poison the King, where he had Councell allowed him: to which Judge Keble subtlely answered, Mr. Lilburne when you come to Tryal you shall see there will be no need of Councel: the Court will be instead of Councel to you; nay, the Court, if they see matter of Law for Councel, though you do not ask it, they will give it you, and therefore set your heart at rest; for if there be any thing Rational in Law that we can spy out as well as your Councel, wee'l help you in it. Master Lilburne answered, Sweet Sir, I pray but one word more, if you deny me what the Law affords me, and that which hath been granted to the Law by Cavalier Judges; yea, and by your fellow Judges, who are now in power at this day, the Lord deliver me from standing in need of you to be my Councellours. Sayes Keble, we are upon our lives as well as you. Master Liburne replied, No by your Favor, not in so eminent a manner. Judge Keble replied, we are upon our lives and our souls to all eternity. Master Lilburne desired to be heard one word; Judge Keble said, he would hear no more. Upon which Master Prideaux desired the Court would proceed, and not prolong time, being he had pleaded not guilty, and had confessed someting. Lilburne replied, No sir, you do me wrong, and abuse me, I never confessed any thing, neither did I plead not guilty; he said, his Plea was conditional, grounded on their promises [Page 496]not to take any advantages of his ignorance in their Formalities. Judge Keble exasperated at his obstinacy, cried out, Go on, be silent: Master Lilburn desired that at least they would let him hear the grand Jury speak; for he understood from some of themselves, that they never found him guilty, but do conceive themselves wronged by some words yesterday that passed from some of the Judges, he desired to hear them speak. Judge Keble desired him to be rational, a word he often used, and that he would be silent, and hear the Court; he told him he could lose no more time to hear him; he bid the Crier call the Jury; the Crier called, and Master Lilburne earnestly prest to be heard, but could not, Master Lilburne desired to see their faces. Judge Keble warned Master Sprat, Johns Sollicitour, not to talk to the Prisoner, he said he might stand and hold the Books, but he should not come near the Prisoner to talk to him as he had done the day before. Master Lilburne said, that the Law allowed a stander by to speak in the Prisoners behalf at the Bar, much more to whisper to him, but more especially if he were his Sollicitour.
The Crier called the names, Miles Petty, William Wormwell, John Sherman, Thomas Dainty, Ralph Ely, Edward Keiser, Edward Perkins, Ralph Packman, Francis Woodall, William Commins, Henry Hauson, Roger Jenkenson; Joshua Hammond, Richard Allen, Richard Nevil, John Main, Henry Jooley, Arthur Due, Roger Sears, John Mayo, Henry Jooley, Arthur Due, Roger Sears. The Cryer, said you good men of the City appear; Stephen Jues, John Sherman, Ralph Ely, Roger Jenkenson, Roger Sears, John Mayo, Nicholas Murren. The Clerk of Court sayes to the Jury, here is your Prisoner at the Bar presented before the Court, here take your Jury of Life and Death; if therefore Master Lilburne you will challenge them, or any of them, you must challege them before that they go to be sworn.
Cryer. Every man that can inform my Lords, the Justices, [Page 497]and the Atturney General of the Commonwealth, against Master John Lilburn Prisoner at the Bar, of any Treason or Fellony committed by him, let them come forth, and they shall be heard; for the Prisoner stands upon his deliverance: and all others bound to give their attendance, are upon pain of forfeiture of their Recognizance to come in. Master Lilburne desired to be heard a few words; the Judge told him he must talk in his legal time, and take legal exceptions, and then he should be heard till midnight. Master Lilburne desired to be heard, he said, he did not know the faces of two men that were read to him, therefore he desired that he might have time to consider of them. Judge Keeble told him that he ought not to have it. Master Lilburne desired the Judge that he would at least vouchsafe him to have some friends by him that are Citizens of London, that knew them, to give him information of their quality and conditions, without which, he said, they might as well hang him without a Tryal. Mr. Sprat or Master Robert Lilburn challenged one of the Jury, which the Judge excepted against, and commanded the Fellow in the white cap should come out there, pull him out. Master Lilburne replied, that they did not deal civilly according to their own Law; and now there was a full noise, the whole cry was, to pull down the Stag of the Petition of Right. The Jury being called, he excepted against several persons of the Jury; six lived about Smithfield, one in Gosling-Street, two in Cheapside, two in Broad-street, one in Friday-street.
After his particular exception, Master Broughton proceeds and reads his Indictment. Hold up thy hand John Lilburne, Thou standest here indicted of High Treason by the name of John Lilburn, late of London Gentleman; for that thou as a false Traytour, not having the fear of God before thine eyes, but being stirred and moved up by the instigation of the Devil, didst endeavour not onely to [Page 498]disturb the peace and tranquility of this Nation, but also the government thereof to subvert; now established without King or House of Lords, in the way of a Commonwealth, and a free State, and happily established; and the Commons in Parliament assembled being the supream Authority of this Nation of England, to disgrace, and into a hatred, base esteem, infamy, and scandal, with all the good, true, and honest persons of England, to bring into hatred; that is to say, that thou the said John Lilburne, on the first day of October in the year of our Lord 1649. and on divers other dayes and times, both before and after, in the Parish of Mary the Archess, in the Ward of Cheap, London, aforesaid, of thy wicked and devillish minde and imagination, falsely, malitiously, advisedly, and trayterously, as a false Traytor, by writing and imprinting, and openly declaring, that is to say, by a certain scandalous, poysonous, and trayterous writing in paper, entituled, A salva libertate: and by another scandalous, poysonous and trayterous Book, entituled, An Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver Cromwel, and his son-in-law Henry Ireton, Esquires, late Members of the late forcibly dissolved House of Commons; presented to publick view by Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburn close Prisoner in the Tower of London, for his real, true, and zealous affection to the liberties of this Nation: and by another scandalous, poysonous, and trayterous Book, imprinted and entituled, An Out-cry of the yong men and Apprentices of London, or an inquisition after the lost fundamental Laws and Liberties of England, directed August 29. 1649. in an Epistle to the private Souldiers of the Army, especially all those that signed the solemn, Engagement at New-Market Heath, the fifth of June, 1647. but more especially the private Souldiers of the Generals Regiment of Horse, that helped to plunder and destroy the honest and true hearted Englishmen, trayterously defeated at Burford, the fifteenth of May 1649. And also by another scandalous, poysonous, and [Page 499]traiterous Book, intituled, The legal fundamental liberties of the people of England, revised, asserted, and vindicated, didst publish that the Government aforesaid, is tyranical, usurped and unlawful; and that the Commmons Assembled in Parliament, are not the Supreme Authority of this Nation: and further, that thou the said John Lilburne as a false Traitor, God before thine eyes not having, but being moved and led by the instigation of the Devil, endeavouring, and maliciously intending, the Government aforesaid, as is aforesaid, well and happily established; thou the said John Lilburne, afterwards (that is to say) the aforesaid first day of October in the year of our Lord 1649. aforesaid, and divers other dayes and times, as well before as after, at London aforesaid, that is to say, in the Parish and Ward aforesaid, London aforesaid, maliciously, advisedly, and traiterously didst plot, contrive, and endeavour to stir up, and to raise force, against the aforesaid Government, and for the subverting and alteration of the said Government, and to do those wicked, malicious, and traiterous advisement to put in execution, &c. and thou the said John Lilburne, afterwards, that is to say, the aforesaid first day of October in the year of our Lord 1649. aforesaid, and divers dayes and times, as well before as after, at London aforesaid, that is to say, in the Parish and Ward aforesaid, of thy depraved minde, and most wicked imagination, in and by the aforesaid scandalous, poysonous, and trayterous book, Intituled, An impeachment of high Treason against Oliver Cromwel, and his son-in-law Henry Ireton, Esquires, late Members of the late forcible dissolved House of Commons; presented to publick view by Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburne, close prisoner in the Tower of London, for his real, true and zealous affection to the Liberties of his native Countrey; falsly, maliciously, advisedly and traiterously, didst publickly declare amongst other things in the said Book, those false, scandalous, malicious and traiterous words following: but my [Page 500]true friends (meaning the friends of the said John Lilburne) I (meaning the foresaid John Lilburne) shall here take upon me the boldness, considering the great distractions of the present times, to give a little further advice to our friends aforesaid, from whose company or society, or from some of them, hath been begun and issued out the most transcendent, clear, rational and just things for the peoples liberties and freedoms; That the foresaid John Lilburne, hath seen or read in this Nation, as your notable and excellent Petition of May the 20th. 1647. burnt by the hand of the common-hangman, recorded in my book called Rash Oaths Unwarrantable, page 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35. with divers Petitions of that nature; and the Petition of the 19th. of January 1648. recorded in the following discourse, page 45, 46, 47, 48. and the Masculine Petition of the eleventh of September, 1648. so much owned by petitions out of several Counties, yea, and by the Officers, of the Armies large Remonstrance from Saint Albones, the sixteenth of November, 1648. page 67.68, 69. the subtance of all which I (thou the aforesaid John Lilburne meaning) conceive is contained in the printed sheet of paper, signed by my fellow prisoners, Mr. William Walwin, Mr. Richard Overton, and Mr. Thomas Prince and my self, dated the first of May, 1649. and intituled, The Agreement of the free people of England; which false, scandalous and traiterous Book called the Agreement of the people of England, tends to the alteration, and subversion of the Government aforesaid; the principles of the aforesaid Agreement, I (meaning your self the said John Lilburne) hope and desire you (the friends of the aforesaid John Lilburne meaning) will make the final centre, and unwavering standard of all your desires, hazards and endeavours, as to the future settlement, of the peace and Government of this distressed, wasted, and divided Nation, the firme establishing of the principles therein contained, being that onely which will really, and in good earnest marry, and knit the [Page 501]interest, what ever it be that dwels upon them, unto the distressed or oppressed Commons of this Nation.
Not to instance the particular application how these and his other Books were stigmatized more at large in the Indictment, as also his traiterous intents, purposes, and designs to their extent displayed.
The Indictment being reading, and the noise of the people in the Hall great, the prisoner said he could not hear, and had some few lines before read over to him. Master Lilburne therefore prayed the people to hold their peace; Gentlemen, I beseech you, be quiet, (speaking to the people)
Lord Keeble replyed, Quiet you your self, we will quiet them for you.
The Cryer said, If any man can give any Evidence to my Lords, the Justices of Oyer and Terminer, against Mr. John Lilburne, let him come in and he shall be heard.
Master Lilburne desired to be heard to speak two or three words.
Lord Keeble said, It is not a fit time, you shall be heard in your due time, but hear what the witnesses say first.
Master Lilburne replyed, He conceived he was much wronged, in saying that he pleaded not guilty, for he pleaded no such plea, I appeal to the Court, and to all that heard me, whether I pleaded any such plea; for before I pleaded, the Court became engaged to me, to take no advantage of my ignorance of the formalities of the Law, and promised to give me as much priviledge as my Lord Duke of Hambleton, and others enjoyed, before the Court of Justice. By your favours said he, I pleaded conditionally, and now I make my absolute Plea to the Indictment which was this; that he excepted against the matter, and form of it in matter, time and place, and humbly craved Counccel to assign, and plead to the errors thereof, He beseecht them to hear him a few words. Sir, with favour, he humbly craved [Page 502]liberty to speak a few words; he said, I shall keep me close to that, which is my right and my duty, and that is to the matter of Law in my Indictment: There are many things put into the Indictment by the Testimonies of Witnesses now sworn, that are pretended to be acted in several Countries; whether that be according to Law or no, I do not know, whether you will judge it so or no, but sure I am, if either those express Statutes, that I have already cited to the Jury, or the third part of Cooks Institutes be Law, I ought not to be tryed for Treason, but by a Jury of the next Neighbour-hood, in the self-same County, the fact is pretended to be committed in: and therefore it is very questionable to me, whether my Indictment be legal, for that it chargeth me with facts of treason, committed in three several Counties, and that being matter of Law, I desire Counsel to argue that point in the first place: There are also a great many other exceptions I have to make against the Illegality of the Indictment, and having particularized one, I humbly crave that which is my right by Law, that I may have Counsel assigned to me; you have said, you will do what shall become ingenious and understanding men, and just Judges in it, and therefore I crave leave according to my undoubted Right, to have Counsel assigned to plead in matters of Law to the insufficiency of the Indictment, and particularly to that point I have nominated. There are also a great many things arise out of the matter of fact, that will be points of Law likewise, and some of them appear to be so, there were never two clear and positive witnesses to one fact sworn against me, but to most of the particular Treasons there is but one a piece, and I cannot yield tha to be legal but questionable in the Law, which I desire Counsel to dispute: I know not any of all the Books fixed upon me, but the Out-cry, that hath two plain witnesses to it, and yet it is not sworn that I am the Author of it; the state of the first is this, that I was at the [Page 503]Printers before the Copy was taken away, and that I gave one of those Books to a Souldier: to sum up the Notes of the matter of fact, that thereon hath been endeavoured to be proved, is too hard a task to be done by me immediately, and therefore I conceive it but just for you to assign me Counsel, to agree with the Counsel against me, what are the points of fact upon the proof, from which the points of Law are to be deducted; and whatever you, that call your selves my Judges, may think of this, yet I hope and verily believe, that these my honest fellow Citizens, that are the Gentlemen of my Jury, who have (thereby) as men, the issues of my life and death in their hands, and will think it but a just and rational motion and request; and therefore before them again, I desire to have Counsel assigned to plead in Law, to the errours of the Indictment, and also to the Law arising upon the fact; this with a larger priviledge, was granted by one of your own brother-Judges, to Major Rolfe last year, as his right by Law; and I do again appeal to Mr. Justice Nichols, then one of Rolfes Counsel; for the truth of this, I pray speak Sir. is it not true? but the Judge sitting, as if he had neither life nor soul, Mr. Lilburne further said, I hope Sir, it doth not enter into your thoughts presently to put me to an undigested extemporary answer, to so large an Indictment as that is that hath been read against me; that it is possible for any mans brain, if it were as big as the biggest Magazine in London, to carry it in his head; and Sir, I hope you do not conceive that my memory is of a greater largeness then the greatest Magazine in this City; you engaged unto me when I pleaded first to my Indictment, that you would not take exceptions nor advantage against me, for my ignorance in the formalities of the Law; I desire you to make good your promise now unto me, and assign me Counsel to help my ignorance, that so the Counsel against me and my Counsel may agree, as I have seen it done hereofore in the case of [Page 504]Duke Hambleton, upon the points of fact, from which Law is to be deducted; and if you please to grant me this legal and equitable favour, I shall think my self very much obliged unto you; without which justice, I cannot conceive upon what ground it can be apprehended I can go on: for my time and strength now it is so far spent, that I conceive you cannot think my body is made of steel, to stand here four or five hours together, spending my spirits to answer so many as I have to deal with, and be able after all this, to stand to return an answer to above five hours charge, and that upon life, when it seems you will suffer me to mend no blots; I hope you do not lie upon the catch to weary and tire me out, by putting more upon me then a horse is able to endure; and then go about to hang me, because I through tiredness, want bodily strength and abilities to make and pronounce my defence.
Sir, to my apprehension, there does arise upon the matter of fact divers disputes in Law; I beseech you therefore allow me my right in Law, by assigning me Counsel to help me where I am ignorant, and you shall see, I shall do that which shall become an ingenuous and rational man, and I will put my self clearly upon the Trial of the Countrey or my Jury according to the Law.
The Lord Keble replyed, Mr. Lilburne, This that you have heard, and that we have patiently sat to hear, and prepared a stool for you to have sat upon, to have given you that liberty that no body should interrupt you more then us, you have heard the fair course that hath been taken in it; The Books, the charges upon the matter, they are but three, they are not hard for your memory; The particulars of those we do not expect that the Jury should remember them; the Books are here, they have of them; but amongst them there are many more, but free your self from the matter of fact, if you can, and these Books; and when you have freed your self from the matter of fact charged upon you, and then make it appear that from the [Page 505]matter of Fact Law arises, and then if you can, when the matter of Fact is clear, and Law doth arise, you shall have Counsel; and you shall have no defect in us to interrupt you, but to help you in what we may properly know as our right to do; but if you do not first clear and make out this which is the issue upon the point, to answer the matter ouf Fact, we cannot allow you any Counsel: the thing that is to be disputed cannot possible be much on your side, it will be but very short; for it is not possible, I say, to be much in time, or confusion of your memory, to give an answer to this particular matter of Fact: the first is the publishing of those Books, and the owning of them; and the next is the Books themselves; But this must be first cleared, before you can have any Counsel assigned you at all.
Now it was high time for Collonel John to pretend that he was tired out, he requested the Court for a Chamberpot, which was granetd him; afterwards he fell to it back and sides.
Sayes he, Well, seeing I must to it, the will of God be done; but his brother being next to him, was heard to press him to pause a little more; No brother, saith he, my work is done, I will warrant you by the strength of God, I will knock the nail upon the head; and so he went into the Bar, and set the Chair before him, and laid his Law Books open upon it, in order as he intended to use them, and being ready, said, Sir I humbly crave the favour, since it is my hard lot and fortune, at least in my own apprehension, to have so much hard measure and injustice as I have, to know whether or no you will permit me, after that I have pleaded to a matter of Fact, according to the Law of England, that has been allowed to the highest Traytors in all the Books that I have read of, that I may speak in my own behalf unto the Jury, my Countrey-men, upon whose consciences, integrity, and honesty, my life, and the Lives and Liberties of the honest men of this Nation now lyes, who are in Law Judges of Law as well as Fact, and you onely the [Page 506]pronouncers of their Sentence, Will, and Minde; I say, I desire to know when I have pleaded to matter of Fact, whether you will be pleased to give me leave to speak to them a few words besides.
Lord Keble. Master Lilburne, quietly express your self, and you do well, the Jury are Judges of matter of Fact altogether, and Judge Cook sayes so; but I tell you, the opinion of the Court, they are Judges of matter of Law.
Mr. Lilburne. The Jury by Law are not onely Judges of Fact, but of Law also; and you that call your selves Judges of the Law are no more but Norman Intruders, and indeed and in truth, if the Jury please, are no more but Ciphers to pronounce their Verdict.
Judge Jermyn replyed, Was there ever such a damnable blasphemous heresie as this is, to call the Judges of the Law Ciphers? Sir, I entreat you give me leave to read the words of the Law then, for to the Jury I apply, as my Judges both in the Law and Fact.
Sayes the Lord Keble, We will not deny you a tittle of the Law.
Sayes Judge Jermyn, Let all the hearers know, the Jury ought to take notice of it, that the Iudges that are sworn, that are twelve in number, they have ever been the Iudges of the Law, from the first time that ever we can read or hear that Law was truly exprest in England, and the Iury are onely Iudges, whether such a thing were done or no, they are onely Iudges of matter of Fact.
Mr. Lilburne sayes, I deny it, here's your own Law to disprove you, and therefore let not me but read it; it is a hard case when a man is upon the Tryal of his life, that you will not suffer him to read the Law to the Jury, for his own defence; he was sure they have caused to be read at large those Laws that made against him.
Lord Keble said, But I shall pronounce to clear the righteousness of that Law, whatsoever others will pretend against it that know it not.
Master Lilburne replyed, Sir, under favour I shall not trouble my self with any thing, but what is pertinent to my present purpose; here is the first part of Cooks Institutes, it is owned by all the Lawyers that I know, or ever heard of in England for good Law.
Judge Keble answered, If you can convince us, that matter of Law does concern you the Iury, you say something.
Mr. Lilburne answered, Sir, I have been shuffled too much out of my Liberties already, give me leave to read but the Law to the Jury, I will make use of nothing now to them, but your own words; and when I have done, I will leave my self to them, and the guidance of God upon their conscience; and having the Book open in his hand, he said in the first part of Cooks Institutes, sex. 366. fol. 226, 227, 228. in his Exposition of Ployden hath these words.
The Lord Keble answered, Have we dealt so fairly with you all this while, pray be confident, those that are quotations there, are not for your purpose; but I thought how good a Lawyer you were, for to set Cooks Commentaries upon Ployden; when there is no such Book or Commentary: go to your matter of Fact, which is clear, but for this let it fall down, and spare your self, and trouble your self no more with Cook; he has no Commentary upon Ployden. But Master Lilburne prest to speak.
Judge Iermyn cryes out, Hold Sir.
Mr. Lilburne replyes, What will not you allow me liberty to read your Law? O unrighteous and bloody Judges!
Judge Iermyn answers, By the fancy of your own minde, you would puzzle the Iury, we know the Book a little better then you do, there is no such Book as Cooks Commentary upon Ployden.
The Lord Keble said, Sir, you shall not read it.
Judge Iermyn sayes he cannot be suffered to read the Law, he had broached an erroneous opinion, that the Iury are Iudges of the Law, which is enough to destroy all the Law in the Land; there was never such a damnable heresie broached in this Nation before.
The Cryer cryes out, Hear the Court.
Master Lilburne answers, Do your pleasure, then here Ile dye: Jury, take notice of their injustice; but seeing they will not hear me, I appeal to you, and say, It is an easie matter for an abler man then I am, in so many interruptions as I meet with, to mistake Ployden for Littleton; I am surehere is Cooks Commentaries upon Littleton, and these be his words, In this case the Recognitors of the Assize may say and render to the Justices their Verdict at large upon the whole matter, which I am sure is good Law, forasmuch as we see it continually done in all actions of Trespass or Assault, where the Jury doth not onely judge of the validity of the proof of the Fact, but also of the Law, by assigning what damages they think is just.
Lord Keble said, I am sure you are in an errour, in a gross one, as possible a man can be in; this is so gross, that I thought it could not have come from Master Lilburne, that professeth himself to be a rational and knowing man.
Master Lilburn goes on. And in another place he saith, For as well as the Jurors may have Cognizance of the Lease, they also as well may have Cognizance of the condition. And further there Cook saith, Here it is to be observed, that a special Verdict, or at large, may be given in any Action, and upon any Issue, be the Issue General or Special. And in Section 368. Littleton hath these words; Also in such Case, where the Inquest may give their Verdict at large, if they will take upon them the knowledge of the Law, upon the matter they may give their verdict generally. Cooks words upon it are fully to the same purpose, who saith, Although the Jury, if they will take upon them (as Littleton here saith) the knowledge of the Law, may give a general Verdict. I am sure this is pertinent to my purpose, and now I have done Sir.
The Lord Keble replyes, You have spent a little time, but you have done your self no good; I thought you had [Page 509]understood the Law better then I see you do.
Master Lilburne, Now Sir, as to matter of Fact, according to your own desire, seeing you have broke your promise, and will allow me no Councel, but lye at catch with me, sayes he, I shall come to it without any Preamble. The Statute of the 1 Edward 6. Chap. 12. (I desire the Jury may take notice of the Statutes) and the 5. and 6. of Edward the sixth, Chap. 11. here's the Statute Book, which doth expresly declare, That no man shall be condemned for Treason, petty Treason, nor any such like Crimes, but by the Evidence and clear proof of two legal and sufficient Witnesses. Sir Edward Cook in his third part Institutes, Chapter of High Treason, is absolutely of the same opinion folio 12, In this branch, sayes he, four things are to be observed.
First, this word (proveablement) proveably, that is upon direct and manifest proof, not upon conjectural presumptions or inferences, or strains of wit, but upon good and sufficient proof of two Witnesses, and this is folio 12. And here in the Adverb, (proveablement) proveably hath a great force, and signifieth a direct and plain proof.
And secondly, This word (attaint) necessarily implyeth that he be poceeded with, and attainted, according to the due course and proceedings of Law, and not by absolute power, or by other means, as in former times it hath been used.
And folio 24. Chap. Petty Treason, he saith, It hath been holden, that upon the Tryal of misprision of Treason, there must be two lawful Witnesses as well upon the Tryal as the Indictment, as it was resolved by the Justices in the Lord Lumleys case. Hill. 14. Eliz. reported by the Lord Dier under his own hand, and in the margent he hath this note upon it, That this is the last resolution of the Judges upon it: And a litttle below in the same folio, and folio 25 he saith, Therefore upon the Indictment, which is in manner of an [Page 510]accusation, by the Statutes of 1. Edward 6. Cap. 12. & 5. & 6. Edward 6. Cap. 11. Two lawful Witnesses are requisite. And in folio 240. he hath the same; his words are these: Attainders of Treason, &c. ought to be upon plain and direct evidence, (as before is said;) for if the party be executed, restitution may be had of his Lands, but never can be had of his life. Now I have done Sir.
Lord Keble. I hope the Jury hath seen the Evidence so plain, and so fully, that it doth confirm them to do their duty, and to finde the Prisoner guilty of what is charged upon him.
J. Iermyn, This that you have said, makes much for the Iury.
Afterwards there were several witnesses examined, Mr. Thomas Newcomb as to a Book he printed, the last sheet of it, entituled, The Apprentices Out-cry, which Mr. Newcomb by circumstances acknowledged, was taken before it was perfected. Afterwards John Took, John Skinner, Thomas Lewis, John Hawkins, John Merriman, the Witnesses were sworn; all which Master Lilburne did so order with his Queries and confident Questions, that they were at their wits ends; Mr. Lilburne all this while having the subtlety not to acknowledge his own hand, which occasioned Master Atturney Prideaux to say, you may see the valiantness of the Champion for the peoples Liberties, he will not own his own hand. Master Lilburne said, he denied nothing, but would have them to prove it. For his other Book, an Impeachment of High Treason against Oliver and his Son-in-law Henry Ireton, late Members of the late forcibly dissolved House of Commons, presented to the publick view by Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburne, close Prisoner in the Tower of London. Mr. Atturney said, My Lord, I doubt he will not own it. Mr. Lilburne said again, he should deny nothing he had done; but he had read the Petition of Right, which taught him to answer no questions against himself; he said, that he had read that it was practised by our Saviour Christ and his [Page 511]Apostles, our Saviour answering Pilate with onely, Thou sayest it. For as to his Preparative to the hue and cry after Sir Arthur Haselrig, the Lieutenant of the Tower said, it was true that Lieutenant Collonel Lilburne gave him such a Book in the Tower, but he could not say whether that was the same Book he delivered him. Mr. Nutleigh and Mr. Radny, two Witnesses, put Mr. John shroudly to his shifts. He was come to St. Francis his equivocation, when one askt him that was newly robbed, which way the thief went, he stretching out his arm, said, not this way, meaning through his sleeve.
For his Book called, The Legal Fundamental Liberties of England, the Atturney General did not put much weight upon that, as also of his Book De salva libertate; but he proceeded to produce an Act of Parliament of the fourteenth of May 1649. declaring what offences should be adjudged High Treason, which were read over. The chief clauses that Master Atturney insisted upon against Mr. Lilburne were these; That if any person shall maliciously or advisedly publish by writing, printing, or openly declaring that the said Government is usurped, tyrannical, or unlawful, or that the Commons assembled in Parliament are not the Supream Authority of this Nation: These, sayes Mr. Atturney, we shall joyn together with Mr. Lilburnes books; to which making particular application, he inferred, that Mr. Lilburns Books were accordingly trayterous; to which purpose he caused the Clerk to make particular references to several pages of his Books. Master Prideaux causing these words to be read out of one of Master Lilburns Books, That the Parliament are usurping Tyrants, and their new thing, called their Councel of State, undoubtedly the most, if not all of them, must go to Tyburn or Tower-hill, there by the Halter or Ax to receive their just deserts, to which he affixed, Amen. There is an Amen pronounced to us, sayes Mr. Atturney, let him have it that deserves it, and according to [Page 512]the Atturneyes direction, several pages of his Books were still quoted and read on; then Mr. Atturney exprest himself to the Court, to this purpose, sayes he, My Lords, if I should say nothing more to the Iury but what hath been instanced and said, there is pregnant proof already; but yet my Lord, further to prove the malice of Mr. Lilburnes heart, and that he did intend to subvert and destroy the Parliament, he caused the Clerk to read some other passages of his Books, out of which he proved that he had blown a Trumpet for all his friends to take up Arms against the Parliament; to which purpose he went about to seduce the Army, which he calls his fellow Countrey-men. Thus I have already exprest the particular advantages that might be for the Atturneys Plea to Master Lilburns detriment, to the proving of no less then High Treason through several pages, being quoted successively throughout every Book, to that determined purpose. Mr. Lilburne after he had compared the Judges to the Scribes and Pharisees, and their usage of himself to Christ, closing to his former expression, Thou sayest Mr. Prideaux they are my Books, he bid him prove it. Mr. Prideaux speaking to the Jury, said, Gentlemen there are proofs enough and too many; that he had no more to say to them, but that if they respected the government of the Parliament, the honour of the Councel of State, the honour of the Nation, or of the Army, or the preservation of the Law, they could not but say that the prisoner was guilty of such crimes and treasons as he was lawfully accused of, and accordingly they could not but finde him so. He ended, that he desired the Act of Treason might be made use of. Master Lilburne again pretended himself to be tired and oppressed, but at the present not being understood, he desired that he might refresh his body with the air, which could not be obtained. All this while he struggled out a little respite, at last after these lingerings, the Judge resolvingto be no longer delayed, commanded the Chair to be taken away, for it grew late. Now it was [Page 513]time for Master Lilburne to show himself a right Collonel Iohn, after his so long baffling and fooling of the Judges, he was Counsel to himself; he pleaded his own Cause with such subtilty, with such a perfect recollection of all the former transactions of his Tryal, and withal indisputably confident of his Jury, he knew he could not tread awry; he being left invulnerable, except in the heel, which was onely in his own most necessary inscrutable reservations; he closed his long speech of clearing himself with some necessary insinuations to the Jury, where the strength of this Sampson did chiefly lie. To them he declared the integrity of his life, his merits, and the hard usage he had received from the present Government; being interrupted, he earnestly desired the Jury to take notice of the blood-thirsty cruelty and malice of his enemies, all the while, soundly clawing of his Jury with such words, that he was happy in the care and conscience of his honest Jury, fellow Citizens, and Freemen of England, who were to be the Conservators and Judges of his life, having in themselves the Judicial power of the Land, the Judges that sit there, being no more if they pleased, but as Ciphers to pronounce the sentence of their Clerks, to say Amen. They being at the best in their originals, but the Norman Conquerers Obtruders. He called his Jury the keepers of his life, at whose hands if they did not do him justice, the Lord would require his blood; he desired the Lord God omnipotent to direct then, the Governour of heaven and earth, and all things therein contained, to go along with them, and give them counsel to do that which is just for his glory: the people with one voice crying, Amen, Amen. Which made the Judges look untowardly about them, and caused Major Gen. Skippon to send for three fresh Companies more of Foot Souldiers. After which, Mr. Atturney General told the Jury, that they had heard the evidence, in the behalf of State, laying the business to their conscience, that they should be careful to do justice. Mr. Lilburne enforced [Page 514]this as his main argument to the Jury, that there were none that swore as to his hand, that there was no Book proved his; and if that of the agreement of the people were his, it was before the Acts had a being or were in print. Master Atturney replyed, Mr. Lilburne, these are but your own glosses, the Iury answers to the matter of Fact, they are upon their Oaths sworn to do things that are just and right. My Lords, said he, I leave the evidence to them; all that he had more to say, was, that Mr. Lilburne since he came before the Lords, had not so much as owned the Power of the Court, but often called them Cyphers and the like. Mr. Lilburne desired that the Jury might read the first Chapter of Queen Mary in the Statute Book, and the last Clause of the Chapter in the 13. of Queen Elizabeth; but Judge Keble when according to the custom he was to speak to the Jury, said, That Mr. Lilburne had cited two Statutes to prove that there must be two Witnesses, whereas if there were but one Witness to each Fact, it were enough in Law; and therefore he said, Gentlemen of the Jury, what you have heard must not stick with you, you are not bound affirmatively to have two Witnesses, but that one Witness where the circumstances concur, that is sufficient; that which should prevail with you, was, to consider the strength of the accusation which rested in the Books, and did consist of three heads, which were laid down in the Books themselves. First, the so far vilifying the Parliament and State, as it was now establisht in England. The second lookt on the counsels and incitations of Mr. Lilburne for the stirring up of Tumults, Motions, and Wars in the Nation. The third are the things cited in the Books to that end and purpose to divide the Army. These he said were the three main charges, and these the Books that came from him did so plainly testifie: that the Books were proved to be his, they were fit Judges of, and it clearly appeared by those his Books that these things were his invention. He coucluded, [Page 515]that these Books being admitted, he said, that never man that acted the highest of Treasons as he had done, had so much liberty as he; nor any man of his condition, or any condition in England, that was indicted in such case, ever had a Tryal in such a Court, such an Auditory, such a Presence as he had. Mr. Lilburne replyed, the more was his sorrow, he had rather it had been any where else. The Judge enlarged himself, that his plot was of such a nature, that it struck at no lefs then the subversion of the Common-wealth, that there was never such another did proceed from a private man as he was; and therefore he desired the Masters of the Jury to look into their consciences, as he said to them; they having plainly before their eyes that there was not in one particular a single testimony but was aggravated with several circumstances. Therefore as he said, they being proper Judges of matter of Fact, being of the same Countrey, if they fully apprehended the dangerous things plotted in Mr. Lilburnes Books, they would elearly finde that never was the like Treason hatcht in England; so in Gods name, as the prisoner did lead to their consciences, he desired them to go and do. Other petty transactions and cross answers passed betwixt Mr. Lilburne and his Judges, not worth the taking notice of; the Jury went forth at four of the Clock, the Court adjourned till six, the Court commanded the Lieutenant of the Tower and the Sheriffs to carry the prisoner to the Irish Chamber, which they did; the prisoner staid about three quarters of an hour, and the Jury being come to the Court again. the prisoner was sent for; and after the Cryer had caused silence, the Jurors names were called over again, the Clerk askt them if they were agreed, the Jury answered, yes; the Clerk askt who should speak for them; the Jury said, the fore-man. The Cryer said, John Lilburne hold up thy hand, what say you, look upon the prisoner? is he guilty of the Treasons charged upon him or not guilty? the fore-man answered, not guilty of all of [Page 516]them. The Clerk replyed, not of all the treasons, or of any of them that are laid to his charge. The fore-man answered, No, not of all, nor of any one of them. The Clerk said again, did he fly for the same, the fore-man replyed, No. Which no, he pronounced with a loud voice; immediately the whole multitude of people in the Hall for joy of the prisoners acquittal gave such a loud and unanimous shout, as is believed was never heard in Guild-Hall, which lasted for about half an hour without intermission; the Bells being rung, and Bonefires made in most Streets in London. That night, divers of Master Lilburnes friends went to the Judges, the Parliament, and Councel of State, by whose importunities and by the help of the Lord Grey of Groby, Collonel Ludlow, Mr. Robinson, and Collonel Martin, his discharge was procured. I shall close up the large particulars of this so eminent a Tryal, with what I heard reported, one merrily said, That the Jury-men very well deserved the Medalls that Collonel John presented them with, and that their own Pictures needed not to be cut, for they had engraven them themselves, and had questionless made admirable draughts for future Juries, to coppy out the Liberties of the Subject.
Lilburne having thus gotten his liberty, with some repute for practice, attended the Committees in nature of a grand Informer or Sollicitour, pleading in all causes, where he might have any advantage thereby; yea, some report him so corrupt in his practice, as his own Party were ashamed of him; which if true, he was the more inexcusable, having vehemently cryed out against the same in the Lawyers, and might with shame apply the Poets words to himself,
About the same time were dangerous insurrections, and horrible riots committed in the North, the occasion thus: [Page 517]at the expence of 175046. pounds, or thereabouts; there was drained or laid dry, 160000 Acres of land, lying contiguous within the Counties of York, Lincoln, and Nottingham, not worth before three shillings and four pence an Acre one with another; the which was made worth some ten, other twelve, yea some twenty shillings an Acre; in the Mannor of Epworth was 7400. Acres, which had been peaceably possessed by the Drainers, and their assigns, the space of ten years; but several persons envying them the benefit accrewing thereby, in a tumultuous manner came into the level, and breaking down the fences, destroyed and laid waste above 4000. Acres of drained Land, and pulled down several houses standing thereon.
Others afterward, several dayes (during the flowing of the spring tide) violently forced open a Sewer called Snow-Sewer, planted upon the River of Trent, purposely to let in the Waters; the which course they continued, till they had drowned 8000. Acres of Corn and Rape then growing, and the Corn stacks generally half way, with the greatest part of mens houses and habitations, by the space of ten weeks. Now fearing they should be punished for these insolencies, and desirous to keep what they had thus gotten, they drew to their assistance Mr. Lilburne, J. W. and one Noddel a Solicitour; who notwithstanding the Court of Exchequer, made a decree for establishing the possession again with those from whom they had wrested it, and that this decree was published upon the place in presence of divers of the inhabitants; they openly declared, That they would not give any obedience thereunto, nor to any order of the Exchequer, or Parliament; and said, they could make as good a Parliament themselves; some said, It was a Parliament of Clouts, and that if they sent Forces; they would raise Forces to resist them: moreover from words they proceeded to action, so that within ten dayes time, they totally demolished the whole Town of Stantoft, and other houses thereabouts, to [Page 518]the number of eighty two habitations, defaced the Church, burnt Stables and Out-houses broke in pieces a Wind-mill, destroyed all the Corn and Rape on the ground, no less then 3400. Acres, so as the dammage at that time was estimated to be 80000. pounds or more.
Moreover Lilburne with his associates, agrees with several men of Epworth, that in consideration of 2000 Acres of Land for him and J. W. and 200. Acres to Noddel, they would defend them in all those riots, and insurrections, and maintain them in possession of the rest of the Land; this bargain being made, Lilburne with Noddel and others, came to Stantoft Church on the Lords day, and forced the Congregation from thence, employing the same to the use of a Stable, Cow-house, Slaughter-house, and to lay his Hay and Straw therein.
For these tumultuous practices (as also for joyning with one Mr. Primate, in seeking to defraud the Commonwealth of the Collory of Harraton in the County of Durham, the sequestered estate of Thomas Wray Esquire, which Mr. Primate pretended a right unto, though upon examination it proved otherwise) this following Act for his Fine and Banishment, was publisht against him.
Whereas upon the fifteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred fifty one, A Judgement was given in Parliament against the said Lieutenant Collonel John Lilburne for high Crimes and Misdemeanours by him committed, relating to a false, malicious, and scandalous Petition heretofore presented to the Parliament by one Josiah Primate of London, Leather-seller, as by the due proceedings had upon the said Petition, and the Judgement thereupon given at large appeareth: Be it therefore enacted by this present Parliament; and by the Authority of the same, that the fine of three thousand pounds imposed upon the said John Lilburne to the use of the Commonwealth, by the Judgement aforesaid, shall be forthwith levied [Page 519]by due process of Law, to the use of the Commonwealth accordingly. And be it further enacted, that the sum of two thousand pounds imposed by the said Judgement upon the said John Lilburne, to be paid to Sir Arthur Hesilrige for damages, and the sum of two thousand pounds likewise imposed by the said Judgement upon the said John Lilburne, to be paid to James Russel, Edward Winslow, William Molins and Arthus Squib, in the said Judgement named; that is to say, to each of them five hundred pounds for their damages, shall be forthwith paid accordingly: And that the said Sir Arthur Hesilrige, James Russel, Edward Winslow, William Molins and Arthur Squib, their Executors and Administrators, shall have the like remedy and proceedings at Law respectively, against the said John Lilburne, his Heirs, Executors, Administrators and Assigns, for the recovery of the respective sums so given to them by the said Judgement, as if the said respective sums had been due by several Recognizances in the nature of a Statute Staple, acknowledged unto them severally by the said John Lilburne, upon the said fifteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred fifty one. And be it likewise enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that the said John Lilburne shall (within twenty dayes to be accompted from the said fifteenth day of January, one thousand six hundred fifty one) depart out of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Islands, Territories and Dominions thereof: And in case the said John Lilburne at any time after the expiration of the said twenty dayes to be accompted as aforesaid, shall be found, or shall be remaining within England, Scotland, Ireland, or within any of the Islands, Territories or Dominions thereof; the said John Lilburne shall be, and is hereby adjudged a Fellon, and shall be executed as a Fellon, without benefit of Cleargy. And it is lastly enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that all and every person and persons, who shall after the expiration of the [Page 520]said twenty dayes, wittingly relieve, harbor, or conceal the said John Lilburne, he being in England, Scotland, or Ireland, or any the Territories, Islands, or Dominions thereof, shall be hereby adjudged accessary of Fellony after the Fact: And all Judges, Justices, Majors, Bayliffs, Sheriffs, and all other Officers, as well Military as Civil in their respective places, are hereby required to be aiding and assisting in apprehending the said John Lilburne, and in putting this Act in due execution.
Lilburne hereupon sets Sail for Holland, with a resolution as he set forth in print, Never to see England so long as Cromwels hateful and beastly tyranny lasted, unless it were in a way to pursue him as the grandest Tyrant and Traytor that ever England bred; some report that during his abode there, he negotiated with the Lord Hopton, Collonel Charles Lloyd, and others of the Royal Party, that for the sum of ten thousand pounds he would destroy the Lord General Cromwel, the Parliament and Councel of State, that then sat at Westminster, and settle Charles Stuart in his Throne in England, or else he would have a piece of him nailed upon every post in Bruges. But for the truth of this (besides his own denyal) I cannot conceive he should have any thought that Party would trust him (especially with such a sum of money) having before declared himself so great an enemy to the late King. But what ever were the motives that induced him, resolved he was to come into England again; to which purpose he sent Cromwel this introducing Letter.
For his Excellency the Lord General Cromwel. These present.
At my discourse with you in your Gallery, about four or five moneths ago, I had thought I had given your Lordwip so full satisfaction in every thing, that might remove [Page 521]all jealousies from you, of my disserving you in any kinde; that of all men in the Parliament, I little imagined to have found your honour to be the principal man to banish me into a strange Countrey, where for the fafety of my life I am forced to print an Apology; and because you are named in it, I judge it but man-like to send you a Copy of it. And, if I had not been travelling last post-day, I had sent to you then. And I have also by this post sent to a friend three sheets of paper in writing to communicate to your Lordship. The which, if you please to read them, you will finde that you are deeply concerned in them.
I have no more to say to your Honour, but to desire God for you (if it be his pleasure) to make you speedily as righteous in actions, as you were some years ago in declarations, and to take leave to say, I am yet as much honest.
His Wife also sollicites the General for a pass, which though not granted, yet over he comes; so confident he was, that at Canterbury, in his way to London, he presently begins to boast of his own interest in England, saying, He had no need of a pass, being as good a man as Cromwel, and that he did not fear what he could do unto him.
Yet notwithstanding his monstrous confidence, he was committed to prison, and by order of Parliament, tryed for his life, at the Sessions House in the Old-Bailey, August the 20. 1653. where he pleaded that the Act whereupon he was Indicted, was a lie, a falshood; that it had no Law nor Reason in it. That the Parliament could not make any Act of Parliament since the Kings head was cut off; that by the same Law they voted him to death, they might vote his honest twelve Jury men; calling Jehovah to witness, and protesting before God, Angels, and Men, that he was not the John Lilburne intended in the Act; whereupon this Jury, [Page 522]following the example of the former, satisfied with his answers, and not questioning the validity of the Act, found him not guilty.
Thus you see what endeavours were used to rid the Nation of him, by tryals, banishment, and what not, though in vain, when as many a more heroick spirit and gallant heart far transcending him in birth and parts, have fallen by the Sword of Justice, in the twinkling of an eye: truth it is, he was a man of a restless and invincible spirit, that could never be deterred with threats, nor won with favours though (as it is reported) 3000. pounds was given out of the sale of Theobalds as a sop to stop his mouth; he was questionless of a most implacable spirit, working and restless as the Sea, not to be appeased but with the blood of his adversaries; nor can I deny but some of those things he aimed at were honest and useful for the people, but he steered not the right course to attain those ends.
It may be admired at by some how such an illiterate person as Lilburne, one whose breeding promised him more skill in his last trade of Sope, then in Cook, or to have had better judgement in rusticity in a Plow, then in Plowden; who from this low rise mounted no higher then to inferiour employments, until in the late Wars he somewhat advantaged and preferred himself by his Sword; I say it may seem strange to some how this person thus qualified, should come to have so much knowledge and understanding in the Law? for answer to which, it is to be understood that Mr. Lilburne had formerly turned over some Statute Books, in which he had made a small progress, and that afterwards, at such time as he was committed in the Tower, there remained a prisoner there (though for a different Cause) that heart of Oak, and a pillar of the Law, Judge Jenkins; who finding Lilburne of an accute Wit, and one who dared to speak what some pusilanimous spirits were afraid to entrust their thoughts with, he selected him as fit person to bandy against [Page 523]the present Government, and by weakening their power, to advance his Masters interest; hereupon he helps him with tools wherewith to let up his trade, so that in short space Magna Charta and Cooks Institutions were made his familiars; by which means he quickly grew so cunning a gamester, that like unto a cat, throw him never so high, he would be sure to pitch upon his feet. Thus the old Judge and another reverend Divine in his learned volume of prophecying, publisht, to hook in the Independant party, so strangely mistook themselves, as that they could not have done their own cause a greater mischief.
But the Squib is now almost run to the end of the Rope, we shall in the last place present our Proteus in the shape of a Quaker; the person that converted him was a singlehearted Shoe-maker, as he terms him in his Letter to his Wife, which he writ to her from Dover Castle, whither he was committed by the Parliament, part whereof (for your further satisfaction) I have transcribed, though curtail'd, you have Mr. Johns own words to his Wife. It is not much material what part of it I begin with, such Quaking Cantings being to be read backwards like the Hebrew. The contents follow.
And so in much mercy and endeared loving kindness, as God did in my great straits in the Bishops time, provide and send unto me a poor despised (yet understanding) Priscilla, to instruct me in, or expound unto me his wayes more fully, and perfectly; (whom I am compelled now to tell thee I shall love and respect therefore, the longest day I live upon the earth, let her continue by whomsoever to be judged never so rigid or contemptible) so here at this place he hath also provided for me an Aquila, being a contemptible, yet understanding spiritually, knowing and single-hearted Shoe-maker, to do the same now to my spiritual, and no small advantage, refreshment, and benefit, by means of all which I am at present become dead to my former bustling actings in the world, and now stand ready with the devout Centurion [Page 524] spoken of, Acts 10. To hear and obey all things that the lively voice of God speaking in my soul, shall require of me; upon the further manifestation of whose glorious presence, my heart with a watching fear and care, desires to wait, and to walk faithfully, and tenderly, and humbly in that measure of light already received, &c. In another place he thus insinuates with his Wife to gain her to his opinion; And now my dear love, for whom my soul travels with God for thy eternal good, with the same sincere heartedness as for my own, hoping that thy late out-fall and mine, was but for a set season, that so as Divine Paul in another sense speaks, Philem. 15. thy reconciliation and mine again might now remain firme in love for ever. And a little after, I therefore earnestly entreat thee not to cumber thy self in thy many turmoylings and journeyings for my outward liberty, but sit down a little, and behold the great salvation of the Lord. Subscribing his Letter thus,
Tempora Mutantur. Thus the Protector first made him tremble, and the single-soul'd Shoe maker afterwards made him quake; and now he resolves, never hereafter to be an user of a temporal Sword more, nor a Joyner with those that so do. And accordingly he made good his resolutions, living in his strict way of opinion to the day of his death, which happened not long after, whilest he remained a prisoner in Dover Castle. His body was seized upon by the Quakers, and conveyed from thence to London, and at the Bull and Mouth in Saint Martins (their meeting-place) was put into a plain Coffin, without any covering, and from thence, (with his head forwards, that his burying might be as preposterous [Page 525]as his actions) carryed through Moor Fields (where formerly he had received a hurt on his eye) to the new Church-yard in Bedlam, where it was put into the earth; that as his turbulent life came near to madness, so the place of his burial was near to the distracted crew. I shall conclude this relation of our Wonderful, Impetuous, Magna Charta, Petition of Right, Lieu. Collonel John, with these merry verses which a choice Wit bestowed on him.
There are many Anagrams upon him, but being they are too abusive, remembring the old Saw, de mortuis nil nisi bonum, (though to John Lilburne himself) I thought in more civil to omit them.
The Life of OLIVER CROMWEL late Lord Protector.
THe sweet-lipt Poet Ovid sings of Icarus, and of a Phaeton, that would ride in the Chariot of the Sun, to whom his displeased father gave this advice.
Which the incomparable Translatour, Mr. Sandyes renders thus.
In our Modern Histories we read of some men, otherwise Wall-flowers for their growth, that have had the luck to be strangely active in Political Affairs, such as have boldly adventured to cut down all trees of State that have hindred their own prospect, taking the Reins of the horses of the Sun into their own hands, which in their managements of, they have either been too slack, or else pulling them too hard in, by over-winding the strings of Authority, have rendred themselves unfortunate, slowly perceiving the errours of their ambitions, till at last too late they were forced to pluck down those stairs by which they intended to ascend to their own greatness; so dangerous is an unlimitted power, a sail too great for a vessel of Mortality to bear, though it were never so well ballasted with Justice, Moderation, and Piety. It shall be my enterprise, void of all partiality, neither inclining to the right hand or left, scorning so much as to reflect on the flatteries, much less as they are under my feet, to take up any of the dispersed Libels; the one party by their adulations, as the Papists and Puritans did Mary Queen of Scotland, making him to be more then a Saint; the other desperately malicious, as we have taken it up on Tradition from some Writers, rendering him to posterity more deformed then Richard the Third: it shall be my care to wave these petty factions, the [Page 527]flies that guilded themselves in his sun-shine, as also those other mice, which whilest this Martial Lion seemed to them to sleep, yet without their large distance they dursts not approach him. I am resolved, though in this Epitome, to search the Cabulla of our late Affairs, to keep close to the unbyassed truth, though I shall be forced to take up that old unavoidable excuse, Bernardus non vidit omnia.
He was born at Huntington, descended of the ancient Family of the Williams's, of the County of Glamorgan; and by adoption into that of the Cromwels, the more noble Family, as descended of Thomas Cromwel Earl of Essex, the axe that hew'd down the Abbeys in the time of King Henry the Eighth.
His education in his youth was for a time at the University of Cambridge, where though he attained to no great perfection in learning, yet with his other additionals, the Foxes tail with the Lions skin, his strength of reason with the sharp edge of his sword, stood him in great stead in his after Transactions; and which, together with his indefatigable industry, rendred him so fortunate, that he never fell short of what he undertook.
After his return from the University, without any extraordinary respects from the Muses, whose unkindeness he afterwards most severely retaliated, he resolved for the future upon the first advantage to try the fortune of Mars; but long it was ere the blinde goddess provided him any action; during which time he married a Gentlewoman of the ancient Family of the Bourchiers, (whence the Earls of Essex were descended) by whom he had two sons which survived him, Richard and Henry, and three daughters, Bridget, Mary, and Frances.
For his private fortunes they were competent, a mediocrity betwixt riches and poverty; the one blunting the edge of wit and industry, the other by its hardship whetting [Page 528]it quite away. But what was wanting in his Estate was supplied in the greatness of his minde, which put him upon high attempts, which proved so successful, that at last they placed him at the Helm of Government.
He took his first rise from the long Parliament, whereof he was a Member, being chosen Burgess for the University of Cambridge; in this Parliament that fire burst forth which had been long before in kindling, that fatal division betwixt King and Parliament; with which last he wholly sided: what motives induced him thereunto, I know not, nor will I determine of the integrity of his choice; this I am sure of, he took the more fortunate, or by his man-hood made it so.
When he delivered his minde in the House, it was with a strong and masculine eloquence, more able to perswade then to be perswaded; his expressions were hardy, opinions resolute, asseverations grave and vehement, alwayes intermixt, Andronicus-like, with Sentences of Scripture, to give them the greater weight, and the better to insinuate into the affections of the people; he expressed himself with some kinde of passion, but with such a commanding wise deportment, that at his pleasure he governed and swayed the House, as he had most times the leading voice.
Those who finde no such wonders in his speeches, may finde it in the effect of them; most of the people he was concerned in, being as they term it, enemies to book learning; and whosoever should endeavour with an eloquent oration, or otherwise go about to reconcile them, & make them friends, should make them enemies; such great adorers are they of the Scripture phrase, though but little practisers; such as our late times have brought forth. Indeed he usurpt his holy oyl quotations very frequently, which was so advantageous to his designs, that Cicero and Demosthenes with all their Tropes and Figures, could never have so perswaded and moved the people, as he with one Text of Scripture aptly applyed; the Dove, and the Serpent, of Scripture, and some [Page 529]small parcel of policy, to what he intended, slily intermixed.
But his side standing in more need of action then eloquence, he quitted the House, and betook him to the Field; to manifest his courage as well as his eloquence, maintain by his deeds what his words had introduced.
Having raised a Troop of Horse at his own costs and charges, he marched against the Muses to Cambride, (whereof he was Burgess) seizing on a very considerable sum of money and plate, which the Colledges had raised, and were sending away unto Oxford; which as it was very advantageous to his own side (money being the very life and sinews of War) so d d it much weaken the adverse party, who had alwayes great want of it. The Parliament having on their side the rich City of London, that inexhaustible bank of treasure. By this means he strengthened himself with sufficient aids to oppose the Lord Capel, who was to have been seconded by Prince Rupert, and should have seized on Cambridge, thereby to have impeded the association of the adjoyning Counties for the Parliament.
He being advanced from a Captain to a Collonel, having compleated a Regiment of Horse, to the full number of a thousand men, in the Spring of the year, he marches to Lowerstoft in Suffolk, where he suddenly surprized Sir Thomas Barker, Sir John Pettas his Brother, with above twenty other persons of note, who were entring into an association for the King; several persons of quality, and divers Noblemen hourly flocking to that rendezvouz, this other service was very seasonably rendered to the Parliament, the Kings Party both in Suffolk and Norfolk, being much discouraged by this success.
Having by new raised aids inforced his Army to a very considerable strength, he marched into Lilcolnshire, with a resolution to assist those Forces which lay about Newark, a very strong and stout Garrison of the Kings; where, by their daily excursions they kept all the Countrey thereabouts [Page 530]in awe; which he not onely blocked up, but also defeated part of the Earl of Newcastles Army which came to relieve them. I shall not need to particularize all his actions, his other intervening Atchievements are more at large related in the Life of King Charles. To look forwards, onely to mention the Battel of Marston Moor, where by his valour he turned the scales of Victory, which at the first enclined to the Kings side; as also at that fatal Fight at Naseby, where the Kings Foot were all cut in pieces or taken Prisoners. His memorable discomfiture of the Kings Forces at Preston in Lancashire over Duke Hamilton and Sir Marmaduke Langdale; the last of them as valiantly faithful to the King, as the other was disloyal: their united Forces amounting to twenty five thousand, his not above ten thousand at most; (although indeed he found little opposition, save onely of those few Forces of Sir Marmaduke Langdales, who fought it out courageously to the last man. Should I thus continue to signalize his Trophies, I might tire out the Reader with his strange Successes; let it suffice then, that his actions with such fame arrived at the House, that in recompence, they first bestowed on him the Generalship of the Horse and afterwards the Lieutenant Generalship of all the whole Army. Certainly if his ambition had terminated here, and his wonderful successes had not raised his thoughts higher, if he could not for his Martial merits have been beloved, he had power enough to have rendred himself-safe, and for his valiant Atchievements fear'd, honour'd, and admir'd.
Raised to this degree of Command, he was more careful of hazarding his person then before; well knowing the loss of a General is the most irreparable of all losses; for him to expose his person to trivial hazards, in the breath of whose nostrils the victorious Atchievements of the Souldiers remains, is too impertinently adventerous, as if 'twere more glorious to fight then command: whereas that is more especially [Page 531]the vertue of a common Soldier, this other of a Leader, whose principal talent lies more in direction then execution, more in the brain then hand; thus that ever to be deplored Laureat of our times, the Gentleman of the long Robe, the Oracle of the Kings Councels, the Lord Faukland, was as unfortunately lost, as unnecessarily engaged in the Field.
But to proceed, he grew so subtilly careful, as to maintain a fair correspondency; there was no place taken, no Battle won, but he was the first that brought or sent word to the House; by which he insinuated himself into the affections both of the Parliament and People: expressing his own actions in such terms, as whilest he seemingly attributed much to others, he drew the whole commendation thereof to himself,
One thing that made his Brigade so invincible, was his arming them so well, as whilest they assured themselves they could not be overcome, it assured them to overcome their enemies. He himself as they called him Ironside, needed not to be ashamed of a Nick-name that so often saved his life.
These were his acts whilest Lieutenant General, by which he got so great a name in War, as Essex, Waller, and those other great names before him, excepting onely Sir Thomas Fairfax's Laurels, which were interwoven with his, the rest were swallowed up in his most inimitable successes, even as great Rivers are swallowed up by the Ocean.
For the rest of his actions whilest he was General, Itis conquering Ireland, his subduing Scotland, the many other Battles he fought till his finishing the War in England. To treat also largely of these his Trophies, would weary the pen of a serious, though industrious Writer, that sadly considers the incivility of those late Civil Wars, howsoever they were strange successes, and so many, that as a Modern Poet agrees with what I have expressed;
I shall therefore summarily relate the most notable Occurrences then happening, leaving the less Affairs to be related by more voluminous Authors.
No sooner were the Civil Wars of England terminated by the discomfiture of all the Kings Armies, the taking of his own person, and putting him to death: but the Parliament by a solemn Vote and Ordinance changed the Monarchical Government into a Commonwealth. The Kingdom of Ireland discontented at this change, uniting themselves, wned the late Kings eldest Son, and solemnly proclaimed him King, no place considerable standing out for the Parliament saving onely Dublyn, and London Derry; the first whereof was immediately besieged by an Army of two and twenty thousand men, commanded by the Marquess of Ormond, and the other by a considerable party of the Natives of the Countrey. To the reducing of this Kingdom was Oliver Cromwel nominated Governour of Ireland by the Commonwealth; who with a well appointed Army set sail for Dublyn: where although he found things in an indifferent good posture, the Marquesse of Ormond having been beaten off by the valour of Michael Jones the Governour, yet he met with work enough for his Army: for Droghedah, one of the best and considerablest places in all Ireland, held out stiffly against them, and having a strong party, bid defiance to his Army: yet notwithstanding after many assaults and much valour shown on both sides he at last took it, putting therein to death three thousand Irish; who though enemies, yet for their valour and undaunted resolution might have been lookt on with a more merciful eye, as they were men, and more especially Christians. Soon after followed the surrender of Trim, Dundalke, Nury, Wexford, Rove, Bandonbridge, and Kingsale; yet notwithstanding the reducing of these Towns, [Page 533]many of the Irish retreating to their Bogs, and inaccessible places, held out for a long time in despite of the English.
To proceed, not onely the Irish shewed their dislike of this change of Government, but also the Collonies in Virginia, and the Carybde Islands; to the reducing of whom the Parliament sent Sir George Askue with a Fleet of ships, who brought them again into obedience.
In the mean time the Scots were very busie, they had commenced a Treaty with Prince Charles at Breda, which at last was concluded on, he assenting to their Presbyterian Government; and they to install and reestablish him in that Kingdom, and in the other accordingly as they questioned not but Fortune would answer their blinde zealous Covenant expectations.
The Prince puts forth to sea, and in despite of foul weather, and the English King fishers that lay there to intercept him, he landed safely at the Spey in the North of Scotland; now though the Scots had a King, yet (as if they had none) every one did that which was right in his own eyes; and as if they intended him onely the Title, being now in their power, they forced him to follow the dictates of their haughty Cleargy, in all their fanatick humours and imperious decrees. First then they bereaved him of all his old Friends, Councellours, and Confederates, whether of the Cleargy or Layety, as those who adhered to Episcopal Government, and so not pure enough for so reformed a people. Thus they hamstringed him not as what was formerly in the sign-post onely of printed papers. Next they make him take the Solemn League and Covenant, that strange fire which the Scotch believe descended from Heaven, and by which they at their pleasures kindle those Wars wherewith they infest England: then these Horse Farriers of the Conscience gave him another drench; he is taught to renounce the sins of his Fathers house, and of [Page 534]his own, the Idolatry of his Mother, by a constant adhering to the cause of God, according to the Covenant, in the firm establishment of Church Government, as it is laid down in the Directory for publick Worship, Confession of Faith, and Catechisme. These with divers others of the like nature, they wrought so on his necessity, they obtruded, or rather rammed into his conscience (although with much reluctancy) he signed to, making many strange faces at these bitter pills he swallowed; yet it bettered not his condition, which was like that of a childe under Tutours and Governours; for there was not an Officer in that Kirk or Commonwealth, how vile and abject soever in place or person, but enjoyed more freedom both in body and minde then he. Guarded indeed he was, but no otherwise then he was surrounded with the ignis fatuus of their zealous suspitions of him, so that move he must not but in the Sphere of the Kirk, their primum mobile: whereby its apparent, that the Government of that Nation might be almost questioned whether it ever were truly Monarchicall, (though they had Kings.)
To proceeed, the Parliament having notice of all their proceedings, recalled General Cromwell out of Ireland making him Generalissimo of the Commonwealths Armies in the Lord Fairfax his stead, who at the same time laid down his Commission; he with a choice Army marches into Scotland, and after many petty defeats, gives them a great overthrow at Dunbar, September 3. 1650. and prosecuting his victory takes Leith, a very considerable and advantageous place, as also Edenburgh the Metropolitan City of all Scotland. Thus he set firm there his sword, hewing his way for him to conquer that Countrey, which the King lost by his pen.
Now were the Scots truly miserable, for besides a raging enemy in the very heart of their Kingdom, they were miserably divided amongst themselves, even to the killing and [Page 535]slaying of one another; one party in the North, was for the King without the Kirk; another party in the West, was for the Kirk without the King; a third party was for King and Kirk: yet notwithstanding these losses and divisions, they assumed new courage, levyed more men, and Crowned their King with the greatest magnificence as the indigency and necessity of their Affairs would permit. The English on the other side, being resolved to terminate this War with Scotland, passed over into Fife, and having defeated four thousand Scots, they soon became Masters of Inchigravy Brunt-Island, and St. Johns Town; mean while the Scots Army consisting of 16000. abandoned their own Territories, and by the way of Carlisle entred England. General Cromwel advertised hereof, leaves Collonel Monk with 7000. men in Scotland, to perfect the conquest of that kingdom, and with the rest of the Army pursues the Scots; who wheresoever they came, proclaimed their King, to be King of Great Brittain, France, and Ireland, &c. But few stirred unto their aid, amongst others the unfortunate Earl of Darby, who having assembled 1200, men in Lancashire, was defeated by Collonel Lilburne, and to save himself was constrained to flee to Worcester; where the Scots after a long and tedious march, had pitched their Camp, whither General Cromwel soon pursued them; and having the aid of the Train Bands of several Counties, gave them Battel, which proved fatal unto the Scots; their whole Army being overthrown. The King in a disguise escaped into France, not without much difficulty and danger; the Parliament having promised five hundred pounds to any one that could discover his person. Such a list of prisoners as were then taken, we shall seldome meet with in any Battle but Cromwels. The Earl of Darby, the Earl of Lauderdale, Duke Hamilton General of the Scotch Army, who afterwards dyed of his wounds, the Earl of Rothe, the Earl of Cornwarth, the Earl of Shrewsbury, Packington, Cunningham, [Page 536]and Clare, Knights. The Lord Spine, and Sinclear, the Earl of Cleaveland, of Kelley, and Collonel Greaves, six Collonels of Horse, thirteen of Foot, nine Lieutenant Collonels of Horse, eight of Foot, six Majors of Horse, thirteen of Foot, seven and thirty Captains of Horse, seventy and three of Foot, fifty five Quartermasters, eighty nine Lieutenants of Foot, Major General Biscotty, Major General Montgomery, the Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, the Adjutant General of the Foot, the Marshal General, the Quartermaster General, the Conductor General of the Baggage, seventy six Standards, ninety nine Ensigns; all which were hung up in Westminster Hall, for successive Parliaments to understand what vigour of spirits they by their influence can infuse into those they please to authorize, onely the want of the allay of their ambitions often works them high, where it is impossible to set limits to generous mindes. To continue the other Appendixes to this victory, there were also taken nine Ministers, nine Chyrurgions, one hundred fifty and eight Colours, and all the Cannon and Baggage generally, the Royal Standard, the Kings Coach and Horses, the Royal Robe, the Coller of the Order of the Garter, thirty of his domestique Servants, and that admirable Poet, his Secretary Fanshaw. Several other persons were also afterwards taken in the remotest Countries, as Major General Massey, (who being committed to the Tower, afterwards made an escape,) Major General Middleton, Lieutenant General David Lesley, and several others; insomuch as that it may be said, the gleanings of this victory were as considerable as the whole harvest it self. Many of the common Souldiers were transported into the Barbadoes, and other Plantations, this mercy extended to them in saving their lives, causing much gain to accrew thereby unto the Commonwealth, in selling the poor heathenish Highlanders to the Plantations. I shall onely end these sad transactions with [Page 537]what Mr. Wharton chronologized in these words, since English Hoggs eat our dear Brethren up. He onely reflects on the half graves were made for them in Tuttle Fields.
Of all this long list two onely suffered death, viz. Sir Timothy Featherstone Knight, and the Earl of Darby, who on the 15. of October following was beheaded at Bolton in Lancashire, being conducted thither by sixty Foot, and eighty Horse, about two of the Clock he was brought forth to the Scaffold, which was built at the Cross, part of it with the Timber of his own house at Latham, there was not above an hundred lookers on, besides Souldiers; presently after his coming upon the Scaffold there happened a great tumult, (the occasion thereof not being certainly known,) in appeasing of which there were some cut, many hurt, and one childe killed. The Earl was no eloquent orator, and the tumult put him out of his speaking what he intended: at last after some silence made, he began as followeth.
Here he was disturbed by the noise of the people, after some pause he said; I intended to have exprest my self further, [Page 538]but I have said. I have not much more to say to you, but as to my good will to this Town of Bolton, I can say no more, but the Lord bless you, I forgive you all, and desire to be forgiven of you all, for I put my trust in Christ Jesus. Looking about him he said, I did never deserve this hard measure. Honest friends (you that are Souldiers) my life is taken away after quarter given, by a Councel of War, which was never done before. Walking up and down the Scaffold, he said, The Lord bless you all, the Son of God bless you all of this Town of Bolton, Manchester, Lancashire, and the rest of the kingdom; and God send that you may have a King again, and Laws. I dye like a Christian, and a Souldier, Gods and my Sovereigns Souldier. Causing his Coffin to be opened, he said, I hope when I am imprisoned here, armed men shall not need to watch me. Looking upon them that were upon the Scaffold, he said, What do you stay for? it is hard that I cannot get a Block to have my head cut off. Speaking to the Executioner, he said, Thy coat is so troublesome and cumbersome, that I believe that thou canst not hit right, the Lord help thee, and forgive thee. Other words he used, which to avoid prolixity I willingly omit. At last submitting his neck to the Block, he had his head severed from his body with one blow; his sorrowful Son, who was a sad spectator of this woful tragedy, out of a pious care, and filial duty, conveyed his Corps back with him that night to Wiggan, and afterwards gave them honourable burial.
Not long before at London was Collonel Eusebius Andrews apprehended, who having formerly practiced the Law, changed his Gown into a Coat of Armour, and ventured his life in the Kings service, having received a Commission from the King of Scots, for the raising men in England, he was tryed in Westminster Hall at the High Court of Justice, then again newly erected, being the first unfortunate Gentleman that hanselled the Court. To pass over the large particulars of tryal he was acknowledged by all [Page 539]that were understanding Auditours of his Plea, that he behaved himself like to a right English man, spoke as good, sound, and as honest sense, as any person before him upon such limitations as he was confined too; he shewed himself an excellent Oratour, an expert Lawyer, and a person of strong and clear reason: he acknowledged himself guilty as to the power of that present Government, that his life was at their disposal. He was condemned, and the 22. of August, 1650. brought to the Scaffold on Tower-hill, where he expressed himself to the people in these his last words.
Christian Gentlemen and People, your business hither to day is to see a sad spectacle, a man to be in a moment unman'd, and cut off in the prime of his years, taken from further opportunities of doing good either to himself, his friends, the Commonwealth, or more especially as to my continued services to my Creatour. Truly, if my general known course of life were but enquired into, I may modestly say, there is such a moral honesty upon it, as some may be so sawcy as to expostulate why this great judgement is fallen upon me; but know I am able to give them and my self an answer, and out of this breast am able to give a better accompt of my Judgement and Execution then my Judgers themselves, or you are able to give: It is Gods wrath upon me for sins long unrepented of, many judgements withstood, and mercies slighted; therefore God hath whipped me by his severe Rod of Correction, that he might not lose me. I pray joyn with me in prayer, that it may not be a fruicless Rod, that when by this Rod I have laid down my life, by his staff I may be comforted and received into Glory. I am very confident by what I have heard since my sentence, there is more exceptions made against proceedings against me, then I ever made. My Triers had a Law, and the value of that Law is indisputable; and for me to make a question of it, I should shame my self and my discretion. In the strictness of that Law, something is done by me, that is applicable to some clause [Page 540]therein, by which I stand condemnable: The means whereby I was brought under that interpretation of that which was not in my self intended malitiously, there being testimony given (by persons whom I pitty) so false, yet so positive, that I cannot condemn my Judges, for passing sentence against me, according to Legal Justice, though Equity lieth in the higher breasts.
As for my Accusers, or rather Betrayers, I pitty, and am sorry for them; they have committed Judas crime, but I wish and pray for them with Peters tears, that by Peters repentance they may escape Judas his punishment; and I wish other people so happy, they may be taken up betimes, before they have drunk more blood of Christian men, possibly less deserving then my self.
It is true, there have been several addresses made for mercy, and I will put the obstruction of it upon nothing more then upon my own sin; and seeing God sees it fit, (having not glorified him in my life) I might do it in my death, which I am contented to do; I profess in the fear of God, particular malice to any one of State or Parliament, to do them a bodily injury I had none.
For the cause in which I had long waded, I must needs say, my engagement or continuance in it hath laid no scruple upon my Conscience; it was on Principles of Law, the knowledge whereof I profess, and on principles of Religion: my Judgement satisfied, and Conscience rectified, that I have pursued those wayes which I bless God I finde no blackness upon my conscience, nor have I put it into the Bead-roll of my sins.
I will not presume to decide controversies; I desire God to honour himself in prospering that side that hath right with it, and that you may enjoy peace and plenty, beyond all you possess here. In my Conversation in the world, I do not know where I have an enemy with cause, or that there is such a person whom I have to regret but if there be any whom I cannot recollect, under the notion of Christian men, I pardon them as freely as if I had named them by name, I freely forgive them, [Page 541]being in free peace with all the world, as I desire God for Christs sake, to be at peace with me. For the business of death it is a sad sentence in it self, if men consult with flesh and blood: But truly without boosting, I say it, or if I do boast, I boast in the Lord, I have not to this minute had one consultation with the flesh about the blow of the Axe, or one thought of the Axe, more then as my passport to Glory.
I take it for an honour, and I owe thankfulness to those under whose power I am, that they sent me hither to a place, however of punishment, yet of some honor, to dye a death somewhat worthy of my blood, answerable to my birth and qualification, and this courtesie of theirs hath much helped towards the pacification of my minde.
I shall desire God that those Gentlemen in that sad Bead-roll to be tryed by the High Court of Justice, that they may find that really there, that is nominal in the Act, an High Court of Justice, a Court of High Justice, high in its Righteousness, though not in its severity. Father forgive them, and forgive me as I forgive them.
I desire you now that you would pray for me, and not give over praying till the hour of my death, not till the moment of my death, for the hour is come already, the instant of time approaches, that as I have a great load of sins, so I may have the wings of your prayers, to help those Angels that are to convey my soul to Heaven; and I doubt not but I shall see my Saviour, and my gallant Master the King of England, and another Master whom I much honoured, my Lord Capel, hoping this day to see my Christ in the presence of the Father, the King in the presence of him, my Lord Capel in the presence of them all; and my self there to rejoyce with all other Saints and Angels for evermore.
After the uttering of these and many the like words, declaring his faith and confidence in God, with as much undaunted, yet Christian courage, as possibly could be in man, he exposed his neck to the fatal Axe, commending his soul [Page 542]into the hands of a faithful and merciful Creatour, through the meritorious Passion of a gracious Redeemer; and having said, Lord Jesus receive me, the Executioner with one blow severed his head from his body.
For such a collateral design, not long after one Master Benson was executed at Tyburne, one that had some relations to Sir John Gell, who was tried for the same Conspiracy, with his man: Sir Johns former services to the Parliament, being his best and most assured intercessours for his life, and at that time were more then ordinary advantages to him.
And now being entered into this Tragical Scene of blood, I shall in the next place give you an account of the beheading of Sir Henry Hide: He was by the Scots King commissionated as Ambassadour to the Grand Signior at Constantinople, and stood in competition with Sir Thomas Bendish (then Ambassadour for the English) for his place: whereupon they had a hearing before the Vizier Bassa; the result whereof was, that Sir Thomas Bendish should dispose of the said Sir Henry Hide, as he thought good; who was to the same purpose sent to Smyrna, thence into England, and there condemned and executed before the Royal Exchange in London, March 4. 1650. I have inserted his Speech, which reflects on his Transactions; this unfortunate Gentlemans end, being by the divine disposal, from the foregoing part of his life as strange as ever I have read in History. His last words were to this effect.
Christian People, I come hither to dye, I am brought hither to dye; and that I may dye Christian like, I humbly beseech the assistance of your Christian prayers, that by the benefit of them my passage may be the more easie: Yet because men in that condition, which it hath pleased God to reduce me to, give the more credit to Speech; in the discharge of my duty towards God, I shall use a few words, and so conclude.
[Page 543]I pray all of you joyn with me to praise this Almighty God, to whom I desire to render all hearty thanks; as for all his mercies, so in particular for this, that he hath brought me hither: that whereas I owe a debt to sin and to nature, that now I can pay the debt to nature, I can pay it upon the account of Grace. And because it is fit to render the blessed account of that hope that is in me, I shall tell you, to the praise of Almighty God, that I have been born and bred up in the Doctrine of the Church of England, I have no negative Religion, believing to be saved by the onely merits of my Saviour Jesus Christ, and whatsoever else is profest in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, authorized by Law; humbly beseeching Almighty God to restore unto this Church her peace, prosperity and patrimony, whereof I have been an obedient and a loving (however an unworthy) Son: and now both my hope being confident, and my faith perfected, there remains onely Christian Charity; Charity we carry into heaven, Charity on earth, that I leave; beseeching all whomsoever I have offended to forgive me, as I from the bottom of my heart do all whomsoever; blessing Almighty God for the happy advantage he takes to bring me the sooner to heaven; I bless Almighty God that he hath given me this advantage, as he hath been merciful to me before the foundation of the world, in my Saviour, so that now he hath in mercy honoured me, with a suffering for his name, in obedience to his Commandment.
On this day sevennight I was summoned before that Justice, which condemned me on Friday last, praised be Almighty God, that by this way he hath brought me nearer to himself. My charge I presume is publick as my punishment is visible; if there have been any thing in the management of my part, being unskilful, having discontinued my own countrey many years, I shall beseech the Christian Charity of all you my beloved Countrey-men, to impute it rightly to the ignorance of my unskilful wayes of managing of affairs: it was objected unto me there, that I had a vanity of delighting in strange tongues; I do acknowledge [Page 544]that I was best skilled in the Italian (but free from that vanity, I thank Almighty God) and therefore I would in defence of my life (if it had been the custom here, or the Judges favour) have used that language, which was almost as natural to me as my mother tongue.
It was objected, that I did not so freely as a thorow-paced Cavalier, own my Master: I was told since I came into England (this skill I have in our Laws) that a legal denyal in Law might be tollerable; I hope I did not exceed the bounds of that in any thing, for God forbid that I should be ashamed of serving so good, so pious, so just a Master; (putting off his hat) for this I rejoyce, and I humbly beseech Almighty God to fill my heart and my tongue, and all that hear me this day, with thankfulness for it.
Here he made a pause, as discontented at the disturbance of those on the Scaffold, when the Sheriff said to him, Sir, you have your liberty to speak more if you please, at length he proceeded.
But as to that part, Mr. Sheriff, that did concern the denyal (as it was affirmed by Master Atturney General) of my Masters employment; truly, landing at White Hall, I told that Councel, there was warrantable Commissions to an old Officer, which by the blessing of God, I have by me, and I have other acceptable things that God hath blessed me withal; we that are Merchants abroad, we allow our selves any sufferance that may induce to our own safety, inlargement of trade, or preservation of what is ours. Why I had by the favour of my gracious Master, a confirmation of my old Commission of Consulage in Greece: but as to the Embassy, no more then my credential Letters did speak, nor no more then that I attempted, an Internuncio they call it in those places, which is a messenger between the one and the other King, they both unhappily dyed of several deaths, and both violent too: and it is a custom not unknown to you, Master Sheriff, and other Gentlemen that practise in the world, that Princes of course, for the continuation of amity do send messengers where there is peace, that the transaction of those publick expressions of reciprocal affections may be performed; but for Embassy, God forbid I should own it, I never had it, however they have used it as the [Page 547]happy means to bring me to God this day, whom I in the Bowels of my Saviour beseech to forgive those people that have done it; I owe them no harme, God return better things into their bosoms with all the good of this, and an everlasting life.
As for my part, I have been long absent, I have meddled with no affairs in England; sufficient to me is Gods grace to the salvation of my soul.
I have been alwayes fearful of offending Almighty God, according to the grace he hath given me: but to learn a new Religion, or new wayes, (that I must say Mr. Sheriff to you, and all others that hear me) I could never dispense with my conscience to give offence to Almighty God. I am now (if it may be with your Commission Master Sheriff) to pour out my soul to Almighty God in two or three words (the place is straitned) if I knew wherein to give any satisfaction to any person whatsoever that imagines I have offended him, or he me, I am here in the fear of God to do it. I forgive them with all my soul, and my forgiveness is clear, as I am now going to receive happiness at the hand of my Saviour: if I thought it were satisfaction to Sir Thomas Bendish, and all the company, or any who think they have offended me. I am come, Master Sheriff, to pay that debt I owe to nature, to pay it upon the score of a Loyal Subject; my conscience within me informing me, that for the intentions of serving my Prince, I could not deserve such a death, though ten thousand times more other wayes.
Having expressed himself to this effect with much meekness, he submitted his neck to the Axe, having first said, Lord Jesus receive my soul, the Executioner at one blow severed his head from his body.
Not long after Brown Bushel was beheaded under the Scaffold on Tower Hill, one who had formerly done great service to the Royal Party both by Sea and Land; crimes [Page 548]of such a nature, as brought him into compass of Piracy, and then of high Treason.
These Funerals were still accompanied with more mourners. Soon after ensuing the deaths of Mr. Love and Mr. Gibbons, who were beheaded on Tower-hill the 22. of August, 1651. their Crimes objected, were, for combining with the Scots to reestablish Charles Stuart. Mr. Loves Tryal, with his Speech, and manner of his death, are in a large printed volume, to which I refer my Reader; all that I shall insert, will be no more then what hath been by another already observed in print, that there was a monstrous storm about the time of Mr. Loves suffering, another about the time of the Protectors death; that Mr. Love, though with a late assent to Regal power, suffered as a Presbyterian Divine; Doctor Hewit as one alwayes establisht and confirmed as a Primitive; after whose Execution within a short time after, great Cromwel expired: many others were apprehended upon the same account, but these two onely suffered.
Passing over these Golgotha's, the reader may be pleased to understand, that all these persons here mentioned, (save onely the Earl of Darby) suffered death before that memorable Battel at Worcester, though in our History we have related them after, as not willing to discontinue the series of our affairs with Scotland by such diversions. I shall onely insert without any reflection what I have read, of a person remarkable for his cruelties, that he, being told of a Comet Leiger Star of heaven, that one said portended his death; answered, That he was very glad that the heavens were so merry as to make Bonefires for his triumph before he dyed. This miscreant entertaining this for a Maxime, that he that had put out so many eyes, if he stood in need should scarcely finde a friend to close up his own. But to return to matters of more publick concernment, the Isles of Jersey, Jernsy, and Man, who had hitherto held for the King, submitted themselves; so that now all seemed quiet, when suddenly [Page 549]a War brake forth with Holland, begun onely at first upon points of, Honour at Sea, Van Trump the Dutch Admiral refusing to vail his Flag, a Ceremonial Honour which the English appropriate to themselves, as being Lords of these narrow Seas; whereupon a sharp Fight ensued betwixt them, wherein the Dutch were discomfited, one of their ships sunk, and another of thirty Guns taken, with the Captains of both, and about a hundred and fifty Prisoners.
This Skirmish produced open War betwixt the two Nations, notwithstanding Overtures of Peace made by the Hollander, so that now both sides prepare to offend each other. General Blake, the English Admiral surprizes twelve Dutch men of War towards the Isles of Orkney, Sir George Ascue in the Road betwixt Dover and Calice, sets upon their Fleet, being thirty in number, of which ten were taken and burnt, the rest hardly escaping. Soon after near Plimouth he gave them another fight, wherein the Dutch went again by the worst. These successes were seconded by others very remarkable, General Blake steering Northwards, took six Holland ships of a great value about the Downes. Captain Penne also took six more upon the Coast of France, as they were returning homewards from the Venetian service, richly laden being all men of War, of considerable burthens.
Soon after so great their feud was, that the Navies engaged in another Fight at a place called the Kentish Knock, wherein the Dutch were again defeated, eleven of their men of War set upon four of the English in the Straights, took the Phenix Frigot, and much damaged the other. In a short space after another Sea Engagement ensued on the Back-side of Goodwin Sands, wherein the English were worsted, four ships taken and a considerable loss of men. The greatest fight of all was near the Isle of Wight and Portland, wherein the Dutch received a great overthrow, [Page 550]fifty Merchants being taken, nine men of War, above two thousand slain, and fifteen hundred taken Prisoners. But this great Victory soon after received a check, the English Fleet in the Levant Seas being again worsted by the Dutch, with the loss of divers ships and men.
But leaving off these Sea Affairs for a time, let us come to General Cromwel, from whom I have already been enforced to digress; who pretending for the better accomplishing of his own designs, the dilatory proceedings, pernicious and arbitrary actings in the Parliament, to perpetuate their Session, to be very dangerous, and enthrall the Nation; this train of his he knew would take well with the people who were great adorers of the name of liberty and desirous of change; he therefore resolved to put a period to the Parliament, and accordingly accompanied by the chief Officers of the Army, he entered the House, and having declared his intentions, some by force, some through fear, and others not without a great deal of reluctancy and murmuring, departed the House. To set a fair gloss upon what he had done, and to give some satisfaction to the people, he publishes a Declaration, the substance whereof followeth.
That after God was pleased marvellously to appear for his people, in reducing Ireland and Scotland to so great a peace, and England to perfect quiet; whereby the Parliament had opportunity to give the people the harvest of all their labour, blood, and treasure; and to settle a due liberty in reference to Civil and Spiritual things: whereunto they were obliged by their duty, engagements, and those great and wonderful things God hath wrought for them. But they made so little progress therein, that it was matter of much grief to the good people of the Land; who thereupon applied themselves to the Army, expecting redress by their means, who (though unwilling to meddle with the [Page 551]Civil Authority) agreed that such Officers as were Members of Parliament should move them to proceed vigorously, in reforming what was amiss in the Commonwealth, and in settling it upon a foundation of Justice and Righteousness; which being done, it was hoped the Parliament would have answered their expectations.
But finding the contrary, they renewed their desires by an humble Petition in August, 1652. which produced no considerable effects, nor was any such progress made therein, as might imply their real Intentions to accomplish what was petitioned for; but rather an averseness to the things themselves, with much bitterness and opposition to the people of God, and his spirit acting in them: insomuch, that the godly party in Parliament were rendred of no further use, then to countenance the ends of a corrupt party, for effecting their desires of perpetuating themselves in the supream Government.
For obviating these evils, the Officers of the Army obtained several meetings with some of the Parliament, to consider what remedy might be applied to prevent the same; but such endeavours proving ineffectual, it became evident, that this Parliament, through the corruption of some, the jealousie of others, the non-attendance of many, would never answer those ends which God, his people, and the whole Nation expected from them: But that this cause which God had so greatly blessed, must needs languish under their hands, and by degrees be lost; and the lives, liberties, and comforts of his people be delivered into their enemies hands.
All which being sadly and seriously considered by the honest people of the Nation, as well as by the Army, it seemed a duty incumbent upon us, who had seen so much of the power and presence of God, to consider of some effectual means whereby to establish righteousness [Page 552]and Peace in these Nations.
And after much debate it was judged necessary, that the Supream Government should be by the Parliament devolved upon known persons fearing God, and of approved integrity for a time, as the most hopeful way to countenance all Gods people, reform the Law, and administer Justice impartially: hoping thereby the people might forget Monarchy, and understand their true interest in the election of successive Parliaments; that so the Government might be settled upon a right Basis, without hazard to this glorious cause, or necessitating to keep up Armies for the defence of the same.
And being still resolved to use all means possibly to avoid extraordinary courses, we prevailed with about twenty Members of Parliament, to give us a conference, with whom we plainly debated the necessity and justness of our Proposals: The which found no acceptance, but instead thereof it was offered, that the way was to continue still this Parliament, as being that from which we might probably expect all good things. This being vehemently insisted on, did much confirm us in our apprehensions: That not any love to a Representative, but the making use thereof to recruit, and so to perpetuate themselves, was their aim, in the Act they had then under consideration.
For preventing the consummating whereof, and all the sad and evil consequences, which upon the grounds aforesaid must have ensued, and whereby at one blow the interest of all honest men and of this glorious Cause had been endangered to be laid in the dust, and these Nations embroyled in new troubles, at a time when our enemies abroad are watching all advantages against, and some of them actually engaged in War with us; we have been necessitated (though with much reluctancy) to put an end to this Parliament.
This Declaration was seconded by another for settling a Councel of State, to give some satisfaction to the people what Government they intended; which Declaration, for the Readers further satisfaction, take as followeth.
‘Whereas the Parliament being dissolved, persons of approved fidelity and honesty are (according to the late Declaration of the 22. of April last) to be called from the several parts of this Commonwealth to the Supream Authority; and although effectual proceedings are and have been had for perfecting those Resolutions, yet some convenient time being required for the assembling of those persons, it hath been found necessary for preventing the mischiefs and inconveniences which may arise in the mean while to the publick Affairs, that a Councel of State be constituted, to take care of and intend, the peace, safety, and present mannagement of the Affairs of this Commonwealth: which being settled accordingly, the same is hereby declared and published to the end all persons may take notice thereof, and in their several places and stations, demean themselves peaceably, giving obedience to the Laws of the Nation as heretofore; in the exercise and administration thereof, as endeavours shall be used, that no oppression or wrong be done to the people, so a strict accompt will be required of all such as shall do any thing to endanger the publick peace and quiet, upon any pretence whatsoever.’
Certainly Parliaments, if rightly chosen, are the best physick to cure and redress the distempers of the Body Politick, which might overflow in their intervals. King James after his dissolving of three Parliaments did comply with the last; he said he, should be in love with Parliaments, having learnt so many things by them, which otherwise he [Page 554]should never have known. His Son afterwards dissolved three, whereof one of them proved fatal to him; whereas the Virgin Queen, that was well enough acquainted with the constitution of the Body of the Nation, called Parliaments frequently, but continued none very long, by which as she came to be Mistress of the affections of the people, so she was Commandress in chief of their purses. Whereas the connexion of Great Cromwells Affairs, as he was inveloped in designs, forced him, as they were to be read like to Hebrew backwards, whatsoever he dissembled otherwise, to use the subtlest of his endeavours, like the Mole to undermine and render Parliaments odious to the people, which afterwards were no extraordinary friends to himself, though they may possibly be civil to his posterity.
These domestick revolutions put new life into the Dutch, who hoping from these distractions to reap a Victory over the English, with great confidence put forth again to Sea; thinking upon nothing so much as Chapmen for the English Fleet, saying: It was to be cried out by the sound of trumpets and horns. But they were deceived in their expectations; for coming to a fight, on the North Foreland, near unto the South point of the Gober, their Fleet was defeated, eleven men of War, and two water Hoyes being taken, besides six Captains and fifteen hundred Prisoners, and six men of War which were sunk.
Certainly this War with the Dutch which the Parliament so successively drove on, had not without great advantages been ended by them, onely the Protectour at the present, as a leading Card to his other Treaties, entertained the Dutch tenders, he being forced to take the first opportunity to signalize his Honour, as also to please the more timerous sort of people with a sudden alliance of friends.
Not long after, to set the better face on his resolute proceedings, [Page 555] Cromwel calls another Parliament convened at Westminster, who met July 4. 1653. to whom Generall Cromwel made a long speech, declaring the wonderful mercies of God towards this Nation, the progress of Affairs since the famous Victory at Worcester, and the clearness of the Cull given them to take upon them the Supream Authority, intermixt with sundry phrases of Scripture to make it the more plausible. Then he produced an Instrument under his own Hand and Seal, whereby the Supream Authority of the Nation was devolved upon them, unto whom all persons were to yield obedience and subjection. He declared that they were to sit no longer then the third of November 1654. and three moneths before their dissolution they were to make choice of other persons to succeed them, who were not to sit above twelve moneths, and then to take care for a succession in Government.
Now was the time come for the train to take the Dutch, having, as hath been expressed, cast the urine of the present Affairs, being quite tired with their continual losses, sent Commissioners over into England to treat of Peace. It hath been the result of the opinions of those that had their eyes in their heads, that the Dutch thought to have made up their mouths, to have taken our Navy napping in the time of the Treaty, the Fight happening betwixt them and us; but they found it otherwise, their whole Fleet was put to flight, their Admiral Van Trump, a man of eminent valour being slain, about thirty men of War sunk and fired, six Captains, and about a thousand men taken prisoners, and about six thousand slain. This great Victory did not a little conduce to hasten the conclusion of the peace, but on such terms as were (as one writes) at that time more honourable for his present designs, then advantageous to the English Nation. For this service, gold chains were presented to the Generals, Blake, Monk, Penne, and Lawson, [Page 556]and to the other Flag Captains; and silver Medals to the other Officers of the Fleet.
Of the puissance of our Navies, and the Dominion of the English at Sea, accept what the Laureat of this Nation to the life expresses.
To reckon up the several opinions which about this time, like Hydra's heads, continually sprung up one upon the neck of another, were a task ad infinitum, and those of several kindes; some for imposition of hands, anointing with oyl, [Page 557]and washing of feet; some against them, Brownists; others, Millinarians, Arminians, Seekers, Ranters, Enthusiasts, Arians, Pelagians, Quakers, cum multis aliis, of all which, I shall onely say thus much, God knows his own time, who suffers the Tares and the Wheat to grow together till Harvest; there ought to be a great care, least in plucking up the tares we pull up the wheat; we ought not to invade mens consciences but to wait God Almighties leasure.
The Parliament having sat about as many weeks as the other had done years, they dissolved themselves, immediately making way for General Cromwel, by their dissolution, to be chosen Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and of all the Islands and Territories thereunto belonging, December the 16. 1653. Thus all men in their right wits may perceive how he laid down his first principles of self-denying; he having before waved many advantages of the times to make certain his Protectorship, which was to grasp all at once. The Articles of the Government to which he signed are as followeth.
1. That his Excellency be chief Protector of the three Nations of England, Scotland, and Ireland.
2. That he will call to his assistance Councellours, not under the number of thirteen, nor above twenty one.
3. That he shall not act without the advice of his Councel.
4. That there shall be every three years a Parliament called, freely chosen, to begin in September next, viz. four hundred, and the number for every County proportionable.
5. That no Parliament shall adjourn till they have sat above five moneths.
6. When ever any Bill is passed in Parliament, the Lord Protector shall have twenty dayes to advise with his Councel; if he sign it not in twenty dayes, it shall pass without, unless contrary to these Articles.
7. That no Parliament be dissolved by the Protector, but [Page 558]end every three years, and the Protector to issue out Warrants.
8. All the Crown Revenues left, to go to the maintenance of the Lord Protector.
9. To make Peace or War as he pleaseth, with the advice of his Councel, in the intervall of Parliaments; but not to raise money without the Parliament, unless in extraordinary causes.
10. Whatsoever goes out in the name of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, to go out in the name of the Lord Protector.
11. That it is treason to speak against the present Government.
12. That all forfeited and confiscated Estates go to the maintenance of the Lord Protector.
13. That all Acts of Parliament made, and Estates sold, stand good and be enjoyed.
14. That the Lord Protector have power to confer titles of Honour, and to dispose of the great places of trust.
15. That in the intervall of Parliaments, the Lord protector, with his Councel, do order the Affairs of the Nation.
16. That all Articles of War be kept.
17. That the known Laws of the Common-wealth be continued.
18. That a standing Army be maintained of ten thousand Horse, and twenty thousand Foot.
19. That Christian Religion be maintained, such as is contained in the Word of God.
20. That all persons shall have Liberty of Conscience, provided that they disturb not the Civil Government, except the Popish and Prelatical party.
21. That no Papist or Delinquent in Arms since the year 1649. elect, or be elected, a Parliament Man, under penalty of forfeiture of one years revenue, and the Moiety of his personal Estate.
22. That the Lord Protector have power to pardon all offenders, except Murther.
23. That Writs be issued out in July next for summoning the Parliament, either by the Protector, or in course.
24. That when the Protector dyes, the Council then sitting shall summon all the members of the Council, the Major part to elect one to be Protector before they stir out of the Council Chamber, and the person so chosen, not to be under the age of twenty one years, nor of the family of the Stuarts.
These Articles sworn to, he was proclaimed Lord Protector in the Palace-yard at Westminster, and by the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet Gowns at the Royal Exchange; who to ingratiate themselves with their new Governour, bestowed on him a costly feast at Grocers Hall: it is an usual observation that persons that make their wayes with their Swords, that their shows to take the people, generally are more stately then those of successive Princes; what he admitted of, as with his own permission, was nothing to those dutiful solemnities that pursued his memory; without dispute he had studied the art and ordinance of selfdenying, insomuch that the Parliament perceiving that he did but complement his Generalship, which he might with fafety and most right have accepted, they pressed him the less, as he seemed to push away that with his little finger that they were certain he was ready to grasp with both his hands: this was not so miraculous in him according to that of Ovid.
The greatest admiration that hath surprised me, hath bin what in the compass of a year I have observed, the tides and streams of petitions out of most Counties, that at the first rise or promise of greatness have pursued every alteration, as party-coloured as Josephs Coat, and as variable as the [Page 560]Rainbow; it is not to be depictured how Janus-faced they have been on all occasions, with how many religious expressions and wishes they have made their addresses and masqued their self-interests, if it were possible in so short an interim of time, at once adoring so many rising Suns. I shall reflect no otherwise on such confused transactions, then in the citation of a Verse which the Reader may understand as he pleases.
Since I have so strangely digressed, it will not be amiss to take notice of a book lately come forth, intituled, History and Policy reviewed, concerning the political transactions of the Protector, publisht in a strange name, written in the stile of the holy Court, in which, the Author undertakes a prodigious enterprise, to compare Cromwel to Moses; his pen is too palpably fraught with flattery, yet not without unparalleld subtilty; he having like the little Indian Gentleman, in the short jacket, pickt the verminout of Nic. Machiavels head for his use; throwing of one side principals honester then this own; Machiavel never so disguising himself with the vizard of Religion, that he appears to be an arranter devil then the Florentine; certain I am, that I never read a book that more pleased or dispeased me.
But to proceed, at his first instalment, Heavens bless us, immediately follows a plot, miraculously discovered, eleven of the grand conspirators being apprehended, were committed to the Tower; where having remained a while, they were again set at liberty. This web was not well spun, his spies and informers which he entertained at a vast expence, put on their spectacles that they might see better against the next occasion.
In the interim, the Scots under the Earls of Glencarne and Kenmore, raised another Army of 4000. Horse and [Page 561]Foot, but were soon dissipated by the vigilancy of Collonel Morgan, who after a short but smart fight, killed one hundred and fifty of them, and defeated all the rest. Suspicions are necessary allarms, as they at least suffer persons not to be overtaken with too much security of their affairs.
Another great plot was now again discovered, the chief conspirators were said to be Mr. Thomas and John Gerrard, Brothers, John Jones an Apothecary, and Thomas Tender, Somerset Fox, and Master Peter Vowel; who were all condemned, but two onely suffered, viz. Mr. Vowel who was hanged. Also about the same time the Portugal Ambassadors Brother was brought to his tryal for the pistolling of one Mr. Greenwood by a Knight of Malta, one of his high spirited followers; the tumult being afterwards occasioned from his retinue, he having been first very uncivilly treated by Mr. Gerrard in his expatiating of the New Exchange, as he termed it in his Declaration; for which Mr. Gerrard received a prick with his Dagger, and afterwards had the honour to dye the same death. The young unfortunate stranger suffered a very high favour to please the New Exchange Chevaliers.
Mean while the Scotch Highlanders impatient of bearing the English yoke, resolved to try the other bout; to which purpose, they assembled together in great numbers, having General Middleton to their leader, who was newly come to them out of Holland: but all their endeavours vanished into smoak, General Monk on the twentieth of July, 1654. at a place called Loughberry, gave them such a charge as utterly defeated them, and made them incapable of ever after thinking of appearing in Arms again.
Soon after was a Parliament called, who no sooner were set, but fell upon questioning the power by which they were convocated; and doubting of its lawfulness were soon dissolved by the same power which they distrusted. The [Page 562]Protector at the dissolution of this short Parliament, made a very long speech, wherein amongst many other passages he hath this expression; This one thing I speak as thus advised, and before God, as having been to this day of this opinion, and this hath been my constant judgement, well known to many that hear me speak, if this one thing had been inserted, that one thing, that this Government should have been, and placed in my family hereditary, I would have rejected it. And a little after, If this be of humane structure, and invention, and it be an old plotting and contrivance to bring things to this issue, and that they are not the births of providence, then they will come to nothing.
But notwithstanding his speech was candied over with Scripture phrases, and great expressions of his zeal for the good government of the Land; yet these his actings much discontented the common people, whereupon ensued risings in Shropshire, Montgomery, Nottinghamshire, Northumberland, and Yorkshire; but the most considerable was at Salisbury, where Sir Joseph Wagstaff, Penruddock, and Jones, who had formerly been Officers in the late Kings Army, having gotten together about 200. armed men, entered Salisbury, seized on all the Inns and chief Houses; and the Assizes being holden there at that time, they took away the Judges Commissions and Pattents, and all their Horses, and so marched away. Sir Henry Slingsby and Sir Richard Malleverer assembled some Forces also in Yorkshire; but not being seconded according to their expectation, they disperst themselves on their own account. For these actings were put to death Master Lucas, Thorp, Kensey, Graves, and Penruddock, Sir Henry Slingsby was taken and imprisoned, and afterwards beheaded upon another account, as I shall show you in its due place. About this time the great head-piece of Europe joyns his Foxes tale to our Lions skin; correspondencies are held betwixt the French and us, which occasioning some jealousies with [Page 563]some other bitter pills that had before been swallowed, but not digested by the Spaniard, caused some heart-burnings; which soon broke forth into an open War, first mannaged by the Generals, Pen and Venables, who on the 27. of December 1654. with a gallant Fleet set sail from Portsmouth, and on the 28. of January following, arrived at the Barbadoes, where they seized on 18. Holland Merchant men, who contrary to the Ordinance of the long Parliament traffiqued in those parts; from thence they sailed to Hispaniola, arriving near to the port of Sancta Domingo, where by the deepness of the sands, and heat of the climate being infinitely tired, they were by the Spaniards put to flight, and enforced to march back again to their Ships; from thence they set Sail to the Island of Jamaica, which after a little resistance they mastered, and have since preserved, notwithstanding the Spaniards to regain the same, landed there with two or three thousand men, but were discomfitted with the loss of all their Cannon and Baggage.
In the interim General Blake with a considerable Fleet of Ships, having cast Anchor before Tunis, April, 18. 1655. sent unto the Dy of the place, demanding satisfaction for some English Ships, which the Pyrats of those parts had carryed away, and the liberty of the English slaves they had detained; but his message and himself was refused with scorn and derision: the Turks making this answer, Behold our Castles of Galleta, and our Castles and Vessels of Porto Ferino, do your worst against them, and do not think to brave us with the sight of your great Fleet. This answer so exasperated the English Admiral, that notwithstanding there were one hundred and twenty Guns planted on the shore, and in the Castle against them; yet regardless of all danger, he set upon their Men of War which lay in Porto Ferino, and in less then four ours space, burnt all their Ships; being in number nine, to their very Keels, which enforced the King of Tunis to seek to the English for their [Page 564]friendship, and restored all the Prisoners for little or nothing.
These successes were seconded by two other great Victories obtained over the Spaniards at sea; the one by General Mountague about nine Leagues from Cadiz, where he destroyed six of their ships, whereof two were taken, two run aground, one sunk, and another burnt, and therein the Marquess of Badex, his Wife and Daughter; the young Marquess and his Brother, with a great deal of wealth being taken, and brought into England. This Fight being incomparably related by the Laureat of our times, I thought fit to insert it, not to deprive the Reader of so Elegant a Poem; let him wave the Poetical flattery of it as he pleases.
Upon the present War with Spain, and the first Victory obtained at Sea.
That these Poetical Addresses may not seem too full of flattery, it will not be amiss to insert what I have found under one of his Pictures engraven beyond the Seas.
These were the then glosses of several persons; he came nearest the mark that said, He was a Prince in his time. I shall wave these Hyperbole's even to the Antipathy of what Vir quintae Monarchiae sets down, That as he was Protectour, he had a more unlimited power then any King before him.
About this time Christina Queen of Sweden made a resignation of the Crown, (a president seldom heard of) putting her self into the condition of a Lady Errant; to which purpose she made these propositions to the Prince her successor. 1. She will retain the best part of the Kingdom, and the Custom to her self. 2. She would not be subject, but free of her self without controul. 3. That she would travel whither she pleased. To which the Prince returned this answer. 1. That he would not be a King without a Kingdom. 2. He would have no more Rival then she a Supericur. 3. He would not hazard himself about her designs abroad. How these different Proposals were composed, I know not: but in a short time she resigned up all, leaving her self only the bare title of, the Queen of Sweden, travelling up and down according as her wilde fancy led her; and for the total finishing of this Comick Scene, she at length also resigned up her Religion, and was received into the bosome of the Church of Rome.
This Christina being first undermined with money, which she wanted, having lived at a great heighth, Carolus Gustavus having a Regal aim, so supplied her occasions, as to the engaging of her Heroick Person to look more directly upon those respects; which though she was the Daughter of [Page 569]Great Gustavus, of a Masculine spirit, yet in respect of the constitution of the Nation which could not admit of a Feminine conduct, she was as it were forc'd to surrender; he was suddenly afterwards proclaimed King, the Queen having first formally resign'd all to him. The Swede being now in his full power, the Protectour honouring of his Martial spirit, comparing their somewhat resembling rises, ballancing in his minde the Swedes monstrous successes, none in Europe being so like his own, either for the Discipline of the Sword, or to the future interests of Princes, as to their consternation and fear, more especially as he had poized in his discretion the Danish Affairs, he sends the Picklock of the Law, a Gentleman of admirable parts, and inimitable Civilities, the Lord Whitlock, who as his Ambassadour, perfected an Offensive and Defensive League with the Swede, which is still continued, the death of the Protectour, whose cordial assistance in his late Coppenhagen Affairs he could never have wanted, having been a great obstruction to that Kings Affairs.
About this time the blasphemies of many Sectaries in England were horrible; particularly of one James Nailor, who under a seeming Sanctity, and pretended illuminations, vented most horrible blasphemies, for which he was cast into Excester Goal; yet had this wretched Impostor so bewitched his followers to the committing of strange absurdities, that they ascribed to him Divine Honors, and gave him in Scripture phrase, the same titles which are applicable to none but Christ himself.
In a Letter of one Richard Fairman to him, are these horrid expressions, [I am fil'd with joy and rejoycing when I behold thee in the eternal unity. O my soul is melting within me, when I behold thy beauty and innocency, dear and precious Son of Zion, whose mother is a Virgin, and whose Birth is immortal.] One of his she-Converts writes of him thus. [All the wise men shall seek for him, and when they have found him, [Page 570]they shall open their ears, and shall give unto him of their Gold, Frankincense, and Myrrh.] The same woman in another Letter to him proceeds thus, [O thou fairest of ten thousand, thou only begotten Son of God, how my heart panteth after thee; O stay me with flaggons, and comfort me with wine; my well-beloved thou art like a Roe, or young Hart, upon the Mountains of Spices. Then by way of Postscript her Husband Thomas Stranger addes this, Thy name is no more to be called James, but Jesus. Also a Maid named Dorcas Erbury, being examined, declared James Nailor to be the Holy one of Israel, the only Son of God, and that she pulled off his stockings, & put her cloaths under his feet, because he is the holy Lord of Israel, and that she knew no other Saviour but him; affirming moreover, that the Spirit of the Lord within her commanded her to call him Lord and Master, and to serve him. That in Excester Goal he had raised her from the dead after she had been dead two dayes; and that he should sit at the right hand of the Father, and judge the world.
Having seduced these silly souls into such damnable opinions, and gotten releasement out of Excester Goal, he began immediately to play his pranks at divers places in the West; particularly at Wells and Glastenbury thorow which Towns he rode on Horseback, a man going bare before him, some walking afoot on each side of his stirrup, and others strewing their garments in the way; from thence he took his journey towards Bristol, and coming to a Village called Bedminster, about a mile from Bristol, rid thorow it in the same presumptuous blasphemous manner, as he did before at Wells and Glastenbury. There accompanied him two men, with each a woman behinde on Horseback, which alighted when the came to the Suburbs of Bristol, and footed it along on each side of Nailors Horse, the man still bare-headed leading the Horse, and all the way they went, they sung, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of Israel, and then [Page 571]the women led the horse with the reins in their hands, up to the high Cross of Bristol, and from thence to the Whitehart-Inne in Broad-street: by this time the Magistrates hearing of their doings, sent for Nailor and his companions, who came singing all the way Hosanna, and Holy, Holy, Holy, &c. The Magistrates of Bristol having examined him, sent him up to the Parliament (together with the narrative of his actions committed in those parts,) to receive his sentence which was as followeth.
That James Nailor be set with his head in the Pillory, in the new Palace at Westminster, during the space of two hours, on Thursday next, and shall be whipped by the hangman through the streets from Westminster, to the Old Exchange London; and there likewise be set in the Pillory, for the space of two hours, between the hours of eleven and one, on Saturday next; in each of the said places, wearing a paper containing an inscription of his Crimes: and that at the Old Exchange his Tongue shall be bored through with a hot iron; and that he be there also stigmatized in the forehead with the letter B. and that he be afterwards sent to Bristol, and conveyed into, and thorow the said City on a horse bare-ridg'd, with his face backward; and there also publickly whipp'd, the next market-day after he comes thither. That from thence he be committed to prison in Bridewel, London, and there restrained from the society of all people, and kept to hard labour, till he shall be released by Parliament; and during that time be debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper, and shall have no relief, but what he earns by his daily labour, which accordingly was executed upon him, December 17. 1656.
His flies and familiars were still useful to him for the discovering of more strange designs; the revealing of which, no question kept many conspiracies from being attempted, to which effect there is yet another plot, against the Protectors life, intended by Miles Sindercomb, alias Fish, one who had formerly been a Parliament Souldier, under the [Page 572]command of Sir John Reynolds, together with one Cecil; induced thereunto, as is said by Don Alonso, the late Spanish Ambassador: to the effecting their designs, they are said to have hired a house at Hammersmith, adjoyning by the High-way side, to have shot him in his Coach, as he passed by; but that failing, they intended to have shot him in Hide-Park, and to that purpose that they filed off the Hinges of the Gates, for their better escape; and this miscarrying, that they intended to have fired White Hall. For these offences Sindercomb was arraigned at the Upper Bench Bar in Westminster Hall, February, 9. 1656. where being found guilty by the Jury, he was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburne; but before his Execution he was found dead in his bed, and several presumptions of a violent death appearing on him, it was concluded he poysoned himself. Afterwards he was drawn from the Tower unto Tower-hill, at a horse tail, with his head forward, and there under the Scaffold, turned into a hole stark naked, and a stake spiked and plated with iron, driven through him into the earth. It is to be observed that whatsoever the vigilancy of the Guard of the Tower was over this Gentleman, that he dyed with as fresh a colour as Sir Thomas Overbury is said to have expired with.
But to return where we left, that successful Sea-man General Blake, the Protectors indended Drake, an honest stout incomparable Sea-man, he sailing with his Fleet to Sancta Cruza, in the Island of Teneriff, in which Port lay sixteen great Spanish Vessels, laden with rich Merchandizes from the Indies, or stored with provisions and other manufactures to be transported thither. He on the 20. of April, 1657. set upon them, and notwithstanding the Castle and six or seven forts which commanded the place, in less then four hours time he destroyed them all, to their inestimable detriment, not sixty of his own men being lost.
But to return into England, June the 20. 1657. the Protector [Page 573]with great pomp and magnificence was installed at Westminster, the Parliament then sitting; to which purpose at the upper end of Westminster Hall, a rich Cloath of State was set up, and under it a Chair of State placed upon an ascent of two degrees, covered with Carpets, and before it a Table with a Chair appointed for the Speaker of the Parliament, and on each side of the Hall upon the said structure were Seats raised one above another, and decently covered for the Members of Parliament, and below them, Seats on one side for the Judges of the Land, and on the other side for the Aldermen of the City of London.
About two of the Clock in the afternoon, the Protector met the Parliament in the Painted Chamber, and passed such Bills as were presented to him; after which they went in order to the place appointed in Westminster Hall; the Protector standing under the Cloath of Estate, the Lord Widdrington Speaker of the Parliament, addrest himself to him in this Speech.
You are now upon a great Theatre, in a large Chore of people; you have the Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland, before you; on your right hand my Lords the Judges, and on your left hand, the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of London: the most noble and populous City of England. The Parliament, with the interposition of your sufferage, makes Laws, and the Judges, and Governours of London are the great dispensers of those Laws to the people.
The occasion of this great convention and intercourse, is, to give an investiture to your Highness in that eminent place of Lord Protector; a name you had before, but it is now settled by the full and unanimous consent of the people of these three Nations assembled in Parliament: you have no new name, but a new date added to the old name; the 16. of December, is now changed to the 26. of June.
I am commanded by the Parliament, to make oblation to your Highness of four things in order to this Inauguration.
The first is a Robe of Purple, an Embleme of Magistracy, and imports righteousness and justice; when you have put on the vestment, I may say, (and I hope without offence) that you are a Gown man. This Robe is of a mixt colour, to shew the mixture of justice and mercy, which are then most excellent when they are well tempered together. Justice without Mercy, is wormwood and bitterness, and Mercy without Justice is of a too soft a temper for government; for a Magistrate must have two hands, Plectentem & Amplectentem.
The next thing is a Bible, a Book that contains the holy Scripture; in which you have the honor and happiness to be well versed. This is the Book of life, consisting of two Testaments, the old and new. In the first we have Christum velatum, Christ in Types, Shadows, and Figers; in the latter we have Christum revelatum, Christ revealed. This Book carries in it the grounds of the true Christian Protestant Religion; its a Book of Books, it contains in it both precepts and examples for good government.
Alexander so highly valued the Books of his Master Aristotle, and other great Princes other books, that they have laid them every night under their Pillows. These are all but Legends and Romances to this one Book; a Book to be had alwayes in remembrance: I finde it said in a part of this Book which I shall desire to read, and it is this. Deut. 17. And it shall be when he sitteth upon the Throne of his Kingdom, that he shall write a copy of this Law in a Book, out of that wich is before the Priests and the Levites. And it shall be with him, and he shall read therein all the dayes of his life, that he may learn to fear the Lord God, and to keep all the words of his Law and those Statutes, to do them. That his heart be not lifted up above his Brethren; and that he turn not aside from the Commandment, to the right hand or to the left, to the end he may prolong his dayes in his Kingdom, he and his Children in the midst of Israel.
The next thing that I am to offer to your Higness, is a Scepter, not unlike a staff, for you are to be a staff to the weak and poor; it's of ancient use in this kinde; it's said in Scripture, in reference to Judah, the Royal Tribe, That the Scepter shall not depart from Judah. It was of like use in other kingdoms and governments: Homer the Prince of the Greek Poets, calls Kings and Princes Scepter-bearers.
The last thing is a Sword, not a Military, but a Civil Sword; a Sword rather for defence then offence; not to defend your self onely, but others also: the Sword is an Embleme of Justice. The noble Lord Talbot, in Henry the Sixths time, wrote upon his Sword, Ego sum Talboti, propter occidendum inimicos meos; This Gallant Lord was a better Souldier then a Critick. If I might presume to fix a Motto upon this Sword, it should be this, Ego sum Domini Protectoris ad protegendum populum meum.
‘I say, this Sword is an Embleme of Justice, and is to be used as King Solomon used his, for the discovery of truth in the points of Justice. I may say of this Sword as King David said of Goliah's Sword. There is none like this, Justice is the proper vertue of the Imperial Throne, and by Justice the Thrones of Kings and Princes are established. Justice is a Royal vertue, which as one saith of it, doth employ the other three Cardinal Vertues in her service. 1. Wisdom to discern the nocent from the innocent. 2. Fortitude, to prosecute, and execute. 3. Temperance, so to carry Justice that passion be no ingredient, and that it be without confusion, or precipitation.’
You have given ample testimony in all these particulars, so that this Sword in your hand will be a right Sword of Justice, attended with Wisdom, Fortitude, and Temperance.
When you have all these together, what a comely and glorious sight is it to behold, A Lord Protector in a purple Robe, with a Scepter in his hand, a Sword of Justice girt about [Page 576]him, and his eyes fixt upon the Bible.
Long may you prosperously enjoy them all, to your own comfort, and the comfort of the people of these three Nations.
The Speech being ended, Master Speaker came from his Chair, took the Robe, and therewith vested the Protector, being assisted therein by the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Whitlock and others. Which done, the Bible was delivered him; after that the Sword girt about him; and last of all he had the Scepter delivered him. These things being performed, Master Speaker returned unto his Chair, and admimistred him his Oath, in haec verba.
I do in the presence, and by the name of God Almighty, promise and swear, that to the uttermost of my power I will uphold and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Christian Religion, in the purity thereof, as it is contained in the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to the uttermost of my power and understanding: and encourage the Profession and Professours of the same; and that to the utmost of my power I will endeavour as Chief Magistrate of these three Nations, the maintenance and preservation of the Peace and Safety, and just Rights and Priviledges of the People thereof: and shall in all things, according to our best knowledge and power, govern the people of these three Nations according to Law.
These Ceremonies being performed, a Herald of Arms by sound of Trumpet proclaimed him, Lord Protectour of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the Dominions thereto belonging; hereupon the Trumpets sounded again, and the people (after the usual manner) gave several acclamations, with loud shouts, crying, God save the Lord Protectour. His Higness had scarce accepted of these Honours, but as if the ill affected would not let him breath, yet another Plot is discovered, Collonel Edward Sexby is said to have conspired against the Lord Protector; for which he was committed [Page 577]to the Tower, where having continued about half a year, he died.
But to reflect a little back, Mazarine that great Minister of State, on which hinge all the grand Affairs of France turn, perfects a Peace with England; the Protector having no regard to those advantages that Spain might render him as to Commerce, the places of Hostage which she proffered to put into his hands, as Gravelin, Dunkirk, and others, he was swayed with other Interest which he best understood himself, to prefer an Alliance and League with France before all those advantages, except his civillity induce't him (which seldom had such power over him) to look more lovingly upon France as the weakest at that time, being abandoned by some of her Allies, as quite disordered by an Intestine War in her own Bowels, her Navigation totally ruined, as the Pirates of Dunkirk had blockt up all her Sea Ports; whereas the English scowred those Seas, chast away the Pyrates, and reduced the Mounsieur and Diego by their successes to their so likely advantageous peace. Indeed (as one writes) it was a high generosity, since the English caused the French to lose Graveling and Dunkirk, to help France again to take those places. In the mean space was not here rare bandying of Interests?
France having thus perfected a Peace with England, they joyntly resolve to unite against the Spaniard; hereupon Sir John Reynolds with six thousand Foot was sent into Picardy, to joyn with the French Cavalry, which compleated as gallant an Army as had been seen in France for many years together. These joyntly besiege and take Mardike; a strong Fort of the Spaniards in Flanders, whereof Major General Morgan took possession for the English, as the earnest of further Conquests; which the Spaniards attempting for to regain, were twice repulsed with very great loss.
But the joy of these Successes was mitigated by the death [Page 578]of Admiral Blake, who as he got his Honour by the Sea, died on it, and that within sight of Plimouth. He was a man who had deserved of his Countrey, and might justly be stiled the Neptune thereof. His Body was brought with a Naval pomp by water from Greenwich to Westminster, being a suitable Ceremony to his employment, and was there buried in Henry the Sevenths Chappel. Upon whom an Ingenuous person bestowed this Epitaph.
Soon after was St. Venant taken by the English, the Lord Henry Cromwel made Deputy of Ireland. Sir John Reynolds, Collonel VVhite, and some other Officers drowned upon Goodwin Sands, as they were coming out of Flanders into England.
One writes, that the subtilty of discovering of Plots, though but in the Embrio, or before they are hatcht, in the time of peace, is the most succinct way of letting of blood. March 24. (the last day of the year accounted for) 1657. a great Conspiracy was again discovered in London, several Regiments' (as was said) being enrolled; who on the first day of May in the night time should have set fire on several parts of the City, and whilest the confusion and horrour thereof had seized all men, they should have made a general masacre of all who opposed them. Hereupon several [Page 579]persons were apprehended, as Doctor Hewet, Sir Henry Slingsby, Collonel Asbton, &c. and a High Court of Justice erected for the tryal of them; and first they began with Sir Henry Slingsby, the Articles charged against them will in part discover themselves in their several speeches made just before their deaths. In short, they were both condemned, Dr. Hewet (professing himself to be ignorant of such Law, though amongst the most learned Divines few of them were more knowing in the Gospel) being taken in three defaults upon formalities of the Court, was proceeded against as mute.
June 8. 1658. was the day appointed for their beheading, Sir Henry Slingsby first mounting the stage, spake in effect as followeth.
That he stood condemned by the Court of Justice, as contriving and endeavouring to withdraw divers Officers of the Garrison of Kingston upon Hull from their duty, and perswading them to a surrendring and yielding up of that Garrison, and one that held correspondence with some beyond sea to that end. That it was true, he had conference upon that account with the Officers of that Garrison; and that he gave Major Waterhouse a Commission signed Charles R. But that it was but an old one that had lain by him, though he thought fit to make use of it to the Major. Many passages he said there were which he would not insist on; that some friends of his had made application to his Highness for the saving his of life, but it seems it was thought fit not to be granted, and therefore he submitted, and was ready to dye, &c.
Having uttered these and the like words, he took off a Ring from his Bandstrings, wherein instead of a Seal engraven, was the Picture of the late King exactly done, and giving it to a Gentleman that stood by him, he said, Pray give this to Harry. Then he addrest himself to prayer, wherein he continued some time; taking leave of [Page 580]his friends, he submitted his neck to the Block, and had his head severed from his body at one blow by the Executioner. This at one blow by the Executioner, the Reader may observe hath been very often repeated in this Volume.
His Tragick Scene being acted, that Religious and Reverend Divine Doctor Hewet, the golden-tongu'd Chrysostom, entered the Lists of Death. In this warfare the Doctour put on the spiritual armor of a blessed confidence, delivering his minde to the people in these following words.
I am now become a publick spectacle to men and Angels, and (I hope) God who is omniscient, is now beholding me with much pitty, and great mercy and compassion; and the more, because I am now come to that end that his own Son came into the world to, to bear witness to the Truth; he himself said, For this end was I born, for this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness to the Truth. I was brought into the world (the Christian world) for to bear witness to the truth of the Gospel, as a common Christian; I was brought into the world (the Church) as a Minister of his blessed Word and Sacraments; [Blessed be his name for that great honor and dignity;] and I came into the world to dye more immediately for the testimony of Jesus, which God hath now called me to. I came into this world (this Commonwealth) to be a member thereof, to bear witness to the truths of the Customs, the Laws, the Liberties, and Priviledges thereof; so I am a Member of the Commonwealth. And methinks it seems to me a strange thing, that in as much as we all plead for Liberty and Priviledges, and I pleading for the Priviledges, the Laws, the Statutes, and the Customs of this Land, yet I should dye by those that should stand for the Laws, the Statutes, and Priviledges of the Land. And I am here beheld by those that plead for their Liberties, and I hope I am pittied, because I here give up my self willingly and freely to be a State-Martyr for the publick good; and I had rather dye many deaths my [Page 581]self, then betray my fellow-freemen to so many inconveniences that they might be like to suffer, by being subject to the wills of them that willed me to this death.
And it is worthy remembrance that Master Solicitor having impeached me of Treason to the Commissioners of the Court against his Highness, I did often (when brought before those Commissioners) plead for the liberties of the people of England, though I had no knowledge of the Law, yet I had instructions from those that were learned in the Law, and had several Law-cases and Presidents put into my hand, though not by them, and urged several Law-cases, and made my appeal. First, for the Judicature that I was to be tryed by, Whether it were according to Law? Whether it were according to the Act? and whether it were according to the words of the said Act? I did appeal to have the said Act argued by learned Lawyers on both sides, and then to be resolved by his Highness own Councel, which was denied me. [This by the by.] I pressing the Argument, made a second Appeal, that those Judges, if they would give singly their several judgements that it was a just and lawful Court of Judicature, I would answer to my Charge. I did make another Appeal to those that were his Highnesses Councel, and pleaded against me. That if they would deliver it to me under their hands to be according to Law, I would then go on to plead, and answer to the Charge. What was then said further my spirits being faint, I shall not say much, but onely this, I was taken in three defaults upon formality of the Court. It seems it is a custom in all Courts, (which I did not know before) that if they answer not the third time speaking by the Clerk, that then they are guilty of three defaults, and proceeded against as mute: [I had no such knowledge of the Law.] So they found me guilty of those defaults; and when I would have pleaded, and resolved to begin to plead, I was taken from the Bar. I did the next day make my Petition [Page 582]to the Court in the Painted Chamber, two Petitions were presented, the same in effect; the former, the Title was mistaken. Yet because the title was mistaken, and no answer given, therefore it was that another Petition was drawn up to the same effect, with a new title given, (as I remember) presented by the Serjeant at Arms; and one writ it over in such haste, lest they should be drawn out of the Painted Chamber into the Court, that I had not time to read it over, onely I subscribed my name, and there was in the front of the Petition a word left out, but what the word was, I know not; and this was taken so ill, as if I had put an affront and contempt on the Court: And it was thought they would have heard me plead; and then because of that mistake, they sent word, I should have my answer when I came into the Court, and my answer was the sentence of condemnation. And therefore I pray with all my soul, that God would forgive all those that occasioned the charge to be drawn against me, to give such unjust things against me: I pray with all my soul, that God would forgive all those that upon so slender and small grounds adjudg'd me to dye, taking advantage of such simple ignorance as I was in. And I had at the very beginning of my pleading, engaged their Honours no advantage should be taken against me to my prejudice, that in as much as I understood nothing of the Law: And having heard that a man in the nicety of the Law might be lost in the severity thereof, meerly for speaking a word out of simple ignorance, I made it my prayer to them that no advantage might be taken against me to the prejudice of my person: And there was to me a seeming consent; for the President told, there should be no advantage taken against me; and upon these Considerations I am afraid there was too great uncharitableness: but I pray God forgive them from the very bottom of my soul, and I desire that even those that shed my blood, may have the bowels of the God of mercy shed for them.
And now having given you the occasion of my coming hither, it is fit I should give you somewhat as concerning my self as I am a Christian, and as I am a Cleargy-man: First, as I am a Christian, I thank God I was baptized to the Holy Church, so I was baptized to be a Member of the Holy Catholique Church, that is, the Church of England, which I dare say for purity of Doctrine, and orderly Discipline, till a sad Reformation had spoiled the face of the Church, and made it a query whether it were a Church, or no; I say, it was more purely Divine and Apostolical, then any other Doctrine or Church in the Christian World, whether National, or Classical, or Congregational. And I must tell you, That as I am a Member of this Church, so I am a Member of the holy Catholique Church, and shall give a most just confession of my Faith both negatively, and affirmatively: negatively, I am so a Member of the holy Catholique Church, that I abhor all Sects, Schisms, Sedition, and Tyranny in Religion. Affirmatively so, that as I hold communion with, so I love and honour all Christians in the world that love the same Lord Jesus in sincerity, and call on his name agreeing with those truths that are absolutely necessary, and clearly demonstrated in the Word of God, both in the Old and New Testaments; though in Charity dissenting from some others that are not necessary. And I, as I am thus a Christian, I hope for salvation through the merits of Christ Jesus; his blood I rely on, his merits I trust to for the salvation of my own soul. Though to this Faith, good works are necessary, not meritorious in us, but onely made meritorious by Christ his death; by his all sufficiency, by his satisfaction, and his righteouss, they become meritorious, but in us they are no other then as defiled rags. And truly as I am a Member of the Church, so I told you I was a Member of this Community, and so pleaded for the Liberties and Priviledges thereof. I must now answer something I am aspersed withal in the world.
They talk of something of a Plot, and a Treasonable design, and that I had a great interest in the knowledge and practice thereof, and that for the saving my life, I would have discovered and betrayed I cannot tell what: I hope my conversation hath not been such here in this City, where I have been a long time very well known, as to make one imagine I should intermeddle in such an action, and go so contrary to the practice of my profession; and I hope there are none so uncharitable towards me, as to believe I had a knowledge of that design.
Here I must come to particulars for a Plot, of having a design upon the City of London for the firing of it: I so much tremble at the thought of the thing that should have been done, as they say, for the carrying on of such a design, (if my heart deceive me not) had I known it, I so much abhor the thing, I should have been the first discoverer of it: nor ever had I correspondency or meetings with such persons as would have carried on such a design. It is said likewise, I entertained the Earl, the Marquess of Ormond; to my remembrance I never saw the face of that honourable person in my life. It is said, One Lords day I did preach at Saint Gregory's and the next Lords day I was at Brussels or Bruges, and kist the Kings hand, and brought I cannot tell what orders and instructions from him: this I shall say, For these three years last past together, I have not been sixty miles from this City of London, and I think it is somewhat further to either of those places then threescore miles. It is said that I kept correspondence with one Barrow and Bishop: they are persons I have heard of their names, but never saw their faces, and to my knowledge I do not know they know me; nor do I know them at all, but onely as I have heard of their names. And whosoever else hath suggested such things against me, I know not.
His Highness was pleased to tell me, I was like a flaming Torch in the midst of a sheaf of Corn: he meaning, I being [Page 585]a publick Preacher, was able to set the City on fire by sedition and combustions, and promoting designs. Here truly I do say, and have it from many of those that are Judges of the High Court, that upon examination of the business they have not found me a meddler at all in these Affairs. And truly, I must needs say therefore, that it was a very uncharitable act in them (who ever they were) that brought such accusations against me, and irritated his Highness against me. I will not say it was malice, it might be zeal, but it was rash zeal which caused me to be sentenced to this place: the God of mercy pardon and forgive them all, and truly as I am a Member of the Church, and as a Member of the Community whereon behalf I have been speaking, I cannot but do as our Saviour himself did for his Disciples when he was to be taken from them, he blessed them, and ascended up to heaven. My trust is in the mercy of the most High, I shall not miscarry; and however my dayes are shortned by this unexpected doom, and shall be brought untimely to the grave: I cannot go without my prayers for a blessing upon all the people of this Land, and cannot but bless them all in the Name of God, and beseech God to bless them in all their wayes, and his blessing be upon them.
Let us pray.
O most glorious Lord God, thou whose dwelling is so far above the highest Heavens, that thou humblest thy self but to look upon the things that are in heaven, and that are in earth, and thou doest whatsoever thou wilt both in heaven, in earth, in the sea, and in all deep places; in thy hands are the hearts of all men, and thou turnest them which way soever thou wilt, O Lord look in mercy and compassion we beseech thee, on this great and innumerous people of this Land; look upon them O Lord, with an eye of pitty, not with an eye of fury and indignation; O look not upon all those great and grievous sins that have provoked [Page 586]thee most justly to wrath and displeasure against us. Gracious God, who can stand in thy sight when thou art angry? when thou with rebuke doest correct man for sin, thou makest his beauty to consume away like as it were a Moth fretting a Garment. O Lord, thy indignation and wrath lyes heavy upon us, and thou hast vexed us with thy scourges, thou hast made us a reproach and a by-word amongst our Neighbours, and the very heathen laugh us to scorn. O that thou wouldest turn us again, O Lord God of Hosts; that thou wouldest shew us the light of thy countenance, that we may behold it; that thou wouldest humble us for all those sins and grievous transgressions that are amongst us; for those Atheisms, for those infidelities, horrid blasphemies, and prophaneness; for those sacriledges, for those Heresies, for those Schisms, Errors, and all those blindnesses of heart, pride, vain glory, and hypocrisie; for that envy, hatred, and malice, and all uncharitableness, that hath set us one against another, that we are so dashed one against another, even to destroy each other; Ephraim against Manasseh, and Manasseh against Ephraim, and both against Judah. O Lord we are like those Moabites and Ammonies, &c. — This thou hast done to us O Lord, because we have rebelled against thee: O how greatly and grievously have we sinned against thee, yet for all this, thou hast not requited us according to our ill deservings, for thou mightest have brought us to desolation and destruction: fire might have come down from heaven, and destroyed us; our forreign enemies, and the enemies of thee, and thy Christ our Saviour, might have swallowed us up. What have we not deserved! yet O the long-suffering, and patience, and goodness of our God! O Lord our God, we pray thee that thy patience and long-suffering might lead to repentance that thou wouldest be pleased, thou who delightest not in the death of a sinner, but rather that he should turn from his sins and live, that thou [Page 587]wouldest turn us unto thee O Lord, and we shall be turned: draw us, and we shall run after thee: draw us with the cords of Love, and by the bands of loving kindness, by the powerful working of thy holy spirit in our souls, working contrition in our hearts, and a godly sorrow for all our sins, even a sorrow to repentance, and a repentance to salvation never to be repented of. Lord break those stony hearts of ours by the hammer of thy word, mollifie them by the oyl of thy grace, smite these rocky hearts of ours by the rod of thy most gracious power, that we may shed forth rivers of tears for all the sins we have committed. O that thou wouldest make us grieve because we cannot grieve, and to weep because we cannot weep enough; that thou wouldest humble us more and more in the true sight and sense of all our provocation against thee; and that thou wouldest be pleased in the blood of Jesus Christ to cleanse us from all our sins; Lord let his blood that speaks better things then that of Abel, cry louder in thine ears for mercy, then all those mischiefs and wickednesses that have been done amongst us for vengeance. O besprinkle our polluted, but penitent souls, in the blood of Jesus Christ, that we may be clean in thy sight, and that the light of thy countenance may shine upon us. Lord be pleased to seal unto our souls the free pardon and forgiveness of all our sins: say to each of our souls, and say that we may hear it, that thou art well pleased with us, and appeased towards us. Lord, do thou by the Spirit assure our spirits, that we are thy children, and that thou art reconciled to us in the blood of Jesus Christ. To this end, O Lord, create in us new hearts, and renew right spirits within us. Cast us not away from thy presence, and take not thy holy spirit from us; but give us the comfort of thy help, and establish us with thy free spirit. Help us to live as they redeemed ones; and (Lord) let us not any longer by our wicked lives deny that most holy faith whereof our lips have for so long time made [Page 588]profession, but let us that call on the name of the Lord Jesus, depart from iniquity, and hate every evil way. Help us to cast away all our transgressions, whereby we have transgressed, and make us new hearts. Carry us along through the pilgrimage of this world, supplying us with all things needful for us; thy grace alone is sufficient for us: Lord, let thy grace be assistant to us, to strengthen us against all the temptations of Satan, especially against those sins whereunto we are most prone, either by custom or constitution, or most easily provoked. O Lord, with what affliction soever thou shalt punish us, do not punish us with spiritual judgements and desertions. Give us not over to our own hearts lusts, to our vile, lewd, and corrupt affections: give us not over to hardness and impenitency of heart, but make us sensible of the least sin, and give us thy grace to think no sin little committed against thee our God, but that we may be humbled for it, and repent of it, and reform it in our lives and conversations: and Lord keep us from presumptuous sins, O let not them get the dominion over us, but keep us innocent from the great offence, O Lord our strength and our Redeemer. And Lord sanctifie unto us all thy methods and proceedings with us, fitting us for all further tribulations and tryals whatsoever thou in thy divine pleasure shalt be pleased to impose upon us: Lord give us patience, constancy, resolution and fortitude to undergo them, that though we walk through the valley of the shadow of death, we may fear none ill; knowing that thou O Lord, art mercifully with us, and that with thy rod as well as with thy staff thou wilt support and comfort us; and that nothing shall be able to separate us from thy love which is in Jesus Christ our Lord.
And (gracious God) we beseech thee be thou pleased to look mercifully and compassionately on thy holy Catholique Church, and grant that all they that do confess thy holy Name, may agree together in the truth of thy holy [Page 589]Word, and live in unity and godly love. Thou hast promised O Lord, the gates of hell shall not prevail against thy Church; perform we beseech thee, thy most gracious promises both to thy whole Church, and to that part of it which thou hast planted, and now afflicted in these sinful Lands and Nations wherein we live: arise, O Lord, and have mercy upon our Sion, for it is time that thou have mercy upon her, yea, the time is come, for thy servants think upon her stones, and it pittieth them to see her in the dust. Lord maintain thine own cause, rescue the light of thy truth from all those clouds of errours and heresies which do so much obscure it, and let the light thereof in a free profession break forth and shine again among us, and that continually, even as long as the Sun and Moon endures.
To this end, O Lord bless us all, and bless him, the posterity —which in Authority ought to rule over, and be above us: Bless him in his soul, and in his body, in his friends, and in his servants, and all his relations: Guide him by thy Counsel, prosper him in all undertakings, granting him a long, prosperous, and honourable life here upon earth, and that he may attain to a blessed life hereafter. And gracious God, look mercifully upon all our Relations, and do thou bring them to the light of thy truth that are wandering and ready to fall. Confirm them in thy truth that already stand, show some good token for good unto them, that they may rejoyce. O let thy good hand of providence be over them in all their wayes. And to all orders and degrees of men that be amongst us, give religious hearts to them that now rule in Authority over us: Loyal hearts in the subjects towards their Supream and loving hearts in all men to their Friends, and charitable hearts one towards another. And for the continuance of thy Gospel among us, restore in thy good time to their several places and callings, and give Grace O Heavenly Father to all Bishops, Pastors, and Curates, that they may both by their Life and Doctrine [Page 590]set forth thy true and lively word, and rightly and duly administer thy Holy Sacraments. And Lord bless thy Church still with Pastors after thine own heart, with a continual succession of faithful and able men, that they may both by Life and Doctrine declare thy truth, and never for fear or favour backslide or depart from the same: and give them the assistance of thy Spirit that may enable them so to preach thy word, that may keep the people upright in the midst of a corrupted and corrupt generation. And good Lord bless thy people every where with hearing ears, understanding hearts, conscientious souls, and obedient lives especially those over whom I have had either lately or formerly a charge, that with meek heart and due reverence they may hear and receive thy holy word, truly serving thee in righteousness and holiness all the dayes of their lives.
And we beseech thee of thy goodness and mercy to comfort and succour all those that in this transitory life be in trouble, sorrow, need, sickness or any other adversity; Lord help the helpless, and comfort the comfortless, visit the sick, relieve the oppressed, help them to right that suffer wrong, set them at liberty that are in prison, restore the banished, and of thy great mercy, and in thy good time deliver all thy people out of their necessities: Lord do thou of thy great mercy fit us all for our latter end, for the hour of death and the day of judgement; and do thou in the hour of death and at the day of judgement, from thy wrath and everlasting damnation, good Lord deliver us, through the cross and passion of our Lord Jesus Christ.
In the mean time, O Lord teach us so to number our our dayes, and me my minutes, that we may apply our hearts to true wisdom; that we may be wise unto salvation, that we may live soberly, godly, and righteously in this present world, denying all ungodliness and worldly lusts: Lord teach us so to live, that we may not be afraid to dye, and [Page 591]that we may so live that we may be alwayes prepared to dye, that when death shall seize upon us it may not surprise us, but that we may lift up our heads with joy, knowing that our redemption draws nigh, and that we shall be for ever happy, being assured that we shall come to the felicity of the chosen, and rejoyce with the gladness of the people; and give us such a fulness of thy holy Spirit that may make us stedfast in this faith, and confirme us in this hope; indue us with patience under thy afflicting hand, and withal a chearful resolution of our selves to thy divine disposing; that so passing the pilgrimage of this world, we may come to the Land of promise the heavenly Canaan, that we may reign with thee in the world to come, through Jesus Christ our Lord; in whose blessed name and words we further call upon thee, saying, Our Father, &c.
Let thy mighty hand, and out-stretched arme, O Lord, be the defence of me and all other thy servants, thy mercy and loving kindness in Jesus Christ our salvation, thy true and holy word our instruction, thy grace and holy Spirit our comfort and consolation, to the end, and in the end, through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen,
His Speech and Prayer ended with much meekness and spiritual consolation. He submitted his neck to the stroak of the Axe, to as great a loss of the Church of Christ, and of all good men, as hath happened in our times. I have the more enlarged my self, that my Reader might not without a kinde of a consternation or possession of strange amazement pass by the concernments of this blessed Heroe.
The same day of Doctor Hewets tryal, was also tryed John Mordant of Clement Danes Esquire, with whom he was a fellow-prisoner; the charge against him, was for combining with Henry Bishop of Parham in Sussex Gent. Hartgil Baron, and Francis Mansil, with divers others, [Page 592]for raising War against Oliver Lord Protector, in the behalf of Charles Stuart, and confering with J. Stapely, Esq; Henry Mallory, and others, how to effect the same: and delivering Commissions to several persons in the name of, and as from the said Charles Stuart, &c. He stood long upon it (as did the Doctor before) to have Councel assigned him, and that he might be tryed by a Jury; but finding it would not be granted, he at last pleaded not guilty, many witnesses deposited against him; yet he by his ingenuity so cleared himself; that notwithstanding many endeavours to the contrary, he was discharged.
July the 17. following, Collonel Ashton and John Betley were executed, the one in Tower-street, the other in Cheapside: Collonel Ashton was the first, being drawn on a Sled, that Worthy Divine Doctor Warmestry submitting for the good of a poor Christians soul to lye along with him upon the Sled, that he might lose no time for his spiritual converse. They were drawn from Newgate to Towerstreet over against Mark-lane end, where a Gibbet was erected. As he ascended the Ladder, Doctor Warmestry said, Almighty God, who is a strong Tower, be with thee, and make thee know and feel, that there is no other name under heaven, whereby to attain everlasting life, but by the name of Jesus. The Blessing of God the Father, the Son, and Holy Ghost be with you henceforth and for ever, Amen.
He being upon the Ladder, exprest a great deal of confidence he had in the merits and mercies of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; not doubting but that through the red Sea of his blood he should arrive at the heavenly Canaan, and in little space behold his Saviour, whom his soul so much longed after. Then fixing his eyes upon the multitude, he spake to this effect.
Having ended his Speech he committed his spirit into the hands of God, and having said, Lord have mercy upon my soul, he was turned off the Ladder, and instantly cut down, his belly ripped up, and his bowels burnt in a fire ready prepared for that purpose; he being not yet dead: then was his head cut off, and his body divided into four quarters, put into a basket and conveyed back to Newgate.
Next they proceeded and fetcht John Betley (for there was a great deal of business done by the Executioner that day) into Cheapside, where formerly the Cross stood; where was likewise a Gibbet set up: being come to the place with a Minister, the Minister read, and the people sung with him a Psalm, beginning thus, O Lord, consider my distress, &c. Then he went up the Ladder, and said as followeth.
‘Lord receive my soul, and be merciful to me, I commit my soul into Almighty Gods hands: for he is my Protector and Redeemer. I am not ashamed to live, nor afraid to dye; for my conversation hath been such, in Christ Jesus I hope I shall finde mercy. As concerning them that are my enemies, I pray God forgive them their [Page 592] [...] [Page 593] [...] [Page 594]sins, I freely forgive them all that have done me wrong. As for the late Plot, I was never but once in company with them concerned therein: I did know of such a thing, but deny that I acted therein. Shall I damn my soul at this instant? I will speak the truth. One Brandon, that was one of them, drew me into the business, and his man. I carrying work to him, could not refrain his house, he so often enticed me thereto, and would not let me alone, till he had got me into a house, where we drank together. I have no more to say as to the Plot, but desire mercy from God.’ Having this said, the Executioner turned him off, and the rest of the Sentence was executed upon him, as before upon Collonel Ashton, and his Head and Quarters were conveyed also to Newgate.
Some two dayes after, one Edmund Stacy also about the same Conspiracy was executed in Cornhil over against the Exchange; as also a Youth in Smithfield having the rope about his neck, the horror of death being worse then death it self, but for his souls health, was reprieved, the torrent of Blood being for a while stayed.
Whilest these Tragedies were acting on the Land, a strange accident no less prodigeous happened on the water; a Whale of a monstrous bigness, at least sixty foot, and of a proportionable breadth, was cast up on the River of Thames near London; which by the common people was accounted a Prognostication of the Protectors death, which ensued not long after.
But to return to Flanders, where we formerly left, the Sea whereof like a sharp humour did alwayes nourish the wounds of incurable evils; nor was the French their letting of her blood sufficient, she wanted an English Physician to treat her. Our Armies, whose valours made not a stand at Mardike, but with a gallant Resolution besieged Dunkirk, which being a place of great importance, the Spaniard intended to relieve; and with an Army of sixteen thousand, [Page 595]came within an English mile and a half of the French Quarters; whereupon the English and French uniting their Forces, leaving some part of them before Dunkirk, to make good the approaches, and guard the trenches; with fifteen thousand men, and ten Peeces of Cannon, set upon the Spaniard, whom after a long and sharp Fight, they put to a total rout and confusion, with the loss of three thousand five hundred men; which Victocy was in a manner wholly attributed to the valor of the English. The loss of this day lost the Spaniard Dunkirk, who quickly after surrendered up the Town upon these following Conditions.
1. That the Town shall be yielded up, with all their great Guns, their stores of Victuals, Magazines of Arms, and Ammunition, without any embezlement.
2. That all Officers and Souldiers shall have liberty to march out with their Arms, Drums beating, Colours flying, two Peeces of Ordnance, and their Baggage.
3. That they shall have the liberty to march with a Convoy to conduct them to Saint Omers.
4. That the Inhabitants should remain indempnified in their persons and goods, and enjoying their former customs and priviledges for two years, and not be molested touching the exercise of their Religion.
The Articles signed, the Spaniards marched out, being about one thousand Horse and Foot, and seven hundred more that were wounded; the French (according as it was articled before) put the English in possession thereof, which ever since they have maintained.
I have heard of an expression of the Governours of Ostend. A little before the Massacre there, a person of quality being sent thither about the exchange of Prisoners, after he was civilly treated, the glasses of wine going freely about; the Governour being in a safe place began to throw forth words to this effect; Sir, is this the mode of your [Page 596]Mushrom Protector, hath he no other way to pay my Master the King of Spain for his Bullion, but with Bullets.
Soon after the taking of Dunkirk deceased the Lady Cleypoll, second Daughter to the Protector; a Lady whom posterity will mention with an honourable Character, who often interposed, and became an humble Supplicant to her Father for many persons designed to dye; her last requests as it was thought, for some eminent persons being denied, was a means of hastening her death, which much sadned her fathers spirits; nor did he long survive her, her death causing more wounds in his heart, then all he received in the Wars.
But as his severity was great towards his enemies, so did he excell in gratitude unto his friends; amongst other examples, I shall instance in the person of one Duret a Frenchman, who attended him during his Generalship, and served him with so much fidelity and zeal, as that he entrusted him with the mannaging and conduct of the greatest part of his Domestick Affairs, alwayes retaining him nigh his person, bearing so great an affection towards him, and reposing so entire a confidence in him, that during a great sicknes which he had in Scotland, (& whereof it was thought he would have died) he would not be served by any one, nor receive any nourishment, or any thing else that was administred unto him, save from the hands of Duret, who both day and night continued to watch by his Master; tending him with a special care and assiduity, not giving himself a moments rest until his master had recovered his perfect health: which long and continual watches of Duret, and the great pains he had taken, drove him into a sad fit of sickness; to recover him, his endeared Master in retribution of his great services, spared no cost, but applied all the possible means that could be procured, not onely by his commands, but by his personal visits (so oft as his urgent Affairs would permit him.) Duret dying, he sends over [Page 597]into France for his Mother, Sister, and two Nephews, to requite in them the obligations he owed to his deceased Friend and Servant; and whereas by reason of the continuance of the Stotch Wars, he was as it were confined to the North, he wrote unto his wife, That she should proportion that kindness which during his absence she should shew unto them, unto the Love which she bare unto him. Insomuch, that Durets mother was admitted into her own Family, and seated at her own Table; his Sister was placed in the rank and quality of a Maid of Honour, and his two Nephews were admitted to be her highnesses Pages, which love of his he extended towards them to the day of his death.
One writes, that when he came to have more absolute power towards the latter end of his dayes, that he hath been heard often to wish, that those that had been put to death were yet alive; protesting solemnly, that if he could not have changed their hearts, he would have changed their Dooms, and converted their deaths into Banishment.
Waving this digression, as in respect of the distance of time, we are now come to his own approaching Catastrophe. His death was ushered in by an extraordinary Tempest, and violent gust of Weather, which blew down some houses tore the trees up at the roots, one in the old Palace Yard by the Parliament House, which by the event hath signified no otherwise then the root and branch of his Government. It was a horrid Tempest, as if Nature would have the Protectours death to be accompanied with a general horrour. The same is elegantly set forth in a Poem by the same Laureat. I shall set down his smooth Poem, which was answered as roughly in respect of the single rapier'd sense, though otherwise in the same Virgil stile, line for line; the latter as too Satyrical I have omitted, the other follows.
September the third, 1658. he marcht off from his earthly honours, and received his Writ of Ease from all his [Page 599]labours, as death alone was able to encounter him, which was on a day, one year after another, Anno 1650. and Anno 1651. rubrickt with two of his remarkable Victories; as Antipater died the same day of his rising. But as concerning the manner of his death, after he had been sick about a fortnight of the Disease, which at the beginning was but an Ague, of which Tamberlain died; on Friday being the third of September 1658. in the morning he gave all the signs of a dying person; he remained in that manner till three of the clock in the afternoon; he had to his last a perfect and intire understanding, his greatest and most important Affair was to name a Protectour to be his successor, which after his decease was consentaneously confirmed on his eldest Son Richard: he died in the midst of his Victories and Triumphs, and in a bed of Bucklers. On his death-bed he dispatcht several businesses of consequence, answering the Physicians who reproved him, as the Emperour did, That a Governour ought to dye standing.
Alexander the Great was born on the sixth day of April, on the like day the famous Temple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt, presaging that fire which this Conquerour should kindle in Asia. The same Gnatho, from whom I borrow this example, who hath many more, but at last, saith he, to look no further then our own Countrey, into our own Histories; it is observed that the late Richard the succeeding Protectour was installed in his Protectorship the third day of September, when as Richard the First so much spoken of in our Histories, begun his Reign: an accident, saith he, which cannot but promise him a most favourable omen, and good token: But a blunt Fellow in two rustical Verses hath since, as to the event, better specified.
As to the remarkable passages which happened on the like dayes of Olivers Life, some have observed, that on the third of September he was confirmed in his Protectorship by the Parliament; on the third of September he gained that Battle of Dunbar; on the third of September he gained that great Battle of Worcester; and on the third of September he died at White Hall. with all the comforts that good hopes could give in his posterity.
His Corps being embalmed, and wrapped up in a sheet of lead, were September the 26. about ten of the clock at night, privately removed from White Hall to Somerset-House, where it remained till the 23. of November, lying in the mean time in so great state, as would puzzle Antiquity to shew such a President; which by some was accounted an unnecessary vanity, the Commonwealth at that time being so involved in debts both to the Souldiery, the Navy, and others.
The three first Rooms at Somerset-House where the Spectatours entered, where hung with black, having in each of them a Cloth of State, with a Chair of State under the same, at the head of each cloth of State was fixed a large Majestick Scutcheon fairly painted and gilt upon Taffaty, and all the Rooms furnished with Scutcheons of his Arms, crowned with the Imperial Crown.
The fourth Room where both the Corps and the Effigies did lye, was compleatly hung with black Velvet, the Roof ceiled with Velvet, and a large Canopy or Cloath of State of black Velvet fringed, was plated over the Effigies made to the life in wax. The Effigies it self being apparel'd in a rich suit of uncut Velvet, robed in a little Robe of Purple Velvet, laced with a rich gold lace, and furr'd with Ermins; upon the Kirtle was the Royal large Robe of the like Purple Velvet, laced and furred with Ermins, with rich strings and tassels of Gold: the Kirtle being girt with a rich embroidered Belt, wherein [Page 601]was a fair Sword richly gilt and hatch'd with Gold, hanging by the side of the Effigies. In the right hand was the golden Scepter, representing Government; in the left hand the Globe, denoting Principality; upon the head a Purple Velvet Cap furr'd with Ermins, signifying Regality: Behinde the head there was placed a Rich Chair of State of tissued Gold, and upon the Cushion which lay thereon was placed an Imperial Crown set with precious stones The Body of the Effigies lay upon a Bed of State covered with a large Pall of black Velvet, under which there was spread a fine Holland Sheet upon six stools of tissued Cloth of Gold: on the sides of the Bed of State was placed a rich suit of Compleat Armour, and at the feet thereof stood his Crest.
The Bed of State whereupon the Effigies did thus lye, was ascended unto by two steps covered with the aforesaid Pall of Velvet; at each corner whereof there was placed an upright Pillar covered with Velvet, upon the tops whereof were the four Supporters of the Imperial Arms, bearing Banners or Streamers crowned. The Pillars were adorned with Trophies of Military Honour, carved and gilt; the Pedestels of the Pillars had Shields and Crowns gilt, which compleated the whole work. Within the Rails and Ballasters which compassed the whole work, and were covered with Velvet, stood eight great silver Candlesticks, or Standerts, almost five foot high, with Virgin-wax Tapers of a yard long; next unto the Candlesticks there were set upright in Sockets the four great Standards of his Arms, the Guydons, great Banners, and Banrolls of War, being all of Taffety very richly gilt and painted. The Cloth of State which covered the Bed and the Effigies, had a Majestick Scutcheon; and the whole Room adorned with Taffety Scutcheons, several of his servants attending bare-headed, to set out the Ceremony with the greater lustre.
After this (to shew there is no intermission of this vanity) his Effigies was several dayes shown in another Room. [Page 602]standing upon an ascent under a rich Cloath of State; vested in Royal Robes, having a Scepter in one hand, and a Globe in the other, a Crown on his head, his Armour lying by him at a distance, and the Banners, Banrolls, and Standards being placed round about him, together with the other Ensigns of Honour, the whole Room being adorned in a Majesticall manner, and his servants standing by bare-headed, as before.
November the 23. was the day appointed for the Solemnization of the Funerals, multitudes were the Spectators, which from all places came to behold it, so much are we taken with Novelty, that we think no cost too much for the beholding a two or three hours vanity. The Effigies being a while placed in the middle of a Room, was carried on the Hearse by ten Gentlemen into the Court-yard, where a very rich Canopy of State was borne over it by six other Gentlemen, till it was brought and placed in a Chariot; at each end whereof was a seat wherein sat two of his late Highness Gentlemen of the Bed-Chamber: the Pall which was made of Velvet, and the White Linnen was very large, extending on each side of the Carriage and was borne up by several persons of honour. The Charriot wherein the Effigies was conveyed, was covered with black Velvet, adorned with Plumes and Scutcheons, and was drawn by six Horses covered with black Velvet, and each of them adorned with Plumes of black Feathers.
From Somerset-House to Westminster the streets were railed in, and strewed with sand; the Souldiers being placed on each side of the streets without the Rails, and their Ensigns wrapped up in a Cypress mourning Veil.
The manner of the proceeding to the interrment was briefly thus. First, a Knight Martial advanced on Horseback with his black Truncheon tipt at both ends with Gold, attended by his Deputy and thirteen men on Horseback to clear the way.
After him followed the poor men of Westminster in mourning Gowns and Hoods, marching two and two.
Next unto them followed the servants of the several persons of all qualities, which attended the Funeral.
These were followed by all his own servants, as well inferiour as superiour, both within and without the Houshold, as alfo all his Bargemen at Watermen.
Next unto these followed the Servants and Officers belonging to the Lord Major, and Sheriffs of the City of London.
Then came several Gentlemen and Attendants on the respective Ambassadours, and the other publick Ministers.
After these came the poor Knights of Windsor in Gowns and Hoods.
Then followed the Clerks, Secretaries, and other Officers belonging to the Army, the Admiralty, the Treasury, the Navy, and Exchequer.
After these came the Officers in Command in the Fleet, as also the Officers of the Army.
Next followed the Comissioners for Excise, those of the Army, and the Committee of the Navy.
Then follwed the Commissioners for the approbation of Preachers.
Then came the Officers, Messengers, and Clerks belonging to the Privy Councel, and the Clerks of both Houses of Parliament.
Next followed his late Highness Physicians.
The Head Officers of the Army.
The chief Officers and Aldermen of the City of London.
The Masters of the Chancery, with his Highness learned Councel at Law.
The Judges of the Admiralty, the Masters of Request, with the Judges in Wales.
The Barrons of the Exchequer, the Judges of both Benches, and the Lord Major of London.
Next to these the persons allied in Bloud to the late Protector, and the Members of the Lords House.
After them the publick Ministers of Forreign States and Princes.
Then the Holland Ambassadour alone, whose Train was born up by four Gentlemen.
Next to him the Portugal Ambassadour alone, whose Train was held up by four Knights of the Order of Christ.
And thirdly the French Ambassadour, whose Train was also held up by four persons of quality.
Then followed the Lords Commissioners of the great Seal.
The Lords Commissioners of the Treasury.
The Lords of the late Protectors Privy Councel.
After whom followed the Chief Mourner, and those persons of quality which were his Assistants, and bare up his Train. All the Nobles were in close mourning, the rest were but in ordinary, being disposed in their passage into several divisions, being distinguished by Drums and Trumpets, and by a Standard or Banner born by a person of Honour, and his Assistant, and a Horse of State covered with black Velvet, and led by a person of Honour, followed by two Grooms: Of which Horses there were eleven in all, four covered with black Cloth, and seven with Velvet. These being all passed in order, at length the Chariot followed with the Effigies, on each side of which were born six Banner Rolls, twelve in all, by as many persons of honor. The several pieces of his Armour were born by eight Officers of the Army, attended by a Herald and a Gentleman on each side. Next followed Gartar principal King of Arms, attended with a Gentleman on each side bare-headed.
Then came the chief Mourner, together with those Lords and other Personages that were Supporters and Assistants to the chief Mourner.
Then followed the Horse of Honour in very rich Trappings [Page 605]embroidered upon Crimson Velvet, and adorned with white, red, and yellow Plumes, and was led by the Master of the Horse.
Finally, in the close of all followed those of his late Guard, and the Warders of the Tower.
At the West Gate of the Abbey Church in Westminster, the Hearse with the Effigies thereon was taken off again from the Chariot by those ten Gentlemen who placed it thereon before, and in their passing on to carry it into the Church, the Canopy of State was by the former six Gentlemen born over it again: In which stately manner it was carried up to the East end of the Abbey, and there placed in a magnificent Structure purposely erected there to receive it; being interred amongst the Kings and Queens at Westminster: for all which vaste expences, his Son Richard might have taken up that sad expression in Virgil;
had not the Parliament since dealt so generously with him, as to order the payment of his debts contracted by his Fathers Funeral. Certainly the Gentleman expressed noble & truly dutiful respects to his memory, fit for brave minds to imitate. Thus as great Oliver lived victoriously, so he was buried honourably, Sic exit. It was a report that his Effigies was taken down and preserved from a threatning multitude of the rascally people; even he that had swayed and governed these three Nations five years, his Reign being troublesome, was necessitated after his death to be protected in his Picture; his Posterity after him being suddenly levelled.
Thus after many a weary step, having traversed so many Crowns, I must now set my Reader down at a Commonwealth. I shall end all with a glimpse rather then a Character, some gleaned observations on this great Favorite [Page 606]of Fortune, I hope in terms agreeing to truth, such as are neither below nor above his estate.
In his person he somewhat exceeded the usual middle stature, proportionable without any unevenness either of lineaments or parts, accordingly being of a becoming fatness, well shaped, his aspect having somewhat of the Soldiers, inclining to redness, his usual posture in his walking was his hand upon his sword; he had a sparkling fierce eye, nevertheless his usual deportments were both courteous and harsh at once in his encounters, where he found the least opposition. He was hardy and resolute in his reprehensions, subtil, temperate, and meek in his Councels; he was of a strong constitution, and of an active body, an enemy both to ease and excess; being ever suspitious, circumspect, and over vigilant, of a notable head-piece; yet if he had any spare time, he disdained not to confer though in matters of least moment; he delighted to read men more then books, his eloquence being Masculine and Martial, rather a natural gift then an effect of Art, in which he did not want his holy vestments, alwayes mannaging some passages of the sacred Writ, to which most charming part (as well as that of the Sword) he owed most of his victories. He was alwayes accustomed to exhort his Souldiers at the undertaking of any great enterprize, or before a Battle: He had a strict eye over his Army, his greatest care being to see them provided of all necessaries, by which foresight he was the better able to execute severe punishment on them for their misdemeanours. He took great delight to discourse of the Affairs of the World, of the interests of other Princes, in which his judgement did so guide him, that without entering into their Cabinets, or partaking of their secret Councels, he could discourse very pertinently of their Affairs, and foresaw their several issues and events; he was an excellent Physiognomer, having once seriously considered any one, he was seldom deceived in the opinion he had of him. He was no friend to the vain-gloriousness of habit, and though he was alwayes [Page 607]as it were fierce, of a passionate constitution; yet he was so sly, as to keep his passions in; but when there was occasion to carry a business on, he exposed himself with so much vigour, as gave those he had to do withal to understand, that he was not easily perswaded from the thing he had once resolved. He had one knack above all the rest which stood him in much stead, he had a deep insight into the natures and dispositions of the common people, who as they are impatient of servitude, so are they incapable of intire liberty; frighted with the sight of the rod, but mutinous in the feeling of it, none talking more of liberty, nor understanding it less then they; more troubling themselves then their heads with their grievances, considering nothing, but repining at every thing; bold talkers so you suffer them but to talk: Above all, most tenacious of their liberty of Conscience, rather to follow any new fangled opinion, then to remain constant to the old; his policy herein was to allow them something to induce others to their dear liberty (or license rather) of their tongues, which he knew he could not help, but so as that he had his Eves-droppers every where, who seldom brought him word of what they said, except they also gave an account of what they had, and then their Estates paid for the malepertness of their tongues, and for their chiefest darling of all to erre in their opinions: He permitted them to follow and embrace what Sect they pleased, so that they all remained in obedience to Civil Government. This was his Method, whilest mens reasons did comprehend so little, as that they needed their own experience to believe how he (Atlas-like) could support so mighty a Frame and Mathin, composed of so many different and disjoynted parts, yet to keep them from slipping and falling in pieces; which he did, rivetting them so fast together, and making them all firmly cohere amongst themselves, as so many pieces of soft wax melted and moulded all in one could not cleave faster in a Ball or Globe: this was the great work he had begun, which had not death prevented him, he was on point of finishing, as he was a person indefatigable both of body and minde.
Politicians hold, that in the changing the Government, all things, if it were convenient and possible, ought to be changed; the very Religion it self, if any were prophane enough to meddle with it. To wave their Atheistical opinions, this may be observed, that both in respect of his policy and fortunes, he might very well, having so many advantages over the present distractions of the times, raise his thoughts to more then ordinary ambitions: It is onely for God to search the heart, and try the Reins, he knows what our religious affections are, we ought to conjecture charitably of what we cannot determine: this we are certain of, he could so well see through Superstition (as in these times they term it) for his better advantage, as that his political conscience could dispence with more then ordinary Transactions: nevertheless he was still under the priviledge of the Sanctuary, some of the Cleargy (as they have ever done) stuck close to him, to raise him and themselves; whereas the late King undid himself for the then flourishing Cleargy, and they themselves for him. 'Tis true, his actions were complying with a military soul, so that he had the less leisure to dispute cases of Conscience; onely he might with the Emperour, as he did, cite Saint Paul, The good that I would, I do not; but the evil that I would not, that I do: now if I do that I would not, it is no more I that do it, but sin that remains in me. The truth is, he made no haste in the settlement of Ecclesiastical Affairs, as he was too crafty to disturb the powerful party, those that were unsettled in their opinions.
As to his State Employments he took several Oaths, which for the present might stand him in some stead, yet certainly they might have endangered him to much loss in his after enterprizes, which depended upon faith. In his Youth I have heard he was so uncircumspect, as not to rise, experience having taught him in his latter time wisdom to repair himself, his better fortune miraculously making up all his breaches; his Martial spirit advancing him in times as it were set apart for his designs, full of mutations and rare accidents; for it is with times [Page 609]as it is with ways, with some they are up hill, and with some they are down hill: nor could he have made good his footing, had he not been full of suspitions, of secret thoughts, of serious observations, full of notes and memorials, especially as he was well read in the men of his time; whom to employ, whom to reward, whom to enquire of, whom to beware of; what were the dependancy, what were the factions, as it were keeping a Journal of his thoughts. Indeed one can scarcely write that he was too suspitious, too apprehensive; though questionless he was by reason of his restless jealousies a trouble to himself as well as others, so that which did him good one way, did him hurt another.
Although, as hath been already said, his Flies and Familiars were useful to him for the discovering of Conspiracies, the revealing of which no question preserved him from many dangers from being attempted, his nature being almost married to troubles, his confidence made him successful; to go through them; his cunning alwayes winding him out, he being the more ready, and sharpened by the occasions of perils; howsoever the dazelings of his suspitions gave his industries enough to do to save himself and help others. Questionless he had wisdom, and a strange kinde of rule and strain of Government, which all men acknowledged in the bitterest of times. His Armies neither in Civil nor Forreign Wars were ever unfortunate. As his great judgement in leading as well as preserving them, in courage personally fighting with them, determined him to be both a daring Souldier, and an expert Commander; which indeared his Souldiers so much to him, as that they suffered him to act for the future for himself what they did not so well disgust. Many Battels he fought with them, in all which he triumpht, his fortunes being ever inviolable; thus as he appears strangely successful to posterity, so likewise most unhappy for those bloudy Conquests he obtained, they being in the bowels of his own Countrey. He signalized the magnanimity of his minde by putting his Souldiers on miraculous attempts, as well [Page 610]in the Christian as the other Heathen parts of the world; the question is, so much honourable blood being shed in his time, whether future Histories will wash his memory clean from it, though malice it self cannot charge him that he was actually nocent, yet posterity will hardly believe but that he was in some degree guilty. But to come closer to him, of those three things which either should or ought to tye the hearts of the people to those that govern, Love, Fear, and Reverence; he onely purchast of them chiefly to himself Fear, which is furthest from the heart; which forced him, being sometimes straitned in his Affairs, to retire much to his Cabinet Councel, with whom he sat often in person, where he was alwayes fair spoken, not without his sweetnesses and blandishments of words; but his Rhetorick was not so vainly spent, but that before he went he informed his Judgement; and though those were cunning that he employed, yet he had still a Reserve to himself, as he had the Master-reach; such an extent his Judgement had, though it was not much assisted by his former learning, or bettered by his future studies; the Trumpet and Drum sounding so loud in his ears, that he had little leasure to admit of the sober Councels of Philosophy. He was nevertheless well enough furnisht, as his wit had long before purchased Lewis the Eleventh's so well known slights, which he left to his Son as Maximes for his practice, as one in another case writes of Secrets, that they should be kept till the breath stinks. Questionless his dissimulation in transactings, together with his privacy and silence in his mannagements were to him assistances beyond all Arts and Sciences. In his time there were many that suffered, the more bloud was drawn; the less love he found, the less Treasure, which with a good will he never received. One writes, that he distributed forty thousand pounds a year in charitable uses out of his own purse; he might have been more plain in his expressions, certainly he meant out of the Commonwealths Moneys. We may conclude thus much, that his annual incomes were not so great as malice hath given out, [Page 611]considering all his necessary expences; without dispute they had been more enlarged, if the people had loved him but half so well as they fear'd him, though I must still acknowledge it to be hard to distinguish of his liberality, his necessities having so much limited his rewards; though his minde was high, and he pursued his own way as one that always revered his own will. If we look on his careful or rather politick liberality, somewhat may be said, as he was at vaste charges, as he made good his dexterity to impropriate himself with Forreign Instruments to obtain good intelligence from all parts abroad; from which spies all wise men conclude, that he received more Articles of Inquisition then Negotiation, as he was still working and casting up others, not to be undermined himself. Some are so humbly minded as to believe his designs were too high for forreign parts, certain it is Carolus Gustavus lost a dear friend of him; and for other Princes howsoever they might look a squint on him, he was courted by two of the greatest, and was a friend (as if fortune attended him) to either of them both when he pleased, they having as much as they could allyed themselves to his Interests, when they once found him to be at leasure to be helpful to them. 'Tis true for some time they stood at a distance, certainly if they did not so soon see into the passages of his Affairs, they did at last pass their Judgements on the issue of them; perhaps they at the first saw him onely at strife, but they were afterwards forced to acknowledge him to be always aloft, so fortunate he was in all his enterprizes. The Royal Party were once of opinion, that he having past his Laurels, he had a minde to reach at the Crown; they were somewhat mistaken, it had too many thorns in it, which of themselves are sharp enough to fetch blood, if we should not otherwise accept of the interpretation of the Fifth Monarchy Gentleman, who means by them the displeased Souldiery, to whom such lustres could never have been acceptable, as some other of our late Pamphletters have libell'd him to be another Henry the Fifth; that he would have stoln the more then protested against Diadem [Page 612]off from the Pillow; if he had a minde to it, it is more then they know, the worst they could have said of him had been, that he entertained somewhat more then self-denying thoughts, or rather as the Poet hath it, Magnis tamen excedit ausis. Indeed outwardly he seemed to have little of vain glory in him, or else he turned his dark Lanthorn to himself, his closeness being alwayes such, that this great Politician walkt invisible; others stood in the light to him, but he in the dark to all, onely for his most grand Transaction there was no vizzard could disguise it, that he should after so many selfish refusals, (a word lately put into the new canting Dictionary of the Enthusiasts) that he should after the slighting as it were of so many tendred, forfeited, and sequestred Estates presented to him by the Parliament for his remarkable services; after that in parts and piecemeals he had denied the pomps and vanities of this wicked world, he made it his master-design to take in all at once, as he knew well enough how to cog a die, he had thrown for all, won all, and swept all at once; rendering his Motto, Pax quaeritur Bello, into that English which pleased him best, the Protectorship.
To reflect briefly on his Domestical Affairs, he was not uxorious, but respectful to his Wife, to his Children he had a paternal affection, careful of their educations, and of their aspirings to advancement; he endeavoured to cast a lustre on them, which did not take with the people, though as to his Son Richard there was a more then ordinary consent. For his pleasures there is no extraordinary news of them, some Frolicks I have heard of, with those he was most familiar, the truth is, he had too little leasure for trivial repasts; he did with them as great persons do with Banquets, come and look upon them, and so turn away. As he begun from a private fortune, as I have already intimated, that fortune quickened in him all seeds of observation, being alwayes more prosperous in himself, then confirmed from the affections of others. For the imputations against him of moneys in his Treasury, certainly if he had been such [Page 613]a hoarder, the urgency of his pressing Affairs would never suffer him to be so poor as to stand still, and admire his riches. Before I end, I cannot chuse but remark his hard dealings with Parliaments, which he formerly so vindicated against the late King for his breach of priviledge about the five Members, whatsoever fine thred he did twist for himself, in all his religious speeches, those that are right Englishmen will never clear him from his violations, though he mannaged those actings as that they were to him but short tempests, or small over-castings, as whatsoever injury the Nations endured, he had one pretence or other to shift it off from his own shoulders, extreamly mistaking himself, as the people look less on the failings of those who have been their own choice, then on those who have taken on them to be earvers for themselves; he thought himself crafty enough for Parliaments, and from his death-bed he determined himself cock sure, as he was flesht with his former fortunes; he could never have imagined his posterity should ever have been lean. 'Tis true, we may be so political, as on this earth to endeavour to grasp these humane Affairs to our own Interests, but we must lay down our greatest wisedoms when we come to sleep in the silent grave, as after death there is no providing against the cross blows of fortune.
To conclude, as far as we can conjecture, his Confederates continuing alike victorious, and fortunate with him, he might if he had lived to it, extended his victories to some other parts of the world; if he did no more, it was either through the disturbances of the times, or long of himself, for what he minded he compassed. Certain it is, that he so husbanded his successes, that he did not live to see himself unfortunate, who having assumed or rather snatcht his honours, shewed himself to be one of the strangest sort of wonders that our late times have produced. One writ a strange Epitaph on him, Here lies Oliver Cromwel, who that he might be Protector himself, first brought the English Monarchy on its knees.