Hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the Governour and company of the Massachusets against Samuel Gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boston in New-England in November last, 1646. Together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said Gorton, and entituled, Simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the English in the other plantations. VVhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of New-England; the president of their churches in the way and worship of God; their communion with the Reformed Churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and Church-government. / By Edw. Winslow. Published by authority. Winslow, Edward, 1595-1655. 1647 Approx. 286 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 59 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A96686 Wing W3037 Thomason E409_23 ESTC R204435 99863926 99863926 116142

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Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A96686) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116142) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 65:E409[23]) Hypocrisie unmasked: by a true relation of the proceedings of the Governour and company of the Massachusets against Samuel Gorton (and his accomplices) a notorious disturber of the peace and quiet of the severall governments wherein he lived : with the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boston in New-England in November last, 1646. Together with a particular answer to the manifold slanders, and abominable falshoods which are contained in a book written by the said Gorton, and entituled, Simplicities defence against seven-headed policy, &c. Discovering to the view of all whose eyes are open, his manifold blasphemies; as also the dangerous agreement which he and his accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply engaged in a desperate conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the English in the other plantations. VVhereunto is added a briefe narration (occasioned by certain aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first planting of New-England; the president of their churches in the way and worship of God; their communion with the Reformed Churches; and their practise towards those that dissent from them in matters of religion and Church-government. / By Edw. Winslow. Published by authority. Winslow, Edward, 1595-1655. Gorton, Samuel, 1592 or 3-1677. Williams, Roger, 1604?-1683. [8], 103, [1] p. Printed by Rich. Cotes, for John Bellamy at the three Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange, London : 1646 [i.e. 1647?] Actual publication date inferred from information in title: "examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boston in New-England in November last, 1646."; Thomason copy bound with items published in 1647. Contains 2 letters from Samuel Gorton and "his accomplices", a letter from Roger Williams, and 2 letters from the inhabitants of Providence. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Oct. 2d". Reproduction of the original in the British Library.

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eng Gorton, Samuel, 1592 or 3-1677. -- Simplicities defence against seven-headed policy. Church and state -- Massachusetts -- Early works to 1800. Massachusetts -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-03 Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 Batch review (QC) and XML conversion

Hypocriſie Ʋnmasked: BY A true Relation of the Proceedings of the Governour and Company of the Maſſachuſets againſt SAMVEL GORTON (and his Accomplices) a notorious diſturber of the Peace and quiet of the ſeverall Governments wherein he lived: With the grounds and reaſons thereof, examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boſton in New-England in November laſt, 1646.

Together with a particular Anſwer to the manifold ſlanders, and abominable falſhoods which are contained in a Book written by the ſaid GORTON, and entituled, Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed Policy, &c.

DISCOVERING To the view of all whoſe eyes are open, his manifold Blaſphemies; As alſo the dangerous agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious and treacherous Indians, who at the ſame time were deeply engaged in a deſperate Conſpiracy to cut off all the reſt of the Engliſh in the other Plantations.

VVhereunto is added a briefe Narration (occaſioned by certain aſperſions) of the true grounds or cauſe of the firſt Planting of New-England; the Preſident of their Churches in the way and Worſhip of God; their Communion with the Reformed Churches; and their practiſe towards thoſe that diſſent from them in matters of Religion and Church-Government.

By Edw. Winſlow.

Pſal. 120. 3. What ſhall be given unto thee, or what ſhall be done unto thee thou falſe tongue? Verſ. 4. Sharpe arrows of the Mighty, with coales of Juniper.

Publiſhed by Authority.

London, Printed by Rich. Cotes for John Bellamy at the three Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange, 1646.

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROBERT Earl of Warwick, Governour in Chiefe, and Lord High Admirall of all thoſe Iſlands and other Plantations of the Engliſh in AMERICA; Together with the reſt of thoſe truly Honorable Members of both Houſes of Parliament joyned in Commiſſion with him for ordering the affaires of the ſaid Plantations. Right Honourable,

WEre not your Wiſdome and experience in the great and weighty affaires of State ſo well known, and were yee not ſo much accuſtomed to the unjuſt complaints of clamorous perſons I might be diſcouraged to appeare in the righteous cauſe of the United Colonies of New-England, and more eſpecially in the behalf of the Governour and Company of the Maſſachuſets, to render a reaſon of their juſt and righteous proceedings againſt Samuel Gorton and his Companions, who however (where they are unknown) they goe here under the garbe of a peaceable people; yet if your Honours, and the reſt f the Honourable Committee ſhall be pleaſed (when more weighty employments ſhall give way) to peruſe our juſt defence againſt his clamorous complaints, and ſcandalous Treatiſe, called, Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed Policy, &c. I make no queſtion but yee will receive full ſatisfaction in what we have done, and be ready to juſtifie our proceedings againſt them as godly and righteous.

The reaſon wherefore I am forced to appeare in Print before I give a particular anſwer to your Honou s, and the reſt of the Honourable Committee, is, becauſe I find a more groſſe deformatory aſperſion caſt upon the Countrey to the publick view of our Nation: which as it is deare in our eyes (witneſſe our frequent publick ſolemn dayes of prayer to the Throne of grace for it, together with our private ſupplications, which the Searcher of the heart beſt knows, ſympathizing with it in every condition, to the loſſe of Ships, Goods, &c. to the great weakening of our eſtates) ſo wee deſire to remove whatſoever may ſadden the thoughts of our Nation againſt us; eſpecially your Honours, and all that are godly in Chriſt Jeſus.

What greater wrong can bee done a poore perſecuted people that went into the wilderneſſe to avoid the tyrannicall Government of the late Hierarchy, and to enjoy the Liberties Chriſt Jeſus hath left unto his Churches (which theſe blaſphemous Adverſaries of ours, ſo much ſleight and caſt off) then to be accounted perſecutors of Chriſt in his Saints, yea, to go thither to that end, to become outragiouſly cruell, barbarouſly inhumane, uniting together to ſuck the blood of our Country-men, &c. And yet Right Honorable, it will and doth appear in the following Treatiſe, that Samuel Gorton was proſecuted againſt, Firſt, at Plymouth as a groſſe diſturber of the Civill peace and quiet of that Government, in an open factious and ſeditious manner. Secondly, hee was no leſſe troubleſome, but much more at Roade Iſland, having gotten a ſtrong party to adhere unto him, affronting that Government (as Plymouth) in their publique adminiſtration of Juſtice ſo foully and groſſely, as mine eares never heard the like of any; to which Relation in the following Diſcourſe I referre your Honours, being compiled as briefly as may bee Gorton being there whipt in his perſon, and thence baniſhed with ſome of his principall adherents, they went next to Providence, where Mr. Williams, and ſome others have built a ſmall Towne. This people receiving them with all humanity in a cold ſeaſon, when the former places could no longer beare his inſolencies; hee ſoone undermined their Government, gained a ſtrong party amongſt them to his owne, to the great diſtraction of Mr. Williams, and the better party there, contending againſt their Laws, and the execution of Juſtice, to the effuſion of bloud, which made Mr. Williams and the reſt ſadly complaine to the Government of the Maſſachuſets, and divers of them take the protection of that Government, to defend their perſons and eſtates. But when they ſaw Mr. Williams reſolve rather to loſe the benefit of his labours, then to live with ſuch ill-affected people, and the neighbour Governments become affected with Gortons miſ-rule there alſo, hee (and his Companions in evill) began then to thinke of buying a place of a great aſp ring Sachim, or Indian Prince, to the wrong of the proper Owners, (two infer •• ur Sachims) who alſo, as well as divers Engliſh of Providence, ſubmitted their perſons and lands to the Government of the Maſſachuſets, and deſired their protection not onely againſt the oppreſsing tyranny of Myantonimo the foreſaid Great Sachim, but againſt Gorton and his Companions, who intr ded into their proper right, by unwarrantable meanes, &c. Now the Government of the Maſsachuſets having uſed all due meanes and none prevailing, but their gentleneſſe anſwered with the greateſt contempt that might bee: At the next Meeting of the Commiſsioners for the United Colonies they complained of Gorton and his irregular Companions, which the ſaid Commiſſioners tooke into ſerious conſideration, and the more becauſe of Gortons, &c. extraordinary familiarity with Myantonimo, and the reſt of the Nanohigganſet Sachims, who were knowne to bee in a deepe Conſpiracy againſt all the Engliſh in the Land at the ſame time. And therefore by a ſolemne Act gave liberty to the Government of the Maſſachuſets to call them to account, and proceed with them ſo farre as might ſtand with righteouſneſſe and juſtice, which they accordingly did.

Now theſe Right Honourable, &c. are the true cauſes of all the Cenſures and puniſhments that befell Gorton in the Countrey; onely needleſly in his and their contemptuous anſwers to the modest and well-ordered Writings of the ſaid Government of the Maſſachuſets, they b lched forth ſuch horrid blaſphemies, not onely againſt them in particular, and Civill Government in the generall, but againſt the received Chriſtian Religion of all the Reformed Churches in Europe, as well as our ſelves; Inſomuch as many tender Conſciences, both Miniſters and others, thought the Government did not well in giving him ſuch liberty, whereby hee may and doth (as is reported) poyſon other perſons and places with his corrupt opinions, to the great diſhonour of God, and ruine of the ſoules of his followers, who reject the meanes of grace Go hath ſanctified to ſtrengh hen and build up his people in faith and holineſſe.

But that I may not bee tedious, I ſhall preſume to preferre theſe following requeſts to your Honours and the reſt of the honoured Committee this Renowned Parliament hath betruſted with the affaires of the Forraigne Plantatio s of our Nation: The firſt is to ſtrengthen the Ceaſure of the Maſſachuſets by your favourable approbation, ſo farre as it ſhall appeare to bee juſt and righteous and then ſhall the Cou trey bee the more preſerved from their feares of the Go tonians deſperate cloſe with ſo dangerous enemies as their malignant neighbours the Nanohigganſets; which I perſwade my ſelfe, if you leiſures will ſuffer you to read the following Diſcourſe, you will eaſily condeſcend unto there being nothing (I thanke God in it) affirmed by mee, but as it is affirmed hereunto I may ſafely depoſe. A ſecond thing is, that yee will never ſuffer Samuel Gorton this peſtilent diſturber of our Societies, any more to goe to New-England to diſquiet the peace thereof. My third requeſt is, that yee will be pleaſed to ſuffer New-Plymouth, to enjoy their former liberty in the line of their Government, which includeth their very ſeat, even Shawamet it ſelfe, where Gorton and his Company dwelt. My fourth requeſt is, to take into your ſerious conſideration, how deſtructive it will prove to the well-being of our Plantations and proceedings there, (who by Gods bleſſing are growing up into a Nation) here to anſwer to the complaints of ſuch malignant ſpirits as ſhall there bee cenſured by Authority, It being three thouſand miles diſtant, ſo far as will undoe any to come for Juſtice, utterly diſabling them to prove the equity of their cauſe, unleſſe their eſtate bee very great. My fifth and laſt requeſt is, that your Honours, and the reſt of the Honoured Committee will be pleaſed to patronize the weake labours of your humble ſervant, in the juſt defence hee hath made for New-England, and the ſeverall Governments of it (eſpecially the Maſſachuſets) againſt the groſſe calumnies of the fore-mentioned ſcandalous Treatiſe publiſhed by the ſaid Gorton: And herein yee ſhall not onely oblige our Plantations of New-England to continue their daily requeſt to the God of all mercies for a bleſsing upon this Renowned Parliament, and your Honours, and the reſt of this Honoured Committee in eſpeciall, but to engage with, and for them and you, againſt all oppoſers of the State, to the laſt drop of bloud in our veines; yea, hereby ſhall you ſweeten the tedious travels, great charges and labours of me their unworthy Agent, who doe and ſhall daily pray to God to recompenſe your vaſt hazzards, expenſes, ſtudies, and cares, (to advance the Weale Publike of this diſtreſſed Kingdome, and the ſeverall limbs thereof) with all the bleſsings of Heaven and earth to you and yours to ſucceeding Generations.

Yours Honours humble devoted ſervant, EDVV. WINSLOVV.
A TRVE RELATION OF THE Proceedings of the Governour and Company of the Maſſachuſets in New-England, againſt Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices; with the grounds and reaſons thereof, examined and allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boſton in November, 1646.

SAMƲEL GORTON lived ſometime at Plymouth, where his behaviour was ſo turbulent and offenſive both to the Magiſtrates and others, as they were neceſſitated to drive him out of their Juriſdiction. From thence hee went to Roade-Iſland, where hee began to raiſe ſedition, and to make a party againſt the Authority there; for which hee was apprehended and whipped, and ſo ſent away. From thence (with ſome others whom hee had gathered to his part) hee removed to Providence, where Mr. Roger Williams then lived. Hee (with ſome others) oppoſed his itting down there as an Inhabitant, onely in regard of his preſent diſtreſſe, they gave way for his abode for a time. But being once houſed, hee ſoon drew ſo great a party to him, as it was beyond the power of Mr. Williams and his party to drive them out, or to rule them there; ſo as both parties came armed into the field each againſt other, and had fought it out, had not Mr. Williams uſed meanes for pacification. 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 Hereupon many of the chiefe of Providence ſent meſſengers with a Letter to the Governour and Councell of the Maſſachuſets, deſiring aide againſt Gorton and his company; but they were anſwered, that not being within our Juriſdiction nor conſederation we had no ground to interpoſe in their quarrells. Soone after ſome of thoſe men tendred themſelves and their lands to come under our Government, and were received.

There live neere to Providence two ſmall Indian Sachims called Pumham and Socononoco, who though they are as free as the great Sachim of the Nanohigganſet: Yet Myantonimo the then Sachim of of Nanohigganſet (being a very proud and ſterne man) kept them in great awe. This poore Sachim Pumham had a large parcell of land neer Providence, very convenient for plantation, which Gorton and his company (being now about 13, or 14.) taking notice of, and fearing they ſhould not be able to keep their power long where they were, dealt with Myantonimo for this parcell of land, promiſing him a good parcell of Wampam for it. And becauſe they knew that Pumham was the true owner of it, they dealt with him alſo; but he refuſing to ſell it (for hee dwelt upon it, or very neare to it) they cauſed Myantonimo to ſend for him, and having drawn a Writing purporting the ſale thereof for a certaine conſideration to bee given to both of them, Myantonimo ſigned it, and hee for feare of Myantonimo ſet his mark to it alſo, not knowing what it was. But when Gorton tendred him the conſideration for it, hee utterly refuſed it, it being the Indians manner not to account any thing ſold, till the party have received the thing it is ſold for.

But upon this colourable title Gorton and his company enter upon the land, and build ſome houſes, and withall much wrong the Indians with their cattle, and having Myantonimo their friend, behave themſelves very inſolently toward the poor Indians, who (having no friends or meanes to relieve themſelves) came and tendred themſelves and their lands to the government of the Maſſa •• uſets, who (by order of the Court) gave notice thereof to Myantonimo, and appointed him to come or ſend to the next Court at Boſton, to ſhew his title or intereſt (if hee had any) to the ſaid Pumham and Socononoco or their lands. At the time appointed hee came, and pretended that they were his vaſſalls, but it appeared clearly both by a writing from Mr. Williams, and the teſtimony of ſome other Engliſh in thoſe parts, and of divers other Indians no way related to them, that they were free Sachims; ſo as Myantonimo having nothing to reply, the Court received the two Indian Sachims with their ſubjects and lands under the government and protection of the Maſſachuſetts; and upon that writ to our neighbours of Providence, intimating the ſame to them, and adviſing Gorton and his company, that if they had any juſt title to the lands they poſſeſſed, they ſhould come, or ſend ſome for them to ſhew the ſame to the Court, and offered them ſafe conduct. This letter from the Court they tooke in great diſdaine, and returned ſcornfull and menacing anſwers by word of mouth, and a good time after they wrote a letter to the Court full of reproach and blaſphemies, not onely againſt the Magiſtrates, but againſt the Churches and Ordinances, as by the Copy thereof hereafter following will appeare. Notwithſtanding theſe provocations and daily wrongs offered to thoſe few Engliſh their neighbours (who had formerly ſubmitted themſelves to our Government) wee ſate ſtill neare halfe a yeare, and before we attempted any thing againſt them, wee adviſed with the Commiſſioners of the united Colonies, who (upon teſtimony of their inſolent and injurious courſes, and peruſall of the letter they ſent to us) left them to us to proceed according to Juſtice. Whereupon the Court ſent againe to them by two of their members, who carryed letters (to require and perſwade them to come and give ſatisfaction,) and a ſafe Conduct withall; but they entertained thoſe Meſſengers as they had done the former, threatening to whip one, whom they tooke along with them; and ſent us word, that if wee had any thing to ſay to them, wee ſhould come to them, and wee ſhould have juſtice there, and that if wee came with force, they would meet us half the way. Our meſſengers returning with theſe ſcornfull anſwers, the Court reſolved to ſend ſome force to fetch them in; and in the mean time there came a ſecond letter from them; (the Copy whereof is hereafter alſo ſet downe) but before wee ſent forth our ſouldiers, wee wrote to them to this effect: Viz. That although the injuries and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous, yet that our Juſtice and moderation might appeare to all men, wee had condeſcended ſo farre to their owne propoſition, as wee would ſend ſome Commiſſioners to them, to heare their anſwers and allegations, and if thereupon they would give us ſuch ſatisfaction as ſhould bee juſt, wee would leave them in peace; if otherwiſe, wee would right our ſelves by force of Armes: And ſignified withall, that wee would ſend a ſufficient guard with our Commiſſioners; for ſeeing they would not truſt themſelves with us upon our ſafe conduct, wee had no reaſon to truſt any of ours with them upon their bare curteſie. Accordingly about a week after wee ſent three Commiſſioners, and 40 Muſqueteers with them, with inſtructions, firſt to ſpeak and treate with them, and to require ſatisfaction according to Juſtice, and if it were denyed, then to take them by force, and bring them priſoners to Boſton; and to take withall ſo much of their ſubſtance as ſhould ſatisfie our charges. By the way as they went they met with another letter from them, letting them know, that they feared them not, but were prepared for them: And accordingly they had fortified themſelves in one houſe (ſome 12 of them) and had lined the walls with earth (Musket proofe) and had made Flanckers, and provided victualls, &c. to indure a ſiege. So that when our Commiſſioners came to the place, they would admit no parly. But after a while, by the mediation of ſome of their neighbours, they were content to parley, and offered to referre the cauſe to Arbitrators, ſo as ſome of them might bee of Providence, or of Roade Iſland. Our Commiſſioners were content to ſend to us to know our minds about it, and in the meane time ſate ſtill. Such of the Court as could meet, returned anſwer that their Propoſition was neither ſeaſonable nor reaſonable, nor could it bee ſafe or honourable for us to accept thereof: 1 Becauſe they would never offer nor hearken to any termes of agreement before our ſouldiers had them in their power. 2 Becauſe the ground of their Propoſition was falſe, for wee were not parties (as they pretended) but equall Judges between the Indians and others who were complainants, and themſelves, (and yet in a caſe of warre, parties may bee Judges.) 3 They were no State, or Body politique, but a few fugitives living without Law or Government, and ſo not honourable for us to joyne with them in ſuch a way of reference. 4 The parties whom they would referre it unto, were ſuch as had been rejected by us, and all the Governments in the Country, and ſo not likely to bee equall to us, nor able to judge of the cauſe: and their blaſphemous and reproachfull writings, &c. were not matters fit to bee compoſed by Arbit ement, (being deeply criminall) but either to bee purged away by repentance and publique ſatisfaction, or elſe by publique puniſhment. For theſe and other reaſons, the Commiſ •• oners were required to pro ••• d according to their Inſtructions. And thereupon they intrenched themſelves about the houſe, and in few dayes forced them to yeeld, and ſo brought them to Boſton, where they were kept in priſon till the Court ſate, and had their dyet from the Cookes (as good meat and drinke as the Towne afforded.) The next Lords day they refuſed to goe to the Church aſſembly, except they might have liberty to ſpeake there, as occaſion ſhould be. They were anſwered by ſome of the Magiſtrates that it appertained to the Elders to order the affairs of the Church, but they might preſuppoſe they ſhould not bee denyed ſuch liberty, ſpeaking words of truth and ſoberneſſe. So in the afternoon they came, and were placed in a convenient ſeate before the Elders. Mr. Cotton the Teacher taught then (in his ordinary courſe) out of Acts 19. of Demetrius ſpeech for Diana her ſilver ſhrine. After Sermon Gorton deſired leave to ſpeake, which being granted, hee tooke occaſion from the Sermon to ſpeake to this effect, That in the Church now there was nothing but Chriſt, ſo that all our Ordinances, Miniſters, and Sacraments, &c. were but mens inventions, for ſhew and pomp, and no other then thoſe ſilver ſhrines of Diana. He ſaid alſo, that if Chriſt lives eternally, then he died eternally, and other ſpeeches of like kinde. And indeed it appeareth both by his ſpeeches and letters, that it was his opinion, that Chriſt was incarnate in Adam, and was that image of God, wherein Adam was created; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his Inanition, when he became ſuch a thing, ſo meane, &c. and that his being borne after of the Virgin Mary, and ſuffering, &c. was but a manifeſtation of his ſuffering, &c. in Adam. Another of them ſaid that the Sabbath was Chriſt, and ſo was borne of the Virgin Mary. They called Magiſtracy among Chriſtians an Idol; yet they did acknowledge a Magiſtracy in the world to bee ſubjected to as an Ordinance of God, but onely as naturall; as the father over his wife and children, and an hereditary Prince over his ſubjects.

Their firſt appearance before the Court was upon the Lecture day at Boſton, before a very great Aſſembly, where firſt the Governour declared the cauſe and manner of all the proceedings againſt them, and their Letters were openly read, and they had liberty to object, and anſwers were given, as followeth:

Firſt, to their plea, That they were not within our Juriſdiction; it was anſwered: 1 If they were not within ours, yet they were within the Juriſdiction of one of our confederates, who had referred them to us. 2 If they were within no Juriſdiction, then was there none to complaine to for redreſſe of our injuries in way of ordinary Juſtice, and then we had no way of relief but by force of Ar es.

Secondly, to their plea Of perſecution for their Conſcience, &c. It was anſwered, that wee did not meddle with them for their opinions, otherwiſe then they had given us occaſion, by their owne Letters and free ſpeeches amongſtus, for wee wrote to them about civill Controverſies onely, and gave them no occaſion to vent their blaſphemies and revilings againſt the Ordinances of Religion ſet up with us.

Thirdly, for their title to the Indians lands: wee had divers times deſired them to make it appeare; but they alwayes refuſed, even to our Commiſſioners, whom (according to their owne motion) wee ſent laſt to them: and ſince they were in priſon, wee offered them to ſend for any witneſſes they would name to us for that end, but this alſo they refuſed. So that our title (by the Indians ſurrender) appeareth good, and having regained poſſeſſion, we need not queſtion them any further about that.

Their Letters being read and their Subſcriptions acknowledged, they were demanded ſeverally if they would maintaine thoſe things which were contained therein. Their anſwer was, that they would, in that ſenſe they wrote them, and ſo were returned to priſon. The next day they were brought before the Court ſeverally to be examined upon particulars, (many of the Elders being deſired to bee preſent) becauſe they had ſaid they could give a good interpretation of every part of their Letters. But the Interpretation they gave being contrary to the words, they were demanded if they would then retract thoſe words, ſo plainely different from their pretended meanings. But this they refuſed to doe, ſaying, that then they ſhould deny the Truth; for inſtance in one or two. Their Letters were directed, one of them, To their Neighbours of the Maſſachuſets: and the other, To the great honoured Idoll Generall of the Maſſa •• uſets, and by a meſſenger of their owne delivered to our Governour, and many paſſages in both Letters particularly applyed to our Courts, our Magiſtrates, our Elders, &c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull paſſages, they anſwered that they meant them, of the corrupt eſtate of mankinde in generall, and not of us. So, whereas in their Letter they charged it upon us, as an errour that we teach, That Chriſt dyed Actually onely, when he ſuffered under Pontius ilate; and before, onely in Types, &c. upon their examination they ſaid, that their meaning was, that his death was actuall to the faith of the Fathers under the Law, (which is in effect the ſame which we hold:) Yet they would not retract their words they had written. The Elders conferred many houres with them before the Court, and by occaſion thereof they diſcovered divers blaſphemous opinions, which they maintained, we will inſtance one which was mentioned before, delivered by Gorton, viz. that the Image of God wherein Adam was created, was Chriſt; and Adams looſing that Image was the death of Chriſt, and the reſtoring of that Image in the Regeneration, was the reſurrection of Chriſt: and ſo the death of him that was borne of the Virgin Mary was but a manifeſtation of the former. Maſter William Tompſon one of the Elders had ſpent ſome time with them before in the priſon about the opinions which they held forth, and they had profeſſed their agreement with him (for ſubſtance) in every point, ſo as he came to the Court with a purpoſe to ſpeak in their behalf, but when he heard themſelves diſcover thus upon their publique examinations, he ſhewed how he had beene deluded by them. For they excell the Jeſuites in the art of equivocation, and regard not how falſe they ſpeake, to all other mens apprehenſions, ſo they keepe to the rules of their owne ſecret intentions. Being asked why they ſpake againſt the Ordinances of the Miniſtery, Sacraments, &c. ſeeing the Scripture allowes them? They anſwered that they were ordained onely for the time of Nonage, but after the Revelation was written, they were to ceaſe, becauſe we finde no mention of them in that booke.

They were unlearned men, the ableſt of them could not write true engliſh, no not in common words, yet they would take upon them to interpret the moſt difficult places of Scripture, and wreſt them any way to ſerve their owne turne. As for inſtance, Mr. Cotton preſſing Gorton with that in Act. 10. Who can forbid water, why theſe ſhould not be baptiſed, &c. He interpreted thus, who can deny but theſe have beene baptiſed, ſeeing they have received the Holy Ghoſt, &c. ſo he allowed them to have beene baptiſed. This ſhift e was put to, that he might maintaine his opinion, viz: that ſuch as have beene baptized with the Holy Ghoſt, need not the baptiſme of water. Divers dayes were ſpent both by the Court and the Elders in labouring to bring them to repentance, but all in vaine. They continued obſtinate. Whereupon they agreed to ſentence them, but firſt they brought them in publique before a great Aſſembly, and there (out of their Letters and Speeches) they laid upon them this charge, viz. they were found to be blaſphemous enemies of the true Religion of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and of all his holy Ordinances, and likewiſe of all Civill Government among his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded, if they did acknowledge this charge to be juſt, and would ſubmit to it, or what exception they had againſt it? They anſwered, they did not acknowledge it to be juſt, but they fell into ſome cavilling ſpeeches, ſo they were returned unto priſon againe. Being in priſon they behaved themſelves inſolently towards their keeper, and ſpake evill of the Magiſtrates, ſo as the keeper was forced to threaten them with Irons, to keepe them quiet.

After all meanes uſed to reclaime them, and not prevailing, they were brought before the Court to receive their ſentence, which was this. Gorton and ſix more of them, were to be ſent to ſeverall townes, there to bee kept to worke for their livings, and to weare an Iron chaine upon one leg, and not to depart the limits of the Towne, nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blaſphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death, except in conference with any of the Elders, or any other allowed by ſome Magiſtrate to conferre with them; and this to continue during the pleaſure of the Court. Three of the Company (becauſe they had not their hands to the Letters) were ſet at libertie, two of them upon a ſmall ranſome as priſoners taken in warre, and the other, freely, for that he was amongſt them in his Maſters houſe, where they were taken; a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was diſcharged alſo, onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our Townes, but hee went away and returned no more, contrary to his promiſe. There were two other who were brought in after; (but not by force) the one of them diſclaiming to have any hand in the Letters, was diſcharged preſently; the other was kept a while in priſon, and after upon his ſubmiſſion &c. was releaſed.

Gorton and the other ſix remained in the ſeverall Townes all that Winner; and then in regard of their wives and children (who were like to be much diſtreſſed by their husbands abſence) they were ſet at liberty, and baniſhed upon paine of death if they were found in any part of our juriſdiction.

After the Court had paſſed ſentence upon them for their c •• finement, we ſent to fetch ſo many of their Cattle, as might defray the charges they had put us to, which amounted to about one hundred and ſixty pounds, but the Cattle came not to ſo much, for we left every of them a part for the ſupport of their families, and ſome of them had no Cattle at all.

The Letters follow.
Mooſhawſet Novemb: 20. 1642. To our Neighbours of the Maſſachuſets.

VVHereas we lately received an irregular note, profeſſing its forme from the Maſſachuſets, with four mens names ſubſcribed thereunto, as principall authors of it, of the chiefe amongſt you; We could not eaſily give credit to the truth thereof, not onely becauſe the conveyers of it unto us, are knowne to bee men, whoſe conſtant and profeſſed acts are worſe, then the counterfeiting of mens hands; but alſo, becauſe we thought that men of your parts and profeſſion, would never have proſtrated their wiſdome to ſuch an act. But conſidering that cauſleſſe enmity you have againſt us; the proofe wherof, every occaſion brings forth; Wee cannot but conclude, that no act ſo ill which that ancient mother will not bring forth her ſeed unto. For wee know very well, that it is the name of Chriſt called upon us, which you ſtrive againſt; Thence it is that you ſtand on tip-toe, to ſtretch your ſelves beyond your bounds; to ſeeke occaſion againſt us (So) as you might hide your ſinne with Adam, bearing the world in hand; it is not your deſire to contend with us; But ſome civill breach in our courſes, which you onely ſeeke to redreſſe. Whereas neither you, nor any (in way of truth) can finde wherewith, to bring us under the Cenſure of a diſorderly courſe of walking amongſt men: And as for the way of that ancient ſpirit of accuſation of the brethr •• , we weigh it not, knowing him to be a lyer, (or in the abſtract, a lye) from the beginning, yea and the father of it alſ which thing you cannot know, though it were told unto you.

Whereas you ſay, Robert Cole, William Ar ••• ld with others, have put themſelves under the Government and protection of your Juriſdiction 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 which is the occaſion you have now got to contend; we wiſh your words were verified, that they were not elſewhere to be found, being nothing but the ſhame of Religion, Diſquiet, and Diſturbance of the place where they are. For, we know neither the one nor the other, with all their aſſociates and Confederates, have power to enlarge the bounds, by Kinge Charles limited unto you.

Behold therfore in this your act, a Map of your ſpirituall eſtate, (to uſe your owne phraſe) for we know that the Spirituality of your Churches, is the Civility of your Commonweale, and the Civility of your Comonwealth, is the ſpirituality of your Churches, the wiſdome of man, being the whole accompliſhment of them both; of which Tree, you delight dayly to eate (finding it faire and beautifull) to gaine Conformity with your maker. In theſe your Diſſembling ſubjects; groſly profane amongſt us, but full of the ſpirit of your purity, when they are with you, you may remember the brand your ſelves have ſet upon ſome of them, the Cauſe wherof was never yet removed, though it abide not upon their backe; Nor yet the Cauſe of your Commitment of them unto Sathan according unto your Law, for if that were removed, you ſhould doe them wrong, in not reſuming your vomit into its former Concoction againe; Nor are we ignorant of thoſe diſgracefull tearmes they uſe, and give out againſt you, behind your backes, their ſubmiſſion therfore can bee to no other end, but to ſatisfie their owne luſts, not onely conceived, but in violent motion, againſt their Neighbours, who never offered the leaſt wrong unto them, only the propoſition of Amity, is object ſufficient, for theſe mens enmitie.

Even ſo the paſſions of ſin, which are by the Law, having force in your Members; you going about with great labour and induſtry to ſatisfie them by your ſubmiſſion unto the word of God, in your Faſting, and feaſting, in Contributing, and treaſuring, in retiredneſſe for Study, and bowing of the backes of the poore, going forth in labour to maintaine it, and in the ſpirit of that hireling, raiſing up, your whole ſtructure and edifice, in all which you bring forth nothing but fruit unto death, ſome labouring for a price to give for the keeping of their ſoules, in peace and ſafe eſtate and Condition, and ſome to have their bodies furniſhed with riches, honour and eaſe, and further then the Lord Jeſus agrees with theſe, you mind him not, nay you renounce and reject him, and with theſe (according to your Acceptation and practice) he holds no Correſpondency at all, being the Conſultation and operation of that his onely adverſarie, man being that which you depend uppon, and not the Lord, Crying out in way of Elevation, and aplauding his miniſters, when in the meane time, you know not what, nor who they are, profeſſing them under a mediate Call of Chriſt, though formerly, they have beene Called immediately by him, herby ſhowing your ſelves to be thoſe, that deſtroy the Sacred ordinance of God: For if you make Chriſt to be that to day, in ſtateing his miniſters; which he was not yeſterday, and that in the tyme of the Goſpell alſo, (to ſpeake acording to your Law) to be found in them both, you therin affirm, that he hath beene that to his miniſters, which now he is not, and to make the Son of God to have beene that which now he is not, is to make a Nullitie of him, not to be at all, for he is the Lord that changeth not, no not a ſhadow therof is found in him, ſo that you plainely Crucifie unto your ſelves, the Lord of glory, and put him to an open ſhame; So that as you know not, how Chriſt, converſing with his father in heaven, is found on the earth, amongſt the true worſhippers, no more do you know, how in his converſing with Nicodemus on the earth, he concludes himſelfe to be in heaven, with his father. On this foundation hangeth the whole building of your Doctrine, concerning the ſufferings of Chriſt, you Annihilate the Croſs, then the which, the Saints have no other Conſolation: and prepare no better a place then Purgatory, for the honourable fathers of our Lord: For you conclude, that Chriſt dyed in the Decree, and purpoſe God, in the time of the Law, but actually onely when he hanged on the Croſſe in the dayes of Herod and Pontius Pilate, that hee was crucified in the types and ſhadowes of the law, but in the truth, and ſubſtance, when hee appeared borne of the Virgin Mary: So muſt you alſo conclude that the fathers under the law, were only ſaved, in purpoſe and Decree, in Type and ſhadow, but actually and ſubſtantially onely at the Comming of Chriſt in the fleſh: therefore deale plainely with thoſe that depend upon you for inſtruction (as your Anceſtours in the papacie have don) and proclaime a place of purgatorie, provided for them in them meane, without which, your Doctrine hath no foundation. For if you raiſe up a ſhaddow, without a ſubſtance, and the ſubſtance of him that dwelleth in light, without a ſhaddow, you play the part of Wiſards, or Necromancers, not the part of true Naturaliſts, in the things of the Kingdome of god.

So that as farre as theſe men are from beinge honourable and loyall ſubjects, ſo farre are you from being voluntaries in the Day of Gods power, and from yeelding ſubjection unto the Beauties of holineſs. Such alſo is your profeſſed Rule, and Government, in the things that concern the Kingdom of our God, they are infinitly beyond, and out of the Reach of that Spirit which is gone out amongſt you, the Capacity wherof can no wayes comprehend, the breadth of the land of Emanuel, nor en reth it within the Vale, Therefore it cannot know thoſe Cherubims of glory, neither can it heare the voice of that lively Oracle, ſpeaking onely from off the covering Mercy-ſeate, and not elſewhere to be heard; We ſpeake not but what wee know, theſe things are out of its Juriſdiction; Therfore dumb in telling Juſtice, nor ſpeakes it any of that Righteouſneſſe and glory, compryſed in another circuit, then ever you were yet made Lords of: Long therfore may you boaſt, of your Juriſdiction before ever you attaine unto a Jurisprudentia, in theſe things.

In that you tell us wee offer you wrong, by a pretended purchaſe: you are as much miſtaken in the purchaſe, as in the wrong, For it is right that we are about to do, neither is our purchaſe a pretence, but precedentiall, not onely in this Civill reſpect, but may alſo admoniſh all men, to take heed, how they depend upon falſe and ſelf-ſeeking interpreters, when both themſelves, and they that have the viſion, are ignorant of the Contract, and Covenant of God. Thence it is, that you teach, that the ſpouſe of Chriſt, upon Contract with her Lord, may conceive the ſeed of immortalitie, and bring forth fruit unto God, when as yet the day of mariage, that great Feaſtivitie, and ſolemnization, of the Conſolations of God, is not yet comne, witneſſe your prorogation thereof, if not to the Deſcenſion of Chriſt from heaven unto the earth, to Raigne certaine years, yet to the Calling of the Jewes, whom yee your ſelves are, according to the fleſh, and to the deſtruction of that Man of ſinn whom yee ſo ſtoutly maintain, What is this, but to proclaime unto all the world, that Audacious ſpirit of whoredome, profeſſing Conception and bringing forth before the Nup •• ll day?

In that you conclude your Clyent Right to ariſe out of foure years poſſeſſion, wee have no ſuch order, if you meane the Right of Conqueſt, (onely held in that tenure) the true owners were never yet ſubdued, for that is the right they expect to injoy by you, for ſome of them committed part of their ſuppoſed right unto us, profeſſing it was, that they might have help, to injoy the reſt; But when they ſaw, wee would not be Abetters unto them without, much leſſe contrary unto Covenant, then they flye unto you for help, Their poſſeſſion, beeing a meere intruſion, as all the Natives know and ever exclaymed againſt them for the ſame, And ſo may our Countrymen alſo, whoſe eyes are not dazled with envie, and eares open to Lyes, as we know yours are, elſe you had heard both ſydes ſpeake, before you had Judged.

But wee profeſs right held, according to no ſuch intereſt, but upon the ground of Covenant onely, knowne in its nature; In the parties 'twixt whom it is plight, In the poſſeſſer, and the poſſeſſed, with the nature of all fruit ariſing from their accord and concurrencie, together with their Diſtinct, Harmonicall, Reciprocall, and Joint properties, and operations of them both: Such is the tenure wee hould, and maintain, before men and Angels, and oppoſe it againſt man and Divell, Not in taking up unto our ſelves, certaine offices and officers which wee can teach children to bee, and to perform, and from thence preſently to conclude, the poſſeſſion of the Kingdome, Crying out our peace offerings are upon us, this Day we have payd our vowes. But when that Dark cloud deſcended upon the Tabernacle, becomes the light, and glory of all Iſraell (there being nothing acknowledged amongſt them, but what ariſeth out thence) then, and then only, are the orders, as alſo the men of Iſraell, derived from the true fountaine, which no tongue can confeſs, but it is ſalvation, and then, not elſe, is the heritage of our Lord in poſſeſſion, yea, even the wayleſs wilderneſſ knowes, how to afford them an habitation, which had its being before the hills and mountaines were borne: which men begin to flye unto for refuge, to hide them from the preſence of the Lamb this is a poſſeſſion, which no man can intrude himſelfe into: it is onely Covenanted with him, thorow and inlightned eye, and boared eare, which man performeth not, nor can it be received from him.

For wee know that Cloud of thick darkneſſe, that hides and covers the whole frame and fabrick of the work of God, to be the cleering and evidencing of every point and particular therof yea to us, it is even that cloud of witneſs, which teſtifies unto us, the like workes to appeare, when ever the world hath occaſion to make uſe of us.

Never doth it ſhine but in the night, never is it dark to Iſrael but in the day, but in the one, and the other, the only glory and ſaftie of all the tribes: but how, you know not, nor can you with all your libraries, give the interpretation thereof, but have loſt it in the wilderneſs, and accordingly, have made the whole way, and will of our Lord, the ouldneſſe of the letter, both to your ſelves, and to all that have an eare to liſſen unto you; Thence it is that the day of Lord, is a day of Darkneſs and Gloomineſs unto you, but of Joy and gladneſs unto us; yea, it lifts up our head onely, and then is our ſalvation neere; For wee know the worthies of David doubled about the bed of Solomon, which expell all feare in the night, handling the ſword with ſuceſs, making the adverſaries nothing but meat to feede upon, ſo that the tyme of your feares is the time of our Courage and Conqueſt, for when you feare errour, ſchiſme, Rents and Confuſions in Church and ſtate, then do wee know the Meſſenger of the Covenant, the Lord whom wee ſeek is ſpeeding his paſſage into his holy temple: For who (under the terrors of your ſpirit) may abide his Coming, hee being like a refiners fire, and Fullers ſope?

In that you invite us unto your Courts to fetch your equall ballanced juſtice, upon this ground, that you are becomne one with our adverſaries, and that, both in what they have, and what they are, and wee know them to bee ſuch, as profeſs the day of the Lord an unhallowed thing. Now, if wee have our opponant, to prefer his action againſt us, and not only ſo, but to bee our Counſell, our Jurie, and our Judg, for ſo it muſt bee, if you bee one with them (as you affirm) wee know before hand, how our Cauſe will bee ended, and ſee the ſcale of your equall Juſtice turned alreadie, before wee have layd our Cauſe therein, and cannot but admire, to ſee you caried ſo contrarie to your owne received principles: For you know not how to finde Chriſt as a Ruling and teaching Elder both in one perſon, therfore he is not Complete amongſt you by your owne law, except in ſeverall perſons, and you may thank tradition, elſe you know no more how to finde both a king and a prieſt in him, and yet in your way of making tender of your Juſtice unto us you know how to become one with our adverſaries (ſo) as if wee deale with them, wee deale with you, and if wee have to doe with you, wee have to doe with them alſo, yea further, wee know, that the chiefe amongſt you, have profeſſed wee are not worthy to live; and that if ſome of us were amongſt you, wee ſhould hardly ſee the place of our abode any more; Now that they have brooded upon their law, to take away life, they muſt much more bring it up, in taking away all means of life, Witnes our prohibition, that no powder ſhould be ſould unto us for our money, and that in a time when you could not thinke your ſelves ſafe, in all your owne, ſelf proviſion and worldly furniture, except you diſarmed a company of poor Indians, whom Aaron your Leviticall Sacrificer hath made Naked, as hee doth all thoſe which triumph in a Calf, though the moſt coſtly and beautifull, that the Jewells and eare-rings of Learning, either in Language, or art, can poſſibly bring forth: your owne amazements upon meer Rumors, may teſtifie the truth hereof; ſo then; wee are Judged by your law before our Cauſe bee hard, or our ſelves brought forth under the liberties of it, which thing is well pleaſing unto us, to have our Condition conformed unto Moſes the man of God, who was dead in Pharaohs account, before he was brought forth, and ſo it was with Chriſt our lord, in the dayes of Herod alſo, who is our life (at which you ſtrike) and makes all things, yea, Death it ſelf, lively, and advantagious unto us.

Wee cannot but wonder, that you ſhould read the Scripture, and not finde them fulfilled, in, and amongſt your ſelves, when as they appeare ſo apparantly, that he that runs may read them: what think you of Herod, when the Lord had delivered Peter out of priſon, and releaſed him of thoſe bonds, and brought him from that thraldom, which he had ſo Cruelly impoſed upon him, to gaine the favour of the Jewes, and that by a power ſupereminent, tranſcending the bounds of his authoritie, and by a wiſdom ſurpaſſing the Depth of his Counſell, and policie, to fynd out, together with his ſouldiers and Champions, he preſently goes downe to Ceſarea, and Herod is angry with them of Tyrus & Sidon, (thumoniachon) a heavie Friend, or hath a ſecret grudg or perturbation of mind, manifeſted in an outreaching, and circumventing policie, to ſubdue them unto himſelf, that he might Rule over them: Finding himſelf fall ſhort of power and policie, to ſubject the word of God in the meſſinger of it, to ſatisfy his owne luſts, in his lordſhip over it, he purſues with all egarneſſe to make himſelf a god, by Raigning over the bodies and eſtates of men; yea, though they be but ſuch, as Tyrus and Sidon, can afford unto him, to make ſubjects of, and when they come unto him with one accord to make offer of themſelves, in yeelding to his affectionate and politicall project, he ſitting uppon the Judgment ſeate, in his Royall apparell, making his oration, of what power he hath to protect them, what wiſdom and Counſell, to miniſter Juſtice and righteouſneſs unto them (which office belongs only unto the Lord) the people with a ſhout crying out, the voice of god and not of man, the truth and ſubſtance of which Cry is, this is the ordinance of god and not of man, immediately the angel of the Lord ſmites him, and hee that ever acknowledged himſelf, to bee a worme, and no man upon the earth, Conſumes and eates up all his pomp and glory, even as thoſe, whom you account the Shame and Contempt of the people, ſhall (thorow that angell of the Covenant) waſte and bring to nought all thoſe Rhetoricall, (though earthly) Orations that are made amongſt you, by your ſo Learned, ſtudious, and experienced Clarkes: take for illuſtration of your eſtate as above, the ſpeech of your alderman Oliver, in caſe of committing Francis Hutchinſon to priſon; one of your Churchmembers wondering that brother Winthrop would do it before the Church had dealt with him, Brother, ſaith hee, why; hee is thy god man.

Lend your eye yet farther, to parallell your practiſe perſonated in Pylate and the people, when Pylat offereth Jeſus unto the people to be judged, they profeſs, they have ſuch a law, as puts no man to Death: they are all for mercy and forgiveneſs, when they are out of the Judgment hall, but let Pylat enter in thither; and then, nothing but Crucifie him, Crucifie him; be their accuſations, and witneſſes, never ſo falſe: even ſo, in your dealings with men, in way of your Jewiſh brotherhood, your law is all for mercie, to Redreſs, reform, and for preſervation, both of ſoule and bodie; Do but enter into the Common hall, and then, as Pylat asked (am I a Jew?) ſo do you, Doe I ſit, or ſpeake here, as a brother? I tro not, I am now in a higher ſphere, then that (though they be acknowledged coheirs with Chriſt) can ataine unto, therfore if witneſs be brought in, and Oath taken, though never ſo untrue, your conſciences are purged by law, and your power muſt have tribute payd unto it, ſo far an mens Names, to bee branded with infa •• ie, eſtates, depryving women and children of things neceſſarie, and precious lives of men can extend themſelves, to contribute any thing thereunto; ſo that the profeſſed mercie, and Clemencie of your law, to exerciſe cenſures only for amendment of life, and recoverie, comes unto this iſſue, as much as in you lies, to ſend both ſoule and body downe unto hell for ever without redreſſe, and all hope of recovery.

But your houre, and the power of Darkneſſe, is known what it is, either to have mens perſons in admiration becauſe of advantage; or elſe, to ſeek all occaſions againſt them, to brand them with all manner of reproch, and ignominie, but for the truth, taught daily in the Temple, y •• know not how to ſtreatch out your hand, or exerciſe your miniſtry againſt it, leſt it become leprous, and you take it back again with loſſe, when it appeares dried and withered.

And wherefore reaſon yee amongſt your ſelves, ſaying, wee exerciſe the power of your miniſtrations againſt none but ſuch as are Delinquents, whereby we cleer the innocent, and eſtabliſh peace in all our borders?

Wee demand, what think you of thoſe two witneſſes, prophecying in Sackcloth, a thouſand two hundreth and threeſcore Dayes: thoſe two olive trees, and two candleſtickes, ſtanding before the God of the earth? are theſe guiltie and vile perſons, out of whoſe hands (by the power of your miniſtries) you are delivering and releaſing the world? then indeed are your wayes juſtifiable: But if theſe bee the Juſt, Choſen, and peculiar friends of God, yea ſuch, as without which, his truth and Righteouſneſſe are not juſtified, his wiſdom, and holineſſe maintained and upheld in the world, in point of ſalvation by Chriſt, then are your wayes wicked, and to bee abhorred; for in your profeſſed Courſe, you are they, by whom theſe are ſlaine, and put to Death, and all your glory is to keepe their Corpes unburied in your ſtreetes, and yet you know not what you are doing, no more then you know what theſe witneſſes are, whom you are altogether ignorant of, for your Libraries never ſaw them, and you ſee not but by their eyes, for theſe are two, and never more, nor yet leſſe, yea ever the ſame, they are olive trees, elſe no witneſſes, and alſo Candleſticks, elſe both the former faile, yea, are not at all. Wee muſt tell you what theſe are, elſe wee cannot declare how you kill them, for it is not our intent to open unto you the houſe of the treaſures, the ſilver and the gold, and the ſpices, and the precious oyntment, nor the houſe of our armour, becauſe you take all as execrable, and put all to a profane uſe that commeth from us; but theſe two witneſſes are the life and death of our Lord Jeſus; or, in the true language of heaven alſo, the ſtrength and the weakneſſe of Chriſt, for hee was crucified through weakneſſe, but hee liveth by the power of God: this is the word of the Lord in Zerubbabel, Not by an army, nor by power, and ſo deprives him of all ſtrength, but by a ſpirit, that the greateſt mountaine, or loftieſt hill in the world cannot ſtand before, but becomes a plaine, which with facility and eaſe hee paſſeth upon; thence it is that hee doth not onely lay the top or the head ſtone of all, but alſo the loweſt 〈◊〉 the foundation, and then onely is the voice of ſhouting heard, Grace, grace in the houſe for ever; and then doth the day of ſmall things become the day of joy and triumph, yea, of parting the rich ſpoiles and prey of all the world, for then hee that doth but turn and lift up his eyes he cannot looke beſides that great flying book of the Curſe that is gone forth over the whole earth.

Without theſe two witneſſes jointly uttering themſelves in every particular Scripture undertaken to bee divulged by any, no evidence nor teſtimony of God is given, or brought in at all, but a meere refuge of lies for the ſoules of men to betake themſelves unto; without theſe two pipes of the olive trees emptying themſelves into the bowle of the candleſticks, no unction nor oyle at all is found in them, and that being wanting, the light of the Sanctuary is gone out; ſo that the light appearing amongſt you is onely the light of Balaam, whoſe eye was open, which you may read either Shethum or Sethum, for that opening is nothing elſe but the ſhutting up of the holy things of God, ſo that in ſeeing you ſee not, but communicate onely in the light of that beaſt, who puts the witneſſes to death, as Balaam did in the ſight of that dumbe beaſt of his whoſe eyes were opened to ſee the angel before him; ſo that while you thinke it is our wiſdome to ſtoope unto you for light, wee never come amongſt you but ſee our ſelves in a regiment of groſſe and palpable darkneſſe, and diſcern you very plainly, how you ſcrabble upon the wall to finde the doore of Lots houſe, and cannot. As alſo how you toil your ſelves to climbe up into the ſheep-fold, another, yea, ſo many other wayes, and have no ſight nor diſcerning of us the Door, at all, by the which whoſoever entereth, becomes a true ſeeder of the flock of God; yea, none entereth in thereat, but the true Shepheard himſelf.

Moſt impious it is to put to death two ſuch Noble witneſſes, that have power to ſhut heaven that it raine not in the dayes of their prophecying; to turne the waters into bloud, and to ſmite the earth with all manner of plagues as oft as they wil, whom that ſpirit that is amongſt you kills on this wiſe, the life or power of the ſonne of God, as above, which is infinite, not admitting of circumſc iption or containment, for the heaven of heavens cannot containe him, yet have you not dared to graſpe and inviron that power in the heavens, and therefore have reſolved and concluded that hee onely rules upon the earth in theſe dayes by his Deputies, Lievtenants, and Vicegerents, whereby you limit, and ſo deſtroy the holy One of Iſrael; for give him that in one time, or place, which afterwards, or elſewhere you deny him, and you make a nullity of him unto your ſelves, and in ſo doing, you kill that other witneſſe, namely, the death or weakneſſe of the Lord Jeſus: for you muſt have man to bee honourable, learned, wiſe, experienced, and of good report, elſe they may not rule among you; yea and theſe things are of man, and by man, as appeares, in that they onely officiate ſo, as man may diſanull and take it away againe; witneſſe your change of officers, conſtantly ſpeaking for us herein; thus have you ſlaine alſo the death or the weakneſſe of Chriſt, who profeſſeth himſelfe to bee a worm and no man, the ſhame and contempt of the people; and theſe faithfull and true witneſſes thus ſlaine, you muſt of neceſſity deny buriall, and keep them both in open view in your ſtreets, or otherwiſe all your pompe and glory falls to the duſt whence it came, and on which it feeds. Nor can you ſend your preſents one to another of your acts of Juſtice, power to protect, wealth, honour, and friends wherewith you gratifie each other; and where theſe are thus ſlaine, and their corps lie in open view, none of the gentiles, peoples, tongues, and kindreds ſuffering their carkaſſes to bee put in graves, there is that great City which ſpiritually is Sodom and Egypt, where our Lord is crucified; but after three dayes and an half, the ſpirit of life from God ſhall enter into them, and they ſhal ſtand up upon their feet to the terrour of you all: Nor doe you thinke that wee onely inveigh againſt the great ones of this world for thus doing, for wee know that the baſeſt peaſant hath the ſame ſpirit with the greateſt Princes of this world, and the greateſt of the Princes of this world, hath the very ſame ſpirit wherewith the baſeſt peaſant hath laid himſelfe open in the view of all men: theſe wee ſay, are the two witneſſes if you can receive it, and what a diſhonour is it to trade ſo much by meanes of witneſſes, and yet not know what a true witneſſe is? which if you did, you durſt not attempt the things you doe, whereby you caſt reproach upon all the world, in that you profeſſe your ſelves a choice people pickt out of it, and yet goe on, in ſuch practices as you doe, maintaining them as your onely glory. Our Lord gives you in charge not to ſweare at all, but it is your dignity to bring men to your ſeates of Juſtice with nothing but oathes in their mouthes, why doe you not ballance the ſcriptures in this point? viz.

It hath beene ſaid of old, Thou ſhalt not committ adultery, but I ſay unto you, hee that looketh on a woman to luſt after her, hath committed adultery with her in his heart already: ſo alſo it hath beene ſayd of old, Thou ſhalt not forſweare thy ſelf, but I ſay unto you, ſweare not at all: ſo that if it be adulterie, to looke to Iuſt, it is alſo forſwearing a mans ſelf, to ſweare at all; if the one be adultery, the other is perjury, if one be admitted in ſome caſes, the other alſo, ſo that in preaching the toleration, nay the duty of an oath, you preach the toleration, yea the duty of adulterie it ſelf; So that our Lord plainly evinceth unto all mens conſciences, not onely the guilt but the folly and madneſſe of the oath of man, ſhewing how farre it is, either from inveſting into place, or demonſtrating Cauſes, ſo that hee that concludeth upon honour, and power, received from the oath of man, or upon knowledge and bouldneſs, to judge in a cauſe, from that teſtimony without the which he could not have it, is as vaine in his thoughts, as if hee ſhould herupon conclude, I have now altered the frame of heaven, which is no leſs ſtable then the throne of the great God, or demoliſhed the earth, which is as firme as his foot-ſtoole for ever, or made a fraction in the orders of Jeruſalem, that choice and peculiar City of the great King, whoſe inſtitutions no mortall breath can intrench upon, or to profeſſe his authority and skill to be ſuch, whereby he can make a haire of his head blacke or white, cauſe his age to wax old as doth a garment, or renew it with the Eagle at his pleaſure, hereby doth man (in this point of ſwearing) profeſſe his folly to bee ſuch, that hee is become not onely vaine in his imaginations, but unto that pride and uſurpation therein, as to intrude himſelfe into the prerogative royall of his Maker.

So that however you boaſt of the Ordinances of God, yet he tels you there is no more then yea, yea, and nay, nay, in them, for what is once nay, is ever nay in the Ordination of Chriſt, and what is once yea, is ever yea with him, and according to his account however man reckoneth, whoſe account ſhall be called over againe, what is once curſe, is ever the curſe, and what is once the principality and power of Chriſt, is ever the principality and power of Chriſt, as that which is once the principality and power of Darkeneſſe, is ever the ſame, what hands ſoever it cometh into for manifeſtation: meaſure your kingdome whether it bee eternall, and your Juriſdiction whether it bee illimited, for he hath given (him) the heathen for his inheritance, the utmoſt parts of the earth for his poſſeſſion, and a kingdome of leſſe extent hee profeſſeth not, nor can hee approve or acknowledge any that doe, no more then light can approve of darkeneſſe, or the Lord Jehovah of the Lord Baal.

Bee wiſe therefore, and be thinke your ſelves while it is called to day, harden not your hearts, as though you would make your ſelves Meriba, nothing but ſtrife and contention againſt the Lord, rather kiſſe the ſonne (if it bee poſſible) leſt his wrath bee kindled and you periſh from the way for ever, O bleſſed onely they, that hope in him.

So that hee which profeſſeth on this wiſe, it is yea, I am a paſtour, but it was nay, at ſuch a time I was none, hee renounceth that ſpirit of the true paſtour, yet onely feeder of Iſrael, profeſſing onely that ſpirit that puſheth the weake with the horne, and pudleth with his feet the waters where the flocke of God ſhould drinke. Hee with whom it is yea, I am a Ruler, but it was nay when I was none at all, renounceth that ſpirit of him that rules in righteouſneſſe, profeſſing the ſpirit of him that rules according to the god of this world, that Prince of the power of the Aire, who is now working ſo effectually in the children of diſobedience. So alſo hee with whom it is yea, I am a Captaine, or chiefe ſlaughter-man, but it was nay, time was I was none at all, renounceth that victorie and ſlaughter made by the Captaine and High-prieſt of our profeſſion, (who as hee is a Lambe ſlaine from the beginning, his victory and ſlaughter muſt bee of the ſame antiquity,) profeſſing himſelfe to bee a chiefe ſlaughter-man, or ſuperfluous Giant, made in that hoaſt of the Philiſtims, ſtanding in readineſſe to come out, to defie the hoaſt of the living God: yea, it is evident, that whatſoever is more then yea, yea, and nay, nay, not ſettlingeach upon its Baſe, whereon it ſtandeth for ever without controule, but can remove, create, or make void offices and officers at their pleaſure, it of that evill, or not of Jeſus, the ſalvation of his people, but of Shedim that waſter and deſtroyer of mankinde for ever: know therefore that it is the oath of God which confirmes and makes good his Covenant and promiſe unto a thouſand generations: and it is the oath of man, which is the bond and obligation of that league and agreement made with death and hell for ever; bee yee aſſured it is not the tabernacle of witnes which you have amongſt you, brought in by Jeſus into the poſſeſſion of the Gentiles, but it is Siccuth your King, or the tabernacle of Moleck, the ſtarre of your God Remphan, figures which you have made unto your ſelves, which you have taken up, and are bearing ſo ſtoutly upon your ſhoulders. Now to tell you what an oath according to God is, that the ſcriptures are delivered upon no other ground or termes of certainty, where ever they are divulged, is a thing out of your juriſdiction, you cannot diſcerne or judge of it, therefore according to our word above, wee leave it as a parable unto you, as all the holy word of our God is, as your converſation in all points, as in this, daily declareth.

In a word, when wee have to doe in your juriſdiction, we know what it is to ſubmit to the wiſe diſpenſations of our God, when you have to doe amongſt us, in the liberties hee hath given unto us, wee doubt not, but you ſhall finde him judge amongſt us, beyond and above any cauſe or thing you can propoſe unto us; And let that ſuffice you, and know, that you cannot maintaine a juriſdiction, but you muſt reject all inroades upon other mens priviledges, and ſo doe wee.

In the meane time, wee ſhall (as wee thinke good) bee calling over againe ſome matters that you have taken up and had the handling of them amongſt you, to ſee what juſtice or equity wee finde hath beene exerciſed in them, and redreſſe them accordingly: for wee profeſſe right unto all men, and not to doe any violence at all, as you in your preſcript threaten to doe to us, for wee have learned how to diſcipline our children, or ſervants, without offering violence unto them, even ſo doe w e know how to deale with our deboiſt, rude, nay inhumane Neighbours, (or if you will, Nabals) without doing violence, but rather rendring unto them that which is their due.

Nor ſhall wee deprive a witneſſe of his modeſt teſtimony for the out-cries, and clamours of ſuch a one as ill bred apoſtatized Arn •• ld that fellonious Hog-killer, being the partie to bee teſtified againſt, or for the oath of any intereſted in the cauſe, nor ſhall wee bee forward to come ſo farre, to finde your worke upon your requeſt, till wee know you to beare another minde, then others of your Neighbours doe, with whom wee have had to doe in this country, whoſe pretended and deviſed Lawes wee have ſtooped under, to the robbing and ſpoiling of our goods, the livelyhood of our wives and children, thinking they had laboured, (though groping in great darkeneſſe) to bring forth the truth, in the rights and equity of things, but finding them to bee a company of groſſe diſſembling hypocrites, that under the pretence of Law and Religion, have done nothing elſe, but gone about to eſtabliſh themſelves in wayes to maintaine their owne vicious luſts, wee renounce their Diabolicall practice, being ſuch as have denyed in their publique Courts, that the lawes of our Native Country ſhould bee named amongſt them, yea thoſe ancient ſtatute lawes, caſting us into moſt baſe naſtie and inſufferable places of impriſonment for ſpeaking according to the language of them, in the meane while, breaking open our houſes in a violent way of hoſtilitie (abuſing our wives and our little ones) to take from us the volumes wherein they are preſerved, thinking thereby to keepe us ignorant of the courſes they are reſolved to run, that ſo the vicioſity of their owne wills might bee a law unto them, yea they have endeavoured, and that in publique expreſſions, that a man being accuſed by them, ſhould not have liberty to anſwer for himſelfe in open Court. Dealings of like nature wee finde in the place whereof you ſtile us your neighbours, (on whoſe unbridled malice, wee finde a higher then you putting a curbe) and yet in your account and reckoning wee are the parties that ſtill are doing the wrong, and muſt beare the guilt in your moſt mature ſentence, in whomſoever the ſpot ariſeth and abideth. But the God of vengeance (unto whom our cauſe is referred, never having our protector and Judge to ſeeke) will ſhew himſelfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all, yea all the houſe of that Iſhboſheth and Mephiboſheth, nor will he faile us to utter and make knowne his ſtrength (wherein wee ſtand) to ſerve in our age, and to miniſter in our Courſe, to day and to morrow, and on the third day, can none deprive us of perfection, for hee hath taught us to know what it is to walke to day, and to morrow, and the day following alſo, when a periſhing eſtate cannot ariſe out of Jeruſalem, though ſhe be the onely one, (yea, none but ſhe) that kills the Prophets, and ſtones them that are ſent unto her.

Behold yee that are looking after, and foretelling ſo much of the comming of Chriſt, driving the day before you ſtill for certaine yeares, which ſome (you ſay) ſhall attaine unto, and unto the day of death for the reſt, You blinde guides, as your fathers have ever done, ſo doe yee. Behold wee ſay, when ever hee appeareth, your houſe (which yee ſo glory in) ſhall bee left unto you deſolate, it ſhall be turned into nothing but deſolation and confuſion, for Babel is its name; Nor ſhall you ſee him to your comfort in the glory of his kingdome, untill you can ſay, Bleſſed is hee that commeth in the name of the Lord, when the authority and power of man appeares to bee the building of Babel unto you, and the name and authority of God onely, to bee that, wherein the bleſſing conſiſts, and that in ſuch wiſe alſo, as is nothing but a way of reproach, in the eyes of all the world, that a King ſhould ride into his chiefe City, ſo ſtrangely furniſhed, upon an Aſſe borrowed, her furniture old, overworn garments, and accompanied with none but poore, meane, excommunicated perſons, ſuch as your Elders, Scribes, Phariſees, Lawyers, and all your credible perſons among you, make full account they are not onely accurſed by, but alſo deſtitute and void of all law, when you can finde Hoſanna in the higheſt, ariſing out of ſuch contempt and ſhame, then, and then onely ſhall you ſing unto him with comfort. In the meane time acknowledge your portion, which is to truſt and ſtay your ſelves on the name of man, and in his beautie to delight and glory, which ſhall fade as a leafe, and like the graſſe ſhall wither when it is fitting it ſelf for the oven, ſuch is man whoſe breath is in his noſtrills, and the ſonne of ſorrie man, in whom you delight to truſt, his power and his policy brings forth nothing elſe, but as you ſhall ſee and heare in the Countrey from whence wee are brought. We are not ignorant of thoſe ſhamefull lies and falſities gone out againſt us, and the daily wreſting of our words, to caſt contempt upon us, thinking to bow downe our backs under ignominie and reproach; Neither of thoſe ſtraits & difficulties they have caſt us upon, in the things which concerne this preſent life, to the taking away of the lives of many, if our God had not been ſeen beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto (as their owne confeſſion hath witneſſed,) doing it in ſuch a way of painted hypocriſie and falſe gloſſe unto the eye of the world, that wee might ſeeme unto it ſelf-executioners. We RESOLVE therefore to follow our imployments, and to carry and behave our ſelves as formerly wee have done (and no otherwiſe) for wee have wronged no man, unleſſe with hard labour, to provide for our families, and ſuffering of groſſe, idle, and idol droanes to take our labour out of the mouths, and from off the backs of our little ones, to lordane it over us.

So that if any any ſhall goe about to diſturbe or annoy us henceforth in our imployments and liberties, which God hath, or ſhall put into our hands, that can claime no intereſt in us but by theſe courſes; what their buſineſſe is, wee know by proofe ſufficient, to bee nothing elſe but that ancient errand of Nimrod, that rebellious hunter after the precious life; which errand of his ſhall bee no more delivered unto us in that covert cruelty, and diſſembling way of hypocriſie, but in direct and open termes of tyrannie, wee will not bee dealt with as before, wee ſpeake in the Name of our God, wee will not; For if any ſhall diſturb us, as above, ſecret hypocrites ſhall become open Tyrants, and their lawes appeare to bee nothing elſe but meer luſts in the eyes of all the world.

And wherefore doe you murmure among your ſelves at this ſaying, thinking it is not a Chriſtian expreſſion? it is becauſe you are ignorant of the croſſe of our Lord Jeſus, not knowing what it is: Therefore it is, that while you inveigh againſt ſuch as ſet up a Statue of wood and ſtone, to bow downe unto it, and are ſo vaine, as to croſſe the aire, (to uſe your owne expreſſion) upon the face of infants, when they ſprinkle them with water to as great purpoſe: And in the meane time you preach and ſet up Seg nirim for your croſſe, whom you fall downe unto ſo willingly, and leſt you let the word paſſe without expoſition of it unto all, it ſignifies, Horrour and feare, which is the croſſe you hold and teach, and by and thorow which you thinke to bee ſaved, which is a name given by our Lord unto the Devill himſelf, as our Engliſh tranſlate it, and the Lord never gives name, as an empty title, but according to the nature of the thing named; ſo that if hee ſpeake, I have ſaid yee are gods, of any beſides himſelfe, it is to declare, that there is not onely the name, but the very nature of the god of this world, and therefore hee ſaith, they ſhall die, even as Adam, which aſpired and uſurped the place of God, and fall alſo as one of the Princes, even as one of thoſe princes of Midian, whoſe carkaſſes became dung for the earth; and hee that gives that title unto any but the true God (that made heaven and earth) in any other ſenſe but as it declares a flat oppoſition againſt God, is re-acting that ancient ſpirit of the ſerpent, if yee eate, you ſhall bee as gods, to judge of good and evill, for which all men are ſet up in that kinde; even ſo, while you tell the people, that by ſorrow, compunction, and anxiety, and trouble of minde, they communicate in the ſufferings of Chriſt, out of which condition their comfort is to flow, is nothing elſe but to conclude the ſonne of God to be Belial, yea, to affirme him to bee Seg nirim himſelf; this doth hee receive at your hands in your miniſtries, for all your awning upon him with a kiſſe; ſo that if you will know how farre you are from communicating in the death of Chriſt, take it in this parable, verily, as farre as the weakneſs of God is ſtronger then man.

Country-men, for wee cannot but call you ſo, though wee finde your carriage towards us to bee ſo farre worſe then theſe Indians, wee adviſe you to take things together, and what God hath joyned, let none dare to put aſunder: So that if you bee aſhamed of the croſſe in Baptiſme, bee aſhamed of the Baptiſme alſo, for ſuch as the croſſe is, ſuch is the Baptiſme, therefore your anceſtors goe beyond you in that, to joyne croſſing of the aire, and ſprinkling with the element of water together, but where ever Baptiſme according to the word of Chriſt is, there is the croſſe of Chriſt alſo, they can no more bee ſeparated, then his ſcepter and kingdom can, for where the one is, there is the other alſo, and as they are co-incident, ſo are they co-apparant; So that if ever you ſee the baptiſme of Chriſt truly in uſe, and exerciſed upon any, you do as truly ſee that party partaking and communicating with the croſſe and ſufferings of the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and to ſee perſons in ſuch eſtate, and to conclude that afterwards they may bee worthy of cenſure, yea poſſibly unto an anathema maranatha, is nothing elſe but to conclude a totall and finall falling away from the grace of God, as your fathers have done before you; for no grace greater then the croſſe of our Lord Jeſus.

Behold therefore you deſpiſers, the vanity and abomination of all your baptiſmes, how prejudiciall they are to the croſſe of Chriſt: bee aſhamed and return in time, or hee ſhall bee a ſwift witneſſe againſt you for ever, when your repentance ſhall come too late; but you thinke the croſſe of Chriſt is not, but onely in bowing the back under every burden, and cringing and crouching unto the luſt of every man, otherwiſe his Shebett is not fit, nor ſuiteth it at all with your Regiment, unleſſe ſo ſervile, that every man may ſerve his owne luſts of him, to get wealth and honour, friends and allies, by ſetting bounds and limits unto the holy Word of God; ſome in the way of one device, and ſome according to another, and he that will not either walk as a dumbe beaſt, (worſe then Balaams Aſſe) and ſay nothing, or elſe give a ſenſe of the holy writings to maintaine the deviſed platforme, if mercy muſt bee uſed, not to hang and burn, yet baniſhment is ready waiting upon them; therefore ſhall you know by the Rod of his power that comes out of Sion, that hee will bee Ruler, even in the midſt of his enemies.

Per us whom you ſtile your neighbours of Providence, you have ſaid it, Providence is our Hold, the neighbourhood of the Samaritan wee profeſſe. And for the lookings on, and turnings aſide of your Prieſts and Levites, without either unction, or bowells of compaſſion, all thoſe ſlaine and wounded in ſoule amongſt you, finding no remedy, doe plainly teſtifie unto all men the nature of your travailes and neighbourhood what it is, that neither the oyle of thoſe two olive trees, nor the fatneſſe of that vine, which maketh glad God and man, is converſant amongſt you; your ſpeech to us in generall, not uſing our names, whereas wee know, it is particulars you aime at, gives us plainely to ſee, the word Aelem revived and living in you, as it ſtands with its coherence in Pſalme 58.

John Wickes Randall Howldon Robert Potter Samuel Gorton John Greene Francis Weſton Richard Carder Richard Waterman Nicholas Power John Warner William Waddell
The ſecond letter of Samuel Gorton and his Accomplices,
From our Neck: Curo, September 15. 1643.

TO the great and honoured Idol Generall, now ſet up in the Maſſachuſets, whoſe pretended equity in diſtribution of Juſtice unto the ſoules and bodies of men, is nothing elſe but a meer device of man, according to the ancient cuſtomes & ſleights of Satan, transforming himſelf into an angel of Light, to ſubject and make ſlaves of that ſpecies or kinde that God hath honoured with his owne Image, read Dan. 3. Chap. wherein (if it be not like Lots love unto the Sodomites) you may ſee, the viſage or countenance of the State, for wee know the ſound of all the muſick, from the higheſt note of wind-inſtruments, ſounding, or ſet up by the breath or voices of men, (to have dominion and rule as though there were no God in heaven or in earth but they, to doe right unto the ſonnes of men) unto the loweſt tones of the ſtringed inſtruments, ſubjecting themſelves to hand or skill of the deviſed miniſtrations of men, as though God had made man to bee a vaſſall to his owne ſpecies or kinde, for hee may as well bee a ſlave to his belly, and make it his God, as to any thing that man can bring forth, yea, even in his beſt perfection, who can lay claime to no title or terme of honour but what the duſt, rottenneſſe, and putrefaction can affoord, for that of right belongeth ſolely to our Lord Chriſt. Woe therefore unto the world, becauſe of the Idols thereof; for Idols muſt needs be ſet up, but woe unto them by whom they are erected.

Out of the aboveſaid principles, which is the kindome of darkneſſe and of the devill; you have writ another Note unto us, to adde to your former pride and folly, telling us againe, you have taken Pumham, with others into your Juriſdiction and Government, and that upon good grounds (as you ſay:) you might have done well to have proved your ſelfe Chriſtians, before you had mingled your ſelves with the heathen, that ſo your children might have knowne how to put a diſtinction betwixt yours and them in after times, but wee perceive that to bee too hard a worke for your ſelves to performe, even in time preſent. But if you will communicate Juſtice and Government with that Indian, wee adviſe you to keep him amongſt your ſelves, where hee, and you may performe that worthy worke: Yet upon a better ground, wee can informe you, that hee may not expect former curteſies from us, for now by your Note, wee are reſolved of his breach of Covenant with us, in this his ſeeking and ſubjection unto you, which formerly hee hath alwayes denyed; let him and you know therefore, that hee is to make other proviſion for his planting of corne hereafter, than upon Mſhawomet, for wee will not harbour amongſt us any ſuch fawning, lying, and cadaverous perſon as hee is, after knowledge of him, as now in part you have given unto us, onely hee ſhall have liberty ſufficient to take away his corne, habitation, or any of his implements, ſo be it hee paſſe away in peace and quiet, which might in no caſe bee admitted, if it were ſo that wee lived by blood, as you doe, either through inciſion of the noſe, diviſion of the eare from the head, ſtigmatize upon the back, ſuffocation of the veines, through extremity of cold, by your baniſhments in the winter, or ſtraugled in the fleſh with a halter. But we know our courſe, profeſſing the kingdome of God and his righteouſneſſe, renouncing that of darkneſſe and the devill, wherein you delight to truſt, for without the practiſe of theſe things, you cannot kiſſe your hand, bleſſe the Idol, nor profeſſe your vowes and offerings to bee paid and performed. O yee generation of vipers, who hath fore-warned you, or fore-ſtalled your mindes with this, but Satan himſelfe, that the practice of theſe things is to fly from the wrath to come; Whereas the very exerciſe and performance of them, is nothing elſe but the vengeance and wrath of God upon you already, in that mankind, ſo harmonically made in the Image of God, is in the exerciſes of the kingdome, become the torturer and tormentor, yea the executioner of it ſelfe, whilſt thoſe of you that are of the ſame ſtock and ſtem, worke out, yea, and that curiouſly, through the law of your mindes, the death and deſtruction of one another; when as, in the meane time, the ſame nature or ſubſiſtance, in the way of our Lord Jeſus, ſaves both it ſelfe and others. You tell us of complaints made by the Indians, of unjuſt dealings and injuries done unto them, why doe they not make them knowne to us, they never complained to us of any thing done unto this day, but they had ſatisfaction to the full, according to their owne minde, for oft wee know, in what they expreſſe unto us, although our wrongs inſufferable done by them lie ſtill in the deck, for wee know very well, wee have plenty of cauſeleſſe adverſaries, wanting no malice that Satan can inject, therefore wee ſuffer much, that in the perfection and heighth of their plots, they may receive the greater rebuke and ſhame for their baſeneſſe, in the eies of all the world.

To which end wee have not onely committed our condition unto writings, but them alſo into the hands and cuſtody of ſuch friends, from whom they ſhall not bee taken by any, or by all the governments of this Country, as formerly they have beene, that ſo our wrongs might not appeare; therefore never picke a quarrell againſt us in theſe things, for wee know all your ſtiles and devices, that being you now want ſuch as old malicious Arnauld, one of your low ſtringed inſtruments, to exerciſe his fidle amongſt us, and wee are void of your benediction alſo, ſprung out of the ſame ſtock to make rents and diviſions for you to enter to gaine honour unto your ſelves in having patients to heale, though they lie never ſo long under your hands, your chirurgerie muſt bee thought never the worſe. Wanting theſe or ſuch like of the Engliſh, to betray the liberties, God hath given us into your hands, now you worke by your coadjutors, theſe accurſed Indians; but you are deceived in us, we are not a Cope fitted for your ſo eager appetite, no otherwiſe, then if you take it downe it ſhall prove unto you a Cope of trembling, either making you vomit out your owne eternall ſhame, or elſe to burſt in ſunder with your fellow confeſſor for aire, Jud •• Iſcariot.

For Mr. Winthrop and his Copartner Parker, may not thinke to lay our purchaſed plantation to their Iland ſo neere adjoyning, for they come too late in that point, though Benedick hath reported that Myantonimo, one of the Sachims, of whom wee bought it, ſhould loſe his head for ſelling his right thereof to us.

As alſo a miniſter affirmed that Mr. Winthrop ſhould ſay to him, that wee ſhould either bee ſubjected unto you, or elſe removed hence, though it ſhould coſt Bloud. Know therefore, that our lives are ſet apart already for the caſe wee have in hand, ſo wee will loſe nothing but what is put apart aforehand, bethinke your ſelves therefore what you ſhould gaine by fetching of them, in caſe it were in your power, for our loſſe ſhould bee nothing at all.

For wee are reſolved, that according as you put forth your ſelves towards us, ſo ſhall you finde us transformed to anſwer you. If you put forth your hand to us as country-men, ours are in readineſſe for you: If you exerciſe the pen, accordingly doe wee become a ready writer; If your ſword bee drawne, ours is girt upon our thigh; If you preſent a gun, make haſte to give the firſt fire: for we are come to put fire upon the earth, and it is our deſire to have it ſpeedily kindled.

For your purſuite of us, ſtill, to come your Courts, to receive your parcells of Juſtice, undoubtedly either God hath blinded your eyes that you ſee not our anſwer formerly given in that point, or elſe you are moſt andacious to urge it upon us againe; alſo you may take notice that wee take it in more diſdaine then you could doe, in caſe we ſhould importune you (yea) the chiefe amongſt you, to come up to us, and bee employed according to our pleaſure, in ſuch workes as wee thought good to ſet you about; and for your grant of freedome unto us to come downe to you, and returne in ſafety, wee cannot ſufficiently vilifie this your verball and per unctory offer, knowing very well, according to the verdict of your owne conſcience, that what wrongs ſoever are paſſed amongſt us ſince our comming into this Country, you have beene the violent agents, and wee the patients. To feare therefore to come amongſt you as ſuch as have done wrong, the cauſe vaniſheth in us, ſo muſt the effect alſo. And to feare to come unto you as tyrants, which your grant muſt neceſſarily implies, wee cannot, knowing that hee which is with us, is ſtronger then hee which is with you.

Alſo the earth is the Lords and the fullneſſe thereof, and when, and where hee ſhall call wee will goe, but not at the will and luſt of ſorry men to play their parts with us at their pleaſure, as formerly they have done, and as it is apparant you deſire to doe, for if your luſts prevailed not over you in that kinde, you might well thinke that wee have better employments then to trot to the Maſſachuſets upon the report of a lying Indian, or Engliſh either, as your factors and ordinary hacknies doe.

But know this Oyee—that ſo long as wee behave our ſelves as men, walking in the name of our God, where ever wee have occaſion to come, if any mortall man whoſe breath is in his noſtrils, dares to call us into queſtion, wee dare to give an anſwer to him, or them, nor ſhall wee faile through God, to give teſtimony even in his conſcience of the hope that is in us, whether his queſtion may concerne the rice or ſucceſſion either of Prieſt or Peere. In the meane time we ſit in ſafety under the cloudy pillar, while the Nations roare and make a noiſe about us, and though you may looke upon us with the unopened eye of Eliahs ſervant, thinking us as nothing to thoſe that are againſt us, yet wherever the cloud reſts, wee know the Lords returne to the many thouſands of Iſrael.

In that you ſay our freedome granted to come to you, takes away all excuſe from us, wee freely retort it upon your ſelves to to make excuſes, whoſe Lawes and proceedings with the ſoules and bodies of men, is nothing elſe but a continued art (like the horſe in the mill) of accuſing and excuſing, which you doe by circumſtances and conjectures, as all the fathers have done before you, the Diviners and Necromancers of the world, who are gone to their owne place and have their reward; But for the true nature, riſe, and diſtribution of things as they are indeed and ſhall remaine and abide as a law firme and ſtable forever, wee ſay and can make it good, you know nothing at all, therefore ſuch as can delight themſelves in preaching, profeſſing, and executing of ſuch things, as muſt end as the brute beaſts doe, nay take them away for preſent and they have loſt their honour, religion, as alſo their God; let ſuch wee ſay, know themſelves to bee that beaſt and falſe prophet, no man of God at all. In the meane time wee looke not on the things that are ſeene, but on the things that are not ſeene, knowing the one are temporary, the other eternall. Nor doe wee thinke the better of any man for being inveſted into places or things that will in time waxe old as doth a garment, neither judge we the worſe of any man for the want of them: for if we ſhould we muſt condemne the Lord Chriſt, as ſo many doe at this day.

Wee demand when wee may expect ſome of you to come to us, to anſwer and give ſatisfaction for ſome of theſe foule and inhumane wrongs you have done, not to the Indians, but to us your country-men: not to bring in a Catalogue, as we might, take this one particular abuſe you are now acting; in that you abet, and backe theſe baſe Indians to abuſe us. Indeed Pumham is an aſpiring perſon, as becomes a Prince of his profeſſion, for having crept into one of our neighbours houſes, in the abſence of the people, and felloniouſly rifled the ſame, hee was taken comming out againe at the Chimney-top: Soccononoco alſo hath entred in like manner into one of our houſes with divers of his companions, and breaking open a cheſt, did ſteale out divers parcels of goods, ſome part whereof, as ſome of his companions have affirmed, are in his cuſtody at this time. Yet we ſtand ſtill to ſee to what good iſſue you will bring your proceedings with theſe perſons, by whom you are ſo honorably attended in the Court generall, as you call it, and would honour us alſo, to come three or foureſcore miles to ſtand by you and them; wee could tell you alſo that it is nothing with theſe fellowes to ſend our cattle out of the woods with arrowes in their ſides, as at this preſent it appeares in one even now ſo come home, and it is well they come home at all, for ſometimes their wigwams can receive them, and wee have nothing of them at all; yea they can domineere over our wives and children in our houſes, when wee are abroad about our neceſſary occaſions, ſometimes throwing ſtones, to the endangering of their lives, and ſometimes violently taking our goods, making us to runne for it if wee will have it, and If wee ſpeake to them to amend their manners, they can preſently vaunt it out, that the Maſſachuſets is all one with them, let the Villanie they doe bee what it will, they thinke themſelves ſecure, for they looke to bee upheld by you in whatever they doe, if you bee ſtronger then them which they have to deale withall, and they looke with the ſame eye your ſelves doe, thinking the multitude will beare downe all, and perſwade themſelves (as well as they may) that you tolerate and maintaine them in other of their daily practices, as lying, Sabbath-breaking, taking of many wives, groſſe whoredomes, and fornications, ſo you will doe alſo, in their ſtealing, abuſing of our Children, and the like, for you have your diligent ledgers amongſt them that inculcate daily upon this, how hatefull wee are unto you, calling us by other names of their owne deviſing, bearing them in hand, wee are not Engliſh men, and therefore the object of envy of all that are about us, and that if wee have any thing to doe with you, the very naming our perſons ſhall caſt our caſe bee it what it will, as it is too evident by the caſe depending betweene William Arnauld and John Warner, that no ſooner was the name of Mr. Gorton mentioned amongſt you, but Mr. Dudley diſdainefully asking, is this one, joyned to Gorton, and Mr. Winthrop unjuſtly upon the ſame ſpeech, refuſed the oath of the witneſſe calling him knight of the poſt: are theſe the wayes and perſons you trade by towards us? are theſe the people you honour your ſelves withall? the Lord ſhall lay ſuch honour in the duſt, and bow downe your backes with ſhame and ſorrow to the grave, and declare ſuch to bee Apoſtatiſers from the truth, and falſifiers of the word of God onely to pleaſe men, and ſerve their owne luſts, that can give thankes in their publique Congregations for their unity with ſuch groſſe abominations as theſe. Wee muſt needes aske you another queſtion from a Sermon now preached amongſt you, namely how that bloud reliſheth you have ſucked formerly from us, by caſting us upon ſtraights above our ſtrength, that, have not beene exerciſed in ſuch kinde of labours, no more then the beſt of you in former times in removing us from our former conveniences, to the taking away of the lives of ſome of us, when you are about your diſhed up dainties, having turned the juice of a poore ſilly Grape that periſheth in the uſe of it, into the bloud of our Lord Jeſus by the cunning skill of your Magicians, which doth make mad and drunke ſo many in the world, and yet a little ſleepe makes them their owne men againe, ſo can it heale and pacifie the conſciences at preſent, but the leaſt hand of God returnes the feares and terrour againe, let our bloud wee ſay preſent it ſelfe together herewith, you hypocrites when will you anſwer ſuch caſes as theſe, and wee doe hereby promiſe unto you, that wee will never looke man in the face if you have not a fairer hearing then ever wee had amongſt you, or can ever expect; And bee it knowne to you all, that wee are your owne Countrymen, whatever you report of us, though the Lord hath taught us a language you never ſpoake, neither can you heare it, and that is the cauſe of your alienation from us; for as you have mouthes and ſpeake not, ſo have you eares & heare not; ſo we leave you to the judgement and arraignment of God Almighty. The joynt act, not of the Court Generall, but of the peculiar fellowſhip, now abiding upon Mſhawomet.

Randall Holden.

This they owned in Court though onely Holdens hand were to it.

Poſtſcriptum.

VVEE need not put a ſeale unto this our warrant, no more then you did to yours. The Lord hath added one to our hands, in the very concluſion of it, in that effuſion of bloud, and horrible Maſſacre, now made at the Dutch plantation, of our loving Country-men, women, and children, which is nothing elſe, but the compleate figure in a ſhort epitomie of what wee have writ, ſummed up in one entire act, and leſt you ſhould make it part of your juſtification, as you do all ſuch like acts, provided they bee not upon your owne backes, concluding them to be greater ſinners then your ſelves, wee tell you (nay) but except you repent, you ſhall likewiſe periſh.

For wee aske you who was the cauſe of Miſtreſſe Hutchinſon her departure from amongſt you, was it voluntarie? No, ſhee changed her phraſes according to the dictates of your tutors, and confeſſed her miſtakes, that ſo ſhee might give you content to abide amongſt you, yet did you expell her and caſt her away; no leſſe are you the originall of her removall from Aquethneck, for when ſhee ſaw her children could not come downe amongſt you, no not to conferre with you in your own way of brotherhood; but be clapt up, and detained by ſo long impriſonment, rumors alſo being noiſed, that the Iſland ſhould bee brought under your Government, which if it ſhould, ſhee was fearefull of their lives, or elſe to act againſt the plaine verdict of their owne conſcience, having had ſo great and apparant proofe of your dealings before, as alſo the Iſland being at ſuch diviſions within it ſelfe, ſome earneſtly deſiring it ſhould bee delivered into your hands, profeſſing their unity with you, others denyed it, profeſſing their diſſent and diviſion from you, though for what themſelves know not, but onely their abominable pride to exerciſe the like tyranny.

From theſe and ſuch like workings having their originall in you, ſhee gathered unto her ſelfe and tooke up this fiction, (with the reſt of her friends) that the Dutch plantation was the Citie of refuge, as ſhee had gathered like things from your doctrines before, when ſhe ſeemed to hold out ſome certaine glimpſes or glances of light, more then appeared elſewhere whilſt there was ſuch to approve it, in whom there might bee ſome hope to exalt the inſtruments thereof, higher then could bee expected from others, but you know very well you could never reſt nor bee at quiet, till you had put it under a Buſhell, ideſt, bounded and meaſured the infinite and immenſe word of God, according to your owne ſhallow, humane, and carnall capacities, which, howſoever may get the higheſt ſeates in your Synagogues, Synods, and Jewiſh Synedrions, yet ſhall it never enter into the kingdome of God to be a doorekeeper there. Do not therefore beguile your ſelves in crying out againſt the errours of thoſe ſo miſerably falne, for they are no other things which they held but branches of theſame root your ſelves ſo ſtoutly ſtand upon, but know this that now the axe is laid to the root of the tree, whereof you are a part, and every tree that brings not forth fruit according to the law of that good things, which the father knowes, how to give to thoſe that aske it, ſhall bee cut downe, and caſt it into the fire: Neither doe you fill up your ſpeeches or tales, (wee meane your Sermons) but that wee affect not the Idolizing of words, no more then of perſons or places. For your ſelves know the word is no more but a bruit or talke, as you know alſo your great and terrible word Magiſtrate, is no more in its originall, then Maſterly, or Maſterleſſe, which hath no great luſtre in our ordinary acceptation. Therefore wee looke to finde and injoy the ſubſtance, and let the ceremony of theſe things, like vapour vaniſh away, though they gather themſelves into clouds, without any water at all in them, the Lord is in the mean time a dew unto Iſrael, and makes him to grow like a lillie, caſting out his roots and branches as Lebanon.

We ſay, fill not up your talk as your manner is, crying, that ſhee went out without ordinances, for God can raiſe up out of that ſtone, which you have already rejected, as children, ſo alſo miniſters and ordinances unto Abraham: You may remember alſo, that every people and poore plantation, formerly fleeced by you, cannot reach unto the hire of one of your Levites, nor fetch in, one ſuch Dove as you ſend abroad into our native Country, to carry and bring you news.

Nor can you charge them in that point, for it was for protection or government ſhee went; And however, hire, in other reſpects, yet the price of a wife, and ſafetie of his owne life adjoyned, carryed a Miniſter along with them of the ſame riſe and breeding together with you owne, to adde unto the blood ſo ſavagely and cauſeleſly ſpilt, with a company of ſuch as you take pleaſure to protect, for they are all of one ſpirit, if they have not hands in the ſame act; we ſay their death is cauſeleſſe, for wee have heard them affirm that ſhee would never heave up a hand, no nor move a tongue againſt any that perſecuted or troubled them, but onely indeavour to ſave themſelves by flight, not perceiving the nature and end of perſecution, neither of that antichriſtian oppoſition and tyrannie, the iſſue whereof declares it ſelf in this ſo 〈…〉 and lamentable.

Note, good Reader, that I had order to publiſh theſe two Letters of his, as well literatim as verbatim, but becauſe their Orthography was ſo bad, as it would ſcarce have been underſtood, I left it to bee corrected by the Printer, but no word to be changed: And the reaſon of the word here left out, is, becauſe it was worne out, and ſo ſoyled in the origina •• 〈◊〉 wee could not read it, and thought good rather to leave it a bl ••• k, then to put in a word of our own that was not theirs.

In the next place, I preſent thee here ith certaine Obſervations collected out of both their Letters, by a godly and reverend Divine, whereby the Reader may the better underſtand them, and indeed try the ſpirits of theſe men, whether they be of God or no. Now theſe his Obſervations are ranked into three H ads: Ʋiz.

Firſt, their reproachfull and reviling ſpeeches of the Government and Magiſtrates of the Maſſachuſets, which in Gortons Booke hee pretends ſo much to honour, becauſe their Government is derived from the State of England; and therefore I deſire thee to take the better notice of it.

The ſecond Head of his Obſervations directs thee to their reviling language, not onely againſt that particular Government, and the Magiſtrates of it, but againſt Magiſtracy it ſelfe, and all Civill power.

And in his third Head; thou art directed to take notice of their blaſphemous ſpeeches againſt the holy things of God. All which becauſe they are of great concernment, I beſeech the Reader to take a little paines to compare them with Mr. Gort ns and his Companies Letters.

Certaine Obſervations collected out of both their LETTERS.
I. Their reproachfull and reviling Speeches of the Government and Magiſtrates of the Maſsachuſets. 1. THey ſay our Magiſtrates did lay their Wiſdome proſtrate,Pag. 9. in ſending Letters to them, which they ſcornfully call an irregular Note. 2 That they bare them cauſleſſe enmity, the proofe whereof every occaſion brings forth. 3 They ſlily call them the ſeed of the ancient mother; i. of the enmity of the Devill. 4 That they know it is the name of Chriſt call'd upon them, againſt which our Magiſtrates doe ſtrive. 5 That they goe about to hide their ſin, as Adam, bearing the world in hand, that they deſire not to contend, but to redreſſe ſomething in point of Civill peace. 6 That they ſtand on tip-toe to ſtretch themſelves beyond their bounds, to ſeek occaſion againſt them. 7 That thoſe who accuſe them, are accuſers of the Brethren, Satan being a lyer, and the father of it; which thing our Magiſtrates cannot know though they be told of it. 8 That this act of theirs to treat about their land,Pag. 10. is a mappe of their ſpirituall eſtate. 9 That they delight daily to eate of the forbidden fruit (which they call mans wiſdome) out of which our Churches and Common-wealth is formed) to gaine conformity with their maker. 10 They ſcorn at their purity and godlineſſe, telling them that Cole and Arnold their diſſembling ſubjects, are full of the ſpirit of their purity. 11 They doe not ſay plainly that our Magiſtrates are dogs, but compare them to dogs in reſuming their vomit into its former concoction, by receiving Cole and Arnold under our juriſdiction. 12 That the whole ſtructure and edifice among us (i. the Churches and Common-wealth) is raiſed up in the ſpirit of an hireling, and that by ſubmiſſion to the Word of God in faſting, feaſtſting, retiredneſſe for ſtudy, contributing, treaſuring (i. for Church uſes in ſeverall Churches) they doe nothing elſe but bring forth fruit unto death. 13 That farther then the Lord Jeſus agrees with riches, honour and eaſe, our Magiſtrates minde him not, nay, renounce, and reject him. 14 That they plainely crucifie Chriſt,Pag. 11. and put him to an open ſhame, which the Apoſtle, Hebr. 6. applies to the worſt of men, who commit the unpardonable ſin, and for whom men are not to pray. 15 That our Magiſtrates are as farre from yeelding ſubjection to Chriſt,Pag. 12. as Cole and Arnold from being honourable and loyall ſubjects, whom they call the ſhame of Religion, the diſturbance and diſquiet of the place, diſſembling ſubjects, pag. 10. as alſo deboiſt, rude, inhumane Nabals, il-bred, apoſtatiſed perſons, and fellonious, page 23. with many ſuch like ſpeeches. 16 That the things of Gods kingdome are infinitely beyond the reach of their ſpirit, nor can they heare the lively Oracle, and therefore are dumb in telling Juſtice. 17 That the Magiſtrates are Jewes according to the fleſh, and ſtout maintainers of the man of Sin. 18 That they know our Magiſtrates eyes are dazled with envy,Pag. 13. and their ears open to lyes. 19 That they judge them before their cauſe be heard.Pag. 15. 20 That in inviting them to their Courts for their equal-ballanced Juſtice (as they ſcornfully call it) they thereby ſtrike at Chriſt their life. 21 That our Magiſtrates are like Herod, Pag. 16. whom God ſmote with wormes, for ſeeking by an out-reaching and circumventing policy to ſubdue Tyrus and Sidon, and like Pontius Pilate, and the people who out of the Judgement hall are all for mercy, but in it nothing but crucifie him, crucifie him, bee their accuſations, and witneſſe never ſo falſe, ſo (ſay they) in your dealings with men in way of the Jewiſh brotherhood, your law is all for mercy, to redreſſe, reforme, for preſervation of ſoule and body, doe but enter into the Common-hall, then if witneſſes bee but brought in, and oath taken though never ſo untrue, your Conſciences are purged by law, and your power muſt have tribute paid it, ſo far as to brand mens names with infamy, and deprive women and children of things neceſſary. 22 That the profeſſed clemency an mercy of their law, is as much as in them lyes, to ſend both ſoule and body downe to Sheol (i. the grave and hell) for ever, without redreſſe and all hope of recovery. 23 That their houre and power of darkneſſe is knowne, what it is either to have mens perſons in admiration becauſe of advantage, or elſe to ſeek all occaſions againſt them, with all manner of reproach and ignominie. 24 That their wayes are wicked,Pag. 17. and to bee abhorred, becauſe in their profeſſed courſe the two witneſſes are ſlaine by them, and put to death; and that all their glory is to keep their corpſe unburied; and theſe two witneſſes are the life and death of the Lord Jeſus. 25 That the light appearing among them,Pag. 18. is nothing but the light of Balaam, ſo that in ſeeing, they ſee not, but communicate onely in the light of that Beaſt who put the witneſſes to death. 26 They tell our Magiſtrates, that they never come amongſt them, but they ſee themſelves in a regiment of groſſe and palpable darkneſſe, and diſcern you to ſcrabble on the wall for the door of Lots houſe. 27 That they know not what a true witneſſe is.Pag. 19. 28 That the whole Word of God is a parable to them,Pag. 22, 23. as their converſation in all points daily declare it. 29 That they will not come neare our Magiſtrates, untill they know they beare another minde from their neighbours, whom they call robbers, groſſe diſſembling hypocrites, who doe nothing but goe about to eſtabliſh ſuch wayes as may maintaine their owne vic ous luſts, whoſe laws are pretended and deviſed, and whoſe practiſes (they ſay) they renounce as diabolicall. 30 Yee blind guides (ſay they to our Magiſtrates) as your fathers have ever done,Pag. 24. ſo do you. 31 You ſet up Segnirim (i. as themſelves interpret) feare and horrour,Pag. 25. or the devill, by, and for the which you hope to bee ſaved. 32 That their carriage towards them,Pag. 26. is farre worſe then that of the Indians, whom themſelves cry out of to bee thieves and robbers; pag. 32. 33 That they are deſpiſers; Behold (ſay they) yee deſpiſers, the vanity and abominations of all your baptiſmes. 34 Yee think (ſay they) that the croſſe of Chriſt is nothing but bowing down the back to every burden, and cringing and crouching to the luſt of every man. 35 They call the generall Court,Pag. 28. the great Idol Generall, whoſe pretended equity in diſtributing Juſtice is a meer device of man according to the ſleights of Satan. 36 They tell the Court, that out of the kingdome of darkneſſe and the devill, they had writ another Note to adde to their former pride and folly. 37 For taking Pumham and Sachanonoco (Indian Sachims) under their protection; they tell the Court they might have done well to have proved themſelves Chriſtians before they had mixt themſelves with the heathen; but this was too hard for them to doe. 38 They adviſe the Court (in ſcorn) to keep the Indian with them,Pag. 29. where he and they might perform that worthy work of diſtributing Juſtice. 39 They tell the Court that they live by bloud. 40 They tell the Court, they renounce the kingdom of darkneſs, and the devill, wherein the Court delights to truſt. 41 They call the Court, O ye generation of Vipers. 42 They tell the Court,Pag. 30, 31. they are not a cup fit for their appetite, but a cup of trembling either to make them vomit up their owne eternall ſhame, or elſe to make them burſt aſunder with their fellow confeſſor Judas Iſcariot. 43 That the Court is either blind or audacious in deſiring them to come for their parcells of Juſtice, and that they diſdain to come to them. 44 They profeſſe they cannot ſufficiently vilifie the promiſe of the Court, that they ſhall come down to them and return in ſafety; which they call a verball and perfunctory offer. 45 They tell the Court, that if their luſts had not prevailed over them, they might thinke they had better employment then to trot to Maſſachuſets as their factors, and ordinary hackneys doe. 46 They tell the Court that their lawes and proceedings withPag. 32. the ſoules and bodies of men, is nothing elſe but a continued act of accuſing and excuſing (like the horſe in the mill) which (ſay they) you doe by circumſtances and conjectures, as alſo your fathers have done before you, the Diviners and Necromancers of this world, who are gone to their owne place, and have their reward. 47 They accuſe our Magiſtrates for maintaining Indians in their lying,Pag. 33. ſabbath-breaking, groſſe whoredomes, ſtealing, &c. 48 That they are hypocrites,Pag. 34. having eyes and ſee not, eares and hear not, mouths and ſpeak not.

Now had theſe men returned a rationall anſwer, it might have been meet perhaps by a few marginall Notes to have returned ſome ſhort Reply; but both their etters being fraught with little elſe then meer raylings, and reproachfull language, it may be ſufficient thus to preſent them in one view together, that ſo the wiſe and prudent may take a taſte of their ſpirits, and learne from what fire it is that their tongues are thus highly inflamed. If our Courts and Magiſtrates had been in any thing to blame, what a faire and eaſie way had it been to have firſt convinced them, before they had thus bitterly reviled them; but thus to cut and ſhave, and caſt all this filth in their faces without proof or reaſon, argues a bold and inſolent ſpirit f tted to make combuſtions and confuſions in the place where they live. If indeed the Magiſtrates had given them any ſore provocations of returning ill language, there might have been ſome excuſe, but alaſſe, all the cauſe that can bee given of moſt of this ill language, is nothing but writing friendly unto them, to ſend ſome from themſelves to clear up the differences between them and the Indians, and to ſhew their juſt title to the land they poſſeſſed: if they had kept this flood within their owne bankes, or been but moderate in revilings, it might have been winkt at; but to fly out into ſuch extremity on ſo ſmall provocation againſt their betters, ſo as to call them Idolls, blind-guides, deſpiſers, generation of vipers, ſuch as crucifie Chriſt, men that ſerve their owne luſts, hypocrites, the ſeed of the Devill, Necromancers, Judaſſes, men that live by bloud, robbers and thieves, men without mercy, among whom Juſtice is dumbe, delighting in the kingdome of darkneſſe and the devill, like Herod and Pilate in adminiſtring Juſtice, whoſe eyes are dazled with envie, and eares open to lies, ſtout maintainers of the man of Sin, whoſe wayes are wicked and to bee abhorred; worſe then Indians, like dogs, &c. This language ſpeakes loud to what Countrey they belong, and of what race they come.

II. Their reviling Language not onely againſt the Magiſtrates and Government here in particular, but alſo againſt Magiſtracy it ſelf, and all Civill power.

IF any ſhall ſay for them (as themſelves now for their owne advantage doe) that this ill language is directed onely againſt our particular Government and Magiſtrates, but not againſt all Civill power it ſelf, the contrary may appear (notwithſtanding their dark language, under which ſometimes they ſeek to conceale it) in theſe particulars.

"1 They expreſly affirm that the Office to miniſter Juſtice,Pag. 16. belongs onely to the Lord: and that therefore (from their inſtance of Herod) men make themſelves Gods, (which themſelve interpret to be onely from the God of this world, and to be in flat oppoſition againſt God, pag. 26.) by ruling over the bodies and eſtates of men; and that the people receiving Herod to Government, & crying out that this was the ordinance of God, and not of man, that he was immediately ſmitten of God for it: As alſo they tell us, p. 26. that to ſet up men to Judge of good and evil, for which all m n are ſet up in that kinde; that this is re-acting that ancient ſpirit of the Serpent, If yee eate, yee ſhall bee as Gods."

Now this ſtrkes at all Magiſtracy, for if the office of miniſtring juſtice and righteouſneſſe belongs to God onely, then not unto any man, for that is to make Gods of men; and if to judge betweene good and evill bee to act over againe the ancient ſpirit of the Serpent, then 'tis not onely unlawfull, but diabolicall, to make Judges of what is right and wrong, good or evill by any man.

If it bee objected, is it poſſible that any men ſhould bee ſo groſly blind and wicked, as to aboliſh all miniſtration of Juſtice and righteouſneſſe?

Anſw. 1. Theſe men ſeeme to acknowledge ſome way of miniſtring Juſtice, but the myſterie lies in that word Office, they would have no man ſet up in the Office of Magiſtracy, diſtinguiſhed from other men, but would have ſuch a power common to the B ethren, ſo that a man may judge as a brother, but not as an Officer, and therefore they ſlily juſtifie him, who called one of our chiefe Magiſtrates in the open face of the Court, Brother, and condemne all our Magiſtrates, becauſe every man doth not ſit there to judge as a Brother, pag. 16. and their reaſon ſeems to bee drawne from this, becauſe that to bee a Brother, and conſequently a olicire with "Chriſt, is a higher ſphere then to bee a Civill Officer, as their owne words intimate, pag. 16. Now the rule is evident à quatenus ad omne, that if miniſtration of Juſtice and judgement belongs to no officer, but to a man as a Brother, then to every Brother, and if to every Brother, whether rich or poore, ignor nt or learned, then every Chriſtian in a Common-wealth muſt bee King, and Judge, and Sherif e, and Captaine, and Parliament man, and Ruler, and that not onely in New-England, but in Old, and not onely in Old, but in all the Chriſtian world; downe with all Officers from their Rule, and ſet up every Brother for to Rule, which the godly-wiſe may eaſily diſcerne to bee the eſtabliſhment of all con uſion, and the ſetting up of Anarchy worſe then the greateſt Tyranny.

2. Although theſe may beare the world in hand that they allow miniſtration of Juſtice and righteouſneſſe by men as Brethren, yet ſome Cakes of theſe mens dough have been ſo farre leavened and ſowred againſt all Civill power, as that in our Publike Courts, being demanded how murderers, theeves, and adulterers ſhould bee puniſhed if there ſhould bee no Civill power coercive, they openly and roundly anſwered before many witneſſes, that ſuch perſons muſt be left to the judgment of God, both which not long after God himſelf ſate Judge upon, being ſuddenly and barbarouſly ſlaine by the bloody Indians in the Dutch plantation.

Pag. 18, 19. "Firſt, they exclaime againſt us for chooſing men that are honourable, learned, wiſe, experienced, and of good report, or elſe they may not rule among us, and this, they ſay, is of man, and by man, and putting the ſecond witneſſe to death, viz. the dea h or weakneſſe of Chriſt, or in plaine Engliſh, 'tis a killing of Chriſt.

Now however the application is made unto our Civill State, yet it manifeſtly ſtrikes at all Civill States in the world, who ſhall chooſe any Officers for rule and government, and adminiſtring of Juſtice, although they bee never ſo honourable, learned, wiſe, experienced, and of good report, and conſequently moſt fit for government; and that in ſo chuſing them they doe put Chriſt himſelf to death. So that theſe men ſtill harp on that ſtring to have every man judge as a Brother, whether honourable or not honourable, whether wiſe or fooliſh, whether of good report or evill report, otherwiſe Chriſts weakneſſe is ſlaine.

Pag. 22.3. "They affirme that they who can create, make void, and remove offices and officers at their pleaſure, are of that evill one, (i. the devill) and not of Jeſus Chriſt, but of Shedim that waſter and deſtroyer of mankind for ever. Their proofe is from that monſtrous interpretation of Yea, yea, and Nay, nay, and they inſtance not onely in Church-officers, but in Common-wealth-officers, whether Rulers or Captaines. Their words are theſe, "viz. Hee with whom it is yea, I am a Ruler, but it was nay when I was none at all, renounceth the ſpirit of him that rules in righteouſneſſe, profeſſing the ſpirit of him that is Prince of the power of the aire, who is working now ſo effectually in the children of diſobedience; ſo alſo hee with whom it is yea, I am captaine, or chief-ſlaughter-man, but it was nay, time was that I was none at all, renounceth the victory and ſlaughter made by the Captaine and High-prieſt of our profeſſion, profeſſing himſelfe to bee a ſuperfluous Giant made in the hoſt of the Philiſtims, to defie the hoſt of the living God.

By which ſpeeches ' is evident that they doe not onely oppoſe Civill officers choſen amongſt us here, but all ſuch as are choſen Rulers, Captaines, and Officers at any time, in any place, and were not ſo before; and ſuch they ſay are of the Devill the deſtroyer of man.

4. "They ſay men limit,Pag. 18. and ſo deſtroy the holy one of Iſrael, whoſe life is infinite, and without circumſcription and containment (as they call it) if men acknowledge that Chriſt rules on earth onely by his Deputies, Litvtenants, and Vicegerents, (i. by perſons inveſted with Civill authority and office, for ſo they are called by Orthodox Divines) and therefore they ſay that his putting Chriſt to death, when onely wiſe, and honourable, and learned, and experienced, and men of good report, are choſen to rule, becauſe they would have the Power to rule common to all Chriſtians, but as for the office of rule to bee peculiar to none, and therefore Pag. 24. they tell us that none ſhall ſee Chriſt come into his kingdome with comfort, untill the authority and power of man appeares to be as the building of Babel, and the name and authority of God onely to bee that wherein the bleſſing conſiſts; meaning that 'tis Babyloniſh building which God miſliked, and confounded, for any man in office to rule and governe, becauſe this is to limit the power and life of Chriſt (which is in every brother as well as in any officer) and ſo to kill the life of Chriſt; ſo that if any of them ſay that although they diſtaſte officers, as Kings and others by election, yet not ſuch as are ſo by hereditary ſucceſſion, they are but words to ſute their owne ends for a time, and to delude others, for if it bee limiting the holy One of Iſrael, a circumſcribing and ſo deſtroying the life of Chriſt which is infinite, for to make him rule by his Deputies and Vicegerents on earth, then not onely Kings and Princes, whether by election or no, but all other civill officers muſt bee abandoned, becauſe the life and power of Chriſt is limited in ſucceſſive as well as in elective Princes, in inferiour as well as in ſuperiour governours, who are Chriſts Deputies, and Vicegerents, and therefore called Rom. 13. 4. the Miniſters of God either for good or terrour.

Pag. 28.5. "They call our generall Court the Idoll generall, which is nothing elſe but a device of man by the ſleight of Sathan to ſubject and make ſlaves of that ſpecies or kinde which God hath honored with his owne Image, and they do not onely ſpeake thus of our Courts as Idols, but they cry out woe unto the world becauſe of the Idols thereof, for Idols uſt needes bee ſet up, but woe be unto them by whom they are e ected, and their reaſon reacheth to all civill power, (for ſay they) a man may be as well a ſlave to his belly, and make that his god, as be a vaſſall to his owne ſpecies, or kinde, or to any thing that man can bring forth even in his beſt perfection.

There are other evidences of their corrupt minde herein from other paſſages in their letters which they ſpeake under more obſcure cloude and allegories, but theſe may bee a ſufficient witneſſe againſt them before men and angels, that they abandon all civill authority, although for to ſerve their owne turnes of others or their owne luſts, they ſay they do not: the Apoſtle Jude long ſince, tels us of ſuch perſons expreſly who deſpiſe Dominion and ſpeake evill of Dignities, 1. They doe not only deſpiſe theſe or thoſe particular perſons or ſtates that are inveſted with Dominion; but they deſpiſe Dominion it ſelfe and Dignities themſelves, and would have all that power abandoned, whom he calleth v: 8. filthy dreamers, defiling the fleſh, murmurers and complainers walking after their owne luſts, their mouthes ſpeaking great ſwelling words, v. 16. And that it may yet more fully appeare that theſe men doe abandon all civill authority, (although this ſecret they will not impart unto all, but rather profeſſe the contrary) there is extant to bee ſhewen if need were, the writings betweene a prudent man in this Country, and one of the chiefe, and moſt underſtanding of this peculiar fellowſhip (as they ſtile themſelves) wherein hee doth ſtoutly maintaine theſe three aſſertions, 1. That there are no Ordinances. 2. That there are no relations neither in the Common-wealth betweene rulers and ſubjects, nor in the Church between officers and brethren, nor in the families betweene husband and wife, maſter and ſervant, father and ſonne. 3. That there are no inherent graces in Chriſtians. By which principles the world may ſee what theſe men goe about, viz. "as much as in them lies to bring in a diſorder and confuſion in all ſtates and families, and to open the ſluce to all violence, injuſtice, and wickedneſſe, by not only abandoning, but reproaching and revilingall civill rule and authority upon earth, which they therefore ſcornefully call a meere device of man, Idols, to be of the Devill, the deſtroyer of mankinde, and to bee a crucifying of Chriſt in his life and death, and all this when honourable, wiſe, learned, experienced, well reported perſons are choſen and inveſted with Civill power, whom therefore they would not have maintained, and to whom it is an unlawfull to adminiſter any oath for the ending of civill differences, as to luſt after a woman to commit adultery, Pag. 20.

III. Their blaſphemous ſpeeches againſt the holy things of God.

Pag. 26.1. AGainſt the Churches, they call them deviſed platformes Pag. 26. "and that the wiſedome of men is the whole accompliſhment (or that which gives the whole being) of Churches and Common-wealth. Pag. 10."

Pag. 11.2. "Againſt the calling of Miniſters, they ſay, that to make their calling mediate and not immediate, is to make a nullity of Chriſt, and to crucifie Chriſt, and to put him to an open ſhame, and that ſuch Miniſters are Magicians, Pag. 34.

Now this reflects upon all the Ordinances and ordinary Officers and Miniſters of Chriſt, that either are or have beene in the Church at any time, for although the offices bee immediately from Chriſt, yet their call to exerciſe this office hath beene ever accounted mediate.

Pag. 36.3. "Againſt the word of God, they call the Sermons of Gods Miniſters tales, or lies and falſhoods, now had they thus ſpoken upon proofe againſt any particular Sermons, or perſons, the accuſed might have ſpoken for themſelves, but indifferently to revile all Sermons as tales or forgeries, the doctrine generally taught here amongſt us, being no other then that which Paul preached at Epheſus for three yeares ſpace and upwards, viz. repentance towards God, and faith towards the Lord Jeſus, Act. 20. being alſo no other then what agrees generally with the harmony of confeſſions of all reformed Churches: to call theſe tales is a word which the Lord Jeſus will certainely remember, unleſſe they repent; the Sermons of the Apoſtles of Chriſt, as well as the doctrine of all reformed Churches, being reproached hereby.

Pag. 26.4. Againſt the Sacraments: as for baptiſme they doe not onely make the baptizing of Infants as abominable as the croſſe, but all our baptiſmes, "behold (ſay they) the vanity and abomination of all your baptiſmes, and they doe not meane all thoſe baptiſmes which are in uſe amongſt us, but in any Churches of the world at this day; for they acknowledge no other baptiſme then that which is ſpirituall, and hence they ſay, "that when ever you ſee the baptiſme of Chriſt truly in uſe according to the word of God, you doe as truly ſee that party partaking and communicating with the croſſe and ſufferings of Chriſt, for theſe are coaparant, now communicating in Chriſts ſufferings in their meaning is onely ſpirituall, and ſo is therefore all baptiſmes. 2. As for the Lords ſupper ſcarce a greater heape of blaſphemies in fewer words can come from the mouth of man againſt that bleſſed Ordinance, wherein Chriſt is ſo manifeſtly and ſweetly preſent, "for they call it your diſht up dainties, turning the juice of a ſillie grape that periſheth in the uſe of it, into the bloud of the Lord Jeſus, by the cunning skill of your Magicians, which doth make mad and drunke ſo many in the world.

5. Againſt repentance and humiliation for ſinne,Pag. 26. they ſpeake ſomewhat obſcurely,Ex 1. pag. but they that know them may ſonne underſtand their meaning,They ſay our of the forbidden fruite i. e. mans wiſdom, our Churches and Commonwealth is formed. 2. That the whole edifice amongſt us is raiſed up in the ſpirit of an hireling. 3. That by ſubmiſſion to the word of God in faſting, feaſting, retiredneſſe for ſtudy, contributing, treaſuring, i. e. for Church uſes ſo much in ſeverall Churches, they doe nothing but bring forth fruite unto death. which if it be this, that in a way of compunction and ſorrow for ſinne, a Chriſtian is not to ſeeke for conſolation and comfort from Chriſt, and to affirme that this is to make the ſonne of God Belial and Segnirim, the Devill himſelfe, (as they interpret it) then tis moſt groſſe blaſphemy againſt not onely the preaching, but practiſe of repentance and godly ſorrow, for which the Apoſtle rejoiced to ſee in the Corinthians, ch. 7 v. 9. 10. and which James and Peter command and commend, James 4. v. 9. 10. 1 Peter 5. v. 6. and which way not ſo much Moſes in the law but Chriſt in the Goſpell hath ſanctified to finde pardon of ſinne 1 John 1. 9.

6. Againſt Chriſt Jeſus himſelfe: "they condemne our doctrine for affirming that Jeſus Chriſt actually dyed and ſuffered onely in the dayes of Herod, and Pontius Pilate, when hee hanged on the Croſſe, and that hee was crucified in truth and ſubſtance onely when hee appeared borne of the Virgin Mary: and for this doctrine wee are condemned as Wiſards and Necromancers.

Now what is this but to overthrow not onely the being of Chriſt in the fleſh, making him no other then ſuch an one as actually ſuffered from the begining of the world, and ſhall doe to the end of it, but alſo overthrowing all faith and hope of ſalvation in that Meſſiah who was incarnate in the dayes of Herod and Pilate, and in his death and ſufferings, and that one perfect offering, then once for all Heb. 10. 14.Pag. 11. The reader may therefore be pleaſed to take notice that being asked in open Court what was that Chriſt who was borne of the Virgin and ſuffered under Pilate? one of them anſwered that hee was a ſemblance, picture, or a ſhadow of what was and is done "actually and ſubſtantially in Chriſtians; and hence the meaning of the words may bee gathered Pag. 11. which otherwiſe the wiſe reader may thinke to bee non-ſence. viz. "that they are Wiſards and Necromancers who raiſe a ſhadow without a ſubſtance (viz. to make Chriſt to bee ſlaine in types ſince the world began) or who raiſe the ſubſtance of him who dwels in light without a ſhadow, (making no more of Chriſt but a ſemblance and ſhadow, as themſelves call it) for further explication of which they affirmed in open Court that as the Image of God in Adam was Chriſt, ("for God they ſaid had but one Image) ſo the leſſe of this Image by man was the death of Chriſt, and therefore 'tis no wonder if they deny Chriſt to dye actually onely when crucified under Pontius Pilate becauſe man ſinned actually (which they make to be Chriſts death) long before; meane while the reader may take notice with a holy aſtoniſhment and horrour of the heavy curſe of God in blinding theſe bold men with ſuch a palpable and groſſe ſpirit of deluſion and mad phrenſies, who will make mans ſinne and fall, which is the cauſe of perdition of men, to be the cauſe of the Salvation of man, for ſo Chriſts death is which they blaſphemouſly make mans ſinne to bee.

For further proofe that they make little uſe of Chriſt and his death, then as hath been ſaid, their owne interpretation of the ſlaying of the two witneſſes, Pag. 17. 18. ſeemeth to confirme, for they make theſe two witneſſes the life and the death of Chriſt in men, the life of Chriſt they call his ſtrength, and the death of Chriſt they call his we kneſſe, viz. as it is, and appeares in weake, fooliſh, ignorant, unexperienced, and ill-reported of men, and therefore they blame us for killing of Chriſts death (for it ſeemes it is ſuch a death as may bee killed) in that wee chuſe honourable, wiſe, learned men, and of good report to place of rule, excluding others.

Now ſome of theſe blaſphemies might have beene the better borne if they had let Chriſt and his death alone, and his word alone, but to call the holy word and Sermons of Salvation tales, the Sacrament an abomination, madding and making drunke the world, to call the Miniſters of Chriſt who diſpenſe Word and Sacraments, Necromancers and Magicians, and they who hold and beleive him to bee the Meſſiah and Chriſt who ſuffered under Pilate, Wiſards, and all this in coole bloud, in the open face of the Court, obſtinately refuſing to alter a title of what they had writ, let the world judge if ever Antichriſt that beaſt ſpoken of Rev. 13. 5, 6. did ever ſpeake greater blaſphemies againſt God, his name, and tabernacle, and whether ſuch men deſerve to live, that live thus to blaſpheme; may not ſuch civill ſtates that tolerate ſuch, feare that ſentence of God againſt them as was pronounced againſt Ahab for letting blaſphemous Benhadab eſcape with his life, thy life for his life? however mens charity may enlarge it ſel e this way, yet let wiſedome preſerve us and make the wiſe hearted wa y of ſuch impoſtors, who want not their wiles to ſay and unſay, as may beſt ſute their advantage, for they can hold forth at ſome time and to ſome perſons, wholeſome and orthodox truths and beare them in hand that this is all that they hold, but they have depths of abomination to give to drinke when they ſee their ſeaſons, in ſuch golden cups; they have hidden ſecrets, which their young Proſelytes ſhall not preſently ſee, much leſſe others; for ſo they tell us Pag. 17. "that tis not their purpoſe to open to every one the houſe of their treaſures, the ſilver and gold, and ſpices, and precious ointment, nor the houſe of their armour, becauſe they may take them all as execrable and put them to a prophane uſe, nor can every ſpirit comprehend the breadth of the land of Emanuel, (as they call it Pag. 12.) nor know the Cherubims of glory, nor the voice of the oracle from the Mercy-ſeate: and indeed their uncouth, tumorous and ſwelling words (as Jude cals them Jude 16.) like ſwellings, and tumours of the fleſh, are the undoubted ſignes of a ſecret and ſeducing humour, whereby they are fit to deceive the ſimple and infect the ſtrong, if men bee not watchfull.

The Publiſher to the Reader.

THE reaſon wherefore nothing is anſwered to the great charge in his voluminous Poſtſcript, is becauſe it hath beene anſwered, already by a former treatiſe printed: but more eſpecially becauſe many of the friends, children and kindred of the dead are in good eſteeme with us, whom I am loath to grieve.

But ſince by courſe thou art next to caſt thine eye Gentle Reader upon the ſumme of a Preſentment which the Court at Road Iland received from their Grand Jewry being preſent when Samuel Gorton had ſo much abuſed their Government in the face of the Country, yea in open Court, their owne eyes and eares bearing witneſſe thereunto, they I ſay preſented theſe abuſes to the Court, as ſuch which they conceived ought not to bee borne without ruine to their Government, and therefore beſought the bench to thinke of ſome one puniſhment for examples ſake as well as otherwiſe to bee inflicted on the Delinquent.

And therefore that thou maiſt ſee the occaſion thereof, take notice that an ancient woman having a Cow going in the field where Samuel Gorton had ſome land. This woman fetching out her Cow, Gortons ſervant maid fell violently upon the woman beating and notoriouſly abuſing her by tearing her haire about her, whereupon the old woman complaining to the Deputy Governour of the place, hee ſendeth for the maid, and upon hearing the cauſe, bound her over to the Court. The time being come and the Court ſet, Gorton appeares himſelfe in the defence of his maid, and would not ſuffer his maid to appeare or make anſwer, but ſaid expreſly ſhe ſhould not appeare, and that if they had any thing againſt her they ſhould proceed with him. And though hee was lovingly diſſwaded by ſome of the Bench not to engage himſelfe but let his maid appeare, yet hee refuſed: but when hee could not bee prevailed with, the action was called and witneſſes produced, ſworne, and examined: which being done, hee moved for another witneſſe to bee called, which hee perſwaded himſelfe and the Bench was an honeſt woman and would ſpeake the truth. Now ſhee being ſworne, ſaid, Mr. Gorton, I can ſpeake nothing will helpe your maid. And indeed her whole teſtimony was againſt her and for the old womans cauſe, whereupon hee openly ſaid, Take heed thou wicked woman, the earth doth not open and ſwallow thee up. And then hee demanded of the Court if hee ſhould have equity and juſtice in his cauſe or no? To which was anſwered, if he had either plea or evidence to produce in his maids cauſe it ſhould be heard. Then hee nominated one Weekes who could ſay ſomething to it. Weekes was called and required to take his oath before hee ſpake; at which Gorton and Weekes both of them jeered and laughed and told the Court they were skilled in Idols, and that was one, and ſtood ſtoutly a long time to make it good. Hereupon ſome of the Court put him in mind how they had forewarned him of ſuch carriages fearing he would fall into ſome extreames. At length the Governour gathering up the ſumme of what was witneſſed, commends it to the Jewry. At which time Gorton ſaid, the Court had perverted Juſtice and wreſted the witneſſes, with very many high and reproachfull termes; and in the midſt of his violence throwing his hands about, hee touched the Deputy Governour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his eares (who it ſeemes ſate at a Table with his backe towards him) whereupon the Deputy ſaid, what will you fall about my eares? To which Gorton anſwered I know not whether you have any eares or no? and if you have, I know not where they ſtand; but I will not touch them with a paire of Tongues. The Governour often calling upon the Jewry to attend the Cauſe, was as often interrupted by him. Whereupon many of their Freemen being preſent, deſired the Court they would not ſuffer ſuch inſolencies, profeſſing they were troubled the Court had borne with them ſo long. For which in briefe, hee was committed, but when the Governour bade the Marſhall take him away; hee bade take away Coddington, which was their Governours name: a thing I thought meet to explaine, leſt thou ſhouldſt not underſtand it by the Heads of the Preſentment here following, abuſing all and every particular of the Magiſtrates with opprobrious terms. But note when hee was committed upon his mutinous and ſeditious ſpeeches, Weekes, Holden, &c. his abettors, ſtopped the way with ſuch inſolency, as the Governour was forced to riſe from the Bench, to helpe forward the Command with his perſon, in clearing the way, put Weekes in the ſtocks, and was forced to command a guard of armed men to preſerve themſelves and the peace of the place: And this they did becauſe of ſome fore-going jealouſies; and now taking occaſion to ſearch the houſes of that party that adhered to him, they found many of their peeces laden with bullet: and by meanes hereof they were forced to continue their guard, whilſt upon their baniſhment they were forced from the Iſland.

And however it were enough for a Book alone to relate all the particulars of his inſolent carriage, yet take notice onely of two or three particulars: 1 When hee was cenſured to bee whipt and baniſhed, he appealed to England; they asked to whom? Hee ſaid with a loud voice, To King Charles. They told him, hee ſhould firſt have his puniſhment, and then afterwards hee might complain. To which hee replyed, take notice I appeale to King Charles, Calo, or Selah; the party who was preſent told mee hee could not tell which, but that word was ſpoken with an extraordinary high and loud voice.

A ſecond thing to be obſerved, was, that after hee had been ſo deſervedly whipt, ſome of his faction ſaid, Now Chriſt Jeſus had ſuffered.

And thirdly, although the weather was very cold, the Governour going away after execution of Juſtice upon him, yet he ran a good way after the Governour, drawing a chaine after one of his legs, the upper part of his body being ſtill naked, and told him, He had but lent him this, and hee ſhould ſurely have it again. All this I had from a man of very good repute, who then lived with them, and was an eye and eare witneſſe to all theſe proceedings.

In the next place take notice good Reader, that when hee went from hence well whipt, as before, and entred upon his baniſhment, the place hee went to (in a ſharpe ſeaſon) was a Town called Providence, where Mr. Roger Williams, & divers others lived, who in regard of the ſeaſon, entertained them with much humane curteſie, but the Gortonians anſwered all like Aeſops ſnake, as thou maiſt read by the ſeverall Letters of the chief Inhabitants of that place, by a notorious faction there alſo by them raiſed, to the great diſtraction and amazement of the Inhabitants, as appeareth by their dolefull complaints in their own Letters, a true Copy whereof I preſent unto thee.

The ſum of the Preſentment of Samuel Gorton at Portſmouth in Roade-Iſland, by the Grand Jury.

FIrſt, that Samuel Gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at this Court, ſaid, the Government was ſuch as was not to bee ſubjected unto, foraſmuch as it had not a true derivation, becauſe it was altered from what it firſt was.

2 That Samuel Gorton contumeliouſly reproached the Magiſtrates calling them Juſt Aſſes.

3 That the ſaid Gorton reproachfully called the Judges, or ſome of the Juſtices on the Bench (corrupt Judges) in open Court.

4 That the ſaid Gorton queſtioned the Court for making him to waite on them two dayes formerly, and that now hee would know whether hee ſhould bee tryed in an hoſtile way, or by Law, or in ſobriety.

5 The ſaid Gorton alledged in open Court, that hee looked at the Magiſtrates as Lawyers, and called Mr. Eaſton, Lawyer Eaſton.

6 The ſaid Gorton charged the Deputy Governour to bee an Abetter of a Riot, Aſſault, or Battery, and profeſſed that he would not touch him, no not with a paire of tongues: Moreover he ſaid, I know not whether thou haſt any eares, or no: as alſo, I think thou knoweſt not where thy ears ſtand, and charged him to be a man unfit to make a Warrant.

7 The ſaid Gorton charged the Bench for wreſting witneſſe, in this expreſſion, I profeſſe you wreſt witneſſe.

8 The ſaid Gorton called a Freeman in open Court (ſaucy Boy, and Jack-an-Apes;) and ſaid, the woman that was upon her oath, would not ſpeake againſt her mother, although ſhe were damned where ſhe ſtood.

9 The ſaid Gorton affirmed that Mr. Eaſton behaved himſelfe not like a Judge, and that himſelf was charged either baſely or falſly.

10 The ſaid Gorton ſaid to the Bench, Ye intrude Oaths, and goe about to catch me.

11 The ſaid Gorton being reproved for his miſcarriage, held up his hand, and with extremity of ſpeech ſhooke his hand at them, inſomuch that the Freemen preſent ſaid, Hee threatens the Court.

12 The ſaid Gorton charged the Court with acting the ſecond part of Plymouth Magiſtrates, who, as hee ſaid, condemned him in the Chimney corner, ere they heard him ſpeak.

13 The ſaid Gorton in open Court did profeſſe to maintaine the quarrell of another being his Maid-ſervant.

14 The ſaid Gorton being commanded to priſon, imperiouſly reſiſted the authority, and made open Proclamation, ſaying, take away Coddington, and carry him to priſon; the Governour ſaid again, all you that owne the King, take away Gorton and carry him to priſon; Gorton replyed, all you that own the King, take away Coddington, and carry him to priſon.

William Dere Secretary.
Mr. Roger VVilliams his Letter unto Mr. VVinthrop, concerning Samuel Gorton. Providence 8. 1ſt. 1640.

MAſter Gorton having foully abuſed high and low at Aquidnick, is now bewitching and bemadding poore Providence, both with his uncleane and foule cenſures of all the Miniſters of this Country, (for which my ſelf have in Chriſts name withſtood him) and alſo denying all viſible and externall Ordinances in depth of Familiſme, againſt which I have a little diſputed and written, and ſhall (the moſt High aſſi ting) to death: As Paul ſaid of Aſia, I of Providence (almoſt) All ſuck in his poyſon, as at firſt they did at Aquednick. Some few and my ſelfe withſtand his Inhabitation, and Towne-priviledges, without confeſſion and reformation of his uncivill and inhumane practiſes at Portſmouth: Yet the tyde is too ſtrong againſt us, and I feare (if the framer of Hearts help not) it will force mee to little Patience, a little Iſle next to your Prudence. Jehovah himſelfe bee pleaſed to bee a Sanctuary to all whoſe hearts are perfect with him; In him I deſire unfainedly to be

Your Worſhips true and affectionate Roger Williams.
Providence this 17. of November, Anno 1641. To the Honoured Governour of Maſsachuſett, together with the Worſhipfull Aſsiſtants, and our loving Neighbours there.

VVEe the Inhabitants of the Town aboveſaid, having faire occaſions, counted it meet and neceſſary to give you true intelligence of the inſolent and riotous carriages of Samuel Gorton and his company, which came from the Iſland of Aquednick; which continue ſtill as ſojourners amongſt us; together with John Greene, and Francis Weſton, two which have this long time ſtood in oppoſition againſt us, and againſt the faireſt and moſt juſt and honeſt ways of proceedings in order and Government, that wee could rightly and truly uſe, for the peaceable preſervation and quiet ſubſiſtence of our ſelves and families, or any that ſhould have faire occaſion to goe out or come in amongſt us. Alſo ſix or ſeven of our Townſmen which were in peaceable Covenants with us, which now by their declamations doe cut themſelves off from us, and jointly under their hands have openly proclaimed, to take party with the afore-named Companies, and ſo intend for ought wee can gather, to have no manner of honeſt order, or government either over them or amongſt them, as their writings, words, and actions doe moſt plainly ſhew. It would bee tedious to relate the numberleſſe number of their upbraiding taunts, aſſaults, and threats, and violent kinde of carriage daily practiſed againſt all that either with care or counſell ſeek to prevent or withſtand their lewd licentious courſes. Yet in briefe to commit ſome few of them to your moderate Judgements, leſt wee our ſelves ſhould bee deemed ſome way blinded in the occurrences of things, here is a true Copy of their Writing incloſed, which Francis Weſton gave us the 13. of this preſent Moneth, they having alſo ſet up a Copy of the ſame on a tree in the ſtreet, in ſtead of ſatisfaction for fifteene pounds, which by way of arbitration of eight men orderly choſen, and all cauſes and reaſons that could bee found, daily and truly examined, and conſidered jointly together, when hee the ſaid Francis Weſton was found liable to pay, or make ſatisfaction in Cattle or Commodities, but on the 15. of this preſent moneth, when wee went orderly, openly, and in a warrantable way to attach ſome of the ſaid Francis Weſtons Cattle, to drive them to the Pound, to make him, if it were poſſible, to make ſatisfaction: which Samuel Gorton and his company getting notice of, came and quarrelled with us in the ſtreet, and made a tumultuons Hubbub; and although for our parts wee had before-hand moſt principally armed our ſelves with patience, peaceably to ſuffer as much injury, as could poſſibly be born, to avoid all ſhedding of blood, yet ſome few drops of blood were ſhed on either ſide: And after the tumult was partly appeaſed, and that we went on orderly into the Corne-field, to drive the ſaid Cattle, the ſaid Francis Weſton came furiouſly running with a flayle in his hand, and cryed out, Helpe Sirs, helpe ſirs, they are going to ſteale my cattle, and ſo continued crying till Randall Holden, John Greene, and ſome others came running and made a great outcry, and hollowing and crying, Theeves, theeves, ſtealing cattle, ſtealing cattle, and ſo the whole number of their deſperate company came riotouſly running, and ſo with much ſtriving in driving, hurried away the cattle, and then preſumptuouſly anſwered, they had made a reſcue, and that ſuch ſhould bee their practiſe if any men at any time, in any caſe attach any thing that is theirs. And fully to relate the leaſt part of their ſuch like words and actions, the time and paper would ſcarce bee profitably ſpent, neither need wee to adviſe your diſcretions what is likely to bee the ſad events of theſe diſorders, if their bloody currents bee not either ſtopped, or turned ſome other way. For it is plaine to us, that if men ſhould continue to reſiſt all manner of order, and orderly anſwering one of another in different caſes, they will ſuddenly practiſe, not onely cunningly to detaine things one from another, but, openly in publike, juſtly or unjuſtly, according to their own wills diſorderly take what they can come by; firſt pleading neceſſity, or to maintaine wife and family; but afterwards boldly to maintain licentious luſt, like ſavage brute beaſts, they will put no manner of difference between houſes, goods, lands, wives, lives, blood, nor any thing will bee precious in their eyes: If it may therefore pleaſe you of gentle curteſie, and for the preſervation of humanity and mankinde, to conſider our condition, and lend us a neighbour-like helping hand, and ſend us ſuch aſſiſtance (our neceſſity urging us to bee troubleſome unto you) to helpe us to bring them to ſatisfaction, and eaſe us of our burden of them, at your diſcretions; wee ſhall evermore owne it as a deed of great charity, and take it very thankfully, and diligently labour in the beſt meaſure wee can, and conſtantly practiſe to requite your loving kindneſſe, if you ſhould have occaſion to command us, or any of us in any lawfull deſigne: And if it ſhall pleaſe you to ſend us any ſpeedy anſwer, we ſhall take it very kindly, and bee ready and willing to ſatisfie the Meſſengers, and ever remaine

Your loving Neighbours, and reſpective Friends Joſhuah Winſor Benedict Arnold William Mean William Hawkings Robert Weſt William Field William Harris William Wickenden William Reinolds Thomas Harris Tho. Hopkins mark Hugh Bennit William Carpenter.
Providence the 25. of the 3. month, 1641. To the reſt of the five Men appointed to manage the affaires of our Towne aforeſaid, Theſe are further to give you to underſtand; VIZ. That

I Doe not onely approve of what my neighbours before me have written and directed their Reaſons to a ſerious conſideration with us, concerning Samuel Gorton and his Company: but this much I ſay alſo, that it is evident and may eaſily bee proved, that the ſaid Samuel Gorton nor his Company are not fit perſons to bee received in, and made members of ſuch a body, in ſo weake a ſtate as our Town is in at preſent.

My Reaſons are, Viz.

Firſt, Samuel Gorton having ſhewed himſelfe a railing and turbulent perſon, not onely in and againſt thoſe ſtates of Government from whence hee came, as is to bee proved; but alſo here in this Towne ſince hee have ſojourned here; Witneſſe his proud challenge, and his upbraiding accuſations in his vilifying and opprobrious terms of, and againſt one of our Combination moſt wrathfully and ſhameleſly reviling him, and diſturbing of him, and medling with him, who was imployed and buſied in other private occaſions, having no juſt cauſe ſo to revile and abuſe him, ſaying alſo to him (and that of another ſtate) in a baſe manner, they were like ſwine that held out their Noſe to ſuck his blood, and that now hee and the reſt of his Company would goe and wallow in it alſo; which are Indeed words unſufferable; and alſo deſpitefully calling him Boy, as though hee would have challenged the field of him, in ſuch an inhumane behaviour as becomes not a man that ſhould bee thought to be fit by any reaſonable men to be received into ſuch a poor weak ſtate as we are in at preſent.

Secondly, another of his Company, one who is much in eſteem with him, who openly in a ſcornfull and deriding manner, ſeeing one of the five men that was choſen by the Towne, and betruſted in the Towne affaires, comming towards him in the ſtreet, hee asked of one that ſtood by him, who that was; the other anſwered him, it was one of the five men appointed for managing of our Towne affaires, or the like: Yea, ſaid hee, Hee lookes like one of the five, which words import not onely a ſcorning and deriding of his perſon of whom then hee ſpake, but alſo a deſpiſing and ſcorning of our Civill State, as it were trampling it under foot, as they had done by other States before they came hither, who were of greater ſtrength then wee are; for which cauſe I cannot ſee ſuch perſons to bee fit to bee received into ſuch a State as our Towne is.

Thirdly, I cannot finde theſe men to bee reaſonable men in their ſuite unto the Towne, to be received in as Townſmen, ſeeing they have already had a plaine denyall of their requeſt, and that by the conſent of the major part of the Towne, or very neare, &c. and are yet unanſwerable; and alſo that they ſeeing that their comming to our Towne, hath brought the Towne into a hurry, almoſt the one halfe againſt the other, in which eſtate no Towne or City can well ſtand or ſubſiſt; which declareth plainly unto us, that their intent is not good, but that their bode ſo long here amongſt us, is in hope to get the victory over one part of the Town, but ſpecially of thoſe that laid the firſt foundation of the place, and bought it even almoſt with the loſſe of their lives, and their whole eſtates, and afterwards to trample them under their feet, as ſome of their words hold forth, or elſe to drive them out into the ſame condition, to ſeek out a new Providence, and to buy it with the like hardneſſe as they firſt bought this place; theſe, and many other like reaſons that may be ſhewed, declare that they are not fit perſons to be received into our meane and weake State.

Fourthly, and ſeeing hee who is ſo well knowne to bee the ring-leader unto the breach of peace, that have been ſo notoriouſly evill to bee a trouble of Civill States where hee hath lived, that are of farre greater force then wee are of, ſpecially that State who have their Commiſſion and Authority from the Higher Powers; what may wee then expect if he could get himſelf in with, and amongſt ſo many as wee ſee are daily ready to tread us under their feet, and his, whom he cals friends, &c. Surely, firſt a breach of our civill peace, and next a ruine of all ſuch as are not of his ſide, as their daily practiſe doth declare; Ergo, they are not fit perſons to be received into our Towne, &c.

Object. If it bee objected, as ſome have blaſphemouſly ſaid, that wee are perſecutors, and doe perſecute the Saints, in not receiving of them into our Towne-fellowſhip, &c.

Anſw. To this I anſwer, there cannot bee proved the leaſt ſhew of any perſecution of thoſe perſons, either by us, or by any other amongſt us to our knowledge. For 1 they have quiet abode amongſt us, none moleſting or troubling of them, nor any thing they have. 2 It cannot bee proved but by their owne relation, the which hath been diſproved; that they were ſent out from thoſe places from whence they came for Religion, neither are they medled with here for any ſuch matter, but rather that they themſelves in their bravery are more ready to meddle with others. 3 They themſelves and others of their followers, have rather been troublers and perſecutors of the Saints of God that lived here before they came, and doe but waite their opportunity to make themſelves manifeſt in that they intend; Ergo, it cannot bee truly ſaid of any, that any perſecution is offered by us unto them, if it could poſſibly be ſaid of them that they are Saints.

Obj. But if it be further objected, that we doe not give them the liberty of men, neither doe wee afford them the bowells of mercy, to give them the meanes of livelihood amongſt us, as ſome have ſaid.

Anſw. To this I ſay; 1 there is no State but in the firſt place will ſeeke to preſerve its owne ſafety and peace. 2 Wee cannot give land to any perſon by vertue of our combination, except wee firſt receive them into our ſtate of combination, the which wee cannot doe with them for our owne and others peace-ſake, &c. 3 Whereas their neceſſity have been ſo much pleaded, it is not knowne that ever they ſought to finde out a place where they might accommodate themſelves, and live by themſelves, with their friends, and ſuch as will follow after them, where they may uſe their liberty to live without order or controule, and not to trouble us, that have taken the ſame courſe as wee have done for our ſafety and peace, which they doe not approve nor like of, but rather like beaſts in the ſhape of men to doe what they ſhall thinke fit in their owne eyes, and will not bee governed by any State. And ſeeing they doe but here linger out the time in hope to get the day to make up their pennyworths in advantage upon us, we have juſt cauſe to heare the complaints of ſo many of our Neighbors that live in the Town orderly amongſt us, and have brought in their complaints, with many reaſons againſt them, and not to admit them, but anſwer them as unfit perſons to bee received into our meane State, &c.

Now if theſe Reaſons and much more which have been truly ſaid of them, doe not ſatisfie you, and the reſt of our neighbours, but that they muſt be received into our Towne-ſtate, even unto our utter overthrow, &c. then according to the order agreed upon by the Towne, I doe firſt offer my houſe and land within the liberty of the Towne unto the Towne to buy it of mee, or elſe I may, and ſhall take liberty to ſell it to whom I may for mine advantage, &c.

William Arnold.
A PARTICVLAR ANSWER TO THE Manifold Slanders and abominable Falſehoods contained in a Book, called Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed Policy: Wherein Samuel Gorton is proved a diſturber of Civill Societies, deſperately dangerous to his Country-men the Engliſh in New-Engl. and notoriouſly ſlanderous in what he hath Printed of them.

WHEN firſt I entertained the deſires of the Countrey to come over to anſwer the complaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. and to render a reaſon of the juſt and righteous proceedings of the Countrey of New-Engl. in the ſeverall parts of it, againſt him being a common diſturber of the peace of all Societies where hee came, witnes New-Plymouth, Sam. Gorton a common diſturber of the Civil peace in all the Societies hee there lived in. 2 Roade-Iſland, 3 Providence, and laſtly the Maſſachuſets, being the moſt eminent; I little thought then to have appeared in print: but comming into England, and finding a Booke written by Mr. Gorton called Simplicities defence againſt Seven-headed policy: or, A true complaint of a peaceable people, being part of the Engliſh in New-Engl. made unto the State of Old-England, againſt cruell perſecutors united in Church-Government in thoſe parts. I then conceived my ſelfe bound in duty to take off the many groſſe and publike ſcandalls held forth therein, to the great amazement of many tender conſciences in the Kingdom, who are not acquainted with his proud and turbulent carriage, nor ſee the Lion under his Lambeskinne coate of ſimplicity and peace. The Lord knowes how unwilling I was perſonally to engage: and I truſt hee will alſo guide mee in anſwering his booke, as I ſhall bee farre from bitterneſſe: tis true, time was when his perſon was precious in mine eies, and therefore I hope and deſire onely to make a righteous and juſt defence to the many unworthy things by him boldly, ignorantly, proudly, and falſly publiſhed to the great diſhonour of God in wronging and ſcandalizing his Churches, which the Lord Jeſus Chriſt will not leave unpuniſhed.

I know the world is full of controverſies and tis my great griefe to ſee my dear native Country ſo engaged in them, eſpecially one godly perſon againſt another. 'Tis my preſent comfort I come not to accuſe any; but to defend New-England againſt the injurious complaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. but as it comes to paſſe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their perſons from the violent aſſaults of ſuch as draw upon them, which otherwiſe they would never have done: ſo if Mr. Gorton receive any ſuch hurt (which is unavoidable) hee becomes an acceſſary thereunto: by forcing mee to defend the Country, without which I ſhould bee unfaithfull.

I know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde, and therefore however I am unfitted of many things I have and could procure at home would well become a relation of the late and preſent ſtate of New England, yet I ſhall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give anſwer to ſuch injurious complaints as hee maketh of us. And however his Title, Preface, and every leafe of his booke may bee juſtly found fault with, I ſhall clearely anſwer to matters of fact, ſuch as hee chargeth the ſeverall Governments withall, ſo as any indifferent Reader may eaſily diſcerne how groſly wee are abuſed, and how juſt and righteous cenſures were againſt him for diſturbing the civill peace of all ſocieties where hee came, in ſuch a manner as no Government could poſſibly beare: and for the blaſphemies for which hee was proceeded againſt at Maſſachuſets, they fell in occaſionally by his owne meanes without any circumſtance leading thereunto.

And firſt whereas hee accuſeth us in the firſt page of his booke to got over to ſuppreſſe ereticks. Pag. 1. 'Tis well knowne we went thither for no ſuch end laid downe by us, but to enjoy thoſe liberties the Lord Jeſus Chriſt had left unto his Church to avoid the Epiſcopall tyranny, and the heavy burthens they impoſed, to which ſufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured Parliament have and doe beare witneſſe to, as religious and juſt. And that wee might alſo hold forth that truth and ancient way of God wherein wee walke, which Mr. Gorton cals hereſie. Next in the ſame Pag. hee chargeth us with affection of Titles, &c. To which I anſwer, either we muſt live without Government, or if wee have Governours wee muſt give them wee call ſuch Titles as are ſutable to their offices and places they beare in Church and Common-wealth, as Governours and Aſſiſtants, Paſtors, Teachers, Rulers, Deacons, &c. theſe are our higheſt Titles we give.

In his ſecond pag. Pag. 2. hee chargeth the Maſſachuſets to unite with other Colonies to the end they might bathe themſelves in bloud and feed themſelves fat with the lives of their brethren, &c. This is a notorious ſlander. 'Tis true that the Maſſachuſets new Plimouth, Cone tacut, and Newhaven, I meane the ſeverall Colonies there entred into a civill combination, and are called by the name of the Ʋnited Colonies, and this was occaſioned by a generall conſpiracy of the Indians againſt the body of the Engliſh there ſeated, together with the diſtracted condition of England, from whom we could expect no helpe at that time. But Mr. Gorton and his company ſell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the Na ohigganſet Indians, who were the principal contrivers of the Villany; who where they could not draw others to them by force or flattery, they did it by large gifts, &c. as I could prove by many teſtimonies of the Indians, many hundred miles aſunder from each other, in which deſigne had not the finger of God in much mercy prevented, I had beene the firſt had fallen; which I forbeare to relate here, being what I now doe, is but an anſwer to his invective,

Next in the ſame pag. hee tels us at his landing how hee found his Country men at great variance at Boſton in point of Religion; But had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene ſo great. And whereas hee ſaid that Mr. Williams was baniſhed thence for differing from us being a man of good report, &c. In anſwer, 1. take notice, I know that Mr. Williams (though a man lovely in his carriage, and whom I truſt the Lord will yet recall) held forth in thoſe times the unlawfulneſſe of our Letters Patents from the King, &c. would not allow the Colours of our Nation, denyed the lawfulneſſe of a publique oath •• being needleſſe to the Saints, and a prophanation of Gods name to tender it to the wicked, &c. And truly I never heard but he was dealt with for theſe and ſuch like points: however I am ſorry for the love I beare to him and his, I am forced to mention it, but God cals mee at this time to take off theſe aſperſions.

In pag. 3. hee mentions the proceedings of the Maſſachuſets againſt Mr. John Wheelwright &c. Had it beene the will of God I would thoſe differences had never been: But the maine difference was about a Petition by way of Remonſtrance, which the Government tooke very offenſive: But Mr. Wheelwright and they are reconciled, hee having given ſatisfaction, &c. In the ſame pag. hee wrongs the doctrine of our Churches, which is well knowne to bee ſound. But whereas hee tels us in the ſame pag. of denying cohabitation, and of whippings, confinement, impriſonment, chaines, fines, baniſhment. I confeſſe all theſe things befell him, and moſt juſtly: for hee was bound to the good behaviour at Plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the Court, whipt and baniſhed at Roade Iſland for mutinle and ſedition in the open Court there: alſo at Providence as factious there though his party grew greater then Mr. Williams his better party, as appeares by his and their ſad letters to the Government of the Maſſachuſet for helpe and advice; and afterwards baniſhed the Maſſachuſets: all which appeares in another place of this booke, and the juſt cauſes of their proceedings annexed thereunto. Laſtly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardſhip divers nights together, that himſelfe and the reſt of his mutinous companions, as Weekes, Holden, &c. endured, which was juſt with God and man, for extream evils muſt have extreame remedies, and yet tis well knowne tis not a full dayes journey from Roade Iſland to Providence. And whereas a ſtranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to Nauhigauſet-Bay amongſt the Indians, hee went not from Providence till they were as weary of theſe Mutineeres as either Plimouth or Roade Iſland had beene before them.

And becauſe hee often mentioneth the hard meaſure hee received at Plimouth, ſtill carrying it on as if difference in Religion had beene the ground of it: I thought good here to give the Reader to underſtand what was the ground of his troubles there, that ſo all men may know what Religion this man is of: for the tree is beſt knowne by its fruite. The firſt complaint that came againſt him for which hee was brought before authority, was by Mr. Ral h Smith a Miniſter, who being of Gortons acquaintance received him with his family into his houſe, with much humanity and Chriſtian reſpect, promiſing him as free uſe of it as himſelfe, &c. but Mr. Gorton becomming troubleſome, (after meanes uſed to remove the offences taken by Mr. Smith, but to no purpoſe, growing ſtill more inſolent) Mr. Smith deſired him to provide elſewhere for himſelfe: but Gorton refuſed, ſaying, hee had as good intereſt in the houſe as Mr. Smith had. And when hee was brought before Authority, ſtood ſtoutly to maintaine it to our amaſement. But was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed. And not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to Plimouth, divers came to the Governour with complaints againſt her, being a ſtranger, for unworthy and offenſive ſpeeches and carriages uſed by her. Whereupon the Governour ſent to her to know her buſineſſe, &c. and commanded her departure, and ordered the Sea-man that brought her, to returne her to the place from whence ſhee came, at his next paſſage thither. But Gorton ſaid ſhee ſhould not goe, for hee had occaſion to employ her, &c. Hereupon the Governour (it being in the time of a Court) ſent for him, and becauſe hee had hidde her, ſtood in juſtification of his practiſe and refuſed to obey the command of the Court (who ſeconded the Governours order.) He was committed till hee could procure ſureties for his good behaviour till the next Court which was a generall Court, and there to anſwer to this contempt. The time being come and the Court ſet, Gorton was called; But the Governour being wearied with ſpeech to other cauſes, requeſted one of his Aſſiſtants who was preſent at his commitment and privy to the whole cauſe to declare the ſame. This Aſſiſtant no ſooner ſtood up to ſhew the Country the cauſe of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the Government, but Gorton ſtretching out his hand towards his face ſaid with a loud voice, If Satan will accuſe the brethren, let him come downe from Jehoſhuahs right and and ſtand here, And that done, in a ſeditious manner turned himſelfe to the people and ſaid, with his armes ſpread abroad; Yee ſee good people how yee are abuſed! Stand for your liberty; And let them not bee parties and judges, with many other opprobrious ſpeeches of that kinde. Hereupon divers Elders of Churches being preſent, deſiring leave of the Governour to ſpeake, complaining of his ſeditious carriage, and requeſted the Court not to ſuffer theſe abuſes, but to inflict condigne puniſhment. And yet notwithſtanding all wee did to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foreſaid bonds for his good behaviour. Nay being but low and poore in his eſtate, wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it, leſt it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children. But he muſt either get new ſureties for the behaviour till the next generall Court, or ſuch time as he departed the Government, or lie in priſon till hee could: now hee knowing his outragious paſſions which hee could not reſtraine, procured ſureties, but immediately left Plimouth and went to Roade Iſland, where upon complaint of our perſecutions hee found preſent reliefe there: yet ſoone afterward he abuſed them in a greater meaſure and had heavier yet too light a puniſhment inflicted on him, and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of Authority without the leaſt mention of any points of Religion on the Governments part, but as before.

And whereas in pag. 4. Mr. Gorton further accuſeth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet poſſeſſions, &c. Such was his carriage at Plimouth and Providence at his firſt ſettling as neither of the Governments durſt admit or receive him into cohabitation; but refuſed him as a peſt to all ſocieties. Againe in the ſame pag. he accuſeth Maſſachuſets and Plimouth to have denyed them to be in our Government, but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for ſuch as were oppreſſed then, &c. 'Tis true that Plimouth gave way to Mr. Williams and his company to ſit downe at Providence and have never moleſted them to this day, but refuſed Gorton and Weekes, &c. upon Weekes his ſollicitation when I was at Providence for the reaſons before mentioned, &c. And for thoſe particular relations he makes of Robert Cole, William Arnold, and Benedict his ſonne, I wave, as not being ſo well acquainted with their caſes, but ſee hee writes with a venomous pen; onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the Sabbath (as it is) when himſelfe at that time denyed the ſanctification of it.

In pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the Indians and denyed to them. Anſw. If it were traded to the Indians, for my part I approve it not, it being againſt the expreſſe law of the Country, and a large penalty annexed: but there was good reaſon to refuſe it to them which held ſuch familiarity with Malignant Indians eſpecially during the time of their confederacy againſt us.

In pag. 6. he ſpeakes as if hee had beene under ſome cenſure of the Maſſachuſets at the time of the warrant there by him ſpecified, how truly copied I know not: but am ſure at this time he was perſonally under no cenſure of theirs.

In pag. 7. hee accuſeth Magiſtrates and Miniſters for bringing in all the accuſations that came in againſt them. Who but publique perſons ſhould take notice of publique inſolencies? And as for Mr. Collens his ſtory I am a ſtranger to, but beleeve it is miſreported as well as others.

In pag. 8. hee manifeſts hee durſt not live under a forraigne Prince, meaning the Dutch, having never been falſe to his King and Country, &c. with many ignorant ſwelling words; as if it were treaſon to ones Prince to live under a forraigne State though an Ally. And in the ſame pag. hee would lay the death of Miſtris Hutchenſon who was mother in law to Mr. Collens, on us: although they went from Road Iſland which is not under the Maſſachuſets where ſhee had lived ſome yeares after her remove from the Bay, and not from the Maſſachuſets to the Dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the Indians.

In pag 9. he ſhewes how they bought lands of Myantonimo Prince of thoſe parts. Anſw. 1. Hee was not the Prince of that part as was proved publiquely at Maſſachuſets himſelfe being preſent. 2. He had no proper right in it, as is ſhewed at large elſewhere.

In the ſame pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blaſphemies which continueth to pag. 31. and however it bee not exactly ſet downe as it was ſent, yet I admire at Gods providence, for hee is falne into the ſnare he laid, this being brought againſt him to accuſe him of blaſphemy, before a Committee of Parliament, who called in his book, and referred him to the Houſe, &c. but I forbeare to ſhew his folly here, which is referred to another place and his wickedneſſe diſcovered therein.

In pag. 32. hee ſaith the Government of the Maſſachuſets had no ſhew of any thing againſt them but Religion, and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print, ſhewes it was in the right of two Indian Sachims, namely Pumham and Socononoco, who placing themſelves under the protection of the Maſſachuſets complained of violence offered them by Mr. Gort n and his company, it being our manner both in Capitals and Criminals to doe them the like juſtice wee doe one to another, wherein walking by the ſame rules of righteouſneſſe towards them, they have the leſſe cauſe to take offence at us.

From pag. 33. forward, are many Letters which I cannot beleeve al is in them, and therfore remain jealous of his ſincerity in Printing them.

In pag. 37. hee holds forth converſion to be the ground of the Maſſachuſets ſending to them, now to that end, ſaith hee, they ſent a Miniſter. 'Tis true, there was a gracious young man one Mr. Joh. Bulkley then a Student, but in no miniſtery, went to teach to the Company they ſent to guard their owne Commiſſioners, and to bring in Gorton if need required: but I dare not beleeve what hee affirmes. And for the Copy of a Letter hee fathers upon the Commiſſioners ſent by the Government of the Maſſachuſet; I conclude 'tis rather ſet downe upon memory then right, becauſe of ſome atteſtations I have by me to make uſe on elſewhere, which ſeeme to hold forth the contrary, and ſo I doe not credit it.

In pag. 38, & 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens preſenting their muskets at them, &c. and ſuffering ſuch hardſhips as occaſioned death, &c. Which muſt alſo bee falſe, for honeſt men have depoſed there was no ſuch preſentment, and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them, both before and after they were taken. So alſo hee affirmes our men would allow of no parley but private, or elſe they would diſpatch them in a quarter of an houre, which I will never beleeve, becauſe I know the men to bee men fearing God, and durſt not proceed as hee relateth it.

In pag. 40, & 41. he alſo taxeth the Commiſſioners and ſouldiers with breach of Covenants in time of treaty, as, breaking open their houſes, desks, killing their cattle, &c. All which is falſe, for oath is made to the contrary, which I ſhall make uſe of before my Lord of Warwick Governour in chiefe, and the reſt of the honourable Committee for foraign Plantations in due time and place, that whereas they were by agreement to have two houſes for their company being about 40 men, they made uſe of but one, nor did any of theſe things laid to their charge.

In pag. 45. he would make Pumham and Soconon co, the naturall ſubjects of Myantonimo their Prince; but this was diſproved. And in the ſame page, he ſaith, the Magiſtrates ſuggeſted to the people as though there were feare of ſome combination between the Indians and them. Anſw. I dare not ſay you had a hand in the depth of their conſpiracy: but this I thinke you dare not deny, that Weekes one of your ſtouteſt Champions, lent Myantonimo an Armour, in which he was taken in battell againſt Ʋncus, who was under the protection of the Engliſh united Colonies: for which Ʋncus put him to death; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you.

But here it will bee neceſſary for mee to ſhew you the round of this warre. There was a people called by the name of the Pecoats, being a ſtout warlike people, who had been at warre with the Nanohigganſets many yeares, and were too ſtrong for them; ſo alſo were they at ſome diſtance of affection with this Ʋncus, who was Sachim of a people called the Mohegans, neare the head of a River falleth into the ſea at Pecoat . The chiefe Sachim of this people of Pecoat, was called Tatobam, a ſtout man. The Nanohigganſets and theſe ſtrove who ſhould be greateſt. This Tatobam envied the Engliſh, and was the firſt ſtirrer and contriver of this generall Plot, that they might all joyne together to deſtroy the Engliſh; but the Nanohigganſets refuſed to joyne with them, knowing if that were once done, the next ruine muſt be their owne. Afterward having ſubdued many ſmall peoples, and one as great as themſelves, and and ſome Engliſh planting more neare then the body of our Plantations, though without wrong to him, or any of them, hee cut off Captaine Stone his Barke and Company, and after this killed divers ſtragling Engliſh. This ſtirred up the Engliſh to take revenge: The Nanohigganſets and Ʋncus, Sachim of the Moheges ſeeing this, becauſe it was againſt their comon Enemy, offered their ſervice to joyn with the Engliſh: the Nanohigganſets did no conſiderable ſervice in compariſon of the Moheges, who did as much as could bee expected, but the Nanohigganſets rather gathered up the ſpoile, to the great offence of the Engliſh and Moheges, ſeldome ingaging in any fight. The Engliſh killed and deſtroyed this people utterly, ſo that thoſe that were left remaining utterly deſerted the Countrey, and the Engliſh wonne it, and are now poſſeſſed of it. After this victory, Myantonimo Sachim or Lord of the Nanohigganſets, and Ʋncus Lord of the Moheges, manifeſted no good blood towards each other; the Engliſh at Hartford where the Government for Coneetacut is held, hearing of it, got them together, and made a peace and threefold Covenant between the Government of Coneetacut, Nanohigganſet, and Mo ege, which was ſigned by the Governour of Coneetacut, Myantonimo Sachim of Nanohigganſet, and Ʋncus Sachim of M hegan. The Covenants ran to this purpoſe, To confirme their League between the Engliſh and them, and either to other, and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them. And in caſe any difference ſhould ariſe between theſe two Indian Sachims, or their people, the party offended ſhould complaine to the Governour of Coneetacut, who was to mediate and to determine the controverſie between his two friends and their people: And in caſe the injury were great, and the party wronging would not ſtand to the foreſaid award and determination, then it ſhould not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himſelfe by force of Armes, but for the Engliſh party alſo to aſſiſt the innocent in that kind. And to this they all firmed as before.

The Nanohigganſet Sachim never regarded this Covenant, the Mohege Sachim ever faithfully obſerved it. But Myantonimo of Nanohigganſet had thoughts now to proſecute the Pecoats deſigne, and to deſtroy the Engliſh, (the Pecoets Nation being rooted out by Gods juſt judgement as before) and travels farre and neare to draw all the Indians in the Countrey into this horrid confederacy with him; but this Ʋncus would not bee wonne, though he would have taken his daughter in marriage, but ever acquainted the Engliſh with his working. At length an inferiour Sachim, ſubordinate to Nanohigganſet affronts him and his men, hee complaines to the Engliſh, they ſend to this inferiour Sachim, hee ſleights their admonition, goes on his courſe; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him, not requiring any aide. Still the Engliſh forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to being upon themſelves; till at length they profeſſe they have had peace enough, & now it is time to war. Whereupon the Engliſh give way to Vncus to revenge himſelfe, he doth it; the other are beaten. Now Myantonimo he prepares an Army of above 1000 men, and comes upon a ſudden upon Ʋncus without any reſpect to Covenants, and took Ʋncus at advantage, not with above 300 men; by which meanes they beſet him every way in his Fort, which ſtands upon a point of Land between two Rivers. Myantonimo ſo diſperſed his men to prevent their f ight, as Ʋncus making a deſperate ſalley with almoſt his full force, routed the other, ſlew neare upon an hundred, and forced them to fly: But Mr. Weekes one of Samuel Gortons company (as I am credibly informed) lending the Great Sachim a complete Armor; and having it on in the fight, was not able to fly ſo faſt as his men, and was taken by this meanes. Yet ſuch was Ʋncus reſpect ſtill to the Engliſh, as hee kept him till hee ſent to the Engliſh, viz. to the Right Worſhipfull George Fenwicke Eſquire, to know what he ſhould doe with him, who lived next to him, Hee wiſhed him to follow their owne Cuſtome, and to deale with him, as if hee had not adviſed with him, or there were no Engliſh in the land to adviſe withall. Hereupon hee reſolved to have killed him forthwith, according to their Cuſtome. But no ſooner were the Nanohigganſets got home, who had loſt divers Sachims, Captaines, and chiefe men in this fight, but they ſend to Mr. Gorton, &c. who ſent a Note to Ʋncus, with a command by the bearer, that they put him not to death, but uſe him kindly and returne him. This the Meſſenger either ſaid or they ſuppoſed came from the Maſſachuſets Governour, and did much daunt Ʋncus and his men: but to cleare up all, they adviſed with the Gent. of Coneetacut, who wiſhed him to keep him priſoner, and to adviſe with the Commiſſioners of the United Colonies whereof they were part, whoſe meeting would bee ere long by courſe at the Maſſachuſets: which counſell hee followed, and entreated the Governour of Coneetacut (Myantonimo alſo deſiring it) to keep him ſafe for him till then, whereupon hee was brought to Hartford: And many gifts were ſent to the priſoner; which hee beſtowed like himſelfe, ſome on him that took him, ſome on Ʋncus, ſome on his wife, ſome on Ʋncus brother being a great Captaine, and ſome on others where he had received kindneſſes, and this was all the ranſome was paid, there being not ſo much as a ranſome propoſed by the Nanohigganſets, nor ſet down by Ʋncus. But hee adviſing with the Commiſſioners, they conſidering how many ways beſides open hoſtility he had ſought the life of Ʋncus, by poyſon, ſecret murther, witchcraft, &c. adviſed him to put him to death, there being no ſafety for him whilſt hee lived, being ſo reſtleſſe in his practice againſt his life; and therefore wiſhed Ʋncus to proceed with him according to their owne Cuſtome towards priſoners of Warre, which is to put them to death; according to which advice he proceeded, knowing now that none of the Engl. would intercede for him. And hereupon Ʋncus went to Hartford and demanded his priſoner, and led him to an houſe of his owne, out of the limits of the Engliſh, and there killed him, where was an Engliſh man or two by to prevent their accuſtomed cruelties, in cutting off not onely the head and hands of their priſoners when they are dead, and make bracelets of the fore-joints of their fingers, &c. but to torture them whilſt living with moſt inhumane cruelties. After this, the Nanohigganſets would warre upon him in revenge of his death; wee forbade them, and at our next meeting of Commiſſioners to conſult about the Weale publike of the United Colonies, in regard the Nanohigganſets pleaded they had taken a ranſome for his life, and his life alſo, which the other denyed; Wee ſent for Ʋncus, and ſent to the great Sachims of Nanohigganſet to come alſo, or appeare by Commiſſioners; but they ſent foure Commiſſioners with full authority to treate, where we found neither ranſome, nor colour of ranſome in the leaſt meaſure. And ſo a truce was agreed on, & if Ʋncus brake it, we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further, for they deſired no more: And if the Nanohigganſets broke it, then it ſhould be lawfull for us the United Colonies to take part with him, &c. But the truth is, though before they had ſo neare neighbours of the Engliſh, as Gorton, &c. and till Myantonimo's Government, as they were the moſt in number, and moſt peaceable of all the Indians, yet now they were changed, as if they had not been the people, and had their Tutors, Secretaries, and promptors to ſuggeſt their greatneſſe and our weakneſſe to them, as his Book witneſſeth, in ſuch manner as I am confident if the Gortonians (for I take the phraſe from his owne Book here, never hearing it before) bee ſuffered to live ſo neare them, it will bee our ruine, or theſe Indians (which we deſire not) in ſhort time. I thought good to inſert this Narration thus briefly, that the Reader might underſtand the ground of his many charges, calling God to witneſſe I know not the leaſt falſhood related in it, but many things for brevities ſake omitted worthy a hiſtory; but I am now about an anſwer, not an hiſtory, and therefore thus briefe. But to return.

In pag. 47. ſee how he ſcoffes at the Sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious obſervation of it, then Mr. Co tons judgement. And in pag. 48. hee is full of many ſcoffs, as if hee and his Gortonians would not, nor did ſhoot at all, when as I have oath to prove they ſhot alſo at the other, but the truth is, I heard ſome ſay that their powder was ſo dampe and moiſt as they could not without great difficulty diſcharge a peece, which I well beleeve might bee the reaſon they ſhot no more then they did.

In pag. 49. hee chargeth Captaine Cooke with breach of Articles: And yet I have it atteſted upon oath, that there were none agreed on; onely they deſired they might not goe bound; which was eaſily aſſented to, they behaving themſelves quietly. And for their cattle, I never heard the number to be ſo great by farre; but asking the Governour of the Maſſachuſets about them, hee profeſſed they did not amount to halfe their charges. And if any aske by what authority they went out of their own Government to do ſuch an act Know that his former ſeditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came, as Plymouth, Roade-Iſland, a place of greateſt liberty, Providence that place which relieved him in that his ſo great extremity, and his ſo deſperate cloſe with ſo dangerous and potent enemies, and at ſuch a time of Conſpiracy by the ſame Indians, together with the wrongs done to the Indians, and Engliſh under the protection of that Government of the Maſſachuſets, who complained and deſired reliefe; together with his notorious contempt of all Civill Government, as well as that particular, and his blaſphemies againſt God needleſly manifeſted in his proud letters to them, one whereof hee hath printed, and the other I have herewith publiſhed for him. All theſe conſidered, you ſhall ſee hereby cauſe enough, why they proceeded againſt him as a common enemy of the Countrey. And as ſuch as one, the ſaid Commiſſioners being then met together at Maſſachuſets by courſe, for the Weale of the whole, upon juſt complaint ordered and thought meet that the Government of the Maſſachuſets ſhould call them to accompt, and proceed with them ſo farre as ſtood with righteouſneſſe and juſtice: And by their declaration thou maiſt eaſily ſee they went no further, for they refuſing ſafe conduct to come to anſwer to the matters againſt them, forced them upon this charge needleſly, which they made them beare part of as before. So that here's cauſe enough beſides blaſphemy for their proceeding with them I ſuppoſe.

In pag. 51. he chargeth New-Engl. Miniſters to pray in the ſtreets: but take notice I have been there theſe 26 yeares, and better, but never heard of ſuch a practiſe, till I now reade it in his Book.

In pag. 52. he ſaith, the Governour to ſatisfie the people, ſaid, we were apprehended for divers groſſe opinions, &c. Anſw. You may ſee in the laſt Section but one there was cauſe enough. And yet for Opinions, let mee tell you that you held, That that Image of God after which man was created was Chriſt; and that when Adam fell Chriſt was ſlaine, &c. And as for your opinion concerning Churches, Mr. Williams by way of ſad complaint told me, you denyed any true Churches of Chriſt to bee in the world: alſo Baptiſme it ſelfe, and the Lords Supper, Sabbath, Magiſtracy as it was an ordinance uſed amongſt Chriſtians. And for the Lords Supper, that it is but a ſpell, the Miniſters Necromancers, and the Communicants drunke with the juice of the grape, &c. And for this laſt paſſage here mentioned, the Reader ſhall have it at large in a ſecond Letter ſent by him and his companions to the Government of the Maſſachuſets, concealed by himſelf in his Book, though he pretendeth to have printed all, &c.

In pag. 53. as he abuſeth others, ſo Mr. Cotton and Mr. Ward, in affirming that Mr. Ward put himſelfe into a paſſion, and ſtirred up Carder to recant, &c. as being no diſcredit to him, becauſe Mr. Cotton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare, which the next yeare he recants, &c. But Mr. Ward being in Towne, a man well knowne and reputed, I ſhewed him the Booke, and hee gave mee thanks, and returned this anſwer to it verbatius: Samuel Gorton having made mee a Margent note in the 53 page of his Booke, I hold my ſelf called to make this anſwer to it; I cannot call to minde that ever I knew or ſpake with ſuch a man as Richard Carder, nor that ever I had any ſpeech with any priſoner at a window, nor ſhould I need it in New-England, where there is liberty enough given for conference with priſoners in more free and convenient places. This I remember, that one Robert Potter who went in the ſame Ship with mee into New-England, and expreſſing by the way ſo much honeſty and godlineſſe as gained my good opinion and affection towards him: I hearing that hee was affected with Samuel Gortons blaſphemous conceits and carriages, and therefore now impriſoned with him, I went to viſit him, and having free ſp •• ch with him in the open priſon yard, who ſhedding many teares might happily move me to expreſſe my affection to him, which Samuel Gorton calls paſſion: After ſome debate about his new opinions, I remember I uſed a ſpeech to him to this effect: That hee ſhould doe well and wiſely to make ſuch acknowledgement of his errours at his conſcience would permit; telling him that Mr. Cotton whom hee had ſo much reverenced in Old England, and New, had given him a godly example in that kinde, by a publique acknowledgement upon a ſolemne Faſt day with many teares; That in the time when errours were ſo ſtirring, God leaving him for a time, he fell into a ſpirituall ſlumber; and ad it not been for the watchfulneſſe of his brethren the Elders, &c. hee might have ſlept on; and bleſſed God very cordially for awakening him, and was very thankefull to his Brethren, for their watchfulneſſe over him, and faithfulneſſe towards him: wherein ee honoured God not a little, and greatly rejoyced the hearts of his earers; and therefore it would bee no ſhame for him to doe the like.

Concerning Mr. Cotton, were I worthy, I would preſume to ſpeake that now of him, which I have ſaid more then many times of him elſwhere, That I hold him ſuch an eminent Worthy of Chriſt, as very few others have attained unto him; and that I hold my ſelfe not worthy to wipe his ſlippers for matters of grace, learning, and induſtry in the worke of God.

For the Author Samuel Gorton, my ſelf and others farre more judicious, take him to bee a man whoſe ſpirit is ſtarke drunke with blaſphemies and inſolencies, a corrupter of the Truth, and a diſturber of the Peace where ever hee comes; I intreat him to read Titus 1. 13. with an humble heart, and that is the greateſt harm I wiſh him.

N. W.

Thus much of the Anſwer and teſtimony of that Reverend and Grave Divine, wherein the Reader may ſee how Mr. Gorton abuſeth all men, by caſting mire and dirt in the faces of our beſt deſerving Inſtruments.

In page 54. he accuſeth Mr. Wilſon and Mr. Cotton for ſtirring up the people againſt them, &c. Anſw. What they preſſed in their Sermons, I was not preſent to heare; but this I can affirme, that from the time of their liberty to my departure from New England, which is not much above two moneths, I have heard many precious godly men affirme, that Sam. Gorton and his company needleſly in their writings and conference belched out ſuch blaſphemy as they thought God was offended with the Country for giving them the liberty they had. And that you may the better ſee his carriage, (it being the manner of the Countrey to let their priſoners come to heare the Word preached) Mr. Gorton, &c. being there after Mr. Cotton had ended his Sermon on a Sabbath day, asked leave to ſpeake, which Mr. Cotton aſſenting to, the Governour being preſent gave him leave, where with a loud voice before the whole Congregation being very great, hee declared, That the Miniſtery of the Word, Sacraments, Cenſures, and other Ordinances of Religion in the hands of Miniſters, are like the ſilver Shrines of Diana in the hands of the craftſmen of Epheſus, &c. And if the truth of this be queſtioned, I have teſtimony upon Oath to make it good.

In pag. 55, 56, 57. many things might bee excepted againſt, as in p. 55. his great reſpect manifeſted to that government, becauſe derived from the State of England, which what it was thou maiſt largely ſee in certaine Obſervations of a godly Divine annexed hereunto, upon his owne two contemptuous and blaſphemous Letters, or rather Bookes, wherein are 48 ſeverall aſperſions caſt on them. Secondly, his appealing, pag. 56. from their Juſtice when their Charter enjoynes none.

In pag. 56, & 57, the Queſtions as hee hath ſet them downe, and the relation about the time allowed him to give his anſwer; I queſtion whether he have dealt fairely therein, becauſe hee is ſo often found faulty.

To paſſe by his Anſwer, and his large explanation of himſelfe, pag. 58. and come to 59. &c. and ſo the reſt of his Anſwers to the Queſtions to 64. I anſwer, though I know not whether hee doe right as hee ſtates things; yet this I know, being atteſted by reverend perſons, That hee then maintained, that God made man after his owne image; and that God hath but one image, and that is Chriſt; and this was the Incarnation of Chriſt, his exinanition by which we are ſaved. And when it was objected, wee are not ſaved by the incarnation of Chriſt, but by the death of Chriſt. True, ſaith hee, therefore Adam fell, and ſo deſtroyed Gods image, and that was the death of Chriſt. When it was objected againe, Adams fall was not our ſalvation, but condemnation, but the death of Chriſt was our ſalvation: and therefore Adams fall could not be the death of Chriſt. Hee would by no meanes either revoke or explaine his ſpeech (though much urged thereunto) to agree with the principles of Chriſtian Religion. Being further demanded what he then thought of that Chriſt in whom we beleeve, borne of the Virgin Mary, and who ſuffered under Pontius Pilate? He anſwered, That that Chriſt was a ſhadow, and but a reſemblance of what is done in mee and every true Chriſtian. And now judge good Reader, whether this be like what hee mentioneth, or whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning: But if he will be ſo unfaithfull as to omit it, I dare not.

As for his cenſure, pag. 64. I know not whether it bee right ſet downe; and ſo the charge, pag. 65. wherein I dare ſay he wrongeth the Miniſters, in ſaying, They ſtirred up the people to famiſh them.

As for his long and tedious Letter to Mr. Green, from page 66 to 74. I paſſe it by, as he ſaith Mr. Green did. But in 74. hee would make it an aſperſion upon Mr. Endecot for ſaying that God had ſtirred them up to goe out of their owne juriſdiction to fetch them from their owne places. Take notice as it is litterally within the line of Plimouth Government in their Grant, yet the Indians before mentioned having ſubjected themſelves to the Maſſachuſets, the Commiſſioners for Plimouth as well as thoſe for Con •• aeut, and New-Haven, upon the manifold complaints and reaſons before mentioned, being met together at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it ſhould bee ſo, as appeares by the copy of their act.

At a meeting of the Commiſſioners for the United Colonies of New-England holden at Boſton the ſeventh of September 1643.

Whereas complaints have beene made againſt Samuel Gorton and his company, and ſome of them weighty and of great conſequence; And whereas the ſaid Gorton and the reſt have beene formerly ſent for, and now lately by the generall Court of the Maſſachuſets with a ſafe conduct both for their comming and returne, that they might give anſwer and ſatisfaction wherein they have done wrong. If yet they ſhall ſtubbornely refuſe, the Commiſſioners for the Ʋnited Colonies think ſit that the Magiſtrates in the Maſſachuſets proceed againſt them according to what they ſhall finde juſt; and the reſt of the Jurisdictions will approve and concurre in what ſhall bee ſo warrantably done, as if their Commiſſioners had beene preſent at the concluſions, provided that this concluſion doe not prejudice the Government of Plimouth in any right they can juſtly claime unto any Tract or Tracts, &c.

By which Order it appeares they were ſtirred up and allowed by Plimouth it ſelfe as well as the reſt, as afore, to ſend for and deale with as indeed the common diſturbers of the peace of the Country.

And whereas in pag. 76. He complaineth of the Governours laſt order for breaking the order of Court, yet take it as he relates it and any underſtanding man will eaſily ſee on the other ſide the ſame leafe that they ſtill were bound to the reſt of the Articles at their confinement, which they were now in a high way to break. And for that little Iſland called Reade Iſland they were forced to ſhelter in, take notice 'tis 30 miles about, very fruitfull, and plentifully abounding with all manner of food the Country affordeth, and hath two Townes beſides many great Farmes well ſtocked in the ſame.

In pag. 79. Hee complaines of us for calling them Gortonians, and ſo the Indians calling them Gortonoges and not Engliſhmen, with many affected ſoppiſh vanities, phraſes and termes I never heard on before, and yet have lived in New-England from the beginning, being now above 26 yeares. I wiſh hee ſtudy not, nor affect theſe things, but I much feare it.

In pag. 80. Hee tels a tale of a tub, of Myantonimo's being ſlain as hee marched, which is falſe, for hee was put to death, and in an houſe, but not upon a march. And is it to bee wondered at, that two Engliſh were preſent to ſee the manner of their proceeding in ſo weighty a cauſe as one Prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death, eſpecially when they were required by the Commiſſioners to forbeare their accuſtomed torments and to give him honourable buriall, which they did and had thanks returned by the Nanhigganſets for thoſe particulars. Now if any would know how it was done? It was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the ſide of the heade as hee walked eaſily in the roome (expecting no leſſe) which fully diſpatched him at once. And thus much for anſwer to this charge.

To let paſſe pag. 81. what hee ſaith about Myantonimo's death as being anſwered before, and come to pag 82. &c. where he mentioneth a conſultation held amongſt the Indians to put themſelves under the ſubjection of the State of England, &c. Anſw. Wee heard indeed of this deſperate plot by this unfaithfull people, who had beene in Covenant with the ſeverall Governments long before, but never obſerved any one Article farther then it might further their owne deſigne which was to bee abſolute Lords of the Country though with the ruine of us all. And truly had he not publiſhed this and the following diſcourſe wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from Engliſh and Indians. And however Myantonimo dyed, yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day. Now though I dare not ſay, nor doe I thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the Engliſh, yet they joyne with them in many of their Councels, contrive their ſturdy anſwers by writings, and become their Secretaries. Who knowes not that they cannot write? and who knowes not their owne anſwers from thoſe that come under your hands? And if the State of England (which God defend) ſhould eſtabliſh your and their joynt propoſitions: then were their plot accompliſhed: for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes againſt them, but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here, which alſo would bee ſix months in ordinary courſe in procuring and returning, when as in one of theſe all our throates might bee cut, and thoſe hopefull beginnings ſo much favoured by our gracious God hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne. Indeed wee heard further, and for my part I beleeve it, that for the better accompliſhment hereof, Samuel Gorton and ſome of his company had perſwaded the Nanohigganſets to ſend the King a very large Preſent of Beaver and otter skins which they ſhould bring in, and accordingly did: but withall the Engliſh reporter ſaith, that if he could finde favour with the Parliament, then hee would reſt there: but if they frowned on him, hee doubted not to but obtaine what was meet from the King. But the times would not ſuffer him to publiſh this alſo, elſe I ſee wee ſhould have had all: and this take notice of, That (as the ſame report teſtified) at his departure hee wiſhed them by no meanes to warre with us the Ʋnited Colonies, but compound though it coſt them never ſo deare, but aſſured them at his returne hee would come ſtrengthened with ſuch authority and ſo many of his friends as that the Nanohigganſets and themſelves ſhould not need to feare any thing the reſt of the Engliſh could doe. And that we heard theſe things from credible teſtimony and are not faigned by mee, I take the ſearcher of the heart to witneſſe, yea ſay further that I beleeve them to bee true

His glorious ſeeming well-deſerving acts follow in pag. 82. &c. to 89. but note that Weekes, Holden, and Warner, (though I leaſt know the laſt, but am ſure for the other two) were his ſtrong Aſſiſtants in his former ſeditious and mutinous carriages both at Roade Iſland and Providence, and therefore it Commiſſioners as he terms them, for the accompliſhing ſuch a deſigne. And in pag. 85. note firſt, their complyance with the Nanohigganſets, and his falſe relation in ſaying Myantonimo's ranſome was taken and his life alſo, which is moſt falſe, as I made appeare in my former relation. And for the Kings being our and their Judge, as in pag. 86. Know the Indian care no more for the King then they doe for us, whom they would deſtroy if they could.

And in pag. 88. take notice 〈◊〉 the Gortoniſts complying and joyning with them, firſt, by calling them their fellow-ſubjects, and ſecondly, ſpeaking of the Maukquagges (whom wee ordinarily call Mo-whakes) as being the moſt fierce and warlike people in the Country, where (ſaith hee) wee are furniſhed with 3700 Guns, men expert in the uſe of them, &c. Now theſe indeed as the Switzers ſerve for hire. And the Nanohigganſets being rich have hired them to aſſiſt them in their warre. But though the Gortoniſts it ſeemes are intereſted with the Nanohigganſets in their ſtrength againſt us, yet are they neither ſo many men nor have ſo many arms, but have too many and are very expert in them; being continually ſupplyed by the French and Dutch, whoſe aime is chiefly at the trade of Furs, and hereby not onely robbe us of that ſhould helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a Nation, but furniſh the Indians with all manner of armes, which I would to God, and humbly beſeech this High Court of Parliament to take into ſerious conſideration, and treate with their ſeverall Ambaſſadors about it, as a thing unreaſonable in it ſelfe, and ſuch as hath beene pernicious to French and Dutch, and may bee deſtructive to them and us, if ſome due courſe bee not taken. But to returne from my humble requeſt to the State, to my anſwer to Samuel Gorton; although this be a moſt unworthy vaunt of his, yet I truſt the State will make ſuch uſe of it as never to ſuffer this deſperate crew to live ſo neere our malicious enemies the Nanohiganſ. and that they will not only countenance the ſentence of the Maſſachuſ. Government againſt them, but hinder the ſaid Gortons returne thither, by forbidding him to ſet foot on that land of New-England he hath filled with ſo many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene.

In pag. 91. Hee taxeth Plimouth to joyne with the Maſſachuſets to fruſtrate their Government by vertue of their new Charter. 'Tis true, we would have had the Maſſachuſets to have then ſent, and rendred a reaſon to the State of their proceedings, knowing as before that Mr. Gortons journey was for evill and not for good: but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it: but Plimouth did then petition the right honourable Robert Earle of Warwicke the Governour in chiefe of the Engliſh plantations in America and the reſt of that honourable Committee joyned in Commiſſion with him, that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of Government granted in our letters Patent, and withall ſhewed that their Charter for the limits of it now granted, was contained within our line of Government: and truſt I ſhall now receive anſwer. Tis true alſo that we ſent Mr. John Brown furniſhed with theſe following inſtruction to ſignifie to all that were intereſſed in that new erected Government as followeth by Commiſſion given at New-Plimouth, Nov. 8. 1644.

1. That a great part of their ſuppoſed Government is within the line of the Government of New-Plimouth.

2. That wee aſſuredly knew that this ever to hee honoured Houſe of Parliament would not, nor will when they ſhall know of it, take from us the moſt ancient Plantation, any part of the line of our Government formerly granted; it being contrary to their Principles.

3. To forbid them and all and every of them to exerciſe any authority or power of Government within the limits of out Letters Patents.

4. To certifie them that Coweeſet is not onely within the ſaid limits, but that the Sachim thereof and his ſonnes have taken protection of this our Government. And therefore to forbid them to enter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our Government.

Now theſe inſtructions were ſigned by the Governour. And Mr. Browne going to Roade Iſland for this end came very ſeaſonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new Magiſtrates and people, (but as he reported, for a moſt vile end; viz. to take into conſideration a new diſpoſall of the lands formerly given out, as if ſome had too much and ſome too little, & for now reſpect of perſons, and their eſtates was to bee laid aſide.) And here note that Mr. Coddington, Mr. Briuton, &c. that we at Plimouth had ſpeciall eye to, when wee commended them thither, abhorred their courſe, abſtained from their meetings, looked upon themſelves as perſons in great danger, and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends, being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the iſſue of things. And note that now alſo Mr. Samuel Gorton that before had ſuffered ſo much by authority for his evill doing, and was come to deny it and preach againſt it, being now by theſe Inhabitants called to place, accepts it, and became a Magiſtrate amongſt them, &c. But whereas hee intimates, as if Mr. Browne had onely done his meſſage (according to his inſtructions) in a private way from houſe to houſe, therein hee wrongs him: for hee did it publiquely in the place of their Aſſembly, who were ſo daunted at it as they brake up, and did no act intended for that day, as hee related it: but ſome would have had him impriſoned, others puniſhed, others ſent to the Dutch and ſo for England. Yea Mr. Gorton himſelfe told Mr. Brownes ſonne that his father had done that which he deſerved to die for, and were hee in any other place it would coſt him his life. So fit for Government were theſe men, as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further diſturbance or ſtirre made ſhould thus deſerve. Neither indeed have wee further ſtirred then as before, ever reſolving to reſt in the determination of the right honourable the Governour in chiefe and the reſt of his honourable Aſſiſtants of that Committee bee truſted with the affaires of the Forraigne Engliſh Plantations, aſſuring our ſelves what ever might proceed either from miſinformation or want of due knowledge what was formerly done, would bee rectified upon the firſt information and complaint made: Such were our thoughts of them, and the juſtice wee expected, and ſtill hope to receive from them. And thus much for anſwer to that complaint.

In pag. 92. He layeth another groſſe aſperſion upon us, in ſaying, There was diſtance and alienation of affection betweene Plimouth and the Maſſachuſets at their fi ſt comming, each thinking I am holier then thou: and as if wee were now united on purpoſe to ſcatter them. The world knowes this to bee moſt falſe. Never people agreed better, maintaining both religious and civill Communion with each other, and helping and being helpfull one to another upon all occaſions: which is ſo well knowne, as if hee had not more then ordinary boldneſſe hee durſt not affirme it. Nor came the men of Plimouth from Amſterdam as hee reporteth but Leyden, a people that many of that Church of Amſterdam would hardly allow communion withall: but his pen is no ſlaunder, at leaſt will not bee where this anſwer ſhall follow it. And for his relation of the manner of the Indians mourning for their Prince his death; Truely had hee dyed a naturall death, 'tis their manner not onely ſo to mourne for their great Sachims which are Princes, but for ordinary men, women and children as hee well knoweth or might know.

In pag. 93. He further complaines of Plimouth and Maſſachuſets for offering to goe out againſt the Nanohigganſets to cut them off by the ſword. And ſo complaines alſo of Captaine Standiſh &c. Anſw. I told you before how the Commiſſioners for the United Colonies meeting at Hartford by courſe, whoſe meeting alwayes begins the firſt Thurſday in Septemb. ſent for both the Nanohigganſets and Ʋncus, who appeared, and a league agreed on: but the Nanohigganſets broke againe, and warred upon Ʋncus needleſly. The United Colonies admoniſhed them againe and againe: and after no admonition nor perſwaſions would ſerve, wee were then forced to call the Commiſſioners together at an extraordinary ſeaſon on purpoſe, who finding it meet to take up Armes in the behalfe of Vncus our Confederate, whom by the agreement of the Nanohigganſets ſundry times, at divers meetings wee were bound, and it was made lawfull to doe. Hereupon the Commiſſioners agreeing as before, ſent out their Warrants to their ſeverall and ſpeciall Governments, and accordingly Forces were raiſed at a dayes warning. But before this, in ſtead of hearkening to righteous Counſell, they threatened alſo the Engliſh, ſaying, they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle, as high as their houſes, burne our habitations, make ſpoile of our goods, and uſed our Meſſengers very diſcurteouſly, &c. And for Captaine Standiſh, this I heard him relate, that being at the place of Rendezvouze, before the Maſſachuſets Forces came, obſerving that ſome of the Inhabitants of Providence received the Indians into their houſes familiarly, who had put themſelves alſo into a poſture of Armes, and the place within a mile of Secunck or R ehoboth where Captaine Standiſh lay; hee ſent to Providence, and required them to lay aſide their neutrality, and either declare themſelves on the one ſide or other: For the warre being once begun, hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining, furniſhing, and relieving the common enemy, but would diſarm them, &c. And whether neceſſity put him not upon this courſe, or no, let the Reader judge.

And for the five hundred pound, 'tis true their hearts fayled to ſee Plymouth Forces appeare, and Maſſachuſ. both Horſe and Foot upon their march on the one ſide their Countrey, under Mr. Edw. Gibbons who was choſen Generall of the United Colonies, with the help of Wooſamequin, whoſe conſtancy to Plymouth is wel known, and Pumham and Socononoco with reference to Maſſachuſets with all their men, attending the Engliſh word of command. And on the other ſide their Countrey the forces of Con •• tacut and New aven, with all the ſtrength of Ʋncus, waiting but for the word from the Commiſſioners to fall on. Now I ſay they were daunted eſpecially becauſe it came ſo ſuddenly upon them, wanting Mr. Gorton and his friends who were not yet come; Hereupon they reſolved to go to the Commiſſioners to Maſſachuſ. and compound, and did ſigne new Articles to obſerve the peace not onely with the United Colonies but with Ʋncus, Wooſamequin, Pumham, and Socononoco, and other our Confederates, including all the Engliſh in the land, to make ſatisfaction for wrongs to Vncus, and to pay five hundred pounds to the united Colonies, for the charge they put us to, which indeed would not neare make it good, if they had paid it: but as at other times, ſo now, notwithſtanding their Hoſtages, they abuſed us groſly, firſt ſending falſe perſons: ſecondly, breaking all other their Covenants, and came at laſt to a reſolution, they would rather give the money (which is a Beade, as current as coin in all that part of America, of their owne making) to the Mowhakes at once, to cut us off, then to pay it according to Covenant.

And thus contrary to my reſolution, I ſee a neceſſity of more large anſwers then I intended; and indeed otherwiſe I ſhould ſpeak riddles, and not ſatisfie the Reader. Although were it an Hiſtory, I have many remarkable paſſages which here for brevity ſake I muſt omit. And if any think wee doe needleſly ingage in the troubles betweene the Indians? 1. Let them know if wee ſhould not here and there keepe correſpondency with ſome of them, they would ſoone joyne all together againſt us. 2. The quarrall betweene Ʋncus and Nanohigganſet, aroſe upon his cleaving to us: For the great Sachim Myantonimo would have marryed Ʋncus daughter, and ſince Peſſachus that ſucceeded him would have marryed Wooſamequins daughter, and all in policy to take them off from us; ſo that indeed wee are neceſſitated to it. And 3. we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of Jeſus Chriſt, as will appeare by a ſmall Treatiſe of that kinde. But this one thing I deſire the Reader to take notice of, that when that great Prince Myantonimo hee ſo much admires, had offered violence to Wooſamequin (who was under the protection of Plymouth) and miſſing his perſon, returned onely with the plunder of his goods: Upon Wooſamequins complaint to Plymouth, that Government alone, it being before the Union, ſent Captain Standiſh with a few men, not above 20. who ſent a meſſage over the Bay of Salt water which parts Wooſamequin from them, Either to make reſtitution of his goods ſo injuriouſly taken, or elſe to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their coſt. Hereupon they ſent over every particular that could bee demanded, even to a woodden diſh, and ſalved up all againe; but this was before any malignant Engliſh ſate down ſo neare them, and held counſell with them, before they had violated our perſons to them, reported us to bee baſe and low, out of favour with the King and State, &c. things very unworthy, abominable to be named, but that in defending the abuſed Governments of the Country, I am forced do dang ſuch ſtrokes at theſe proud and turbulent enemies of the Countrey.

Next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of Mr. Williams; viz, the meſſengers taking him with them that were ſent to the Nanohigganſets, In that troubleſome time, viz. being one caſt out of the Church (Mr. Cotton ſhould preach) It was all one to take counſell of a witch, and that thoſe that did it were worthy to die. Upon which Mr. Wilbour one of the meſſengers was ready to die, ſaith hee, for feare hee ſhould have been hanged. This I cannot beleeve for theſe two Reaſons: 1. Becauſe all men that know Mr. Cotton, know his moderation, wiſdome and piety to bee ſuch, as ſuch an expreſſion was not like to drop from him. 2. The ſtricteſt Government in New-Engl. that I know, takes no advantage in the law at a mans perſon for being excommunicated; inſomuch as if he have an office, he holds it nevertheleſſe, and this, I know practiſed, and therefore his relation unlike. But that the Meſſengers were directed to another for their interpreter I know, and that ſome took offence at their practiſe I know alſo, but upon different grounds, which I forbeare to mention, being now to anſwer Mr. Gorton, and not Mr. Williams.

In pag. 93. which is the laſt page in his Booke that I ſhall need to make anſwer to, and the thing hee there brings againſt us is an anſwer to a doctrine one of their wives ſhould heare delivered at Maſſachuſets when ſhee came to viſit them, from Matth. 24. 29. and alluding to Hebr. 12. 26, 27. briefly this doctrine there delivered, ſhould make the doctrine of the Apoſtles and the Churches in their times to ee but darkneſſ . That the Miniſtery of the Apoſtles was and ſhould be removed, &c. which I deſire the Reader to turne to; but bee aſſured through Gods mercy, by meanes of the late Biſhop of Canterburies perſecutions of the godly here, wee are ſo excellently furniſhed with ſhining Lights of the Goſpel, as no ſuch blaſphemous traſh as this could bee there delivered, and ſo many able hearers, as if it ſhould have been delivered by any, the Lord with-drawing his preſence from him, it would have been forthwith excepted againſt and publiſhed to the world. But I am confident if ſuch a thing were there heard, it was either from one of their owne company, or diſciples made by them. And therefore I will paſſe by the anſwer alſo, as not concerning any difference between him and us, and ſo the reſt of his writings to that end, and could wiſh that Narciſſus-like hee were not ſo much in love with his owne ſhadow, leſt it prove his ruine; there needing no other matter againſt him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the State here, as well as to New-England from whence he came.

AND now that I have finiſhed what I conceive neceſſary concerning Mr. Gortons ſcandalous and ſlanderous Bookes, let me briefly anſwer ſome objections that I often meet withall againſt the Country of New-England. The firſt that I meet with is, concerning the riſe and foundation of our New-England Plantations; It being alledged (though upon a great miſtake by a late Writer) that diviſion or diſagreement in the Church of Leyden, was the occaſion, nay cauſe of the firſt Plantation in New-England; for ſaith the Author, or to this effect, when they could no longer agree together, the one part went to New-England, and began the Plantation at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the reſt of the Churches, as if the foundation of our New-England Plantations had been laid upon diviſion or ſeparation, then which nothing is more untrue: For I perſwade my ſelfe, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together, and parted more ſweetly then wee the Church at Leyden did, not raſhly in a diſtracted humour, but upon joynt and ſerious deliberation, often ſeeking the minde of God by faſting and prayer, whoſe gracious preſence we not onely found with us, but his bleſſing upon us from that time to this inſtant, to the indignation of our adverſaries, the admiration of ſtrangers, and the exceeding conſolation of our ſelves, to ſee ſuch effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee ended. And therefore briefly take notice of the true cauſe of it.

'Tis true, that that poor perſecuted flock of Chriſt, by the malice and power of the late Hierarchy were driven to Leyden in Holland, there to beare witneſſe in their practiſe to the Kingly Office of Chriſt Jeſus in his Church: and there lived together ten yeares under the United States, with much peace and liberty: But our Reverend Paſtor Mr. John Robinſon of late memory, and our grave Elder Mr. William Brewſter, (now both at reſt with the Lord) conſidering amongſt many other inconveniences, how hard the Country was where we lived, how many ſpent their eſtate in it, and were forced to return for England; how grievous to live from under the protection of the State of England; how like wee were to loſe our language, and our name of Engliſh; how little good wee did, or were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the Sabbath; how unable there to give ſuch education to our children, as wee our ſelves had received, &c. They, I ſay, out of their Chriſtian care of the flock of Chriſt committed to them conceived, if God would bee pleaſed to diſcover ſome place unto us (though in America) and give us ſo much favour with the King and State of England, as to have their protection there, where wee might enjoy the like liberty, and where the Lord favouring our endeavours by his bleſſing, wee might exemplarily ſhew our tender Country-men by our example (no leſſe burthened then our ſelves) where they might live, and comfortably ſubſiſt and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Antichriſtian bondage, keep their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our State, but the Church of Chriſt alſo, if the Lord have a people amongſt the Natives whither hee ſhould bring us, &c. Hereby in their grave Wiſdomes they thought wee might more glorifie God, doe more good to our Countrey, better provide for our poſterity, and live to be more refreſhed by our labours, then ever wee could doe in Holland where we were.

Now theſe their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private diſcuſſion came to publike agitation, till at the length the Lord was ſolemnly ſought in the Congregation by faſting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the worke, wee ſent ſome of good abilities over into England to ſee what favour or acceptance ſuch a thing might finde with the King. Theſe alſo found God going alongwith them, and got Sir Edwin Sands a religious Gentleman then living, to ſtirre in it, who procured Sir Robert Nawnton then principall Secretary of State to King James of famous memory, to move his Majeſty by a private motion to give way to ſuch a people (who could not ſo comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of Conſcience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majeſties Dominions, and the enlargement of the Goſpel by all due meanes. This his Majeſty ſaid was a good and honeſt motion, and asking what profits might ariſe in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon the moſt Northern parts of Ʋirginia) 'twas anſwered, Fiſhing. To which hee replyed with his ordinary aſſeveration, So God have my Soule 'tis an honest Trade, 'twas the Apoſtles owne calling, &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Nawnton, (who took all occaſions to further it) that we ſhould confer with the Biſhops of Canterbury and London, &c. Whereupon wee were adviſed to perſiſt upon his firſt approbation, and not to entangle our ſelves with them which cauſed our Agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in their Court demanded our ends of going; which being related, they ſaid the thing was of God, and granted a large Patent, and one of them lent us 300 l. gratis for three yeares, which was repaid.

Our Agents returning, wee further ſought the Lord by a publique and ſolemn Faſt, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon wee came to this reſolution, that it was beſt for one part of the Church to goe at firſt and the other to ſtay, viz. the youngeſt and ſtrongeſt part to goe. Secondly, they that went ſhould freely offer themſelves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Paſtor to goe with them; if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord ſhould frowne upon our proceedings, then thoſe that went to returne, and the Brethren that remained ſtill there, to aſſiſt and bee helpfull to them, but if God ſhould bee pleaſed to favour them that went, then they alſo ſhould endeavour to helpe over ſuch as were poore and ancient, and willing to come; theſe things being agreed, the major part ſtayed, and the Paſtor with them for the preſent, but all intended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have ſtayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewſter their Elder, reſolved to enter upon this great work (but take notice the difference of number was not great;) And when the Ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that ſtayed having againe ſolemnly ſought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our ſelves mutually as before; they, I ſay, that ſtayed at Leyden feaſted us that were to goe at our Paſtors houſe being large, where wee refreſhed our ſelves after our teares, with ſinging of Pſalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the Congregation very expert in Muſick; and indeed it was the ſweeteſt melody that ever mine eares heard. After this they accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, and there feaſted us againe; and after prayer performed by our Paſtor, where a flood of teares was poured out, they accompanyed us to the Ship, but were not able to ſpeake one to another for the abundance of ſorrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the Ship lying to the Key) and ready to ſet ſayle, the winde being faire) wee gave them a volley of ſmall ſhot, and three peeces of Ordinance, and ſo lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his preſence with us in the midſt of our manifold ſtraits hee carryed us thorow. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at Delphs Haven preſerve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.

But falling with Cape od which is in New-England, and ſtanding to the Southward for the place wee intended, wee met with many dangers, and the Mariners put back into the Harbour of the Cape, which was the 11. of November, 1620. where conſidering Winter was come, the Seas dangerous, the ſeaſon cold, the winds high, and being well furniſhed for a Plantation, we entered upon diſcovery, and ſetled at Plymouth, where God being pleaſed to preſerve and enable us, wee that went, were at a Thouſand pounds charge in ſending for our Brethren that were behinde, and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours. And ſo good Reader, I have given thee a true and faithfull account, though very briefe, of our proceedings, wherein thou ſeeſt how a late Writer, and thoſe that informed him, have wronged our enterpriſe. And truly what I have written, is far ſhort of what it was, omitting for brevity ſake many circumſtances, as the large offers the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand, and there lived with them: or if we would go on ſuch adventures, to goe under them to Hudſons River (where they have ſince a great plantation, &c.) and how they would freely have tranſported us, and furniſhed every family with cattle, &c. Alſo the Engliſh Merchants that joyned with us in this expedition, whom wee ſince bought out, which is fitter for an Hiſtory, then an anſwer to ſuch an Objection, (&c. I truſt will be accompliſhed in good time.) By all which the Reader may ſee there was no breach between us that went, and the brethren that ſtayed, but ſuch love as indeed is ſeldome found on earth.

And for the many plantations that come over to us upon notice of Gods bleſſing upon us, whereas 'tis falſly aid, they tooke Plimouth for their preſident as faſt as they came. 'Tis true I confeſſe that ſome of the chiefe of them adviſed with us (comming over to be freed from the burthenſome ceremonies then impoſed in England) how they ſhould doe to fall upon a right platforme of worſhip, and deſired to that end ſince God had honoured us to lay the foundation of a Common-weale, and to ſettle a Church in it, to ſhew them whereupon our practice was grounded; and if they found upon due ſearch it was built upon the Word, they ſhould be willing to take up what was of God. We accordingly ſhewed them the Primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apoſtles, and the Epiſtles written to the ſeverall Churches by the ſaid Apoſtles together with the Commandements of Chriſt the Lord in the Goſpell, and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of God. Which being by them well weighed and conſidered, they alſo entred into Covenant with God and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed, or as they ſhould bee made knowne unto them, and to worſhip him according to his will revealed in his written word onely, &c. So that here alſo thou maiſt ſee they ſet not the Church at Plimouth before them for example, but the Primitive Churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples, which are onely worthy to be followed, having the bleſſed Apoſtles amongſt them which were ſent immediately by Chriſt himſelfe and enabled and guided by the unerring Spirit of God. And truly this is a patterne fit to bee followed of all that feare God, and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow Chriſt and them.

Having thus briefly ſhewed that the foundation of our New-England Plantations was not laid upon Schiſme, diviſion, or Separation, but upon love, peace, and holineſſe; yea, ſuch love and mutuall care of the Church of Leyden for the ſpreading of the Goſpel, the welfare of each other, and their poſterities to ſucceeding generations, as is ſeldome found on earth: And having ſhewed alſo that the Primitive Churches are the onely pattern which the Churches of Chriſt in New-England have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knoxe, Ai ſworth, Robinſon, Amies, or any other, further then they follow Chriſt and his Apoſtles; I am earneſtly requeſted to cleare up another groſſe miſtake which cauſed many, and ſtill doth, to judge the harder of New-England, and the Churches there, becauſe (ſay they) The Church of Plymouth which went firſt from Leyden, were Schiſmaticks, Browniſts, rigid Separatiſts, &c. having Mr. Robinſon for their Paſtor, who made, and to the laſt profeſſed ſeparation from other the Churches of Chriſt, &c. And the reſt of the Churches in New-England holding communion with that Church, are to bee reputed ſuch as they are.

For anſwer to this aſperſion, Firſt, he that knew Mr. Robinſon, either by his Doctrine daily taught, or hath read his Apology publiſhed not long before his death, or knew the practiſe of that Church of Chriſt under his government, or was acquainted with the wholſome counſell he gave that part of the Church which went for New-England at their departure and afterward, might eaſily reſolve the doubt, and take off the aſperſion.

For his Doctrine, I living three yeares under his Miniſtery, before we began the worke of Plantation in New-England; It was alwayes againſt ſeparation from any the Churches of Chriſt, profeſſing and holding communion both with the French and Dutch Churches, yea, tendering it to the Scots alſo, as I ſhall make appeare more particularly anon. Ever holding forth how wary perſons ought to bee in ſeparating from a Church, and that till Chriſt the Lord departed wholly from it, man ought not to leave it, onely to beare witneſſe againſt the corruption that was in it. But if any object, he ſeparated from the Church of England, and wrote largely againſt it; I acknowledge hee wrote largely againſt it, but yet let me tell you, hee allowed hearing the godly Miniſters preach and pray in the publick Aſſemblies; yea, hee allowed private communion not onely with them, but all that were faithfull in Chriſt Jeſus in the Kingdome and elſewhere upon all occaſions; yea, honored them for the power of godlineſſe above all other the profeſſors of Religion in the world, nay, I may truly ſay, his ſpirit cleaved unto them, being ſo well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts, and care to walke blameleſſe in their lives, which was no ſmall motive to him to perſwade us to remove from Holland, where wee might probably not onely continue Engliſh, but have and maintain ſuch ſweet communion with the godly of that Nation, as through Gods great mercy we enjoy this day.

'Tis true, I confeſſe he was more rigid in his courſe and way at firſt, then towards his latter end; for his ſtudy was peace and union ſo far as might agree with faith and a good conſcience; and for ſchiſm and diviſion, there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him: But for the government of the Church of England, as it was in the Epiſcopall way, the Liturgy and ſtinted prayers of the Church then; yea, the conſtitution of it as Nationall, and ſo conſequently the corrupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the Lords Supper, theſe things were never approved of him, but witneſſed againſt to his death, and are by the Church over which he was to this day. And if the Lord would be pleaſed to ſtir up the hearts of thoſe, in whom (under him) the power of Reformation lies, to reform that abuſe, that a diſtinction might once be put between the precious and the vile, particular Churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the Word, thoſe onely admitted into communion, whoſe hearts the Lord perſwades to ſubmit unto the Iron rod of the Goſpel; O how ſweet then would the communion of the Churches be! How thorow the Reformation! How eaſie would the differences be reconciled between the Presbyterian and Independent way! How would the God of peace which commandeth love and good agreement ſmile upon this Nation! How would the ſubtle underminers of it be diſappointed, and the faithfull provoked to ſing ſongs of praiſe and thankſgiving! Nay, how would the God of order be glorified in ſuch orderly walking of the Saints! And as they have fought together for the liberties of the Kingdome, Eccleſiaſticall and Civill; ſo may they joyn together in the preſervation of them (which otherwiſe, 'tis to be feared will not long continue) and in the praiſes of our God who hath been ſo good to his poore diſtreſſed ones, whom he hath delivered, and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digreſſion, and muſt return.

In the next place I ſhould ſpeak of Mr. Robinſons Apology, wherein the maketh a briefe defence againſt many adverſaries, &c. But becauſe it is both in Latine and Engliſh, of ſmall price, and eaſie to bee had, I ſhall forbeare to write of it, and onely refer the Reader to it, for the differences between his congregation, and other the Reformed Churches.

The next thing I would have the Reader take notice of, is, that however the church of Leyden differed in ſome particulars, yet made no Schiſme or ſeparation from the Reformed Churches, but held communion with them occaſionally: For we ever placed a large difference between thoſe that grounded their practiſe upon the Word of God (tho differing from us in the expoſition or underſtanding of it) and thoſe that hated ſuch Reformers and Reformation, and went on in Antichriſtian oppoſition to it, and perſecution of it, as the late Lord Biſhops did, who would not in deed and truth (whatever their pretences were) that Chriſt ſhould rule over them. But as they often ſtretched out their hands againſt the ſaints; ſo God hath withered the Arm of their power, thrown them down from their high & lofty ſeats, and ſlain the chiefe of their perſons, as well as the Hierarchy, that he might become an example to all thoſe that riſe againſt God in his Sabbath, in the preaching of his Word, in his Saints, in the purity of his Ordinances. And I heartily deſire that others may heare and feare withall.

As for the Dutch, it was uſuall for our Members that underſtood the language, and lived in, or occaſionally came over to London, to communicate with them, as one John Jenny a Brewer long did, his wife and family, &c. and without any offence to the Church: So alſo for any that had occaſion to travell into any other part of the Netherlands they daily did the like: And our Paſtor Mr. Robinſon in the time when Arminianiſme prevailed ſo much, at the requeſt of the moſt Orthodox Divines, as Poliander, Feſtus, Homlius, &c. diſputed daily againſt Epiſcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others the grand champions of that error, and had as good reſpect amongſt them, as any of their own Divines; Inſomuch as when God took him away from them and us by death, the Univerſity, and Miniſters of the City accompanied him to his grave with all their accuſtomed ſolemnities; bewayling the great loſſe that not onely that particular Church had, whereof he was Paſtor; but ſome of the chief of them ſadly affirmed, that all the Churches of Chriſt ſuſtained a loſſe by the death of that worthy Inſtrument of the Goſpel. I could inſtance alſo divers of their members that underſtood the Engliſh tongue, and betook themſelves to the communion of our Church, went with us to New-England, as Godbert Godbertſon, &c. Yea, at this very inſtant, another called Moſes Symonſon, becauſe a child of one that was in communion with the Dutch Church at Leyden, is admitted into Church-fellowſhip at Plymouth in New-England, and his children alſo to Baptiſm, as wel as our own, and other Dutch alſo in communion at Salem, &c.

And for the French Churches that we held, and do hold communion 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 with them, take notice of our practiſe at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received from the French Church there, into communion with us; alſo the wife of Francis Cooke being a Walloone, hold communion with the Church at Plymouth, as ſhe came from the French, to this day, by vertue of communion of Churches; There is alſo one Philip Delanoy born of French parents, came to us from Leyden to New-Plymouth, who comming to age of diſcerning, demanded alſo communion with us, & proving himſelf to be come of ſuch parents as were in ful communion with the French Churches, was here upon admitted by the Church of Plymouth; and after upon his removal of habitation to Duxburrow where M. Ralph Partridge is Paſtor of the Church; and upon Letters of recommendation from the Church at Plymouth, hee was alſo admitted into fellowſhip with the Church at Duxburrow, being ſix miles diſtant from Plymouth; and ſo I dare ſay, if his occaſions lead him, may from Church to church throughout New-England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches either of them being a people diſtinct from the world, and gathered into an holy communion, and not Nationall Churches, nay, ſo far from it, as I verily beleeve the ſixth perſon is not of the Church, the difference is ſo ſmall (if moderately pondered, between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them.

And for the Church of Scotland, however wee have had leaſt occaſion offered to hold communion with them; yet thus much I can and doe affirme, that a godly Divine comming over to Leyden in Holland, where a Booke was printed, Anno 1619. as I take it, ſhewing the nullity of Perth Aſſembled, whom we judged to bee the Author of it, and hidden in Holland for a ſeaſon to avoid the rage of thoſe evill times (whoſe name I have forgotten;) This man being very converſant with our Paſtor Mr. Robinſon, and uſing to come to hear him on the Sabbath, after Sermon ended, the Church being to partake in the Lords Supper, this Miniſter ſtood up and deſired hee might, without offence, ſtay and ſee the manner of his adminiſtration, and our participation in that Ordinance; To which our Paſtor anſwered in theſe very words, or to this effect, Reverend Sir, you may not onely ſtay to behold us, but partake with us, if you pleaſe, for wee acknowledge the Churches of Scotland to be the Churches of Chriſt, &c. The Miniſter alſo replyed to this purpoſe, if not alſo in the ſame words; That for his part bee could comfortably partake with the Church, and willingly would, but that it is poſſible ſome of his brethren of Scotland might take offence at his act; which he deſired to avoid in regard of the opinion the Engliſh Churches which they held communion withall had of us: However he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinſon, and deſired in that reſpect to be onely a ſpectator of us. Theſe things I was earneſtly requeſted to publiſh to the world by ſome of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings, conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne, ſome late Writers and Preachers would never have written and ſpoke of us as they did, and ſtill doe as they have occaſion: But what they ignorantly judge, write, or ſpeak of us, I truſt the Lord in mercy wil paſſe by.

In the next place, for the wholſome counſell Mr. Robinſon gave that part of the Church whereof he was Paſtor, at their departure from him to begin the great worke of Plantation in New-England, amongſt other wholſome Inſtructions and Exhortations, hee uſed theſe expreſſions, or to the ſame purpoſe; We are now ere long to part aſunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he ſhould live to ſee our faces again: but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged us before God and his bleſſed Angels, to follow him no further then he followed Chriſt. And if God ſhould reveal any thing to us by any other inſtrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Miniſtery: For he was very confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy Word. He took occaſion alſo miſerably to bewaile the ſtate and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, and would goe no further then the inſtruments of their Reformation: As for example, the Lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther ſaw, for whatever part of Gods will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die then embrace it. And ſo alſo, ſaith he, you ſee the Calviniſts, they ſtick where he left them: A miſery much to bee lamented; For though they were precious ſhining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: And were they now living, faith hee, they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here alſo he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at leaſt that part of it) whereby wee promiſe and covenant with God and one with another, to receive whatſoever light or truth ſhall be made known to us from his written Word: but withall exhorted us to take heed what we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, ſaith he, It is not poſſible the Chriſtian world ſhould come to lately out of ſuch thick Antichriſtian darkneſſe, and that full perfection of knowledge ſhould breake forth at once.

Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee ſhould uſe all meanes to avoid and ſhake off the name of Browniſt, being a meer nick-name and brand to make Religion odious, and the profeſſors of it to the Chriſtian world; and to that end, ſaid hee, I ſhould be glad if ſome godly Miniſter would goe over with you, or come to you, before my comming; For, ſaid hee, there will bee no difference between the unconformable Miniſters and you, when they come to the practiſe of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome: And ſo adviſed us by all meanes to endeavour to cloſe with the godly party of the Kingdome of England, and rather to ſtudy union then diviſion; viz. how neare we might poſſibly, without ſin cloſe with them, then in the leaſt meaſure to affect diviſion or ſeparation from them. And be not loath to take another Paſtor or Teacher, ſaith hee, for that flock that hath two ſhepheards is not indangered, but ſecured by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty conſequence which he commended to us, but theſe things I thought good to relate, at the requeſt of ſome well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly, (ſo diſtracted at preſent about the ſettling of Church-government in the Kingdom of England) that ſo both ſides may truly ſee what this poor deſpiſed Church of Chriſt now at New-Plymouth in New-England, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is; how far they were and ſtill are from ſeparation from the Churches of Chriſt, eſpecially thoſe that are Reformed.

'Tis true, we profeſſe and deſire to practiſe a ſeparation from the world, & the works of the world, which are works of the fleſh, ſuch as the Apoſtle ſpeaketh of, Epheſ. 5. 19, 20, 21. 1 Cor. 6. 9, 10, 11. and Epheſ 2. 11, 12. And as the Churches of Chriſt are all Saints by calling, ſo we deſire to ſee the grace of God ſhining forth, (at leaſt ſeemingly, leaving ſecret things to God) in all we admit into church fellowſhip with us, & & to keep off ſuch as openly wallow in the mire of their ſins, that neither the holy things of God, nor the communion of the Saints may be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any joyning to us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or ſince we came to New-England, have with the manifeſtation of their faith and profeſſion of holineſſe held forth therewith ſeparation from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one place, and the other, heard either Mr. Robinſon our Paſtor, or Mr. Brewſter our Elder ſtop them forthwith, ſhewing them that wee required no ſuch things at their hands, but only to hold forth faith in Chriſt Jeſus, holineſſe in the feare of God, and ſubmiſſion to every Ordinance and appointment of God, leaving the Church of England to themſelves, and to the Lord before whom they ſhould ſtand or fall, and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amiſſe amongſt them. Now this Reformation we have lived to ſee performed and brought about by the mighty power of God, this day in a good meaſure, and I hope the Lord Jeſus will perfect his work of Reformation, till all be according to the good pleaſure of his will. By all which I deſire the Reader to take notice of our former and preſent practiſe notwithſtanding all the injurious and ſcandalous taunting reports are paſſed on us. And if theſe things will not ſatisfie, but wee muſt ſtill ſuffer reproach, and others for our ſakes, becauſe they and wee thus walke, our practiſe being for ought wee know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any addition or humane invention knowne to us, taking our patterne from the Primitive Churches, as they were regulated by the bleſſed Apoſtles in their owne dayes, who were taught and inſtructed by the Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and had the unerring and all-knowing Spirit of God to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard: I ſay, if wee muſt ſtill ſuffer ſuch reproach, notwithſtanding our charity towards them who will not be in charity with us; Gods will be done.

The next aſperſion caſt upon us, is, that we will not ſuffer any that differ from us never ſo little to reſide or cohabite with us; no not the Presbyterian Government which differeth ſo little from us. To which I anſwer, our practiſe witneſſeth the contrary. For 'tis well knowne that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noy e who are Miniſters of the Church at Newberry are in that way and ſo knowne ſo farre as a ſingle Congregation can bee exerciſed in it; yet never had the leaſt moleſtation or diſturbance, and have and finde as good reſpect from Magiſtrates and people as other Elders in the Congregationall or Primitive way. 'Tis knowne alſo that Mr. Hubbard the Miniſter at Hengam hath declared himſelfe for that way: nay which is more then ever I heard of the other two, hee refuſeth to baptzie no children that are tendred to him (although this liberty ſtands not upon a Presbyterian bottome) and yet the Civill State never moleſted him for it: onely comming to a Synod held in the Country the laſt yeare, which the Magiſtrates called, requeſting the Churches to ſend their Elders and ſuch other as might bee able to hold forth the light of God from his written word in caſe of ſome doubts which did ariſe in the Country: I ſay hee comming the laſt ſitting of the Aſſembly which was adjourned to the eighth of June next, was in all meekneſſe and love requeſted to bee preſent and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him, hereby waving the practiſe of the Churches; which he promiſing to take into conſideration they reſted in his anſwer. So alſo 'tis wel known, that before theſe unhappy troubles aroſe in England and Scotland, there were divers Gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the heavy preſſaries of thoſe times, wrote to New-England to know whether they might freely be ſuffered to exerciſe their Preſbyteriall government amongſt us. And it was anſwered affirmatively they might: and they ſending over a Gentleman to take a view of ſome fit place; A River called Meromeck neare Ipſwich and Newberry aforeſaid, was ſhewed their Agent, which he well liked, and where wee have ſince four townes ſettled, and more may bee for ought I know, ſo that there they might have had a compleate Presbytery and whither they intended to have come: but meeting with manifold croſſes being halfe Seas thorow they gave over their intendments, and as I have heard theſe were many of the Gentlemen that firſt fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland: by all which will eaſily appeare how wee are here wronged by many; and the harder meaſure as wee heare impoſed upon our brethren for our ſakes, nay pretending our example for their preſident. And laſt of all, not long before I came away certaine diſcontented perſons in open Court of the Maſſachuſets, demanding that liberty, it was freely and as openly tendred to them; ſhewing their former practices by mee mentioned: but willed not to expect that wee ſhould provide them Miniſters &c. for the ſame, but getting ſuch themſelves they might exerciſe the Presbyterian Government at their libertie, walking peaceably towards us as wee truſted we ſhould doe towards them. So that if our brethren here ſhall bee reſtrained they walking peaceably, the example muſt not be taken from us, but ariſe from ſome other principle.

But it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the Preſbyterian way, yet you have a ſevere law againſt Anabaptiſts, yea one was whipt at Maſſachuſets for his Religion? and your law baniſheth them? Anſw. 'Tis true, the Maſſachuſets Government have ſuch a law as to baniſh, but not to whip in that kinde. And certaine men deſiring ſome mitigation of it; It was anſwered in my hearing. 'Tis true, we have a ſevere law, but wee never did or will execute the rigour of it upon any, and have men living amongſt us, nay ſome in our Churches of that judgement, and as long as they carry themſelves peaceably as hitherto they doe, wee will leave them to God, our ſelves having performed the duty of brethren to them. And whereas there was one whipt amongſt us; 'tis true wee knew his judgement what it was: but had hee not carried himſelfe ſo contemptuouſly towards the Authority God hath betruſted us with in an high exemplary meaſure, wee had never ſo cenſured him: and therefore he may thank himſelf who ſuffered as an evill doer in that reſpect. But the reaſon wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law, is, Becauſe wee would have it remaine in force to beare witneſſe againſt their judgement and practice which we conceive them to bee erroneous.

And yet nevertheleſſe ſaid the Governour to thoſe preferred the requeſt, you may tel our friends in England whither yee are ſome of you going, ſince the motion proceedeth from ſuch as wee know move it in love to us, wee will ſeriouſly take it into conſideration at our next Generall Court. So that thou maiſt perceive good Reader that the worſt is ſpoken of things in that kinde.

Furthermore in the Government of Plimouth, to our great griefe, not onely the Paſtor of a Congregation waveth the adminiſtration of baptiſme to Infants, but divers of his Congregation are fallen with him, and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken againſt him and them, is to ſtirre up our Elders to give meeting and ſee if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him, as in mercy once before they had done by Gods bleſſing upon their labours. Onely at the foreſaid Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the name of the Aſſembly, and to requeſt his preſence at their next meeting aforeſaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practiſe of the Churches; with promiſe if it be light, to walke by it: but if it appeare otherwiſe, then they truſt hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them. And for the other the two Governments of Coneetacut and Newhaven, if either have any law in force againſt them, or ſo much as need of a law in that kinde, 'tis more then I have heard on.

For our parts (I mean the Churches of New-Engl.) we are confident through Gods mercy, the way of God in which we walke, and according to which wee perform our Worſhip and ſervice to Him, concurreth with thoſe Rules our bleſſed Saviour hath left upon record by the Evangeliſts and Apoſtles, and is agreeable with the practiſe of thoſe Primitive Churches mentioned in the Acts, and regulated by the ſame Apoſtles, as appeareth not onely in that Evangelicall Hiſtory, but in their Epiſtles to the ſeverall Churches there mentioned; yet nevertheleſſe if any thorow tenderneſſe of Conſcience be otherwiſe minded, to ſuch wee never turn a deafe eare, nor become rigorous, though we have the ſtreame of Authority on our ſides. Nay, if in the uſe of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowing the wiſdome that is from above is firſt pure, then peaceable, gentle, eaſie to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocriſie, and the fruit of righteouſneſſe is ſowne in peace, of them that make peace, according to James 3. 17, 18. And if any differing from us bee anſwerable to this Rule in their lives and converſations, we do not exerciſe the Civill ſword againſt them. But for ſuch as Gorton and his company, whoſe wiſdome ſeems not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is full of envyings, ſtrife, confuſion, Jam. 3. 15, 16. being therein ſuch as the Apoſtle Jude ſpeaks on, v. 8. viz. earthly, ſenſuall; devilliſh; who v. 16. deſpiſe dominion, and ſpeak evill of dignities. Theſe v. 12, 13. are murmurers, complayners, walkers after their own lusts, and their mouth ſpeaketh great ſwelling words, being clouds without water, carried about of winds, trees whoſe fruit withereth, without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the ſea, foaming out their owne ſhame, wandring ſtarres, to whom (without repentance, which I much deſire to ſee, or hear of in him, if it may ſtand with the will of God) is reſerved the blackneſſe of darkneſſe for ever. Theſe I ſay are to be proceeded with by another rule, and not to bee borne: who ſuffer as evil doers, and area ſhame to Religion which they profeſſe in word, but deny in their lives and converſations. Theſe every tender conſcience abhors, and will juſtifie and aſſiſt the higher Powers God hath ordained, againſt ſuch carnall Goſpellers, who beare not the ſword in vaine, Rom. 13. but execute Gods vengeance on ſuch: for the Civill Magiſtrate is the Miniſter of God, a Revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil. And therefore a broad difference is to be put between ſuch evill doers, and thoſe tender conſciences who follow the light of Gods Word in their owne perſwaſions, (though judged erroneous by the places where they live) ſo long as their walking is anſwerable to the rules of the Goſpel, by preſerving peace, and holding forth holineſſe in their converſations amongſt men.

Thus much I thought good to ſignifie, becauſe we of New-England are ſaid to be ſo often propounded for an example. And if any will take us for a preſident, I deſire they may really know what wee doe, rather then what others ignorantly or malitiouſly report of us, aſſuring my ſelf that none will ever be loſers by following us ſo far as we follow Chriſt: Which that we may doe, and our poſterities after us, the Father of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, & our Father, accept in Chriſt what is according to him, diſcover, pardon, and reform what is amiſſe amongſt us; and guide us and them by the aſſiſtance of the holy Ghoſt for time to come, till time ſhal be no more; that the Lord our God may ſtill delight to dwell amongſt his Plantations and Churches there by his gracious preſence, and may goe on bleſſing to bleſſe them with heavenly bleſſings in theſe earthly places, that ſo by his bleſſing they may not onely grow up to a Nation, but become exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wiſh wel to Sion ſay Amen.

FINIS.
ERRATA.

In the title of p. 9, &c. to 37. in ſtead, of the Magiſtrates of Boſton in New-Engl. 1. of Maſſachuſets in New England; p. 11. l. 27. for purpoſe God, r. purpoſe of God; p. 14 for day of, r. day of the; p. 30 l. 17. for Cope, r. cup; alſo l. 18 for cope, r. cup; alſo l. 21. for Judas, r. as Judas; p. 32. l. 3. leave out to; p. 54. l. 10. for by, r. in; p. 67. l. 37. for complaining, r. complained; p. 79. l. 26. for with as indeed, r. with them as; p. 83. l. 23. for and, put (p. 85. l. 6. for whom, r. which.