SAMƲEL GORTON lived sometime at Plymouth, where his behaviour was so turbu­lent and offensive both to the Magistrates and others, as they were necessitated to drive him out of their Jurisdiction. From thence hee went to Roade-Island, where hee began to raise sedition, and to make a party against the Authority there; for which hee was apprehended and whipped, and so sent away. From thence (with some others whom hee had gathered to his part) hee removed to Providence, where Mr. Roger Williams then lived. Hee (with some others) opposed his [...]itting down there as an Inhabitant, onely in regard of his present distresse, they gave way for his abode for a time. But being once housed, hee soon drew so great a party to him, as it was beyond the power of Mr. Williams and his party to drive them out, or to rule them there; so as both parties came armed into the field each against other, and had fought it out, had not Mr. Williams used meanes for pacification. [Page] [...] [Page 1] [...] [Page 2] Hereupon many of the chiefe of Providence sent messengers with a Letter to the Governour and Councell of the Massachusets, desiring aide against Gorton and his company; but they were answered, that not being within our Jurisdiction nor consederation we had no ground to interpose in their quarrells. Soone after some of those men tendred themselves and their lands to come under our Govern­ment, and were received.

There live neere to Providence two small Indian Sachims called Pumham and Socononoco, who though they are as free as the great Sachim of the Nanohigganset: Yet Myantonimo the then Sachim of of Nanohigganset (being a very proud and sterne man) kept them in great awe. This poore Sachim Pumham had a large parcell of land neer Providence, very convenient for plantation, which Gorton and his company (being now about 13, or 14.) taking notice of, and fearing they should not be able to keep their power long where they were, dealt with Myantonimo for this parcell of land, promising him a good parcell of Wampam for it. And because they knew that Pumham was the true owner of it, they dealt with him also; but he refusing to sell it (for hee dwelt upon it, or very neare to it) they caused Myantonimo to send for him, and having drawn a Writing purporting the sale thereof for a certaine consideration to bee given to both of them, Myantonimo signed it, and hee for feare of Myanto­nimo set his mark to it also, not knowing what it was. But when Gorton tendred him the consideration for it, hee utterly refused it, it being the Indians manner not to account any thing sold, till the party have received the thing it is sold for.

But upon this colourable title Gorton and his company enter up­on the land, and build some houses, and withall much wrong the Indians with their cattle, and having Myantonimo their friend, be­have themselves very insolently toward the poor Indians, who (ha­ving no friends or meanes to relieve themselves) came and tendred themselves and their lands to the government of the Massa [...]usets, who (by order of the Court) gave notice thereof to Myantonimo, and appointed him to come or send to the next Court at Boston, to shew his title or interest (if hee had any) to the said Pumham and Socono­noco or their lands. At the time appointed hee came, and preten­ded that they were his vassalls, but it appeared clearly both by a writing from Mr. Williams, and the testimony of some other En­glish in those parts, and of divers other Indians no way related to [Page 3] them, that they were free Sachims; so as Myantonimo having no­thing to reply, the Court received the two Indian Sachims with their subjects and lands under the government and protection of the Massachusetts; and upon that writ to our neighbours of Providence, intimating the same to them, and advising Gorton and his company, that if they had any just title to the lands they possessed, they should come, or send some for them to shew the same to the Court, and offered them safe conduct. This letter from the Court they tooke in great disdaine, and returned scornfull and menacing answers by word of mouth, and a good time after they wrote a letter to the Court full of reproach and blasphemies, not onely against the Ma­gistrates, but against the Churches and Ordinances, as by the Copy thereof hereafter following will appeare. Notwithstanding these provocations and daily wrongs offered to those few English their neighbours (who had formerly submitted themselves to our Go­vernment) wee sate still neare halfe a yeare, and before we attem­pted any thing against them, wee advised with the Commissioners of the united Colonies, who (upon testimony of their insolent and injurious courses, and perusall of the letter they sent to us) left them to us to proceed according to Justice. Whereupon the Court sent againe to them by two of their members, who carryed letters (to require and perswade them to come and give satisfaction,) and a safe Conduct withall; but they entertained those Messengers as they had done the former, threatening to whip one, whom they tooke along with them; and sent us word, that if wee had any thing to say to them, wee should come to them, and wee should have justice there, and that if wee came with force, they would meet us half the way. Our messengers returning with these scornfull answers, the Court resolved to send some force to fetch them in; and in the mean time there came a second letter from them; (the Copy whereof is hereafter also set downe) but before wee sent forth our souldiers, wee wrote to them to this effect: Viz. That although the injuries and provocations wee had indured from them were very grievous, yet that our Justice and moderation might appeare to all men, wee had condescended so farre to their owne proposition, as wee would send some Commissioners to them, to heare their answers and alle­gations, and if thereupon they would give us such satisfaction as should bee just, wee would leave them in peace; if otherwise, wee would right our selves by force of Armes: And signified withall, [Page 4] that wee would send a sufficient guard with our Commissioners; for seeing they would not trust themselves with us upon our safe con­duct, wee had no reason to trust any of ours with them upon their bare curtesie. Accordingly about a week after wee sent three Com­missioners, and 40 Musqueteers with them, with instructions, first to speak and treate with them, and to require satisfaction according to Justice, and if it were denyed, then to take them by force, and bring them prisoners to Boston; and to take withall so much of their substance as should satisfie our charges. By the way as they went they met with another letter from them, letting them know, that they feared them not, but were prepared for them: And according­ly they had fortified themselves in one house (some 12 of them) and had lined the walls with earth (Musket proofe) and had made Flanckers, and provided victualls, &c. to indure a siege. So that when our Commissioners came to the place, they would admit no parly. But after a while, by the mediation of some of their neigh­bours, they were content to parley, and offered to referre the cause to Arbitrators, so as some of them might bee of Providence, or of Roade Island. Our Commissioners were content to send to us to know our minds about it, and in the meane time sate still. Such of the Court as could meet, returned answer that their Proposition was neither seasonable nor reasonable, nor could it bee safe or ho­nourable for us to accept thereof: 1 Because they would never offer nor hearken to any termes of agreement before our souldiers had them in their power. 2 Because the ground of their Propo­sition was false, for wee were not parties (as they pretended) but equall Judges between the Indians and others who were complai­nants, and themselves, (and yet in a case of warre, parties may bee Judges.) 3 They were no State, or Body politique, but a few fugitives living without Law or Government, and so not honoura­ble for us to joyne with them in such a way of reference. 4 The parties whom they would referre it unto, were such as had been re­jected by us, and all the Governments in the Country, and so not likely to bee equall to us, nor able to judge of the cause: and their blasphemous and reproachfull writings, &c. were not matters fit to bee composed by Arbit [...]ement, (being deeply criminall) but ei­ther to bee purged away by repentance and publique satisfaction, or else by publique punishment. For these and other reasons, the Commis [...]oners were required to pro [...]d according to their Instru­ctions. [Page 5] And thereupon they intrenched themselves about the house, and in few dayes forced them to yeeld, and so brought them to Boston, where they were kept in prison till the Court sate, and had their dyet from the Cookes (as good meat and drinke as the Towne afforded.) The next Lords day they refused to goe to the Church assembly, except they might have liberty to speake there, as occasion should be. They were answered by some of the Magistrates that it appertained to the Elders to order the affairs of the Church, but they might presuppose they should not bee denyed such liberty, speaking words of truth and sobernesse. So in the afternoon they came, and were placed in a convenient seate before the Elders. Mr. Cotton the Teacher taught then (in his ordinary course) out of Acts 19. of Demetrius speech for Diana her silver shrine. After Ser­mon Gorton desired leave to speake, which being granted, hee tooke occasion from the Sermon to speake to this effect, That in the Church now there was nothing but Christ, so that all our Ordi­nances, Ministers, and Sacraments, &c. were but mens inventions, for shew and pomp, and no other then those silver shrines of Diana. He said also, that if Christ lives eternally, then he died eternally, and other speeches of like kinde. And indeed it appeareth both by his speeches and letters, that it was his opinion, that Christ was incar­nate in Adam, and was that image of God, wherein Adam was crea­ted; and that the chiefe worke and merit lay in his Inanition, when he became such a thing, so meane, &c. and that his being borne after of the Virgin Mary, and suffering, &c. was but a manifestation of his suffering, &c. in Adam. Another of them said that the Sab­bath was Christ, and so was borne of the Virgin Mary. They cal­led Magistracy among Christians an Idol; yet they did acknow­ledge a Magistracy in the world to bee subjected to as an Ordinance of God, but onely as naturall; as the father over his wife and chil­dren, and an hereditary Prince over his subjects.

Their first appearance before the Court was upon the Lecture day at Boston, before a very great Assembly, where first the Governour declared the cause and manner of all the proceedings against them, and their Letters were openly read, and they had liberty to object, and answers were given, as followeth:

First, to their plea, That they were not within our Jurisdiction; it was answered: 1 If they were not within ours, yet they were within the Jurisdiction of one of our confederates, who had refer­red [Page 6] them to us. 2 If they were within no Jurisdiction, then was there none to complaine to for redresse of our injuries in way of ordinary Justice, and then we had no way of relief but by force of Ar [...]es.

Secondly, to their plea Of persecution for their Conscience, &c. It was answered, that wee did not meddle with them for their opini­ons, otherwise then they had given us occasion, by their owne Let­ters and free speeches amongstus, for wee wrote to them about ci­vill Controversies onely, and gave them no occasion to vent their blasphemies and revilings against the Ordinances of Religion set up with us.

Thirdly, for their title to the Indians lands: wee had divers times desired them to make it appeare; but they alwayes refused, even to our Commissioners, whom (according to their owne motion) wee sent last to them: and since they were in prison, wee offered them to send for any witnesses they would name to us for that end, but this also they refused. So that our title (by the Indians surrender) appeareth good, and having regained possession, we need not question them any further about that.

Their Letters being read and their Subscriptions acknowledged, they were demanded severally if they would maintaine those things which were contained therein. Their answer was, that they would, in that sense they wrote them, and so were returned to prison. The next day they were brought before the Court severally to be exa­mined upon particulars, (many of the Elders being desired to bee present) because they had said they could give a good interpretati­on of every part of their Letters. But the Interpretation they gave being contrary to the words, they were demanded if they would then retract those words, so plainely different from their pretended meanings. But this they refused to doe, saying, that then they should deny the Truth; for instance in one or two. Their Let­ters were directed, one of them, To their Neighbours of the Massachu­sets: and the other, To the great honoured Idoll Generall of the Massa­ [...]usets, and by a messenger of their owne delivered to our Gover­nour, and many passages in both Letters particularly applyed to our Courts, our Magistrates, our Elders, &c. and yet upon their examinations about their meanings in their reproachfull passages, they answered that they meant them, of the corrupt estate of man­kinde [Page 7] in generall, and not of us. So, whereas in their Letter they charged it upon us, as an errour that we teach, That Christ dyed Actually onely, when he suffered under Pontius [...]ilate; and before, onely in Types, &c. upon their examination they said, that their meaning was, that his death was actuall to the faith of the Fathers under the Law, (which is in effect the same which we hold:) Yet they would not retract their words they had written. The Elders conferred many houres with them before the Court, and by occa­sion thereof they discovered divers blasphemous opinions, which they maintained, we will instance one which was mentioned before, delivered by Gorton, viz. that the Image of God wherein Adam was created, was Christ; and Adams loosing that Image was the death of Christ, and the restoring of that Image in the Regeneration, was the resurrection of Christ: and so the death of him that was borne of the Virgin Mary was but a manifestation of the former. Master William Tompson one of the Elders had spent some time with them before in the prison about the opinions which they held forth, and they had professed their agreement with him (for substance) in eve­ry point, so as he came to the Court with a purpose to speak in their behalf, but when he heard themselves discover thus upon their pub­lique examinations, he shewed how he had beene deluded by them. For they excell the Jesuites in the art of equivocation, and regard not how false they speake, to all other mens apprehensions, so they keepe to the rules of their owne secret intentions. Being asked why they spake against the Ordinances of the Ministery, Sacraments, &c. seeing the Scripture allowes them? They answered that they were ordained onely for the time of Nonage, but after the Revelation was written, they were to cease, because we finde no mention of them in that booke.

They were unlearned men, the ablest of them could not write true english, no not in common words, yet they would take upon them to interpret the most difficult places of Scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their owne turne. As for instance, Mr. Cot­ton pressing Gorton with that in Act. 10. Who can forbid water, why these should not be baptised, &c. He interpreted thus, who can de­ny but these have beene baptised, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost, &c. so he allowed them to have beene baptised. This shift [...]e was put to, that he might maintaine his opinion, viz: that such as have beene baptized with the Holy Ghost, need not the baptisme [Page 8] of water. Divers dayes were spent both by the Court and the El­ders in labouring to bring them to repentance, but all in vaine. They continued obstinate. Whereupon they agreed to sentence them, but first they brought them in publique before a great Assembly, and there (out of their Letters and Speeches) they laid upon them this charge, viz. they were found to be blasphemous enemies of the true Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all his holy Ordi­nances, and likewise of all Civill Government among his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded, if they did acknowledge this charge to be just, and would submit to it, or what exception they had against it? They answered, they did not acknowledge it to be just, but they fell into some cavilling speeches, so they were returned unto prison againe. Being in pri­son they behaved themselves insolently towards their keeper, and spake evill of the Magistrates, so as the keeper was forced to threaten them with Irons, to keepe them quiet.

After all meanes used to reclaime them, and not prevailing, they were brought before the Court to receive their sentence, which was this. Gorton and six more of them, were to be sent to severall townes, there to bee kept to worke for their livings, and to weare an Iron chaine upon one leg, and not to depart the limits of the Towne, nor by word or writing to maintaine any of their blasphemous or wicked errours upon paine of death, except in conference with any of the Elders, or any other allowed by some Magistrate to conferre with them; and this to continue during the pleasure of the Court. Three of the Company (because they had not their hands to the Letters) were set at libertie, two of them upon a small ransome as prisoners taken in warre, and the other, freely, for that he was a­mongst them in his Masters house, where they were taken; a fourth being found to be a plaine ignorant young man was discharged al­so, onely enjoyned to abide a time in one of our Townes, but hee went away and returned no more, contrary to his promise. There were two other who were brought in after; (but not by force) the one of them disclaiming to have any hand in the Letters, was dis­charged presently; the other was kept a while in prison, and after upon his submission &c. was released.

Gorton and the other six remained in the severall Townes all that Winner; and then in regard of their wives and children (who were like to be much distressed by their husbands absence) they were set at [Page 9] liberty, and banished upon paine of death if they were found in a­ny part of our jurisdiction.

After the Court had passed sentence upon them for their c [...]fine­ment, we sent to fetch so many of their Cattle, as might defray the charges they had put us to, which amounted to about one hundred and sixty pounds, but the Cattle came not to so much, for we left every of them a part for the support of their families, and some of them had no Cattle at all.

Whereas complaints have beene made against Samuel Gorton and his company, and some of them weighty and of great consequence; And whereas the said Gorton and the rest have beene formerly sent for, and now lately by the generall Court of the Massachusets with a safe conduct both for their comming and returne, that they might give answer and satisfaction wherein they have done wrong. If yet they shall stubbornely refuse, the Commissioners for the Ʋnited Colonies think sit that the Magistrates in the Massachusets proceed against them according to what they shall finde just; and the rest of the Jurisdictions will approve and concurre in what shall bee so warran­tably done, as if their Commissioners had beene present at the conclusions, provided that this conclusion doe not prejudice the Government of Plimouth in any right they can justly claime unto any Tract or Tracts, &c.

By which Order it appeares they were stirred up and allowed by Plimouth it selfe as well as the rest, as afore, to send for and deale with as indeed the common disturbers of the peace of the Coun­try.

And whereas in pag. 76. He complaineth of the Governours last order for breaking the order of Court, yet take it as he relates it and any understanding man will easily see on the other side the same leafe that they still were bound to the rest of the Articles at their confinement, which they were now in a high way to break. And for that little Island called Reade Island they were forced to shelter in, take notice 'tis 30 miles about, very fruitfull, and plentifully a­bounding with all manner of food the Country affordeth, and [Page 80] hath two Townes besides many great Farmes well stocked in the same.

In pag. 79. Hee complaines of us for calling them Gortonians, and so the Indians calling them Gortonoges and not Englishmen, with many affected soppish vanities, phrases and termes I never heard on be­fore, and yet have lived in New-England from the beginning, being now above 26 yeares. I wish hee study not, nor affect these things, but I much feare it.

In pag. 80. Hee tels a tale of a tub, of Myantonimo's being slain as hee marched, which is false, for hee was put to death, and in an house, but not upon a march. And is it to bee wondered at, that two English were present to see the manner of their proceeding in so weighty a cause as one Prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death, especially when they were required by the Commissioners to forbeare their accustomed torments and to give him honourable buriall, which they did and had thanks returned by the Nanhiggansets for those particulars. Now if any would know how it was done? It was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the side of the heade as hee walked easily in the roome (expecting no lesse) which fully dispatched him at once. And thus much for an­swer to this charge.

To let passe pag. 81. what hee saith about Myantonimo's death as being answered before, and come to pag 82. &c. where he mentio­neth a consultation held amongst the Indians to put themselves un­der the subjection of the State of England, &c. Answ. Wee heard indeed of this desperate plot by this unfaithfull people, who had beene in Covenant with the severall Governments long before, but never observed any one Article farther then it might further their owne designe which was to bee absolute Lords of the Country though with the ruine of us all. And truly had he not published this and the following discourse wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from English and Indians. And however My­antonimo dyed, yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day. Now though I dare not say, nor doe I thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the English, yet they joyne with them in many of their Councels, contrive their sturdy answers by wri­tings, and become their Secretaries. Who knowes not that they cannot write? and who knowes not their owne answers from those that come under your hands? And if the State of England (which [Page 81] God defend) should establish your and their joynt propositions: then were their plot accomplished: for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes against them, but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here, which also would bee six months in ordinary course in procuring and returning, when as in one of these all our throates might bee cut, and those hopefull beginnings so much fa­voured by our gracious God hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne. Indeed wee heard further, and for my part I beleeve it, that for the better accomplishment hereof, Samuel Gor­ton and some of his company had perswaded the Nanohiggansets to send the King a very large Present of Beaver and otter skins which they should bring in, and accordingly did: but withall the Eng­lish reporter saith, that if he could finde favour with the Parliament, then hee would rest there: but if they frowned on him, hee doubt­ed not to but obtaine what was meet from the King. But the times would not suffer him to publish this also, else I see wee should have had all: and this take notice of, That (as the same report testified) at his departure hee wished them by no meanes to warre with us the Ʋnited Colonies, but compound though it cost them never so deare, but assured them at his returne hee would come strengthened with such authority and so many of his friends as that the Nanohiggan­sets and themselves should not need to feare any thing the rest of the English could doe. And that we heard these things from cre­dible testimony and are not faigned by mee, I take the searcher of the heart to witnesse, yea say further that I beleeve them to bee true▪

His glorious seeming well-deserving acts follow in pag. 82. &c. to 89. but note that Weekes, Holden, and Warner, (though I least know the last, but am sure for the other two) were his strong Assistants in his former seditious and mutinous carriages both at Roade Island and Providence, and therefore [...]it Commissioners as he terms them, for the accomplishing such a designe. And in pag. 85. note first, their complyance with the Nanohiggansets, and his false relation in say­ing Myantonimo's ransome was taken and his life also, which is most false, as I made appeare in my former relation. And for the Kings being our and their Judge, as in pag. 86. Know the Indian [...] care no more for the King then they doe for us, whom they would destroy if they could.

And in pag. 88. take notice [...] the Gortonists complying and joyn­ing [Page 82] with them, first, by calling them their fellow-subjects, and se­condly, speaking of the Maukquagges (whom wee ordinarily call Mo-whakes) as being the most fierce and warlike people in the Country, where (saith hee) wee are furnished with 3700 Guns, men expert in the use of them, &c. Now these indeed as the Switzers serve for hire. And the Nanohiggansets being rich have hired them to assist them in their warre. But though the Gortonists it seemes are interested with the Nanohiggansets in their strength against us, yet are they neither so many men nor have so many arms, but have too many and are very expert in them; being continually supplyed by the French and Dutch, whose aime is chiefly at the trade of Furs, and hereby not onely robbe us of that should helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a Nation, but furnish the Indians with all manner of armes, which I would to God, and humbly beseech this High Court of Parliament to take into serious consideration, and treate with their severall Ambassadors about it, as a thing un­reasonable in it selfe, and such as hath beene pernicious to French and Dutch, and may bee destructive to them and us, if some due course bee not taken. But to returne from my humble request to the State, to my answer to Samuel Gorton; although this be a most un­worthy vaunt of his, yet I trust the State will make such use of it as never to suffer this desperate crew to live so neere our malicious ene­mies the Nanohigans. and that they will not only countenance the sen­tence of the Massachus. Government against them, but hinder the said Gortons returne thither, by forbidding him to set foot on that land of New-England he hath filled with so many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene.

In pag. 91. Hee taxeth Plimouth to joyne with the Massachusets to frustrate their Government by vertue of their new Charter. 'Tis true, we would have had the Massachusets to have then sent, and ren­dred a reason to the State of their proceedings, knowing as before that Mr. Gortons journey was for evill and not for good: but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it: but Plimouth did then petition the right honourable Robert Earle of Warwicke the Governour in chiefe of the English plantations in A­merica and the rest of that honourable Committee joyned in Com­mission with him, that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of Go­vernment granted in our letters Patent, and withall shewed that their Charter for the limits of it now granted, was contained [Page 83] within our line of Government: and trust I shall now receive an­swer. Tis true also that we sent Mr. John Brown furnished with these following instruction to signifie to all that were interessed in that new erected Government as followeth by Commission given at New-Plimouth, Nov. 8. 1644.

1. That a great part of their supposed Government is within the line of the Government of New-Plimouth.

2. That wee assuredly knew that this ever to hee honoured House of Parli­ament would not, nor will when they shall know of it, take from us the most ancient Plantation, any part of the line of our Government formerly granted; it being contrary to their Principles.

3. To forbid them and all and every of them to exercise any authority or power of Government within the limits of out Letters Patents.

4. To certifie them that Coweeset is not onely within the said limits, but that the Sachim thereof and his sonnes have taken protection of this our Government. And therefore to forbid them to enter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our Government.

Now these instructions were signed by the Governour. And Mr. Browne going to Roade Island for this end came very seasonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new Magistrates and people, (but as he reported, for a most vile end; viz. to take into consideration a new disposall of the lands formerly given out, as if some had too much and some too little, & for now respect of persons, and their estates was to bee laid aside.) And here note that Mr. Cod­dington, Mr. Briuton, &c. that we at Plimouth had speciall eye to, when wee commended them thither, abhorred their course, abstain­ed from their meetings, looked upon themselves as persons in great danger, and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends, being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the issue of things. And note that now also Mr. Samuel Gorton that before had suffered so much by authority for his evill doing, and was come to deny it and preach against it, being now by these Inhabi­tants called to place, accepts it, and became a Magistrate amongst them, &c. But whereas hee intimates, as if Mr. Browne had onely done his message (according to his instructions) in a private way from house to house, therein hee wrongs him: for hee did it pub­liquely in the place of their Assembly, who were so daunted at it as they brake up, and did no act intended for that day, as hee rela­ted it: but some would have had him imprisoned, others punished, [Page 84] others sent to the Dutch and so for England. Yea Mr. Gorton him­selfe told Mr. Brownes sonne that his father had done that which he deserved to die for, and were hee in any other place it would cost him his life. So fit for Government were these men, as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further disturbance or stirre made should thus deserve. Neither indeed have wee further stirred then as before, ever resolving to rest in the determination of the right honourable the Governour in chiefe and the rest of his ho­nourable Assistants of that Committee bee trusted with the affaires of the Forraigne English Plantations, assuring our selves what ever might proceed either from misinformation or want of due know­ledge what was formerly done, would bee rectified upon the first in­formation and complaint made: Such were our thoughts of them, and the justice wee expected, and still hope to receive from them. And thus much for answer to that complaint.

In pag. 92. He layeth another grosse aspersion upon us, in saying, There was distance and alienation of affection betweene Plimouth and the Massachusets at their fi [...]st comming, each thinking I am holier then thou: and as if wee were now united on purpose to scatter them. The world knowes this to bee most false. Never people agreed better, main­taining both religious and civill Communion with each other, and helping and being helpfull one to another upon all occasions: which is so well knowne, as if hee had not more then ordinary boldnesse hee durst not affirme it. Nor came the men of Plimouth from Am­sterdam as hee reporteth but Leyden, a people that many of that Church of Amsterdam would hardly allow communion withall: but his pen is no slaunder, at least will not bee where this answer shall follow it. And for his relation of the manner of the Indians mourning for their Prince his death; Truely had hee dyed a na­turall death, 'tis their manner not onely so to mourne for their great Sachims which are Princes, but for ordinary men, women and children as hee well knoweth or might know.

In pag. 93. He further complaines of Plimouth and Massachusets for offering to goe out against the Nanohiggansets to cut them off by the sword. And so complaines also of Captaine Standish &c. Answ. I told you before how the Commissioners for the United Colonies meeting at Hartford by course, whose meeting alwayes begins the first Thursday in Septemb. sent for both the Nanohiggansets and Ʋncus, who appeared, and a league agreed on: but the Nanohig­gansets [Page 85] broke againe, and warred upon Ʋncus needlesly. The Uni­ted Colonies admonished them againe and againe: and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve, wee were then forced to call the Commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose, who finding it meet to take up Armes in the behalfe of Vncus our Confederate, whom by the agreement of the Nanohig­gansets sundry times, at divers meetings wee were bound, and it was made lawfull to doe. Hereupon the Commissioners a­greeing as before, sent out their Warrants to their severall and speciall Governments, and accordingly Forces were raised at a dayes warning. But before this, in stead of hearkening to righteous Counsell, they threatened also the English, saying, they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle, as high as their houses, burne our habitations, make spoile of our goods, and used our Messengers very discurteously, &c. And for Captaine Standish, this I heard him relate, that being at the place of Rendezvouze, before the Massachusets Forces came, observing that some of the Inhabitants of Providence received the Indians into their houses familiarly, who had put themselves also into a posture of Armes, and the place within a mile of Secunck or R [...]ehoboth where Captaine Standish lay; hee sent to Providence, and required them to lay aside their neutrality, and either declare themselves on the one side or other: For the warre being once begun, hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining, fur­nishing, and relieving the common enemy, but would disarm them, &c. And whether necessity put him not upon this course, or no, let the Reader judge.

And for the five hundred pound, 'tis true their hearts fayled to see Plymouth Forces appeare, and Massachus. both Horse and Foot upon their march on the one side their Countrey, under Mr. Edw. Gibbons who was chosen Generall of the United Colonies, with the help of Woosamequin, whose constancy to Plymouth is wel known, and Pumham and Socononoco with reference to Massachusets with all their men, attending the English word of command. And on the other side their Countrey the forces of Con [...]tacut and New [...]aven, with all the strength of Ʋncus, waiting but for the word from the Commissioners to fall on. Now I say they were daunted especially because it came so suddenly upon them, wanting Mr. Gorton and his friends who were not yet come; Hereupon they resolved to go to the [Page 86] Commissioners to Massachus. and compound, and did signe new Articles to observe the peace not onely with the United Colonies but with Ʋncus, Woosamequin, Pumham, and Socononoco, and o­ther our Confederates, including all the English in the land, to make satisfaction for wrongs to Vncus, and to pay five hundred pounds to the united Colonies, for the charge they put us to, which indeed would not neare make it good, if they had paid it: but as at other times, so now, notwithstanding their Hostages, they abused us grosly, first sending false persons: secondly, breaking all other their Covenants, and came at last to a resolution, they would ra­ther give the money (which is a Beade, as current as coin in all that part of America, of their owne making) to the Mowhakes at once, to cut us off, then to pay it according to Covenant.

And thus contrary to my resolution, I see a necessity of more large answers then I intended; and indeed otherwise I should speak riddles, and not satisfie the Reader. Although were it an History, I have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake I must omit. And if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the Indians? 1. Let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them, they would soone joyne all together against us. 2. The quarrall betweene Ʋncus and Nanohigganset, arose upon his cleaving to us: For the great Sachim Myantonimo would have marryed Ʋncus daughter, and since Pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed Woosamequins daughter, and all in policy to take them off from us; so that in­deed wee are necessitated to it. And 3. we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of Jesus Christ, as will ap­peare by a small Treatise of that kinde. But this one thing I desire the Reader to take notice of, that when that great Prince Myanto­nimo hee so much admires, had offered violence to Woosamequin (who was under the protection of Plymouth) and missing his person, re­turned onely with the plunder of his goods: Upon Woosamequins complaint to Plymouth, that Government alone, it being before the Union, sent Captain Standish with a few men, not above 20. who sent a message over the Bay of Salt water which parts Woosa­mequin from them, Either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken, or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their cost. Here­upon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded, even to a woodden dish, and salved up all againe; but this was before [Page 87] any malignant English sate down so neare them, and held counsell with them, before they had violated our persons to them, reported us to bee base and low, out of favour with the King and State, &c. things very unworthy, abominable to be named, but that in defen­ding the abused Governments of the Country, I am forced do dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the Countrey.

Next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of Mr. Williams; viz, the mes­sengers taking him with them that were sent to the Nanohiggansets, In that troublesome time, viz. being one cast out of the Church (Mr. Cot­ton should preach) It was all one to take counsell of a witch, and that those that did it were worthy to die. Upon which Mr. Wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die, saith hee, for feare hee should have been hanged. This I cannot beleeve for these two Reasons: 1. Because all men that know Mr. Cotton, know his moderation, wisdome and piety to bee such, as such an expression was not like to drop from him. 2. The strictest Government in New-Engl. that I know, takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunica­ted; insomuch as if he have an office, he holds it neverthelesse, and this, I know practised, and therefore his relation unlike. But that the Messengers were directed to another for their interpreter I know, and that some took offence at their practise I know also, but upon different grounds, which I forbeare to mention, being now to answer Mr. Gorton, and not Mr. Williams.

In pag. 93. which is the last page in his Booke that I shall need to make answer to, and the thing hee there brings against us is an an­swer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at Mas­sachusets when shee came to visit them, from Matth. 24. 29. and al­luding to Hebr. 12. 26, 27. briefly this doctrine there delivered, should make the doctrine of the Apostles and the Churches in their times to [...]ee but darkness [...]. That the Ministery of the Apostles was and should be re­moved, &c. which I desire the Reader to turne to; but bee assured through Gods mercy, by meanes of the late Bishop of Canterburies persecutions of the godly here, wee are so excellently furni­shed with shining Lights of the Gospel, as no such blasphemous trash as this could bee there delivered, and so many able hearers, as if it should have been delivered by any, the Lord with-drawing his presence from him, it would have been forthwith excepted a­gainst and published to the world. But I am confident if such a thing were there heard, it was either from one of their owne com­pany, [Page 88] or disciples made by them. And therefore I will passe by the answer also, as not concerning any difference between him and us, and so the rest of his writings to that end, and could wish that Narcissus-like hee were not so much in love with his owne shadow, lest it prove his ruine; there needing no other matter against him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the State here, as well as to New-England from whence he came.

AND now that I have finished what I conceive necessary con­cerning Mr. Gortons scandalous and slanderous Bookes, let me briefly answer some objections that I often meet withall against the Country of New-England. The first that I meet with is, concer­ning the rise and foundation of our New-England Plantations; It being alledged (though upon a great mistake by a late Writer) that division or disagreement in the Church of Leyden, was the occasi­on, nay cause of the first Plantation in New-England; for saith the Author, or to this effect, when they could no longer agree together, the one part went to New-England, and began the Plantation at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the rest of the Churches, as if the foundation of our New-England Plantations had been laid upon division or separation, then which nothing is more untrue: For I perswade my selfe, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together, and parted more sweetly then wee the Church at Leyden did, not rashly in a distracted humour, but upon joynt and serious deliberation, often seeking the minde of God by fasting and prayer, whose gracious presence we not onely found with us, but his blessing upon us from that time to this in­stant, to the indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of strangers, and the exceeding consolation of our selves, to see such effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee en­ded. And therefore briefly take notice of the true cause of it.

'Tis true, that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, by the malice and power of the late Hierarchy were driven to Leyden in Holland, there to beare witnesse in their practise to the Kingly Office of Christ Jesus in his Church: and there lived together ten yeares under the United States, with much peace and liberty: But our Reverend Pastor Mr. John Robinson of late memory, and our grave Elder Mr. William Brewster, (now both at rest with the Lord) con­sidering [Page 89] amongst many other inconveniences, how hard the Coun­try was where we lived, how many spent their estate in it, and were forced to return for England; how grievous to live from under the protection of the State of England; how like wee were to lose our language, and our name of English; how little good wee did, or were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the Sabbath; how una­ble there to give such education to our children, as wee our selves had received, &c. They, I say, out of their Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to them conceived, if God would bee pleased to discover some place unto us (though in America) and give us so much favour with the King and State of England, as to have their protection there, where wee might enjoy the like liberty, and where the Lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing, wee might exemplarily shew our tender Country-men by our example (no lesse burthened then our selves) where they might live, and comfortably subsist and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Antichristian bondage, keep their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people amongst the Natives whither hee should bring us, &c. Hereby in their grave Wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie God, doe more good to our Countrey, better provide for our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our labours, then ever wee could doe in Holland where we were.

Now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private discussion came to publike agitation, till at the length the Lord was solemnly sought in the Congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the worke, wee sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the King. These also found God going alongwith them, and got Sir Edwin Sands a religious Gentleman then living, to stirre in it, who procu­red Sir Robert Nawnton then principall Secretary of State to King James of famous memory, to move his Majesty by a private moti­on to give way to such a people (who could not so comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of Conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majesties Domini­ons, [Page 90] and the enlargement of the Gospel by all due meanes. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon the most Northern parts of Ʋirginia) 'twas answered, Fishing. To which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration, So God have my Soule 'tis an honest Trade, 'twas the Apostles owne calling, &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Nawnton, (who took all occasions to further it) that we should confer with the Bishops of Canter­bury and London, &c. Whereupon wee were advised to persist up­on his first approbation, and not to entangle our selves with them▪ which caused our Agents to repair to the Virginia Company, who in their Court demanded our ends of going; which being related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a large Patent, and one of them lent us 300 l. gratis for three yeares, which was repaid.

Our Agents returning, wee further sought the Lord by a pub­lique and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon wee came to this resolution, that it was best for one part of the Church to goe at first and the other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe. Secondly, they that went should freely offer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Pastor to goe with them; if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord should frowne upon our proceedings, then those that went to returne, and the Brethren that remained still there, to assist and bee helpfull to them, but if God should bee pleased to favour them that went, then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient, and willing to come; these things being agreed, the major part stayed, and the Pastor with them for the present, but all in­tended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brewster their Elder, resolved to enter upon this great work (but take notice the difference of number was not great;) And when the Ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our selves mutu­ally as before; they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to goe at our Pastors house being large, where wee refreshed our selves after our teares, with singing of Psalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick; and indeed it was [Page 91] the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard. After this they accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, and there feasted us againe; and after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a flood of teares was poured out, they accompanyed us to the Ship, but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the Ship lying to the Key) and ready to set sayle, the winde being faire) wee gave them a volley of small shot, and three peeces of Ordinance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us tho­row. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at Delphs Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.

But falling with Cape [...]od which is in New-England, and standing to the Southward for the place wee intended, wee met with many dangers, and the Mariners put back into the Harbour of the Cape, which was the 11. of November, 1620. where considering Winter was come, the Seas dangerous, the season cold, the winds high, and being well furnished for a Plantation, we entered upon discovery, and setled at Plymouth, where God being pleased to preserve and enable us, wee that went, were at a Thou­sand pounds charge in sending for our Brethren that were behinde, and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours. And so good Reader, I have given thee a true and faithfull account, though very briefe, of our proceedings, wherein thou seest how a late Writer, and those that informed him, have wronged our enterprise. And truly what I have written, is far short of what it was, omitting for brevity sake many circumstances, as the large offers the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand, and there lived with them: or if we would go on such adventures, to goe under them to Hudsons River (where they have since a great plantation, &c.) and how they would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c. Also the English Mer­chants that joyned with us in this expedition, whom wee since bought out, which is fitter for an History, then an answer to such an Objection, (&c. I trust will be accomplished in good time.) By all which the Reader may see there was no breach between us that went, and the brethren that stayed, but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth.

[Page 92] And for the many plantations that come over to us upon notice of Gods blessing upon us, whereas 'tis falsly [...]aid, they tooke Pli­mouth for their president as fast as they came. 'Tis true I confesse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us (comming over to be freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed in Eng­land) how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship, and desired to that end since God had honoured us to lay the foundation of a Common-weale, and to settle a Church in it, to shew them whereupon our practice was grounded; and if they found upon due search it was built upon the Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. We accordingly shewed them the Primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles written to the severall Churches by the said Apostles together with the Commandements of Christ the Lord in the Gospell, and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of God. Which being by them well weigh­ed and considered, they also entred into Covenant with God and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed, or as they should bee made knowne unto them, and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely, &c. So that here also thou maist see they set not the Church at Plimouth before them for example, but the Primitive Churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples, which are onely worthy to be fol­lowed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by Christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the un­erring Spirit of God. And truly this is a patterne fit to bee fol­lowed of all that feare God, and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow Christ and them.

Having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our New-En­gland Plantations was not laid upon Schisme, division, or Separati­on, but upon love, peace, and holinesse; yea, such love and mutuall care of the Church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the welfare of each other, and their posterities to succeeding generati­ons, as is seldome found on earth: And having shewed also that the Primitive Churches are the onely pattern which the Churches of Christ in New-England have in their eye, not following Luther, Cal­vin, Knoxe, Ai [...]sworth, Robinson, Amies, or any other, further then they follow Christ and his Apostles; I am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many, and still doth, [Page 93] to judge the harder of New-England, and the Churches there, be­cause (say they) The Church of Plymouth which went first from Leyden, were Schismaticks, Brownists, rigid Separatists, &c. having Mr. Ro­binson for their Pastor, who made, and to the last professed separation from other the Churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the Churches in New-England holding communion with that Church, are to bee reputed such as they are.

For answer to this aspersion, First, he that knew Mr. Robinson, either by his Doctrine daily taught, or hath read his Apology pub­lished not long before his death, or knew the practise of that Church of Christ under his government, or was acquainted with the whol­some counsell he gave that part of the Church which went for New-England at their departure and afterward, might easily resolve the doubt, and take off the aspersion.

For his Doctrine, I living three yeares under his Ministery, before we began the worke of Plantation in New-England; It was alwayes against separation from any the Churches of Christ, professing and holding communion both with the French and Dutch Churches, yea, tendering it to the Scots also, as I shall make appeare more par­ticularly anon. Ever holding forth how wary persons ought to bee in separating from a Church, and that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, man ought not to leave it, onely to beare witnesse against the corruption that was in it. But if any object, he separa­ted from the Church of England, and wrote largely against it; I ac­knowledge hee wrote largely against it, but yet let me tell you, hee allowed hearing the godly Ministers preach and pray in the publick Assemblies; yea, hee allowed private communion not onely with them, but all that were faithfull in Christ Jesus in the Kingdome and elsewhere upon all occasions; yea, honored them for the power of godlinesse above all other the professors of Religion in the world, nay, I may truly say, his spirit cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts, and care to walke blamelesse in their lives, which was no small motive to him to per­swade us to remove from Holland, where wee might probably not onely continue English, but have and maintain such sweet communi­on with the godly of that Nation, as through Gods great mercy we enjoy this day.

'Tis true, I confesse he was more rigid in his course and way at first, then towards his latter end; for his study was peace and union [Page 94] so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience; and for schism and division, there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him: But for the government of the Church of England, as it was in the Episcopall way, the Liturgy and stinted prayers of the Church then; yea, the constitution of it as Nationall, and so consequently the cor­rupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the Lords Supper, these things were never approved of him, but wit­nessed against to his death, and are by the Church over which he was to this day. And if the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those, in whom (under him) the power of Reformation lies, to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile, particular Churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the Word, those onely admitted into com­munion, whose hearts the Lord perswades to submit unto the Iron rod of the Gospel; O how sweet then would the communion of the Churches be! How thorow the Reformation! How easie would the differences be reconciled between the Presbyterian and Indepen­dent way! How would the God of peace which commandeth love and good agreement smile upon this Nation! How would the subtle underminers of it be disappointed, and the faithfull provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving! Nay, how would the God of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the Saints! And as they have fought together for the liberties of the Kingdome, Ec­clesiasticall and Civill; so may they joyn together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 'tis to be feared will not long continue) and in the praises of our God who hath been so good to his poore distressed ones, whom he hath delivered, and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digression, and must return.

In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinsons Apology, where­in the maketh a briefe defence against many adversaries, &c. But be­cause it is both in Latine and English, of small price, and easie to bee had, I shall forbeare to write of it, and onely refer the Reader to it, for the differences between his congregation, and other the Refor­med Churches.

The next thing I would have the Reader take notice of, is, that however the church of Leyden differed in some particulars, yet made no Schisme or separation from the Reformed Churches, but held communion with them occasionally: For we ever placed a large diffe­rence [Page 95] between those that grounded their practise upon the Word of God (tho differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in Antichristian opposition to it, and persecution of it, as the late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should rule over them. But as they often stretched out their hands against the saints; so God hath withered the Arm of their power, thrown them down from their high & lof­ty seats, and slain the chiefe of their persons, as well as the Hierar­chy, that he might become an example to all those that rise against God in his Sabbath, in the preaching of his Word, in his Saints, in the purity of his Ordinances. And I heartily desire that others may heare and feare withall.

As for the Dutch, it was usuall for our Members that understood the language, and lived in, or occasionally came over to London, to communicate with them, as one John Jenny a Brewer long did, his wife and family, &c. and without any offence to the Church: So also for any that had occasion to travell into any other part of the Netherlands they daily did the like: And our Pastor Mr. Robinson in the time when Arminianisme prevailed so much, at the request of the most Orthodox Divines, as Poliander, Festus, Homlius, &c. dis­puted daily against Episcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others the grand champions of that error, and had as good respect amongst them, as any of their own Divines; Insomuch as when God took him away from them and us by death, the University, and Ministers of the City accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities; bewayling the great losse that not onely that particular Church had, whereof he was Pastor; but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed, that all the Churches of Christ sustained a losse by the death of that worthy Instrument of the Gospel. I could instance also divers of their members that understood the English tongue, and betook themselves to the communion of our Church, went with us to New-England, as Godbert Godbertson, &c. Yea, at this very instant, another called Moses Symonson, because a child of one that was in communion with the Dutch Church at Leyden, is admitted into Church-fellowship at Plymouth in New-England, and his children al­so to Baptism, as wel as our own, and other Dutch also in communi­on at Salem, &c.

And for the French Churches that we held, and do hold commu­nion [Page 94] [...] [Page 95] [...] [Page 96] with them, take notice of our practise at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received from the French Church there, into com­munion with us; also the wife of Francis Cooke being a Walloone, hold [...] communion with the Church at Plymouth, as she came from the French, to this day, by vertue of communion of Churches; There is also one Philip Delanoy born of French parents, came to us from Ley­den to New-Plymouth, who comming to age of discerning, demanded also communion with us, & proving himself to be come of such pa­rents as were in ful communion with the French Churches, was here upon admitted by the Church of Plymouth; and after upon his remo­val of habitation to Duxburrow where M. Ralph Partridge is Pastor of the Church; and upon Letters of recommendation from the Church at Plymouth, hee was also admitted into fellowship with the Church at Duxburrow, being six miles distant from Plymouth; and so I dare say, if his occasions lead him, may from Church to church through­out New-England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches either of them being a people distinct from the world, and gathered into an holy communion, and not Nationall Churches, nay, so far from it, as I verily beleeve the sixth person is not of the Church, the difference is so small (if moderately pondered, between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them.

And for the Church of Scotland, however wee have had least oc­casion offered to hold communion with them; yet thus much I can and doe affirme, that a godly Divine comming over to Leyden in Holland, where a Booke was printed, Anno 1619. as I take it, shewing the nullity of Perth Assembled, whom we judged to bee the Author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evill times (whose name I have forgotten;) This man being very conversant with our Pastor Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him on the Sabbath, after Sermon ended, the Church being to par­take in the Lords Supper, this Minister stood up and desired hee might, without offence, stay and see the manner of his administra­tion, and our participation in that Ordinance; To which our Pa­stor answered in these very words, or to this effect, Reverend Sir, you may not onely stay to behold us, but partake with us, if you please, for wee acknowledge the Churches of Scotland to be the Churches of Christ, &c. The Minister also replyed to this purpose, if not also in the same words; That for his part bee could comfortably partake with the Church, and willingly would, but that it is possible some of his brethren of Scotland [Page 97] might take offence at his act; which he desired to avoid in regard of the opinion the English Churches which they held communion withall had of us: However he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desi­red in that respect to be onely a spectator of us. These things I was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of the godly Pres­byterian party, who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings, conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne, some late Writers and Preachers would never have written and spoke of us as they did, and still doe as they have occasion: But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, I trust the Lord in mercy wil passe by.

In the next place, for the wholsome counsell Mr. Robinson gave that part of the Church whereof he was Pastor, at their departure from him to begin the great worke of Plantation in New-England, amongst other wholsome Instructions and Exhortations, hee used these expressions, or to the same purpose; We are now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again: but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged us before God and his blessed Angels, to follow him no fur­ther then he followed Christ. And if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministery: For he was ve­ry confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, and would goe no further then the in­struments of their Reformation: As for example, the Lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther saw, for whatever part of Gods will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die then embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them: A misery much to bee la­mented; For though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: And were they now living, faith hee, they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at least that part of it) whereby wee promise and covenant with God and one with ano­ther, to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written Word: but withall exhorted us to take heed what [Page 98] we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, saith he, It is not possible the Christian world should come to lately out of such thick Antichristian darknesse, and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once.

Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of Brownist, being a meer nick-name and brand to make Religion odious, and the professors of it to the Christian world; and to that end, said hee, I should be glad if some godly Minister would goe over with you, or come to you, before my comming; For, said hee, there will bee no difference between the unconformable Ministers and you, when they come to the practise of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome: And so advised us by all meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the Kingdome of England, and rather to study union then divisi­on; viz. how neare we might possibly, without sin close with them, then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another Pastor or Teacher, saith hee, for that flock that hath two shepheards is not indangered, but secured by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty conse­quence which he commended to us, but these things I thought good to relate, at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of Church-government in the Kingdom of England) that so both sides may truly see what this poor despised Church of Christ now at New-Plymouth in New-England, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is; how far they were and still are from separation from the Churches of Christ, especially those that are Reformed.

'Tis true, we professe and desire to practise a separation from the world, & the works of the world, which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of, Ephes. 5. 19, 20, 21. 1 Cor. 6. 9, 10, 11. and Ephes 2. 11, 12. And as the Churches of Christ are all Saints by calling, so we desire to see the grace of God shining forth, (at least seemingly, leaving secret things to God) in all we admit into church fellowship with us, & & to keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins, that neither the holy things of God, nor the commu­nion of the Saints may be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any joyning to us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or since we came to New-England, have with the manifestation of their [Page 99] faith and profession of holinesse held forth therewith separation from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one place, and the other, heard either Mr. Robinson our Pastor, or Mr. Brewster our Elder stop them forthwith, shewing them that wee re­quired no such things at their hands, but only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holinesse in the feare of God, and submission to every Ordinance and appointment of God, leaving the Church of England to themselves, and to the Lord before whom they should stand or fall, and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amisse amongst them. Now this Reformation we have lived to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of God, this day in a good measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his work of Reformation, till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. By all which I desire the Reader to take notice of our former and present practise notwithstanding all the injuri­ous and scandalous taunting reports are passed on us. And if these things will not satisfie, but wee must still suffer reproach, and others for our sakes, because they and wee thus walke, our practise being for ought wee know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any addition or humane invention knowne to us, taking our patterne from the Primitive Chur­ches, as they were regulated by the blessed Apostles in their owne dayes, who were taught and instructed by the Lord Je­sus Christ, and had the unerring and all-knowing Spirit of God to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard: I say, if wee must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our charity to­wards them who will not be in charity with us; Gods will be done.

The next aspersion cast upon us, is, that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabite with us; no not the Presbyterian Government which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, our practise witnesseth the contrary. For 'tis well knowne that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noy [...]e who are Mini­sters of the Church at Newberry are in that way and so knowne so farre as a single Congregation can bee exercised in it; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance, and have and finde as good respect from Magistrates and people as other Elders in the Congre­gationall or Primitive way. 'Tis knowne also that Mr. Hubbard the Minister at Hengam hath declared himselfe for that way: nay which is more then ever I heard of the other two, hee refuseth to [Page 100] baptzie no children that are tendred to him (although this liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottome) and yet the Civill State never molested him for it: onely comming to a Synod held in the Country the last yeare, which the Magistrates called, requesting the Churches to send their Elders and such other as might bee able to hold forth the light of God from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the Country: I say hee comming the last sitting of the Assembly which was adjourned to the eighth of June next, was in all meeknesse and love requested to bee present and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him, hereby waving the practise of the Churches; which he promi­sing to take into consideration they rested in his answer. So also 'tis wel known, that before these unhappy troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were divers Gentlemen of Scotland that groaned un­der the heavy pressaries of those times, wrote to New-England to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their Pres­byteriall government amongst us. And it was answered affirma­tively they might: and they sending over a Gentleman to take a view of some fit place; A River called Meromeck neare Ipswich and Newberry aforesaid, was shewed their Agent, which he well liked, and where wee have since four townes settled, and more may bee for ought I know, so that there they might have had a compleate Presbytery and whither they intended to have come: but meeting with manifold crosses being halfe Seas thorow they gave over their intendments, and as I have heard these were many of the Gentlemen that first fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland: by all which will easily appeare how wee are here wronged by ma­ny; and the harder measure as wee heare imposed upon our bre­thren for our sakes, nay pretending our example for their president. And last of all, not long before I came away certaine discontented persons in open Court of the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it was freely and as openly tendred to them; shewing their former practices by mee mentioned: but willed not to expect that wee should provide them Ministers &c. for the same, but getting such themselves they might exercise the Presbyterian Government at their libertie, walking peaceably towards us as wee trusted we should doe towards them. So that if our brethren here shall bee restrained they walking peaceably, the example must not be taken from us, but arise from some other principle.

[Page 101] But it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the Pres­byterian way, yet you have a severe law against Anabaptists, yea one was whipt at Massachusets for his Religion? and your law banish­eth them? Answ. 'Tis true, the Massachusets Government have such a law as to banish, but not to whip in that kinde. And certaine men desiring some mitigation of it; It was answered in my hear­ing. 'Tis true, we have a severe law, but wee never did or will exe­cute the rigour of it upon any, and have men living amongst us, nay some in our Churches of that judgement, and as long as they carry themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe, wee will leave them to God, our selves having performed the duty of brethren to them. And whereas there was one whipt amongst us; 'tis true wee knew his judgement what it was: but had hee not carried himselfe so con­temptuously towards the Authority God hath betrusted us with in an high exemplary measure, wee had never so censured him: and therefore he may thank himself who suffered as an evill doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law, is, Because wee would have it remaine in force to beare witnesse against their judgement and practice which we con­ceive them to bee erroneous.

And yet neverthelesse said the Governour to those preferred the request, you may tel our friends in England▪ whither yee are some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from such as wee know move it in love to us, wee will seriously take it into consideration at our next Generall Court. So that thou maist perceive good Rea­der that the worst is spoken of things in that kinde.

Furthermore in the Government of Plimouth, to our great griefe, not onely the Pastor of a Congregation waveth the administration of baptisme to Infants, but divers of his Congregation are fallen with him, and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken against him and them, is to stirre up our Elders to give meeting and see if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him, as in mercy once before they had done by Gods blessing upon their labours. Onely at the foresaid Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practise of the Churches; with promise if it be light, to walke by it: but if it appeare otherwise, then they trust hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them. And for the o­ther [Page 102] the two Governments of Coneetacut and Newhaven, if either have any law in force against them, or so much as need of a law in that kinde, 'tis more then I have heard on.

For our parts (I mean the Churches of New-Engl.) we are confi­dent through Gods mercy, the way of God in which we walke, and according to which wee perform our Worship and service to Him, concurreth with those Rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon re­cord by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreeable with the pra­ctise of those Primitive Churches mentioned in the Acts, and regu­lated by the same Apostles, as appeareth not onely in that Evange­licall History, but in their Epistles to the severall Churches there mentioned; yet neverthelesse if any thorow tendernesse of Consci­ence be otherwise minded, to such wee never turn a deafe eare, nor become rigorous, though we have the streame of Authority on our sides. Nay, if in the use of all means we cannot reclaim them, know­ing the wisdome that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, easie to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisie, and the fruit of righteousnesse is sowne in peace, of them that make peace, according to James 3. 17, 18. And if any differing from us bee answerable to this Rule in their lives and conversations, we do not exercise the Civill sword against them. But for such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdome seems not to be from above, as appea­reth in that it is full of envyings, strife, confusion, Jam. 3. 15, 16. being therein such as the Apostle Jude speaks on, v. 8. viz. earthly, sensuall; devillish; who v. 16. despise dominion, and speak evill of dignities. These v. 12, 13. are murmurers, complayners, walkers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh great swelling words, being clouds without water, car­ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the sea, foaming out their owne shame, wandring starres, to whom (without repentance, which I much desire to see, or hear of in him, if it may stand with the will of God) is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever. These I say are to be pro­ceeded with by another rule, and not to bee borne: who suffer as evil doers, and area shame to Religion which they professe in word, but deny in their lives and conversations. These every tender conscience abhors, and will justifie and assist the higher Powers God hath ordained, against such carnall Gospellers, who beare not the sword in vaine, Rom. 13. but execute Gods vengeance on such: for the Civill Magistrate is the Minister of God, a Revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil. And [Page 103] therefore a broad difference is to be put between such evill doers, and those tender consciences who follow the light of Gods Word in their owne perswasions, (though judged erroneous by the places where they live) so long as their walking is answerable to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace, and holding forth holinesse in their conversations amongst men.

Thus much I thought good to signifie, because we of New-England are said to be so often propounded for an example. And if any will take us for a president, I desire they may really know what wee doe, rather then what others ignorantly or malitiously report of us, assuring my self that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow Christ: Which that we may doe, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, & our Father, accept in Christ what is according to him, discover, pardon, and reform what is amisse amongst us; and guide us and them by the assistance of the holy Ghost for time to come, till time shal be no more; that the Lord our God may still delight to dwell amongst his Plantations and Churches there by his gracious presence, and may goe on blessing to blesse them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places, that so by his blessing they may not onely grow up to a Nation, but be­come exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wish wel to Sion say Amen.